FOOTNOTES
[517] ‘Le dió en guarda á un capitan, é de noche é de dia siempre estaban españoles en su presencia.’ Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 580. This captain appears to have been Juan Velazquez, whose place was taken by Olid, when required. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 77, 86.
[518] ‘Se quiso echar de vna açutea de diez estados en alto, para que los suyos le recibiessen, sino le detuuiera vn Castellano.... Denoche y de dia procurauan de sacarle, oradando a cada passo las paredes, y echando fuego por las azuteas.’
The result was an increase of the guard, Álvarez Chico being placed with 60 men to watch the rear of the quarters, and Andrés de Monjarraz the front, with the same number, each watch consisting of twenty men. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. iii. Bernal Diaz intimates that the guarding of Montezuma proved a severe strain on the soldiers; but, situated as they were, vigilance was ever required, and still greater must have been the danger had he not been in their power.
[519] Herrera calls him Peña, which may have been one of his names, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. v. Bernal Diaz assumes that Montezuma asked Cortés to give him the page, after the execution of Quauhpopoca. Hist. Verdad., 75.
[520] The bride was named Francisca. Hist. Verdad., 77. As an instance of Montezuma’s eagerness to gratify the Spaniards, and at the same time to exhibit his own power, it is related that one day a hawk pursued a pigeon to the very cot in the palace, amid the plaudits of the soldiers. Among them was Francisco the dandy, former maestresala to the admiral of Castile, who loudly expressed the wish to obtain possession of the hawk and to tame him for falconry. Montezuma heard him, and gave his hunters orders to catch it, which they did. Id.; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 125.
[521] Duran states that the soldiers discovered a house filled with women, supposed to be wives of Montezuma, and hidden to be out of the reach of the white men. He assumes that gratitude would have made the Spaniards respect them; or, if the women were nuns, that respect for virtue must have obtained.
[522] Cortés’ protégée being named Ana. Quite a number of the general’s followers declare in their testimony against him, in 1528, that he assumed the intimate protectorship of two or even three of Montezuma’s daughters, the second being called Inés, or by others Isabel, the wife of Grado, and afterward of Gallego. ‘Tres fijas de Montezuma e que las dos dellas an parido del e la otra murio preñada del quando se perdio esta cibdad.’ Tirado, in Cortés, Residencia, ii. 39, 241, 244; i. 63, 99, 221, 263. Intrigues are mentioned with other Indian princesses. Vetancurt assumes that two noble maidens were given, one of whom Olid received. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 133; Torquemada, i. 462. Bernal Diaz supposes that this is the first daughter offered by Montezuma, and he believes evidently that Cortés accepts her, to judge by a later reference. Hist. Verdad., 85, 102.
[523] Herrera states that Cortés’ order was prompted by a consideration for the heavy expense to Montezuma. The latter remonstrated at this economical fit, and commanded that double rations should be provided for the exiled. dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. iv.
[524] Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 580. ‘Purchè non tocchino disse il Re, le immagini degli Dei, nè ciò che è destinato al loro culto, prendano quanto vogliono,’ is Clavigero’s free interpretation of Ojeda’s version. Storia Mess., iii. 97; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 125.
[525] ‘Lo q̄ vna vez daua no lo auia de tornar a recibir.’ ‘Las caxas donde la ropa estaua, eran tan grandes que llegauan a las vigas de los aposentos, y tan anchas, q̄ despues de vacias, se alojauã en cada vna dos Castellanos. Sacaron al patio mas de mil cargas de ropa.’ Herrera, ii. viii. iv.
[526] ‘Casa de Cacao, de Motecuhçuma, adonde avia mas de quarenta mil Cargas, que era Gran Riqueça, porque solia valer cada Carga quarenta Castellanos.’ Alvarado alone emptied six jars of 600 loads. Torquemada, i. 472.
[527] The man had insisted that Montezuma should have a search made for two of his missing female attendants. The emperor did not wish Spaniards punished for pilfering, as he told Cortés, only for offering insult and violence. In such cases he would have his own courtiers lashed. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. v.
[528] ‘Tinie el marques tan recogida su gente, que ninguno salie un tiro de arcabuz del aposento sin licencia, é asimismo la gente tan en paz, que se averiguó nunca reñir uno con otro.’ Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 586.
[529] Bernal Diaz, Hist Verdad., 77. ‘Un giuoco, che gli Spagnuoli chiamavano il bodoque.’ Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 97. Bodoque signifies balls in this connection. When Alvarado lost, he with great show of liberality paid in chalchiuites, stones which were highly treasured by the natives, but worth nothing to the Spaniards. Montezuma paid in quoits, worth at least 50 ducats. One day he lost 40 or 50 quoits, and with pleasure, since it gave him the opportunity to be generous. B. V. de Tapia testifies that Alvarado used to cheat in playing cards with him and others. Cortés, Residencia, i. 51-2. Another way of gratifying this bent was to accept trifles from the Spaniards and liberally compensate them. Alonso de Ojeda, for instance, had a silk-embroidered satchel with many pockets, for which Montezuma gave him two pretty slaves, beside a number of robes and jewels. Ojeda wrote a memoir on the conquest, of which Herrera makes good use. dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. v.
