History of Mexico, Volume 1, 1516-1521

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

FOOTNOTES

[555] ‘Visto por el rey Cacama el poco ánimo y determinacion de los Mexicanos, se salió de la ciudad y se fué á la de Tezcuco, para juntar sus gentes.’ Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 298, and Torquemada, i. 459. But it is doubtful whether he remained many days in Mexico after the seizure of his uncle, if indeed he was there then.

[556] Bernal Diaz assumes, naturally enough for a Spanish conqueror, that one of the main objects of Cacama was to rescue the imperilled treasures at Mexico. Hist. Verdad., 79-80.

[557] ‘Aun dezian, que le venia de derecho el Reyno, y señorio de Mexico.’ However that may be, he laid a claim to the Aztec throne, and Cacama replied that to himself alone should that belong. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 79-80.

[558] See Native Races, v. 474.

[559] ‘Mandó echar presos tres dellos.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 80.

[560] ‘Cacama le respondio muy agramente, diziendo que si el tuuiera sangre en el ojo, ni estaria preso, ni catiuo de quatro estranjeros,’ etc. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 133.

[561] According to Bernal Diaz and Gomara, Cortés was informed by Montezuma before he and Cacama exchanged the severe messages referred to, and that the Spaniard sent the first remonstrance, but the emperor, as master, and as the person whom the revolt immediately concerned, had naturally to take the initiative.

[562] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 79. He would not hold friendship with him who took away his honor and kingdom. The war was for the good of his subjects, and in defence of their land and religion. Before laying down arms he would avenge his uncle and his gods. He knew not who was the king of the Spaniards, nor would he listen to him, much less know him. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 132.

[563] ‘Con hechizos le teniamos quitado su gran coraçon, y fuerça; ò que nuestros Dioses, y la gran muger de Castilla ... nos dá aquel gran poder.’ In this last he did not err, remarks Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 80.

[564] Over 100,000 men. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 299.

[565] ‘Tenia en su tierra del dicho Cacamazin muchas personas principales que vivian con él y les daba su salario.’ Cortés, Cartas, 97.

[566] According to Bernal Diaz, six chiefs were sent with the imperial signet, which was to be given to certain relatives and dignitaries discontented with Cacama, and they were to seize him and his council. Hist. Verdad., 80.

[567] ‘Tambien truxeron otros cinco presos.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 80. ‘Prendieron al Cacama vn dia, estando con ellos y otros muchos en consejo para cõsultar las cosas de la guerra.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 133. According to Ixtlilxochitl, when Cacama left Mexico, partly out of fear lest the Spaniards should seize him for promoting a revolt there, his brothers Cohuanacoch and Ixtlilxochitl, all now reconciled, pretended to fall into his views. Ixtlilxochitl recommended Tepetzinco as the place best suited for beginning operations on Mexico, and while proceeding to the place in a canoe he was carried on to Mexico by his faithless brothers. Without Ixtlilxochitl’s aid Montezuma and Cortés could never have been able to overcome the powerful Cacama, concludes the author. Hist. Chich., 298-9. In his Relaciones, 389, 412, the same author states that Cacama was seized not for plotting, but because Cortés desired to secure so powerful a personage. Brasseur de Bourbourg follows the former version, and believes that Montezuma favored the conspiracy as a means to oblige the Spaniards to depart. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 258. There may be some truth in this belief, so far as the beginning of the plot is concerned, but it must be considered that Montezuma would have preferred not to intrust such a movement to a probable rival, the ruler of a people jealous of Aztec supremacy, and the ally of his most hated enemy, Ixtlilxochitl. If, again, Cacama was his tool, the emperor would not have had him seized, to be executed for all he knew, when he could have warned him to flee or to defend himself. Had Ixtlilxochitl surrendered the king, Cortés would not be likely to give the credit to Montezuma, as he does. Cartas, 97-8.

[568] Gomara, Hist. Mex., 133. Yet Bernal Diaz assumes that Montezuma examined him and the other prisoners, ‘y supo Monteçuma de los conciertos en que andaua, que era alçarse por señor.’ Hist. Verdad., 80. ‘Y à cabo de pocos dias le dieron Garrote secretamente,’ adds Torquemada, i. 470, erroneously. Had Cortés fallen into his hands, the stone of sacrifice would speedily have received him, and the captive must accordingly have regarded himself as mercifully treated. The general knew the value of such prominent hostages. The leniency gained him besides great credit, as Solis rightly assumes. Hist. Mex., ii. 21-2.

