History of Mexico, Volume 1, 1516-1521

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

FOOTNOTES

[490] They had now been four days in Mexico, without going farther than the palace, says Bernal Diaz. A page named Orteguilla, who had already acquired a smattering of Aztec, was sent with the interpreters to ask this favor. Hist. Verdad., 69.

[491] Soldiers who had been in Rome and Constantinople declared that never had they seen so large and orderly a market, with so large an attendance. Bernal Diaz indicates the site of the plaza to have been where the church of Santiago de Tlatelulco was erected, and this still remains under the same name, over a mile north-west-by-north of the central plaza of Mexico. Hist. Verdad., 70-1. The old maps of Mexico already spoken of give the same site, and Alaman’s investigations point out correctly the street which led and leads to it, although he has failed to notice the above authorities, which give the very site. Disert., ii. 282-5.

[492] It has been generally accepted that the temple in the centre of the city was visited, but Bernal Diaz, who is the only narrator of this excursion, states distinctly, in several places, that the pyramid ascended was situated in the Tlatelulco market-place, ‘adonde está aora señor Santiago, que se dize el Tlatelulco.’ Hist. Verdad., 70-1. The description of the temple court and interior is somewhat confused, and evidently combines points which belong to the central temple.

[493] Hence the contradictions between descriptions and views furnished by different chroniclers, which have so greatly puzzled modern writers.

[494] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 70-1. Sigüenza y Góngora, the well-known Mexican scholar of the seventeenth century, follows Bernal Diaz. Anotaciones Crit., MS., 1-2.

[495] ‘No dexarian de quedar aprobechados ... y satisfacer a su necesidad,’ says Vetancurt, who knew the avarice of his countrymen too well to believe in denials. Teatro, pt. iii. 131. Bernal Diaz says that Yañez, as the servant of Velazquez de Leon and Lugo, revealed the discovery to them, and they told Cortés. The soldiers all heard of it, and came quietly to gaze on the treasures, which rumor had already located somewhere in the palace. ‘Being then a young man,’ says the old soldier, ‘and having never seen such wealth, I felt sure that there was not anything like it in the world.’ Hist. Verdad., 72; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. ii. Tapia and Gomara state that Cortés discovered the door-way as he was walking in his room one evening, pondering on his plans for seizing Montezuma. ‘Cerro la puerta ... por no escandalizar a Motecçuma, no se estoruasse por esso su prisiõ.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 123; Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 579. Duran intimates that on hearing of the existence of treasures in the palace, the Spaniards, including the ‘Santo Clérigo,’ occupied themselves more in searching for them than in promoting the faith. They did not find them, however, till Montezuma revealed the hiding-place, under the pressure of questions and, it seems, of hunger. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 445-6.

[496] He refers to this promise in the second letter to the king, saying, ‘porque certifiqué á V. A. que lo habria preso ó muerto ó súbdito.’ Cortés, Cartas, 52.

[497] ‘En la verdad era así é lo tinien acordado,’ affirms Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 579. ‘Estas nueuas, falsas, o verdaderas,’ is the non-committing phrase of Gomara. Hist. Mex., 123. Ixtlilxochitl takes firmer ground. ‘According to an original letter in my possession, signed by the three heads of New Spain, and written to his Majesty the emperor, our master, they exculpate Motecuhzoma and the Mexicans of this and other charges, declaring them inventions of the Tlascaltecs and of some Spaniards who feared that they would never see the hour when they might leave the city and place in security the riches they had obtained.’ Hist. Chich., 296. Clavigero adopts the view that Cortés called for such testimony from certain chiefs among his allies, whose dislike of the Mexicans would be sure to prompt it. ‘Per giustificar vieppiù il suo attentato, e muovere i suoi Spagnuoli ad eseguirlo, fece chiamar parecchie persone principali de’ suoi alleati (la cui informazione dovrebbe sempre essergli sospettosa).’ Storia Mess., iii. 90-1. Vetancurt has a story that, a drought prevailing at the time, the Spaniards induced the heavens by means of masses and prayers to send rain. This made the priests and idols jealous, and the emperor was prevailed on to rid himself of the Spaniards. The Tlascaltecs learned of the plot and reported it. Teatro, pt. iii. 130.