[530] ‘Fué muchas veces á holgar con cinco ó seis españoles á una y dos leguas fuera de la ciudad.’ Cortés, Cartas, 92. Both the times and the number of the Spaniards are doubtful, however. ‘Quando salia a caçar.... Lleuaua ocho o diez Españoles en guarda de la persona, y tres mil Mexicanos entre señores, caualleros, criados, y caçadores.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 124; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 297.
[531] Bernal Diaz intimates that more sacrifices were made in their presence. ‘Y no podiamos en aquella sazon hazer otra cosa sino dissimular con èl.’ Hist. Verdad., 78.
[532] Bernal Diaz admits that he knows not what occurred between governor and monarch, but Herrera claims to be better informed. Barefooted, and with eyes upon the floor, Quauhpopoca approached the throne and said: ‘Most great and most powerful lord, thy slave Quauhpopoca has come at thy bidding, and awaits thy orders.’ He had done wrong, was the reply, to kill the Spaniards, and then declare that he had orders so to do. For this he should suffer as a traitor to his sovereign and to the strangers. He was not allowed to make any explanations, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. ix. It is not unlikely that Montezuma commanded him not to reveal anything that might implicate his master, hoping that Cortés would out of regard for his generous host inflict a comparatively light punishment.
[533] ‘Examinaron los segunda vez, con mas rigor, y amenazas de tormento, y sin discrepar todos confessaron,’ says Herrera, loc. cit.
[534] ‘En vna de las casas reales dicha Tlacochalco.’ Herrera, loc. cit. ‘É serien mas que quinientas carretadas.’ Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 584.
[535] ‘Me has negado no auer mãdado a Couatlpopocà q̄ matasse a mis compañeros, no lo has hecho como tan gran señor que eres, ... porque no quedes sin algun castigo, y tu y los tuyos sepays quanto vale el tratar verdad, te mãdare echar prisiones.’ Herrera implies with this that Cortés laid more weight on the disregard for truth than on the authorization of the outrage. dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. ix. ‘Que ya que aquella culpa tuuiesse, que antes la pagaria el Cortès por su persona, que versela passar al Monteçuma.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 75.
[536] ‘Esto hizo por ocuparle el pensamiento en sus duelos, y dexasse los ajenos.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 129. ‘Todo à fin de espantarle mas.’ Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 298.
[537] Solis seems to say that the bodies were burned after execution, Hist. Mex., i. 461-2, but Cortés and others are frank enough about the actual burning, which was not regarded in that cruel age with the same aversion as by us. Instances are to be found in the Native Races, ii.-iii., where this ordeal was undergone by criminals as well as temple victims among the Aztecs. Bernal Diaz gives the names of two of Quauhpopoca’s companions in misfortune, Quiabuitle and Coatl. Hist. Verdad., 75. Prescott, Mex., ii. 173, states that the execution took place in the court-yard; but this is probably a misprint, to judge by his own text.
[538] ‘Á lo que entendimos, ê lo mas cierto, Cortés auia dicho á Aguilar la lengua, que le dixesse de secreto, que aunque Malinche le mandasse salir de la prision, que los Capitanes nuestros, è soldados no querriamos.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 75.
[539] ‘Fué tanto el buen tratamiento que yo le hice, y el contentamiento que de mí tenia, que algunas veces y muchas le acometi con su libertad, rogándole que fuese á su casa, y me dijo todas las veces que se lo decia, que él estaba bien allí,’ etc. Cortés, Cartas, 91. ‘No osaua, de miedo que los suyos no le matassen ... por auerse dexado prender,’ is one of the suppositions of Gomara, who calls him a man of little heart. Hist. Mex., 129-30. Peter Martyr appears to be moved rather by pity for him. dec. v. cap. iii. ‘Non gli conveniva ritornare al suo palagio, mentre fossero nella Corte gli Spagnuoli.’ Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 102.
[540] ‘Como este castigo se supo en todas las Prouincias de la Nueua-España, temieron, y los pueblos de la costa, adonde mataron nuestros soldados, bolvieron á servir.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 75-6, comments upon the daring of the Spaniards in carrying out these and similar high-handed acts. For a short time after this, says Herrera, the soldiers were ordered to sleep on their arms, in case of any demonstration. dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. ix. Clavigero regards the burning as unjustifiable, since the emperor was regarded as having authorized it. If he was not guilty, the Spaniards were ungrateful to treat him as they did. Storia Mess., iii. 101. Robertson finds some excuse for Quauhpopoca’s punishment, but calls the humiliation of Montezuma a wanton display of power. Hist. Am., ii. 63, 453-4. Prescott, on the other hand, regards the humiliation as politic, on the ground that by rendering the monarch contemptible in the eyes of his subjects, he was obliged to rely more on the Spaniards. Mex., ii. 177. But this would hardly have been necessary since he was in their power, and considering that the object of keeping him so was to control the country, it would have been better not to degrade him.