[569] ‘En ocho dias todos estuuieron presos en la cadena gorda.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 80. This author includes the lord of Matlaltzinco, who escaped his pursuers the longest, and when finally brought before the emperor spoke his mind so freely that he would have been consigned to the executioner had not Cortés interfered. Duran adds the lord of Xochimilco instead of the last two. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 444. ‘Pigliò ancora il Re di Tlacopan, i Signori d’Iztapalapan, e di Cojohuacan, fratelli tutti e due del Re Motezuma, due figliuoli di questo medesimo Re, Itzquauhtzin Signor di Tlatelolco, un Sommo Sacerdote di Messico, e parecchj altri.’ Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 107.

[570] ‘Se llamò Don Carlos.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 80; at a later period, most likely. ‘Surnommé Tocpaxochitl ... bâtard de Nezahualpilli.’ Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 258. Cortés calls him a son of Cacama, Cartas, 98, but this he afterward corrects. The native records, in Sahagun, Hist. Gen., ii. 277, and in Ixtlilxochitl, ignore him. The latter, indeed, assumes that Cacama continued to reign, though captive like Montezuma. Hist. Chich., 299 et seq.

[571] Herrera gives the speeches on the occasion. dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. iii. ‘Era mas bien quisto, que no Cacama.... Y Cortes hazia reyes, y mandaua con tanta autoridad, como si ya vuiera ganado el imperio.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 133. Brasseur de Bourbourg assumes that Cohuanacoch and Ixtlilxochitl at once managed to obtain control of the weak youth and of the government.

[572] ‘El tiempo andando veremos si tenemos otra mejor respuesta de nuestros Dioses, y como vieremos el tiempo assi harémos ... presto os dirè lo que mas non conuenga.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 81.

[573] The latter had probably tendered his submission in order to retain the throne. Ixtlilxochitl names Cacama as the Tezcucan king present.

[574] Cortés, Cartas, 98-9. ‘Demos gracias a los dioses, q̄ an venido en nuestros dias los q̄ tãto desseauamos,’ et seq. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 134.

[575] ‘Tenia del oraculo de sus dioses respuesta muchas vezes ... q̄ perderia la silla a los ocho años de su reynado, y q̄ por esto nunca quiso hazer guerra a los Españoles,.... Bien que por otro cabo lo tenia por burla, pues auia mas dezisiete años q̄ era rey.’ Gomara, Hist. Max., 134-5; Acosta, Hist. Ind., 502-3.

[576] Cortés, Cartas, 91, 98-9; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. iv.; Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 580-1. The allegiance was tendered before Secretary Pedro Fernandez. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 81. Solis assumes that Montezuma of his own accord offered allegiance and tribute, in the hope that this would fill the measure of the Spaniards’ expectations and cause them to depart. In that case the general grief must have been well counterfeited. He regards this act as giving legality to the conquest. Hist. Mex., ii. 23-32. Prescott supposes that the submission was prompted less by fear than by conscience—conscientious obedience to the myth. Mex., ii. 198. Oviedo looks on the tears as evidence of unwillingness, and thinks that either the emperor was very pusillanimous, or the will of God clearly manifest, iii. 297. According to Ixtlilxochitl the kings and caciques were required to leave hostages for the observance of their oath. ‘Cacama, y con él sus dos hermanos, Cohuanacochtzin y Ixtlilxochitl, segun las relaciones y pinturas de Tezcuco, dieron en rehenes á cuatro hermanos suyos y otras tantas hermanas.’ He names the brothers, and states that Montezuma also had to leave sons and brothers. Hist. Chich., 299-300. Brasseur de Bourbourg supposes, from a resemblance in the surname of the new king of Tezcuco to that of one of his brothers’ hostages, that he had already been forced to abdicate in favor of Cohuanacoch and Ixtlilxochitl, and surrender himself to the Spaniards. One of his sisters, baptized as Doña Juana, became the mistress of Cortés, as Ixtlilxochitl observes, and ‘périt dans la nuit de la retraite, enceinte du fait de Cortès.’ Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 262. The readiness with which Spaniards ventured, often singly, all over the country to exact tribute and to inquire into resources and the condition of affairs, would indicate that the prudent general had taken the precaution of obtaining living guarantees.

[577] ‘Luego mandó que le diese los españoles que queria enviar, y de dos en dos y de cinco en cinco los repartió para muchas provincias y ciudades.’ Cortés, Cartas, 100.