[498] According to Bernal Diaz the members of this council suggested not only the seizure but the reasons for it. Cortés responded that he had not been oblivious of the danger, but saw not how the seizure could be effected. The captains proposed to beguile the prince to their quarter and detain him. If Cortés hesitated they were willing to undertake the task. The old soldier is evidently misled, as he was in the scuttling affair, to assume too much credit for himself and his fellow-soldiers. Cortés had no doubt adopted his common tactics, so frequently admitted by Bernal Diaz himself, of inspiring his comrades to suggest what he had resolved on. This is proved by the promise made to the emperor in his first letter, four months before, to capture Montezuma.

[499] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 73, followed by a number of other writers, states that the letter was received at Mexico the morning after this meeting, but it has been shown that he must be wrong. He mentions as one of the statements in the letter that the Totonacs were in revolt, and it is probable that Cortés may have said so to show the soldiers that retreat was cut off, and that seizure was the only recourse.

[500] As both Peter Martyr and Gomara call it.

[501] The neglect of this less speedy plan does indicate that the rumors of danger were credited to a great extent at least.

[502] Hist. Verdad., 74. Cortés in his quiet way writes to the king that, after passing six days in the great city, and finding that for various reasons ‘it suited the royal interest and our safety to have this lord in my power, and not wholly at liberty, lest he change in the proposal and desire manifested to serve Y. H.... I resolved to seize and place him in the quarter where I was.’ Cartas, 88-9.

[503] ‘Mandó que su gente dos á dos ó cuatro á cuatro se fuesen tras él ... é con él entramos hasta treinta españoles é los demas quedaban á la puerta de la casa, é en un patio della,’ says Tapia, who appears to have been one of those who entered. Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 579.

[504] ‘Cõ armas secretas,’ says Gomara, Hist. Mex., 123, and probably they did bear extra weapons beneath their cloaks.

[505] ‘Y otras hijas de señores á algunos de mi compañía.’ Cortés, Cartas, 89. But the customary mark of favor was to give them from his harem. See Native Races, ii.

[506] ‘Per non dar disgusto al Re, e per avere occasione di farla Cristiana,’ is Clavigero’s excuse for the acceptance. Storia Mess., iii. 93. Brasseur de Bourbourg, and some other writers, assume that Cortés declined; but the original authorities all say or intimate that he accepted. Even Cortés himself writes in his letter to the emperor, ‘despues ... de haberme él dado algunas joyas de oro y una hija suya,’ etc. Cartas, 89. ‘Le persuadió,’ says Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 290. Gomara is even more explicit, and Herrera says that Montezuma insisted, ‘porque queria tener nietos de hombre tan valeroso.’ dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. ii. The affair is perhaps less important in itself than as index to the character of Cortés, who could accept so intimate an offer with one hand while he prepared a blow with the other. It might also be made to indicate that Montezuma could have had no base designs against him when he made the uncalled-for offer of intrusting a daughter (if such she was) to his keeping. Still the imperial character would not have suffered had it been shown that this was but an artifice to lull his intended victim into a false security.

[507] Some authors, like Herrera and Torquemada, say that he denied all knowledge of the occurrence, calling it an invention of enemies.

[508] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 297. ‘Q̄ tenia la figura de Vitzilopuchtli,’ Gomara, 123; and so says Bernal Diaz. Tapia states that Montezuma told Cortés to send two Spaniards with the messengers; but he doubtless declined to risk two lives on such a trip. Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 583-4.

[509] ‘Ingrato rey!’ exclaims Gallo, in commenting upon this surrender of a devoted officer. Hombres Ilust. Mex., i. 318.

[510] Bernal Diaz makes Cortés accuse the emperor of perfidy, and of having instigated the Cholula massacre. Hist. Verdad., 74. But this he would hardly do, since his purpose was clearly to persuade, not to arouse anger.

[511] ‘No querria començar guerra, ni destruir aquesta Ciudad ... que si alboroto, ò vozes daua, que luego sereis muerto de aquestos mis Capitanes, que no los traigo para otro efeto,’ is Bernal Diaz’ blunt version. Hist. Verdad., 74.

[512] ‘Auia tenido platica de su idolo Huichilobos ... que convenia para su salud, y guardar su vida, estar con nosotros.’ Id., 75.

[513] ‘Estuuieron mas de media hora en estas platicas.’ Id., 74. Tapia and others say four hours, which is unlikely.

[514] ‘Porque mas vale que desta vez asseguremos nuestras vidas, ò las perdamos.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 75.

[515] ‘Era, ó muy falto de ánimo, ó pusilánime, ó muy prudente.’ Oviedo, iii. 289. ‘En él se cumplió lo que de él se decia, que todo hombre cruel es cobarde, aunque á la verdad, era ya llegada la voluntad de Dios.’ Ixtlilxochitl, Rel., 411.