[541] ‘Donde mas oro se solia traer, que era de vna Provincia que se dize, Zacatula ... de otra Provincia, que se dize Gustepeque, cerca de donde desembarcamos ... é que cerca de aquella Provincia ay otras buenas minas, en parte que no son sujetos, que se dizen, los Chinatecas, y Capotecas.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 81. Montezuma detailed two persons for each of four provinces where gold was to be had, and Cortés gave two Spaniards for each couple. The provinces named were Cuzula, Tamazulapa, Malinaltepeque, Tenis. Cortés, Cartas, 92-3. Of the eight Indians, four were miners or goldsmiths, and the others guides. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 130. Chimalpain names the provinces: Tamazólan, in upper Miztecapan, Malinaltepec and Tenich, both on the same river, and Tututepec, twelve leagues farther, in the Xicayan country. Hist. Conq., i. 254-5.
[542] ‘Con tal, que los de Culùa no entrassen en su tierra.’ They were reassured and dismissed with presents. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. i.
[543] ‘Cortés se holgô tanto con el oro como si fueran treinta mil pesos, en saber cierto que avia buenas minas.’ Bernal Diaz intimates beside that Umbría and his two companions had provided themselves with plenty of gold. Hist. Verdad., 81-2.
[544] A young man of 25 years, whom Cortés treated as a relative. With him went four Spaniards who understood mining, and four chiefs. Id.
[545] ‘En granos crespillos, porque dixeron los mineros, que aquello era de mas duraderas minas como de nacimiento.’ Id., 82.
[546] Bernal Diaz names them, ‘Barriẽtos, y Heredia el viejo, y Escalona el moço, y Cervantes el chocarrero,’ and says that Cortés, displeased at soldiers being left to raise fowl and cacao, sent Alonso Luis to recall them. Hist. Verdad., 82; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. i. He is evidently mistaken, as shown by his own later text, for Cortés himself states that he sought to form plantations in that direction. The recall was made later and for a different reason.
[547] ‘Estaban sembradas sesenta hanegas de maíz y diez de frijoles, y dos mil piés de cacap [cacao] ... hicieron un estanque de agua, y en él pusieron quinientos patos ... y pusieron hasta mil y quinientas gallinas.’ Cortés, Cartas, 94; Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. iii. Oviedo writes that farms were established for the king in two or three provinces, one in Chimanta [Chimantla]. The two Spaniards left in the latter were saved, but elsewhere, subject to the Aztecs, they were killed during the uprising originated by Alvarado. iii. 376. Tapia refers to an expedition at this time against a revolted province, 80 leagues off. Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 584.
[548] ‘Por aquella causa llaman oy en dia, donde aquella guerra passò, Cuilonemiqui.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 82.
[549] Herrera, loc. cit. ‘Creyan lo que desseauan,’ remarks Gomara, Hist. Mex., 131.
[550] Cortés, Cartas, 95, 116; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 131-2. Bernal Diaz throws doubt on the expedition of Velazquez, but is evidently forgetful. Hist. Verdad., 81-2. ‘El señor de la provinçia ... luego hiço seys [casas] en el assiento é parte que para el pueblo se señaló.’ Oviedo, iii. 293. Peter Martyr calls these buildings ‘Tributaries’ houses.’ dec. v. cap. iii.; Cortés, Residencia, ii. 6, 49.
[551] He had served as equerry in the noble houses of the Conde de Ureña and Pedro Giron, of whose affairs he was always prating. His propensity for tale-telling lost him many friends, but he managed to keep intimate with Sandoval, whose favors he afterward repaid with ingratitude. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 76, 246. Gomara insists on naming him as the comandante, but this dignity he attained only after Sandoval and Rangel had held it. Cortés, Residencia, i. 256; Torquemada, i. 456.
[552] ‘Luego que entré en la dicha ciudad di mucha priesa á facer cuatro bergantines ... tales que podian echar trecientos hombres en la tierra y llevar los caballos.’ Cortés, Cartas, 103; Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. iv. ‘Quatro fustas.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 146. ‘Dos vergantines.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 76. The cedars of Tacuba, numerous enough at this period, yielded much of the timber, and the slopes of Iztaccihuatl and Telapon the harder portion for masts, keels, etc. Mora, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, ix. 301.
[553] ‘En la laguna á vn peñol, que estaua acotado, q̄ no ossauan entrar en èl á montear, por muy principales que fuessen, so pena de muerte.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 78.
[554] Native Races, ii. 411. ‘Qãdo yua a caça de monteria, le lleuauan en ombros, con las guardas de Castellanos, y tres mil Indios Tlascaltecas.... Acompañauanle los señores sus vassallos.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. iv.
CHAPTER XIX.
POLITICS AND RELIGION.
1520.
Growing Discontent among the Mexicans—Cacama’s Conspiracy—He openly Defies both Montezuma and Cortés—The Council of Tepetzinco—Seizure of Cacama—The Tezcucan Ruler Deposed—Cuicuitzcatl Elevated—Montezuma and his People Swear Fealty to the Spanish King—Gathering in the Tribute—Division of Spoils—The Spaniards Quarrel over their Gold—Uncontrollable Religious Zeal—Taking of the Temple—Wrath of the Mexicans.