[578] According to the Tezcucan records, twenty Spaniards were sent with two of the king’s brothers, Nezahualquentzin and Tetlahuehuezquititzin, to collect the tribute of that city. As they were leaving Mexico, Montezuma despatched a messenger to the former prince, enjoining him to treat the Spaniards well and to obtain a large sum. This whispered advice was assumed by the Spaniards to hide a plot, and laying violent hands on the prince, the leader carried him to Cortés, who had him hanged at once. The king was of course deeply grieved, but dared not say anything. Guided by another brother, Tepacxochitzin, the Spaniards reached Tezcuco, and behaved outrageously. With the aid of Ixtlilxochitl they seized the contents of the royal treasury, filling with the gold a chest two fathoms in height and length, and one in width. After this they compelled the chiefs to contribute as much more. Ixtlilxochitl assumes that Cacama is the king, and that the deed occurred before allegiance was sworn, and seven weeks after the Spaniards’ arrival at Mexico. Hist. Chich., 298; Id., Rel., 388-9, 411-12. Brasseur de Bourbourg repeats this story in substance, though he corrects it by stating that Montezuma interfered and saved the prince. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 252-3. Herrera writes that ‘the servant’ sent to guide the Spaniards disappeared on the way. He was caught and hanged by order of Cacama, who gave them a more trusty attendant. They were received at Tezcuco with great pomp, and presented with female slaves. A large amount of gold, pearls, and other valuables was obtained, and 80 carriers were sent to Mexico laden with honey, which Cortés distributed, while he kept the treasures, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. i. According to Vazquez de Tapia, 15,000 pesos in gold were obtained from Tezcuco, beside some jewels and cloth. Not satisfied with this, Cortés sent Cacama in charge of Alvarado to exact more. But little being obtained, boiling pitch was applied to the stomach of Cacama before he was sent back to Mexico. Alvarado denies this outrage. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 3, 35-6, 65.

Fernando de Alva Cortés Ixtlilxochitl claims our attention as a native historian who has labored zealously to vindicate the glorious antecedents of his race, particularly the Acolhuas, whose loyal devotion to the Spanish invaders he advocates with an enthusiasm as unblushing as it is inconsistent. The chief hero of the theme is his ancestor and namesake, King Ixtlilxochitl, his great great grandfather, according to Muñoz’ genealogic list. Little good was derived from this calculated zeal, for at Alva’s birth, in about 1568, the family estate had dwindled to small proportions, while the tribute exemption which testified to royal descent expired not many years later. After a course at the Santa Cruz College Alva figured as interpreter to the native tribunal of the viceroy. The death of the eldest brother brought lawsuits which threatened to impoverish him, but urgent representation procured, in 1602, a cedula recognizing him as heir to the family property. Florencia, La Estrella, 103 etc.; Becerra Tanco, Felicidad Mex., 49; Guadalupe, Col., 551; Panes, Teatro Nueva-España, MSS. The requirements of the suit called forth more than one of his writings, which had in view to establish both his own title and the claims of his family. Their research and style attracted the attention of the viceroy, who encouraged him to continue a task for which he was so well fitted, not only by his Spanish and Aztec studies, but as a native to whom his countrymen would readily communicate their views and traditions, and as the possessor of a vast family archive. The command accorded with his inclination and improved fortune, and a number of pieces were produced, which after his death, about 1648, passed to the Jesuit college, Clavigero, Storia Mess., i. 10, and thence to the Archivo General, where they form volumes iv. and xiii.