[516] Bernal Diaz intimates clearly enough that no demonstration was made till after his arrival. Hist. Verdad., 75. And so does Cortés. ‘Llorando lo tomaron en ella [the litter] con mucho silencio, y así nos fuimos hasta el aposento donde estaba, sin haber alboroto en la ciudad, aunque se comenzó á mover. Pero sabido por el dicho Muteczuma, envió a mandar que no lo hubiese; y así, hubo toda quietud.’ Cartas, 90. Ixtlilxochitl, however, allows Montezuma to stay long enough in his palace, after ordering the litter, to enable the lords and nobles to come and offer their services. A delay like this, which the Spaniards certainly never could have permitted, might have given time for the tumultuous gathering which he describes. Hist. Chich., 297. Prescott, in following this version, makes the emperor so far overstep his usual dignity as to ‘call out’ to the people to disperse. ‘Tambien detuvieron consigo á Itcuauhtzin, gobernador del Tlatilulco,’ says Sahagun, while the leading nobles ‘cuando fue preso Mocthecuzoma le desampararon y se escondieron.’ Hist. Conq., 25.

The seizure has, like the equally prominent episodes of the massacre at Cholula, and the scuttling of the fleet, aroused no little comment in justification or condemnation. ‘Now that I am old,’ says Bernal Diaz, ‘I stop to consider the heroic deeds then performed, and I do say that our achievements were not effected by ourselves, but were all brought about by God; for what men have existed in the world who, less than 450 soldiers in number, dared to enter into so strong a city as Mexico, larger than Venice, and so remote from Castile, to seize so great a lord?’ Hist. Verdad., 76. ‘Never Greek or Roman, nor of other nation, since kings exist, performed a like deed, only Fernando Cortés, to seize Motecçuma, a king most powerful, in his own house, in a place most strong, amid an infinity of people, while possessing but 450 companions.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 124. Commenting on this, Torquemada adds that ‘it was indeed a deed for daring never seen, and must be attributed to God rather than to human heart.’ i. 458. Solis of course fails not to extol the genius and daring of his hero, whose deed ‘appears rather in the light of a fable’ than in consonance with simple history. Hist. Mex., i. 448. ‘A deed which makes one tremble even to conceive, and much more to carry out. But God had so determined it.’ Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 296. ‘History contains nothing parallel to this event, either with respect to the temerity of the attempt, or the success of the execution,’ etc. Robertson’s Hist. Am., ii. 60. ‘An expedient, which none but the most daring spirit, in the most desperate extremity, would have conceived.’ Prescott’s Mex., ii. 159. ‘An unparalleled transaction. There is nothing like it, I believe, in the annals of the world.’ Helps’ Cortés, ii. 351. Clavigero is less carried away by the incident, for he sees therein the hand of God. Nevertheless, he sympathizes with Montezuma. Storia Mess., iii. 95, etc. Pizarro y Orellana finds the deed eclipsed by the similar achievement, with a smaller force, under his namesake Pizarro. Varones Ilvstres, 89-90. And later Mexican writers, like Bustamante, see, naturally enough, nothing but what is detestable in the incident, for according to the native records which form their gospel, Montezuma was guiltless of any base intents. Unfortunately for them, these very records paint him a blood-thirsty despot who punishes the slightest offence against himself, even when merely suspected, with the most atrocious cruelty; one who is continually seeking his aggrandizement at the expense of inoffensive, peace-loving tribes, who oppresses not only conquered peoples, but his own subjects, with extortionate taxes and levies to satisfy his inordinate appetite for pomp and for new conquests. These records also admit that he had repeatedly sent sorcerers, if not armies, to entrap and destroy the Spaniards. He who looked calmly on hecatombs of his own subjects, slaughtered before his very eyes, would not hesitate to condemn strangers for plotting against the throne which was dearer to him than life itself. The Spaniards may have anticipated events considerably, but there is no doubt that numerous personages, from Cuitlahuatzin downward, were bitterly opposed to their enforced guests, and they would sooner or later have realized the rumors which the allies began to circulate. Placed as he was, Cortés’ duty to himself, to the men intrusted to him, to his king, and to the cause of religion, as then regarded, required him to give heed to such rumors, and, after weighing their probability, to take the precautionary measure of seizing the monarch, since retreat not only appeared fraught with disaster and dishonor, but would be regarded as a neglect of opportunity and of duty. With Cortés, naught but the first steps in assuming the conquest, and in usurping certain credit and means, can be regarded as crimes, and the former of these was forced upon him by circumstances of his age and surroundings. Every project, then, conceived by him for the advancement of his great undertaking must redound to his genius as soldier and leader. Of course, among these projects appear many which did not advance the great object, and which must be condemned. But where do we find greatness wholly free from stain?