With their hand so securely on the spring that moved a mighty empire, there is little wonder that these Spanish adventurers became somewhat insolent toward the people they so injured. The Mexicans were not slow to mark this, and there were those among them, and others beside them, who began to think of taking matters into their own hands, of destroying the invaders and releasing the emperor.
Montezuma’s occasional appearance in public, and the assertion that he remained with the Spaniards of his free-will, and because the gods desired it, had for a time satisfied the nobles; but the hard irons on his limbs and the cruel burning of patriotic men had opened their eyes somewhat to the true state of affairs. No one knew when his turn might come. Life was insecure enough subject to the caprice of their own sovereign, but the dark uncertain ways of these emissaries of evil were past finding out. These things were thought of and talked of in high places. Race aversions and the political systems of the tripartite alliance caused more than one party to be formed, each with aspirations that could not be entertained by the others. The most prominent leader at this time was Cacama, who had at first favored the strangers in their character as envoys. And now he began the endeavor to direct the movement of the Aztec nobility, but jealousy of Acolhua influence rose uppermost, and his efforts tended only to create a reaction in favor of abiding by the will of the emperor.[555]
Although there were enough of sympathizers in Mexico for his purpose, Cacama found that he must rely almost wholly on the northern provinces, and in connection with Cuitlahuatzin, Totoquihuatzin II. of Tlacopan, his own brothers, and others, he organized a conspiracy which had for its aim the expulsion of the Spaniards and the release of his uncle. Beneath this was harbored a design upon the Aztec throne, which would probably become vacant; and even if Cacama was not sure of gaining this for himself, he had at least the expectation of assuming the leadership of the Anáhuac confederacy.[556] He presented to the council in the most dismal aspect the purposes of the Spaniards, who evidently sought to become absolute masters and reduce them all to slavery. It was time to rise for religion and liberty. Their honor and welfare demanded it, and this before the Spaniards rendered themselves too powerful by reinforcements and alliances. With heedless confidence he vaunted that Mexico should be his within a few hours after setting out against her, for there were many of her citizens ready to aid in such a work. The Spaniards were overrated, and could effect little, surrounded as they were on all sides, and without other supplies than those provided by the Mexicans.
The motives and the necessity were recognized, though the means proposed met with some objections; but when the question of spoils and rewards came forward there were still greater differences. Among others, the brave and powerful lord of Matlaltzinco advanced pretensions, founded in part on his close relationship to Montezuma, which Cacama above all could not admit. The result was disagreement, followed by the withdrawal of several members.[557]
No attempt had been made to keep the movement, or its ostensible motive, a secret from Montezuma, nor could it have been kept from him who was the still powerful ruler of a servile race; but, even if the deeper lying aim was not revealed him, he could not fail to foresee the troubles that might arise, particularly under such a leader. He still hoped the Spaniards would soon leave, or that his release might be effected by other means, for he dreaded a conflict with the powerful invaders, involving perhaps the destruction of the city and his own death. He sent to tell the conspirators that they need not concern themselves about his imprisonment. The Spaniards had more than once proposed that he should return to his own palace, but the gods had decreed it otherwise. He could not allow his people to be needlessly exposed to war, or his capital to destruction. Remember Cholula. Their stay would not be long.
This message was not without its effect even among the Tezcucans, for, although the fate of the Aztec capital and king may have concerned them but little, there were many who could not forget that the impetuous and proud Cacama had obtained the throne by favor of Montezuma, to the prejudice of an elder brother, Tetlahuehuetquizitzin.Their father, Nezahualpilli, had died in 1515, without naming a successor, and the choice devolving on the royal council, in conjunction with the rulers of Mexico and Tlacopan, Cacama was elected. Cohuanacoch, the third brother, acquiesced, but the youngest, the fiery Ixtlilxochitl, protested in favor of the eldest heir, and denounced the selection as due to Montezuma, who hoped to mould the new king to his own will and so again to control. He even resorted to arms in support of his views, and enlisting the northern provinces in his favor, after a short campaign he obliged Cacama to consent to a division of the kingdom with himself.[558]
His ready success proved that Cacama had no very great hold on the people, and now, when came the warning of Montezuma, more than one chief counselled prudence from other motives than fear. But the king stamped all these objections as cowardly, and appears even to have placed under restraint several of those whose want of sympathy he had reason to suspect.[559] His blood was hot, and relying on the promises of his supporters, he considered himself strong enough to bid defiance to his opponents. He sent word to his uncle that if he had any regard for the dignity of his station and the honor of his person and ancestry, he would not quietly submit to the bondage imposed by a handful of robbers, who with smooth tongue sought to cover their outrages against him and the gods. If he refused to rise in defence of his religion, throne, and liberty, Cacama would not.[560]
This outspoken utterance of the nephew whom he had assisted to rulership amazed Montezuma as much as it wounded his pride, and he no longer hesitated to take counsel with Cortés, who had already obtained an inkling that something was stirring.[561] With characteristic promptness the latter suggested that, since Cacama’s real object was evidently to usurp the throne, a Mexican army should be given to aid the Spaniards in laying waste the territory of the conspirators and in capturing them. The emperor had probably entertained a hope that the news would frighten his guest and make it safe to urge a retreat from Mexico, thus ending the whole trouble. He was therefore somewhat startled by this proposal, the true tenor of which he well understood. He feared a fratricidal war of doubtful result, wherein he would appear as arrayed against the defenders of national religion and liberty; and being now weak and cowed he hesitated to arm at all, preferring peaceful measures. To this Cortés was not averse, for he recognized on second thought that aggressive steps might become the signal for a general uprising which would overwhelm him, since Aztec troops could never be relied on.