The most complete list of his works is given in Dicc. Univ., iv.; that by Boturini is nearly as full, Catálogo, 2 etc.; Beristain, Bibl., ‘Alva,’ gives it less so, and Clavigero’s is still briefer, while Pinelo, Epitome, ii. 608, makes merely a general allusion. Kingsborough, on the other hand, offers an almost complete reproduction of the writings in volume ix. of his Mex. Antiq. The longest and most important is the Historia Chichimeca, dedicated to the viceroy, in 95 chapters, of which the first 76 treat of the rise and progress of the Chichimec empire, represented at the conquest by the Acolhuas, and of its glories as inherited by his ancestors, the kings of Tezcuco. The remaining 19 chapters relate to the conquest by the Spaniards, and are incomplete. It is the most carefully written of the series, elaborated partly from previous manuscripts, partly from fresh researches, while the account of the conquest rests also on the testimony of eye-witnesses, reinforced by additions from Gomara and other sources, as he admits on pp. 300, 303. An allusion to Torquemada shows that it could not have been completed before 1615, and it was probably his last work. More than one copy is extant, from one of which Ternaux-Compans printed a French translation, while the best issue, that of Kingsborough, is after a copy from Veytia. The material has been largely used, and Veytia’s Hist. Ant. Mej. may be said to rest upon it. The more important of the other writings are, Sumaria Relacion de todas las cosas en la Nueva-España, y que los tultecas alcanzaron, in 5 relations, which treat of the mythical period from the creation of the world, according to native tradition, to the fall of the Toltecs; Historia de los Señores Chichimecas, in 12 relations, which brings the history down to the Spanish conquest; Noticias de los pobladores y naciones de Nueva España, in 13 relations; the first 12 quite short, and relating to native peoples; the last of considerable length, and dwelling on the conquest. Cárlos María de Bustamante published the 13th relation in separate form, to which, under an excess of patriotic zeal, he gave the abnormal title of Horribles Crueldades de los Conquistadores, Mexico, 1829. Notes were appended, and considerable liberties taken with text, so as to increase the odium against the conquerors. Ternaux-Compans included a French translation of it in his collection. Kingsborough has printed eleven shorter pieces by Ixtlilxochitl, and a few more are attributed to his pen, as a translation of Nezahualcoyotl’s poems, a fragment of the same king’s biography, and a history of the Virgin of Guadalupe; but the last two are doubtful. Several of the pieces are mere repetitions and summaries under different titles, connected with the author’s pleadings, while the 13th relation may be termed a cleverly prepared biography of his great namesake, from the exaggerated prominence given to his services for the Spanish cause. Prescott’s several blunders on this and other points are probably due as much to a want of access to sufficient material as to a hasty study.

Throughout these writings are evidences of the patriotic spirit which prompted Ixtlilxochitl in the study and translation of the painted records of his people; and every now and then gleams forth a very natural hatred of the Spanish oppressor, so marked indeed as once to call forth the condemnation of an official censor. Otherwise the narrative of events connected with the conquerors are closely masked; for the sake of private aims and the common fear of the white masters. As a consequence many troublesome facts are hidden and many questions smoothed to the detriment of history. The narratives are also extremely confusing in dates, and to a great extent in arrangement, while the interest is diminished by trivial details and improbable stories. But these were the faults of his time rather than of himself. He did wonderfully well in grappling with misty traditions, enveloped as they were in the intricate mazes of hieroglyphics. And he is justly entitled to our admiration, and to the gratitude of his countrymen, for rescuing from now unattainable sources so large a mass of material to illustrate the glories of his race. His style indicates a scholar from whom even his Spanish contemporaries might have taken lessons, for the language is exceedingly clear for this period, and full of graceful sentences and striking descriptions, rendering him not unworthy to be called the Livy and the Cicero of Anáhuac, as Prescott and Bustamante respectively entitle him.

[579] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 83, gives a description of these and other presents.

[580] ‘Que se llamaba Totocalco.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 26.

[581] Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 581; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 135; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. iv. Bernal Diaz assumes that the Axayacatl treasures were those now given; but the testimony of the eye-witnesses, Tapia and Ojeda, confirmed and accepted by Gomara and Herrera, shows that they were given on a previous occasion already referred to. Still, Bernal Diaz does mention that after the melting of the rougher jewels new presents came from Montezuma. Hist. Verdad., 82-3. He is very confusing, however, in his account of the treasures generally; and Clavigero, Prescott, and others, have allowed themselves to follow him too closely in this and other instances.

[582] ‘Como de vn Real, y del tamaño de vn toston de a quatro.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 83.