CHAPTER XVIII.
DOUBLY REFINED DEALINGS.
1519-1520.

Hollow Homage to the Captive King—Montezuma has his Wives and Nobles—He Rules his Kingdom through the Spaniards—The Playful Page—Liberality of the Monarch—The Sacred Treasures—Cortés Resents the Insults of the Guard—Diversions—Quauhpopoca, his Son and Officers, Burned Alive—Plantations Formed—Villa Rica Affairs—Vessels Built—Pleasure Excursions.

A pompous reception was accorded the imperial prisoner. With no small ceremony was he conducted to apartments adjoining those of Cortés, as selected by himself, and there surrounded by all accustomed comforts and every show of greatness. At hand were his favorite wives, his most devoted servants; he held court daily, received ambassadors, issued orders, and with the aid of his learned jurists administered justice. To outward appearance the monarch was as absolute as ever; yet Montezuma knew that his glory had departed, that the continued forms of greatness were hollow, and that his power was but the power of a puppet. He was wise enough to know that a strong man is not to be trusted who is officiously kind to a weak one.

Henceforth the power of the nation, in the hands of these insidious strangers, was to be directed against himself. It was a cunning policy, craftily conceived and deftly executed.

Cortés took care that everything round the prisoner should move smoothly, and that his presence in the Spanish quarters should appear to the natives a voluntary rather than an enforced visit. To his more intimate lords and subjects, however, who knew better his condition, and who sometimes urged him to return to his palace, the poor captive would say, “Ah, no! it is the will of the gods that I remain with these men and be guided by their counsel.” But on no account must the imperial influence be allowed for the present to decline before the people. The deception must be continued, and the dignity of the sovereign upheld by a deferential attention as profound as that which was shown before his imprisonment. Daily, after prayers, the Spanish general came to pay his respects, attended by several of his captains, more frequently Alvarado, Velazquez, and Ordaz, and to receive the imperial commands with respect to his comforts, pleasures, and duties. On these occasions, and indeed whenever he appeared before the emperor, says Bernal Diaz, Cortés set the example to his followers by doffing his hat and bowing low, and never did he presume to sit in the royal presence until requested to do so.

Yet a most unpleasant reminder to the monarch of his circumscribed authority was the ever present guard in and around his apartments.[517] This was under the command of Juan Velazquez de Leon, who enforced the strictest watch, particularly when it became known that Montezuma’s courtiers lost no opportunity to urge escape, and that he lent them a not unwilling ear, despite the professed desire to remain with the Spaniards. Among the several schemes with this object are mentioned bored walls, tunnels beneath the palace, and an attempt by the emperor himself to leap from the summit of the building into a safe receptacle prepared for him.[518]

Espionage was also established on the emperor in his intercourse with courtiers, by placing in the apartment the page Orteguilla, who had acquired a fair knowledge of Aztec. Of prepossessing appearance, agreeable and sprightly in manner, the youth became a favorite with the captive king. Among other things, the little spy gave the monarch an insight into Spanish customs and proceedings at home and abroad, into the power and grandeur of the Castilian king, and into the mysteries of the faith. Being constantly together they grew familiar, Montezuma delighting to play pranks on the boy, throwing aloft his hat, and laughing at his efforts to regain it. These tricks were always followed by a liberal reward.[519]

Montezuma was indeed most liberal with all who came in contact with him, as became the character of a great and rich prince. Not only jewels, robes, and curiosities, but male and female slaves, were freely dispensed, partly no doubt with a view to secure good treatment from the guard. A considerate thoughtfulness and gentle manner added to his popularity, and “whenever he ordered,” says the old soldier, “we flew to obey.” The inconsiderate pride and selfishness of the independent monarch seems to have disappeared in the prisoner, yet like the captive hawk he was submissive only to his masters. Orteguilla kept him informed of the rank and character of the men, and became the recognized medium for his favors. He represented, for instance, that Bernal Diaz longed to be the master of a pretty maiden, and Montezuma, having noticed the exceeding deference of the soldier, called him, saying that he would bestow on him a fine young woman, whom he must treat well, for she was the daughter of a chief. He also gave him three quoits of gold and two loads of robes.[520] The gift came from the emperor’s harem, from which he frequently drew to please those whom he delighted to honor. The vacancies thus created were filled from noble families, who like those of more advanced countries regarded it an honor for a daughter to occupy the position of royal concubine. After his imprisonment Montezuma seems to have disposed of his wives quite rapidly, a number of them falling to leading Spaniards.[521] To Cortés he offered for the second time a daughter, prettier than the one given him on the day of his capture, but in this instance the gift was declined in favor of Olid, who accepted her, together with any number of presents, and was henceforth treated as a relative by her imperial father. Both she and the sister with Cortés were baptized.[522]