He accordingly sent messages to Cacama, reminding him of their friendly intercourse, and representing the danger of offending the Spanish king by proceedings which could only react on himself and lead to the destruction of his kingdom. Montezuma supported this by asking the king to come to Mexico and arrange the difficulty. Cacama had not gone so far to be restrained by what he termed an empty threat, and regardless of the warnings from a timid minority he replied that he knew not the king of the Spaniards, and would never accept the friendship of men who had oppressed his country and outraged his blood and religion. He had had enough of their promises, but would declare his determination when he saw them.[562] To Montezuma he sent word that he would come, “not with the hand on the heart, however, but on the sword.”[563]
There was considerable meaning in this threat, for Cacama had with great energy set about to mass his forces at Oztoticpac, and they in conjunction with those of his allies would make a formidable host.[564] Cortés was aware of this, and seeing that no time was to be lost he firmly represented to Montezuma the necessity of securing the person of the king, openly or by stealth; and when he still hesitated, the significant hint was given that the Spaniards would regard a refusal with suspicion. This decided him, and he promised that it should be done, if possible. Cortés broke forth in expressions of good-will, and again offered him that freedom which Montezuma well knew he would never grant.
In placing Cacama on the throne, the emperor had seized the opportunity to introduce into the Acolhua government offices several creatures of his own, who were paid to maintain Aztec influence in the council[565] and to watch operations. To these men he sent an order, weighted with presents, to seize the king and bring him to Mexico.[566] They accordingly prevailed on their victim to hold a council at Tepetzinco for finally arranging the campaign. This palace was situated on the lake, near Tezcuco, and approached by canals. Here Cacama was seized and thrown into a boat prepared for the occasion, and carried to the Aztec capital.[567]
Ashamed, perhaps, of his share in the transaction, and unwilling to face the taunts of the captive, Montezuma refused to see him, and he was surrendered to Cortés, who, regardless of royalty, applied the fetters as the surest means against escape.[568] This seizure scattered the conspirators and their schemes to the winds, and the demoralization was completed by the arrest of several of the more important personages, such as the king of Tlacopan and the lords of Iztapalapan and Coyuhuacan, who were also shackled.[569] Thus we see that Montezuma’s captivity did not greatly affect his power, since he could so readily place under restraint the confederate kings, in their own provinces; and it was not wholly unwelcome to him to find his misfortune shared by other prominent men, since this made his disgrace less conspicuous.
He now resolved, with the approval of Cortés, to depose the Tezcucan ruler, as a rebel against his authority, and to place on the throne a more dutiful subject, a younger natural brother of Cacama, named Cuicuetzcatl,[570] whom his ill-treatment had driven to Mexico for protection. The nomination was for the sake of appearance submitted for ratification to a convention of loyal Tezcucan chiefs, many of whom hoped no doubt to obtain greater influence under this youth. The new king was escorted to the gates of Mexico by Cortés and Montezuma, and received at Tezcuco with triumphal arches and processions.[571]
And now, with the three confederate rulers and a number of leading caciques in his power, the great king-maker thought the time had come to exact a formal acknowledgment of Spanish sovereignty. He reminded Montezuma of his promises to pay tribute, and demanded that he and his vassals should tender allegiance. Instead of the objections expected, Cortés was surprised to hear a prompt acquiescence. Montezuma had evidently been long prepared for the demand, and said that he would at once convene his chiefs for consultation. Within little more than a week the summoned dignitaries had arrived, and at a meeting, attended by no Spaniards save the page, he intimated to the leading personages, so far as he dared before this witness, that the concession demanded of them was to satisfy the importunate jailers. “The gods, alas! are mute,” concluded Montezuma; “but by and by they may signify their will more clearly, and I will then say what further is to be done.”[572] All declared sorrowfully that they would do as he bade, and Cortés was informed that on the following day the required ceremony would take place.