[583] Probanza de Lejalde, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 421-2. Cortés, Cartas, 100-1, is not so explicit with regard to the latter figure, saying merely that he had set apart for the king unbroken jewels and other objects valued at over 100,000 ducats; but, since this figure comes in connection with the account of one fifth of all the treasures reserved for the sovereign, it may be assumed that the 100,000 formed also a fifth of the unbroken lot. This, consisting to a great extent of precious stones, pearls, cotton, and other effects, could not have all been reserved for the king. It seems besides improbable that so large a proportion of treasure as 100,000 ducats should a second time have been taken from the soldiers, even if Montezuma had destined them especially for their ruler. All the treasures and gifts acquired were obtained by the efforts of the expedition, and were always regarded as a part of its fund. Yet Gomara, Hist. Mex., 135-6, who had the statements of Cortés and others at his disposal, writes that the 100,000 lot was selected from the treasures, previous to melting, in order to form a present for the king in connection with the one fifth. Bernal Diaz writes confusedly that the heaps of unmelted gold from which feathers and other settings had been removed were valued at 600,000 pesos. ‘This did not include the plates, quoits, and dust of gold, nor the silver and other treasures.’ A few lines further he says that the royal officials declared the gold, melted, and in quoits, dust, and jewels, to be worth over 600,000 pesos, beside the silver and many jewels not valued. From these lots the distribution was made for king and expedition. Many soldiers declared that the original amount was larger, one third having been abstracted by the leaders. Hist. Verdad., 83. The marginal print in this authority calls the above sums pesos de oro, which increases the value three times. Confusing as this version is, it confirms at any rate the supposition that the unbroken jewels were also divided among the members of the expedition. Prescott estimates the whole treasure in the money value of his time at $6,300,000, which may be accepted as sufficiently approximate. See Mex., ii. 202-5. Robertson accepts Bernal Diaz’ last estimate in pesos, which is equivalent to about two fifths of Prescott’s. The small proportion of silver indicates how little the natives understood and resorted to mining, and how insignificant a portion of the metallic wealth of the country was represented by the treasures so far acquired. Gold was obtained from loose and shallow alluvial deposits in and near the rivers, and it was only in the extraction of tin and copper that the Indians exhibited an advance in the art of mining. Robertson is wrong in assuming that gold was not used as a trade medium; still, it was only partly so, and it was chiefly sought for ornaments. The rarity of silver made this metal far more valuable than in Europe, and the stones most esteemed were regarded by the Spaniards as so many pebbles. For an account of mines, metals, and money among the Aztecs, see Native Races, ii. In vol. i. chap. iii. note 8 of the Central American division of the present work is given information on the currency of this period.

[584] For a description, see Cortés, Cartas, 100-1; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 135-6; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. iv.; Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. iii.; Oviedo, iii. 298-9.

[585] Consisting of 32,400 and odd pesos de oro of melted gold; 100,000 ducats’ worth of unbroken jewels, feathers, etc.; and 100 and more marcos of silver. Cortés, Cartas, 100-1. ‘Lo dieron é entregaron á Alonso de Escobar.’ Probanza de Lejalde, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 422.

[586] The expenditures were represented largely by a number of unpaid notes of hand issued by the captain-general to the owners of vessels, provisions, and arms, and held for the most part by captains and leading members of the party. Many of the names and claims are given in Probanza de Lejalde, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 411 et seq.

[587] Bernal Diaz appears to say that all these men, from priests to archers, received double rates, Hist. Verdad., 83-4, and Herrera so accepts it, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. v.; but this seems unequal. In the Probanza de Lejalde, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 411 et seq., a number of special payments are mentioned, and also wages for sailors.

[588] ‘Soldados huuo q tomaron sus partes a cien pesos.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 84. But this sum may mean pesos de oro, which according to the calculation accepted represents nearly $1200.

[589] ‘Cortes, so color de hazer justicia, porq̄ todos le temiessemos, era con grandes mañas.’ It appears that Mejía, on hearing the men complain, spoke to Cortés about missing gold, and thenceforth they were not very friendly. Noticing that Velazquez was in fetters, Montezuma asked the general for the cause, and was told that, not satisfied with his share of gold, he wished to make a tour of the towns to demand more, and perhaps to commit excesses. The emperor asked that he be allowed to go, and Cortés consented with apparent reluctance. A sentence seems to have been passed for the culprit to leave camp, and he proceeded with a Mexican official to Cholula, whence he returned with more gold a few days later. So runs the story of Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 84-5. B. V. de Tapia declares that Cortés kept him ‘muchos dias en una casylla pequeña e con guardas.’ Cortés, Residencia, i. 40-1.

[590] Id., and Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. v.

[591] Among those who took most to heart the disappointing distribution was Juan de Cárdenas, a pilot and sailor of Triana, who had a wife and children in Spain. Tired of struggling with poverty at home he had come to seek a better lot with the conquerors in America. The first sight of the treasures to be divided had inspired him with an ardent hope of being able to return to his family, for an equal division would have given him quite a little fortune. Finding his dream of happiness shattered he became almost raving. Cortés gave him 300 pesos, and promised that he should be sent home by the first opportunity. Cárdenas appeared to be satisfied, but on reaching Spain he came forward as a bitter opponent of the general. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 84. Solis speaks up in behalf of his hero, and condemns the men as avaricious and ungrateful for demanding more than their share. The leaders and best men deserved larger gains. As for Bernal Diaz, ‘Habla mas como pobre soldado, que como historiador.’ Hist. Mex., ii. 35. The share for Villa Rica was sent to Tlascala, says Bernal Diaz, whither rumor had it that large sums were forwarded for Cortés and others, who claimed afterward that they had been lost during the uprising. ‘Las piedras bajas y plumages, todo lo tomaron los Indios de Tlaxcala.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 26.