The soldiers generally were by no means forgotten in the distribution of women and other gifts, and in course of time the quarter became so crowded with male and female attendants that Cortés found it necessary to issue an order reducing the number to one female servant for each man. Informed of this, Montezuma instructed his mayordomo to provide good accommodation and sustenance for them elsewhere.[523]

Encouraged by this generosity, Cortés approached him one day regarding the secreted treasures, which had been so long respected, but which he desired to have in his possession. He regretted to say that his graceless soldiers had come upon the treasure-chamber, and regardless of his instructions had abstracted a number of jewels. The emperor hastened to reassure him; perhaps he understood the hint. The contents of the chamber belonged to the gods, he said; but the gold and silver might freely be taken so long as the rest was left.[524] He would give more, if required. Cortés did not scruple to avail himself of the permission, by appropriating for himself and his intimate friends a large share. So charged the discontented soldiers, but the main portion appears to have been reserved for the general distribution not long after. Although the most valuable part of this collection had been freely surrendered, the soldiers hesitated not to seize also upon other effects, such as liquid amber and several hundred loads of cotton fabrics. Cortés wished to restore them, but Montezuma declined, saying that he never received anything back.[525] On another occasion the Spaniards discovered the imperial warehouse for cacao beans, the most common currency of the country, and for some time made nightly raids on it with their Indian carriers. Cortés proposed to mete out punishment for this, but finding that Alvarado was a leading culprit, he dropped the matter with a private reprimand.[526]

Montezuma’s good nature was imposed upon in more ways than one, and with all his kindness he could not command consideration from the rougher soldiers and sailors. One of the guard, after being requested, with a gift, to discontinue certain unseemly acts, repeated the offence in the hope of receiving another bribe; but Montezuma now reported him to his captain, and he was removed. Cortés, who was determined to enforce respect for the captive, inflicted severe punishment on offenders in this respect. Tired of patrol duty, Pedro Lopez said one day in the hearing of Montezuma, “Confusion on this dog! By guarding him constantly, I am sick at stomach unto death!” Told of this, the general had the man lashed in the soldiers’ hall, and this regardless of his standing as a good soldier and an archer of great skill. Another who showed insolence to the emperor was ordered hanged, but escaped with a lashing at the intercession of the captains and of Montezuma.[527] This strictness insured respect not only for the emperor, but for Cortés, so that the quarter became most exemplary for its good order.[528]

The Spaniards united heartily with the native courtiers to entertain the captive and to remove so far as possible whatever might remind him of his lost liberty. He found great delight in their military exercises, which recalled the faded prowess of his youth and exhibited the tactics which contributed so powerfully to Spanish supremacy over native arms. He also enjoyed sports, and among games the totoloque was his favorite. This consisted in throwing small golden balls at pieces of the same metal set up as targets at a certain distance. Five points won the stakes. Cortés often played it with him, and Alvarado, who kept count for the general, usually marked more points than he was entitled to. Montezuma playfully protested against such marking, although what Cortés won he gave to the Mexican attendants, while Montezuma presented his gains to the Spanish guard.[529]

Montezuma was at times allowed to visit his palaces, and to enjoy the hunting-field, but these trips were of rare occurrence, owing to the danger of popular demonstrations.[530] On such occasions, says Cortés, the escort of prominent Mexicans numbered at least three thousand. The first time Montezuma requested this privilege it was for the purpose of offering prayer and sacrifice at the great temple, as required by his gods, he said; and although Cortés did not like the arrangement, his prisoner convinced him that this public demonstration was necessary, in order to show the people that he was not kept in compulsory confinement, but remained with the strangers at the order of the deity he was about to consult. Four captains were appointed to escort him with a guard of one hundred and fifty soldiers, and he was warned that any attack upon them, or any attempt at rescue, would result in his own death. He was carried in a rich litter, attended by a brilliant procession of nobles, and preceded, according to custom, by a dignitary bearing the triple wand which indicated that the emperor was approaching and demanded loyal veneration.