On this occasion the chiefs mustered in force before Montezuma, who was seated on a throne having on either side the new king of Tezcuco and he of Tlacopan.[573] All being prepared, the Spanish general entered with his captains and a number of soldiers. The emperor now addressed his vassals, reminding them of the relation so long and happily maintained between them—as dutiful subjects on the one side, and a line of loving monarchs on the other. Comparing the Quetzalcoatl myth and other indications with the advent of white men from the region of the rising sun, he showed that they must be the long expected race, sent to claim allegiance for their king, to whom the sovereignty evidently belonged. The gods had willed it that their generation should repair the omission of their ancestors. “Hence I pray that as you have hitherto held and obeyed me as your lord, so you will henceforth hold and obey this great king, for he is your legitimate ruler, and in his place accept this captain of his. All the tribute and service hitherto tendered me give to him, for I also have to contribute and serve with all that he may require. In doing this you will fulfil not only your duty, but give me great pleasure.”[574]
His concluding words were almost lost in the sobs which his humiliated soul could no longer stifle. The chiefs were equally affected, and the sympathies even of the flint-hearted Spaniards were aroused to a degree which moistened many an eye. With some of the lately arrived dignitaries, who had not had time to fully grasp the situation at the capital, indignation struggled with grief at the dismal prospect. Others recalled the prophecy that the empire would terminate with Montezuma, whose very name appeared fraught with evil omen,[575] and were quite reconciled to the inevitable. So were most of them, for that matter, either through belief in the myth or from a sense of duty to their master. One of the eldest nobles broke the oppressive silence by declaring his sorrow at witnessing the grief of their beloved sovereign and hearing the announcement of coming changes. But since the time had come for the fulfilment of divine decrees, they, as devout and dutiful subjects, could only submit. Again their grief broke forth, though many a bitter glance was called up by the allusion to changes in store for them. Observing the bad impression, Cortés hastened to assure them that Montezuma would not only remain the great emperor he had always been, and his vassals be confirmed in their dignities and possessions, but that their domain and power would be increased. The changes proposed were merely intended to stop wars, to enlighten them on matters with which they were as yet unacquainted, and to promote general welfare. One after another, beginning with Montezuma, they now swore allegiance, and gave promise of service and tribute, after which they were dismissed with thanks for their compliance.[576]
The submission of the sovereigns appears to have been quietly accepted throughout the country, and the impunity with which even single Spaniards moved about shows that no hostility had been aroused by the act, in the provinces at least. Evidently the people hovered between fear of men who so few in number could yet perform so great achievements, and awe of divine will as indicated by the prophecies and traditions. Cortés was not slow in making use of his new power by representing to the emperor that, his king being in need of gold for certain projects, it would be well for the new vassals to begin tribute payments as an earnest of their loyalty. Montezuma had expected this, and it was readily agreed that he should send officers, accompanied by Spaniards, to the different provinces and towns of the empire for contributions.[577] These demands were met with more or less alacrity, and in poured gold and silver, in dust, and quoits, and leaves, and trinkets, which formed to a certain extent a medium for trade. Many towns remote from the mines had nothing to offer save a few jewels, which were perhaps heirlooms among the chiefs.[578]
When the collectors returned, Montezuma summoned the Spanish leaders, and surrendered what they had brought. In addition to this, he offered them the treasures kept in his own palace, regretting that he had not more to give; but previous offerings had diminished what he possessed. “When you transmit it to your king,” he said, “tell him that it comes from his good vassal, Montezuma.” He requested that certain fine chalchiuite stones, each valued at two loads of gold, and some finely chased and inlaid blow-pipes, should be given to the king alone.[579] This liberality evoked the most profound protestations of gratitude, as may be supposed, for they had not expected so great an addition to the glittering heaps already in their possession. Tapia and another officer were despatched in all haste with the imperial mayordomo to receive the treasure. It was stored in a hall and two smaller chambers of the aviary building,[580] and consisted of gold, silver, and precious stones, in setting and in separate form, with feathers, robes, and other articles, all of which were transferred to the Spanish quarters.[581]
These valuables, together with the collections from the provinces and the previously surrendered treasures of Axayacatl, were given to Cortés, who placed them in charge of the treasurer, Gonzalo Mejía, and the contador, Alonso de Ávila. The famed smiths of Azcapuzalco were called in to separate the gold and silver settings from the jewels of less delicacy and beauty, which it had been determined to melt. This took about three days. They were then melted into bars, three fingers in breadth, and stamped with the royal arms.[582] Iron weights were made of one arroba and downward, not very exact, it seems, yet suitable for the purpose, and with these the value of the melted gold was found to be somewhat over 162,000 pesos de oro, according to Cortés’ statement; the silver weighed over 500 marcos, and the unbroken jewels and other effects were estimated at over 500,000 ducats, not counting the workmanship.[583] The jewels were set with feathers, pearls, and precious stones, fashioned chiefly in animal forms, “so perfect as to appear natural.” A number of trinkets for the royal share had also been fashioned by the goldsmiths after designs by the Spaniards, such as saintly images, crucifixes, bracelets, and chains, all made with wonderful fidelity to originals. The silver for the same share was made into plates, spoons, and similar articles. The feathers presented a brilliant variety of colors and forms, and the cotton, some of the most delicate texture and color, was both plain and embroidered, and made into robes, tapestry, covers, and other articles. Turquoises, pearls, toys, and trinkets were also among the treasures.[584]
Cortés proposed to defer the distribution till more gold and better weights were obtained; but the men, who with good reason, perhaps, suspected that a delay might diminish rather than increase the treasures, clamored for an immediate division. The troops were accordingly called, and in their presence the partition was made: first of the royal fifth;[585] then of the fifth promised to Cortés when appointed captain-general; after this a large sum was set apart to cover expenditures by Cortés and Velazquez on the fleet and its outfit, and the value of the horses killed during the campaign,[586] and another sum for the expenses and shares of the procuradores in Spain, while double or special shares were assigned to the priests, the captains, those owning horses, and the men with fire-arms and cross-bows.[587] After all these deductions but little remained for the rank and file—a hundred pesos, if we may credit Bernal Diaz.[588] This, many indignantly refused to accept; others took it, but joined in the clamors of the discontented.