[592] The cards, made by Pedro Valenciano from drumskins, were as neatly painted as those of Spain. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 84.

[593] Herrera gives lengthy specimens of the warrior preacher’s effusions, occupying more than one chapter. dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. vi.-vii.

[594] According to Bernal Diaz Cortés made a sign that he and Olmedo desired to speak privately to Montezuma. He now proposed that in order to prevent tumult his captains might be persuaded to rest content with a space in the great temple for an altar and cross. Hist. Verdad., 85.

[595] Tapia leaves the impression that he called casually at the temple, and afterward sent for more troops.

[596] In Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 585.

[597] Of 30 or 40 men, says Tapia.

[598] ‘Fice limpiar aquellas capillas ... y puse en ellas imágenes de nuestra Señora y de otros santos.’ Cortés, Cartas, 106. Andrés de Tapia is still more explicit in relating how Cortés insisted on having both chapels cleared of idols. ‘El marques hizo hacer dos altares, uno en una parte de la torre, que era partida en dos huecos, é otro en otra.’ Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 585-6. In testifying to the proceedings in the temple previous to the massacre by Alvarado, B. V. de Tapia states that the Indians intended to restore Huitzilopochtli to the tower, ‘donde solia estar por que lo habia quitado de alli D. Hernando e puesto a nuestra Señora.’ Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 36. Alvarado confirms this in different words. Id., 66-7. The only other eye-witness who refers with any detail to the above is Bernal Diaz, and he accords only a space on the summit to the Christian emblems. But his different allusions to the temple are confused and contradictory; yet he has been followed by modern writers: first, because the preceding three testimonies have not been accessible till late years; and second, because they have been content to copy Prescott, who adopts Bernal Diaz in only too many instances. The mistake appears also to rest on the finding of Huitzilopochtli’s image in one of the summit chapels when it was recaptured by the Spaniards during the later siege. It is only natural that the Aztecs, on obtaining possession of their temple, should have reinstalled the war god. Peter Martyr does assume that one image was too large to be removed. dec. v. cap. iv. And Gomara intimates that idols remained. ‘Pusierõ cruzes e imagines ... entre sus ídolos.’ Hist. Mex., 128. The phrase can apply to those in the court, although his statement may be founded on Martyr, as that of Ixtlilxochitl is on him: ‘Y dió [Montezuma] permiso que en la capilla del templo mayor ... se pusiesen entre los dos ídolos de Huitzilopochtli, un crucifijo, una imagen de Nuestra Señora y una cruz.’ Hist. Chich., 297. As regards the casting-down of idols, Prescott, in common with most modern writers, assumes this to be a mere boast on the part of Cortés; but a careful investigation, supported by the ‘solemn’ assurance of Tapia, not accessible to them, confirms this statement in the main. The general probably exaggerates somewhat in saying: ‘Los mas principales destos ídolos ... derroqué yo de sus sillas y los fice echar por las escaleras abajo.’ Cartas, 106. This probably strikes Oviedo, who, while repeating the account, expresses a doubt about its truth: ‘Bien pudo Dios dar lugar á ello; pero para mí yo tengo por maravilla, é grande, la mucha paçiençia de Monteçuma é de los indios.’ iii. 303. Solis even doubts that altar and cross were ever erected in so unclean a spot, amid idols and idolatrous priests: it would have been sacrilege; besides the Mexicans would never have permitted the intrusion. Hist. Mex., ii. 9-12. The doubt expressed against Cortés’ boast rests chiefly with Bernal Diaz, whose faulty account states that Montezuma by mere persuasion sent for the priests, and after consulting with them had a space on the temple summit quietly assigned to the Spaniards. Hist. Verdad., 85. Gomara devotes several pages to the casting down of the idols, which he justly regards as a memorable feat: ‘Mas honra y prez gano Cortés con esta hazaña Christiana, que si los venciera en batalla.’ He applies it, however, to the occasion of the imperial prisoner’s first visit to the temple. Montezuma stops Cortés in the midst of his destructive work and checks the fury of the crowd, which the general thereupon appeases with a long profound speech on theologic mysteries, carefully prepared by Gomara. Hist. Mex., 126-8. The preceding points assume importance when it is considered that the usurpation of the great pyramid by Christian emblems gave the strongest impulse to the uprising soon to follow.