On reaching the temple the imperial worshipper stepped forth, leaning on the arms of his relatives, and was assisted to the summit. Human sacrifices had been forbidden, and Father Olmedo came to watch over the observance of the order; but it appears that four captives had been offered during the night, and despite the remonstrances of the friar the attendant rites went on.[531] The captains thought it prudent not to exceed a protest, and congratulated themselves when the ceremony was ended and the emperor safely back in their quarters.

A fortnight after the seizure of Montezuma, Quauhpopoca arrived in the capital, accompanied by his son and fifteen of his staff. He made his entry with the pomp befitting a powerful governor and a relative of the sovereign, and hastened to the palace. As was customary with subjects who were about to appear in the imperial presence, the rich robes were covered with a coarse cloak, in token of humiliation. His master received him with a stern countenance, and signified his displeasure at the proceedings which under pretext of his authority had caused loss of Spanish life. No attention was paid to explanations, and he was surrendered with his followers to the Spaniards, to be dealt with as they thought fit.[532] Cortés held a trial: he was a shrewd inquisitor, and his sentence was sure to accord with his own interests. “Are you a vassal of Montezuma?” he asked of Quauhpopoca. “What else could I be?” was the reply. “Did you attack Spaniards by his order?” The prisoner was in a most serious dilemma. At first he refused to implicate the emperor, but finding that his fate was sealed he confessed having acted under his orders.[533] This could not avail him, however, for in obeying his master he had injured the subjects and outraged the laws and majesty of the Spanish king, who was sovereign of all, and this demanded punishment.

The fact was that Spanish prestige, on which so much depended, had suffered through the machinations of the governor, and it was considered necessary to restore it. Therefore it was decreed that Quauhpopoca, with his son and officers, should be burned alive in the plaza, before the palace. Cortés availed himself of the opportunity to seize all the arms in the arsenals,[534] and therewith build a pyre worthy such noted offenders.

When all was ready Cortés presented himself before the emperor, and announced with a severe tone that the evidence of the condemned showed their acts to have been authorized by him, and as a life called for a life, according to Spanish laws, he deserved death. Cortés, however, loved him—for himself, his generosity, and services he loved him too dearly to let justice have its course, and would take on himself to appease its demands by a nominal punishment.[535] He then turned on his heel, while one of the soldiers clasped a pair of shackles round the prisoner’s ankles, and the mighty emperor of the Aztecs was ironed. For a moment Montezuma stood rooted to the floor. Then he groaned with anguish at this the greatest indignity ever offered his sacred person. He trembled with apprehension at what might yet follow. His courtiers were no less afflicted, and with tears in their eyes they knelt to lessen the weight at least of the shameful bonds, and with bandages to relieve the imperial limbs.[536]

Meanwhile the troops formed an imposing cordon in front of the palace to prevent a rescue of the condemned as they were led out and tied to the stake. Writhing with pain, yet mute as became brave warriors, with the ascending smoke from Aztec shields and darts they rendered up their anguished souls. It was rare strategy thus with the offenders to destroy the means of offence. Supposing that the execution was by imperial sanction, the populace tacitly assented, gazing on the horrid spectacle with pallid faces and bated breath. Though accustomed to scenes like this in connection with their religious festivals, it appeared terrible when perpetrated by foreigners, to the dreary sound of muffled drums.[537]

All being over, Cortés reëntered the apartments of Montezuma with his captains, and kneeling down he himself took off the fetters, declaring that he felt deeply grieved at the infliction, for he loved him as a brother. The monarch became almost hysteric with joy at this deliverance, and with falling tears he expressed himself in abject terms of gratitude, like the dog licking the hand which has chastised it. Every fresh incident reveals some new trait in the character of this unhappy man which calls for pity or contempt. “Yet further,” continued Cortés, “to show my deep regard and confidence, you are now at full liberty to return to your own house.” But Montezuma understood well enough that these were but words, an empty offer; indeed he had been informed by the well prompted page that, although the general might wish to release him, the Spanish captains would never permit it.[538] He accordingly expressed his thanks, and said that he preferred to remain with him, giving as a reason that, were he free, the importunities of his relatives and nobles to attack the Spaniards might prevail over his friendship for them and their king, and this would entail not only loss of life on both sides, but the ruin of the city. Thereupon Cortés embraced him with every appearance of deep devotion, and said, “Next to my king you shall be king; vast as are your possessions, I will make you ruler of more and greater provinces.”[539]