It is almost too much to ask of vultures not to quarrel over their prey. The murmur against the royal fifth was loud enough, but the second fifth for Cortés raised quite an outcry. “Are we to have a second king?” they asked. Others inquired, “For whose fleet are we paying?” They further wished to know whether the fame and promotion acquired for the general by his men could not satisfy some of his claims, for the present, at least. They had once before surrendered hard-earned money to please him and to promote his credit with the king, and now, when they had been led to expect reward, it was again snatched from them. Some said that a large proportion of the treasures had been secured by Cortés and his favorites before the distribution began; and the value of the heavy gold chains and other ornaments displayed by them was significantly pointed at as out of proportion to their share.
The suspicion was confirmed by a quarrel which occurred shortly after between Velazquez de Leon and Treasurer Mejía respecting the payment of the royal fifth on certain unbroken jewels found in Velazquez’ possession, and received by him before the apportionment. It was enough, said Mejía, for Cortés to appropriate unassessed treasures. Velazquez refusing to comply, they came to blows, and if friends had not interfered there might have been an officer or two less in the camp. As it was, both received slight wounds, and subsequently shackles. Mejía was released within a few hours; but his antagonist retained the fetters for two days, persuaded to submit with grace thereto by Cortés, it was said, in order to allay suspicions and to show that the general could be just, even when it affected a friend.[589]
Finding that the murmurs were becoming serious, Cortés brought his soothing eloquence to bear upon the troubled spirits. He represented that all his thoughts, efforts, and possessions were for the honor of his God, his king, and his companions. With them he had shared every danger and hardship, and for their welfare he had watched, rendering justice to all. The division had been fairly made in accordance with previous arrangement. But he was not avaricious; all he had was theirs, and he would employ it for them as might a father. He would surrender the fifth which had been assigned him, if they wished it, retaining only his share as captain-general; and he would also help any one in need. The treasure thus far secured was insignificant compared to what lay before them. What mattered a few hundred pesos more or less in view of the rich mines, the large tracts, and the immense number of towns, which were all theirs, so long as they held loyally together? “I will make a lord of every one of you,” he concluded, “if you will but have peace and patience.”[590] And to give greater effect to this harangue he bribed with gifts and promises the more influential to sound his praises; whereupon the murmurs died away, though rancor still remained with many, awaiting opportunity.[591]
A large proportion of the soldiers imitated the example of the heavy sharers in the spoils by converting their allotment, with the aid of Azcapuzalcan goldsmiths, into chains, crosses, and other adornments for their persons, so that the display of wealth became quite dazzling. Others yielded to the infatuation for gambling, then so prevalent, and lost without a murmur the hard-earned share.[592]
But one thing now remained to complete the triumph of the conqueror. The manacled kings were subservient, and the people displayed their loyalty by pouring tribute into his coffers. But his god was not theirs, and this the pious pilferer could not endure. He and his priests had lost no opportunity to preach the faith to emperor and subjects;[593] but the hearts of the natives were obdurately fixed on the idols of the pyramid. He never beheld the temple without being tempted to lay low the effigies of Satan, and it was owing only to Father Olmedo’s prudent counsel that the temptation was resisted. Repeatedly had he urged on the weak emperor to begin the great work by some radical reform, but could obtain only the promise that human sacrifices would be stopped. Finding that even this was not observed, he consulted with his captains, and it was agreed to demand the surrender of the great temple for Christian worship, so that the natives might be made to feel the holy influence of its symbols and rites. Montezuma was prepared with excuses, but the deputation declared with fierce vehemence that if this were refused they would forcibly remove the idols and kill the priests who resisted. “Malinche,” exclaimed the monarch in alarm, “do you then seek the destruction of the city? Our gods are incensed against us, and the people imbittered. Even your lives will not be safe. Wait, I entreat you, till I call the priests for consultation.”[594]
Cortés saw that nothing more could then be attained, but with the indiscreet zeal for religion which often blinded him he determined that there should be no further delay. He apprehended no uprising among a people which had so patiently submitted to all exactions, yet he feared that the priests, if warned, might prevent an entry into the temple, and so he resolved to anticipate them, and to demonstrate the impotency of their gods. Giving orders for a strong force to follow after a short interval, he went forward with hardly a dozen men in order not to arouse suspicion.[595] Entering the sanctuary, and finding that he could not draw aside the costly curtain with its golden pellet fringe which shielded the bejewelled idols from profane gaze, he had it cut asunder. The reason for the obstruction now became apparent. The idol showed traces of fresh human blood. At this evidence of broken promises and disregarded orders Cortés began to rave. “Oh God!” he cried, “why dost thou permit the devil to be thus honored in this land? Let it appear good that we serve thee.”