[599] ‘É puso en una parte la imágen de Nuestra Señora en un retablico de tabla, é en otro la de Sant Cristóbal, porque no habie estonces otras imágines.’ Rel., loc. cit. It is generally assumed by the faithful that the virgin’s image is identical with the one now known as the Vírgen de los Remedios, in its celebrated shrine near Mexico. It had been given to Juan Rodriguez de Villafuerte by his brother, an Augustine friar, when he departed for the Indies. During the uprising in June, 1520, the image is believed to have of its own accord taken flight to the site where a shrine afterward rose in its honor. Medina, Chrón. de San Diego de Mex., 30; Cabrera, Escudo Armas, 106-25; Lorenzana, in Cortés, Hist. N. Esp., 138 et seq.; Bustamante, Mem. Piedad Mex. Unfortunately for this belief, Tapia’s testimony describes the image as a picture on a board, while the Remedios image is a little battered doll. The testimony is contradicted by nothing but pious supposition. In preparing the site for altars the Spaniards noticed that the walls were of unusual thickness. Breaking them open they found a number of jewels. Gold was also obtained from tombs on the summit platform, and the curtain pendants and other valuables were of course appropriated. Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., 586; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. viii, cap. vi.

[600] Montezuma received the returning procession with a forced welcome, and gave orders to destroy a series of brothels in Tlatelulco, containing over 400 women, whose iniquity, he said, had brought the present evil upon the city. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. vi.

[601] Herrera devotes five columns to Cortés’ sermon. dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. vii.; Torquemada, i. 465-7.

[602] Or perhaps of the teachers of the faith, who appeared with sword in hand to enforce their cruel, rapacious, and immoral demands. Herrera believes Montezuma would have become a Christian had he dared. dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. ix. But Duran states that according to the native records all the three captive rulers were baptized, and that Father Olmedo had told him he believed such was the case, although the rite had not been administered by himself. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 445. This question will be discussed in a later chapter.

[603] ‘Sed ciertos, que de aqui a mañana llouera, y tendreys el mejor año que jamas aueys tenido.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. vi.

[604] Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 586; Hazart, Kirchen Geschichte, ii. 520; Torquemada, i. 464.

CHAPTER XX.
THE CUBAN GOVERNOR IN PURSUIT.
1519-1520.

The Mexicans Threaten Revolt—The Clergy in Arms—They Denounce the Conduct of Montezuma—The Emperor Declares he can no longer Restrain his People—Tidings of Velazquez’ Fleet—Sailing from Cuba of an Expedition under Narvaez—Arrival in Mexico—Conflict with Cortés—Interchange of Threats and Courtesies—Attempted Union of Forces—Narvaez Remains Loyal to Velazquez—Desertion of Some of his Men to Cortés.

War now seemed inevitable; for if earthly powers availed not against the invaders, heaven’s artillery should disperse the impious foe. If feeble man by fearful combinations be brought low, surely the gods may yet defend themselves from insult.

Hitherto it had been the higher nobles only who harbored designs against the Spaniards, but, while no longer cemented by the accustomed despotism, they were held in check by their jealousies, their party politics, and fear for their possessions. A stronger influence than these was at hand, however. Now for the first time the lesser nobles and the common people were aroused. The outrage on the idols affected all. And the clergy, who out of regard for their high-priest, the emperor, had remained passive, now felt themselves struck in a vital part. Their influence, supremacy, and means of support were all involved, and the power of the priesthood was as great here as among other superstitious peoples. How far they worked upon the nobles and plebeians is not clear, but their interviews with Montezuma, although held in secret, out of the reach even of the favorite page, became so frequent and earnest as to rouse the suspicions of the guard. It was said that, assisted by influential courtiers, they represented how deeply the sacrilegious act had stirred the people, already incensed by the shameful captivity of their sovereigns. Further than this, oracles had announced that the gods would abandon the city and its inhabitants to their fate if the obnoxious strangers were not quickly killed or driven hence. The masses would rise, and if Montezuma, forgetful of his dignity and duty, still declined to be liberated, preferring the fate of Quauhpopoca, which must surely overtake him, then they would choose another monarch.[605] This last threat struck home. Sorely had Montezuma sighed for liberty, and he had feared for his throne; now his own subjects threatened him with what he dreaded most. In this dilemma he turned to Cortés.[606]