We can imagine the words by which the Spaniards might justify to themselves the death of Quauhpopoca, but we cannot understand the object in degrading the emperor in the eyes of his subjects—an act which they had hitherto been so careful to avoid—unless it was to lift themselves in their own esteem and that of the natives, far above the highest American princes and powers, and to impress the sacredness of their persons on the minds of the Indians. Further than this, they seemed to think some punishment of the emperor necessary, either because he had authorized the Nautla outrage, or because he had countenanced it by neglecting to reprimand the perpetrators. At all events, the effect was salutary, so much so that Spaniards were to be seen wandering singly about the country without fear of molestation.[540]

This effect, which extended also to adjoining independent provinces, enabled Cortés to carry out the long-cherished project of gathering information on the condition of the country, particularly its political feeling and its mineral resources. Montezuma readily gave the aid requested by providing maps and officials to guide the exploring parties. The first investigations were directed to the upper parts of Rio Zacatula and to Miztecapan, some eighty leagues south of the capital, and to the northern branches of the Papaloapan, whence most of the gold was said to come.[541] The Zacatula party was headed by Pilot Gonzalo de Umbría, in compensation perhaps for the loss of his feet at Villa Rica. He returned before the other parties, within the forty days allowed for the trip, and brought about three hundred pesos’ worth of gold dust, washed out in dishes from three rivers, by order of the cacique. Two chiefs accompanied him, bearing gold presents of nearly the same value as the dust, and offering allegiance to the Spaniards in the name of their caciques.[542] Small as was the treasure, it afforded a substantial proof of the glowing report of Umbría. He had passed through three beautiful and fertile provinces, filled with towns containing buildings equal to any in Spain. He described a fortress finer in appearance and stronger than the castle of Búrgos, and the people of Tamazulapan as most superior in dress and intelligence.[543]

Another party, under one Pizarro,[544] proceeded south-eastward, through Tochtepec and Malinaltepec, both of which yielded them gold dust to the value of about three hundred pesos. Descending along the northern fork of Papaloapan, they reached the country of the Chinantecs, hostile to the Aztecs who had taken some of the border towns. Their independence had not otherwise been affected, owing to their mountain fastnesses, their warlike spirit, and their formidable weapons, which were pikes about twenty feet in length. They invited the Spaniards to enter, but would not allow the Mexican escort to cross the boundary. The guides warned Pizarro not to trust himself to what they termed a treacherous people, but after a brief hesitation he advanced and received a hearty reception. Aid was given to search for gold, of which seven hundred pesos’ worth was obtained from several rivers, most of it in rough grains.[545] On his return he brought two chiefs, who bore presents of gold from their chief cacique Cohuatlicamac, and tendered his allegiance on condition that the Aztecs should not be allowed to enter the country. Finding the inhabitants so friendly and the province rich in resources, Pizarro left four of his small party behind to establish cacao and maize plantations and to search for more gold.[546]

The project appears to have found favor with Cortés, who besought Montezuma to form plantations for the king also in his adjoining province of Malinaltepec. This was at once attended to, and within two months four substantial houses and a vast reservoir had been constructed, and a large tract of land brought under cultivation, the improvements being valued at twenty thousand pesos de oro.[547]

Another important object was to find a better harbor than Villa Rica, and the emperor being consulted, he at once ordered a map to be made, which showed very accurately not only the rivers and inlets already known to the Spaniards, between Pánuco and Tabasco, but the yet unknown Rio Goazacoalco, beyond the Mexican border. This being said to have a large and deep entrance, Cortés availed himself of Ordaz’ offer to examine it. Ten men, chiefly sailors and pilots, and some guides, accompanied him, and authority was given to take escorts from the frontier garrisons. He proceeded to Chalchiuhcuecan or San Juan de Ulua, and thence followed the coast examining the inlets.

On reaching the frontier complaints became numerous against the native garrisons by reason of raids and outrages, and supported by the chiefs who attended him he reprimanded the commanders, threatening them with the fate of Quauhpopoca unless they restrained the troops. They used to extend their raids into the Goazacoalco province, but were at present somewhat guarded, owing to a repulse wherein a number of comrades had perished.[548]