Turning to the temple attendants, who had followed with apprehensive mien, he upbraided them for their blind adherence to a bloody worship, and compared the evil of idolatry with the saving rites of Christianity. He was determined, he said, to remove the idols and install an image of the virgin. They must take away all within the sanctuary and cleanse it. The priests shook their heads at such an insane idea. All the city and country around adored these gods, and they would die rather than see them desecrated. They further intimated that the deities would themselves know how to chastise the sacrilegious. This reply only fired the fury of Cortés, and unable further to restrain himself, he seized a bar, dashed at the idol, and striking it a blow which caused the golden mask to fall off, he exclaimed, “Shall we not do something for God?” Captain Andrés de Tapia, one of the dozen Spaniards present on the occasion, testifies to the rash proceeding: “I swear by my faith as a gentleman and by God that it is true. It seems as if I now see the marquis springing with excitement and striking at the idol.”[596]
When the real intentions of Cortés had first become apparent to the priests, they sent to warn Montezuma, as emperor and high-priest, that some outrage might be perpetrated. Suspecting that the recent threat was about to be carried out, he despatched a messenger to the general asking permission to come to the temple, and imploring him meanwhile to respect the idols. The message arrived before much damage was done, and with the advice of his followers Cortés was induced to yield. He recognized that the attitude assumed might lead to more serious results than had been at first supposed. The rumor had spread of extraordinary proceedings on the temple summit, and armed and threatening crowds were gathering at the foot, impeded only by the Spanish reserve escort[597] from ascending to defend their gods. Why should not they fight for their religion as well as others? Seeing that the emperors presence was necessary to calm them, Cortés permitted him to come. He soon arrived, under a strong guard, and pointing to the excited masses he reasoned with Cortés upon the uselessness and danger of his hasty project. The latter stubbornly insisted, and after a consultation with the priests it was agreed to surrender both the summit chapels of Huitzilopochtli and Tezcatlipoca to Christian worship,[598] on condition that the idols within might be removed by the reverent hands of priests alone. This was effected while the emperor remained on the summit. The chapels were then whitewashed, a cross was planted, and two altars rose, on which were placed the image of the virgin and of a saint whom Tapia calls San Cristóbal.[599]
Preparations were next made to consecrate the sanctuary, now festive with garlands and flowers. The Spaniards marched in procession through the streets, to the chant of psalms, headed by the two priests who bore the crucifix and images. Crowds of wondering natives lined their path, and remained to watch the cross winding its way round the pyramid in a sanctifying orbit. Cortés was the first to kiss the installed crucifix, while tears of joy rolled down his cheeks. Mass followed the consecration, and with a swelling Te Deum the soldiers rendered thanks to the supreme being for the triumph accorded them over paganism.
It was but a partial victory, however, for in the court the priests were even then gathered in adoration of the chief idol, bewailing their own impotency, and imploring it to rise and avenge its outraged majesty and their humiliation. An old soldier was left as guard to keep the candles burning, and to prevent intrusion from, temple attendants, save to clean the place for the frequent services which were henceforth held here.[600]
Taking advantage of the step thus gained, the priests and their followers sought to impress upon the natives the superiority of their faith,[601] and numbers were convinced, says Tapia, although few accepted baptism out of fear of their countrymen.[602] There was a drought prevailing at the time, and the priests, having in vain appealed for a remedy, ascribed the evil to the anger of the gods at the presence of the worshippers of strange deities and their hateful symbols. A few days after the consecration of the altars a deputation of natives appeared at the Spanish quarters, bearing withered corn-stalks, and demanding that, since the Europeans had removed the idols to whom they prayed for rain, they should ask their god for it, so that the people might not die of hunger. Cortés reassured them,[603] and ordered a general prayer for relief. “The following day,” says Tapia, “we marched in procession to the temple, under a blazing sun.” While mass was being said a cloud might be seen gathering on Mount Tepcaquilla, and “on our way back the rain fell so heavily that we had to wade in water up to our ankles.” The rain continued for several days, and the harvest turned out abundant.[604] Each party claimed the meteorological display as a direct answer to its prayer, for the Mexicans were hardly prepared to yield everything without a struggle. To this insignificant and hated band of intruders they had practically abandoned their country, by acknowledging serfdom with tribute. Daily they submitted to wrongs and indignities. The sacred person of their king had been profaned, their nobles brought to the dust. Now should they submit to this destruction of their gods? If so, the heavens and earth would come together, grinding them to powder!