Ordaz’ proceedings served him well, for Tuchintlec, the cacique of this province, sent a deputation of leading men to extend a welcome, and furnished canoes and men to aid in sounding the river. The bar was found to be at least two fathoms and a half deep at low water, and above this, for twelve leagues, the soundings showed fully five fathoms, with a prospect of an equal depth for some distance, whereupon the pilots expressed the opinion that the channel might be a strait leading to the southern sea.[549] Ordaz received not only presents of gold and pretty women for himself, but brought with him messengers bearing jewels, tiger-skins, feathers, and precious stones for Cortés, together with an offer of allegiance and tribute similar to those already tendered by the neighbors of Tabasco. His report, which extolled the agricultural resources as well as the port, induced the general to send with the returning messengers another party to examine these features more thoroughly and to test the disposition of the inhabitants. They again sounded the river, selected a town site, and reported in favor of a settlement. The cacique also expressed himself eager to receive settlers, and offered to begin at once the construction of houses. This decided Cortés to establish a colony on the river, and in April Juan Velazquez and Rodrigo Rangel set out with one hundred and fifty men to carry out the project. This, however, was not destined to be so speedily accomplished.[550]

Meanwhile Villa Rica had been a source of no small anxiety to Cortés. He had appointed Alonso de Grado to fill the vacant place of Escalante, as commander of the fortress, and as his lieutenant in the district. Grado was a man of agreeable presence and conversation, and with some fame among his comrades as a writer and musician, but more of a braggart than a soldier, with decided sympathies in favor of Velazquez. Indeed, Bernal Diaz charges him with having been the ringleader of the mutinous demonstration at Tlascala. Cortés was well acquainted with the character of the man; but his glib tongue had evidently overcome the prudence of the general, or else he preferred a less bold spirit than Escalante’s at this post. “Now, Señor Grado,” said he in handing him his commission, “here is the fulfilment of your long felt desire of going to Villa Rica. Take care of the fort, treat the Indians well, and do not undertake any expeditions like that of Escalante, or you may meet his fate.” “In saying this,” adds Bernal Diaz, “he gave us soldiers a wink, which we readily enjoyed, knowing well enough that Grado would not venture to do so, even under penalty of disgrace.” The office of alguacil mayor, held by the former commander, was not included in the present commission, but was given to Sandoval, and when Grado remonstrated he was promised compensation in due time.

On reaching Villa Rica the evil nature of the man came to the front. He assumed pompous demeanor, and expected the settlers to serve him as a great lord, while the Totonacs were pressed for gold and female slaves. The fort and the duties connected with it were neglected, and the commander spent his time in gormandizing and gambling, not to mention the secret efforts to undermine his general’s influence and to gain adherents for Velazquez. This soon reached the ears of Cortés, who felt not a little annoyed at having trusted such a fellow. He recognized the necessity of intrusting this district to one thoroughly devoted to himself, since a fleet from Cuba might at any moment arrive and create mischief. Therefore he sent Sandoval, who was brave and prudent, as well as loyal, and with him Pedro de Ircio, a former equerry, of insinuating manners and gossiping tongue, whom Sandoval elevated to a commanding position.[551]

Grado was immediately sent up to Mexico under a native guard, and when he arrived, with hands tied and a noose round his neck, the soldiers derided him, while Cortés felt half inclined to hang the fellow. After a few days’ exposure in the stocks he was released, and soon his smooth persuasion paved once more a way to the favor of his general, with whom he became so reconciled as to obtain the office of contador not long afterward.

Among the instructions to Sandoval was one to send to Mexico two shipwrights with ship-building implements, also chains, iron, sails, rope, compass, and everything needful to fit out four vessels which had been placed on the stocks shortly after the seizure of the emperor.[552] The object was to afford a means for the ready movement of troops and for escape in case of an uprising, when the bridges would doubtless be raised. In asking Montezuma for aid to fell and prepare timber, it was pretended that it was for pleasure-boats wherewith to entertain him. Under the able direction of Martin Lopez aided by Alonso Nuñez, the master carpenters, they were completed within a few weeks, and provided with four guns and tiers of oars, affording transport for three hundred men.

A hunting-trip to one of the imperial reserves across the lake was at once arranged.[553] The largest vessel had been provided with awnings and other comforts for the reception of Montezuma, his suite, and a strong guard, while other notables were accommodated in the other craft. A volley from the guns announced their arrival, and did more probably to inspire respect than even the presence of majesty. The vessels were accompanied by a fleet of canoes, some holding forty or more courtiers, hunters, or attendants. All were curious to see how the winged water-houses would behave, for their immense size was supposed to render them slow and clumsy. A fair breeze was blowing, however, and as the large sails unfurled, the vessels bounded forward with a speed that in a few moments left the occupants of the canoes far behind. Montezuma was delighted, and the trip was repeated. Hunting parties were likewise formed; for the royal captive enjoyed the chase and used the blow-pipe with great skill.[554]