The apprehensions of the Spaniards had been aroused not only by the secret interviews of the priests, but by the somewhat distant manner of the emperor, and at this unusual summons they became seriously alarmed. Even the general could not suppress his misgivings as he hurried to the emperor’s apartments, attended by Olid, then captain of the guard. With solemn visage Montezuma bade him be seated. Then he reminded him of the warnings against his many rash proceedings, particularly the installation of the cross upon the pyramid. The incensed gods at last had spoken, had ordered him to attack and drive the Spaniards into the sea, and the people were stirred almost beyond control. He had only to give the signal; nay, did he delay to do so, they would rise. But he loved Malinche; had he not proved this by his devotion? He wished to save the Spaniards; and now he warned, he implored them to leave the city before it would be too late. They might take all his treasures; nay, he would give each man a load of gold if they would only go.[607]

The tone and manner of the prince convinced them that his words were sincere. Cortés deemed it best to feign compliance. He thanked the emperor for the interest manifested in their safety, and replied that since he and his gods and people so desired it, they would comply; but having no vessels, time must be allowed to build them.[608] This was perplexing, but Montezuma overlooked everything on hearing that the Spaniards were ready to leave. He insisted no further, knowing well enough that he and the other captives would have to follow if a withdrawal from the city was required before the means of transport had been found.[609] He had seen that it did not take long to construct ships, and offered the necessary carpenters to fell and prepare timber, as before. Meanwhile he would endeavor to appease his vassals, pointing out that an uprising would be disastrous also to himself and them. Martin Lopez was at once sent down to Villa Rica with Andrés Nuñez, some chiefs, and a number of Indian workmen, to build three vessels, but with secret instructions to delay the work in every manner.[610]

Cortés had no intention to surrender his hold on the country. It was now more than eight months since the procuradores had left for Spain, and he began to look for their return with a royal commission, if not with reinforcements. Once provided with this worshipful paper he could brave Velazquez and all the world. He could send to the Islands and buy vessels, arms, and supplies; and he could easily enlist all the troops necessary to the achievement of his great project. Meanwhile he hoped to maintain his position, supported by native allies, such as the Tlascaltecs, Chinantecs, Goazacoalcos, and Cempoalans. It needed not the warning of Montezuma to convince the Spaniards that a serious attitude had been assumed against them by the natives, and that the precautions for defence must be redoubled. The attendants appeared less obsequious, and the supplies had materially diminished—owing to the late drought, they said.[611] This was remedied by the commands of the emperor. But even the prospect of a speedy departure of the strangers did not appear to conciliate the people; and less sanguine than their leader, the soldiers of Cortés felt oppressed by gloomy forebodings. In addition to this they were harassed by extra guard duty and by being obliged to sleep in their accoutrements, ready for instant defence.[612]

We must now go back to Cuba for a moment, where long since we left the irate governor cursing. Poor Velazquez! Córdoba, Grijalva, Cortés, all the deputies sent out to conquer for him new lands, had only been a drain on him, bringing back little compensation in slaves and gold. Deeply as he felt these troubles they had not yet affected his obesity, and it was with difficulty that he waddled about his island stirring up avengers. With the aid of Fonseca the chaplain, Benito Martin, whom Velazquez had sent to Spain on his behalf, had obtained for him a royal commission,[613] with the title of adelantado of the lands lately discovered under his auspices to the westward; and October, 1519, saw busy preparations on the island for an expedition as well against Cortés as Montezuma.[614]

There was no trouble in obtaining men. The rumors created by the visit of Puertocarrero and Montejo left the impression that ship-loads of gold had been forwarded from the new region to Spain, and the island was consequently in a ferment with excitement. So great indeed became the desire to enlist that Velazquez would in any case have been obliged to form an expedition to prevent the people from going on their own account to reinforce Cortés.[615] At first it was announced that the governor would go in person, and so prevent further rebellion. But Velazquez never thought of such a thing: he was too corpulent, he lacked courage, and he could not abandon his interests and his post in Cuba, leaving the island scantily provided with defenders. Further than this, he had confidence in the legal right conferred on him over the new country and over any expedition he might send. His announced reasons were the duties of his office, which demanded his presence more than ever owing to the prevalent small-pox epidemic.[616]

Among the many candidates eager for the command were Baltasar Bermudez, a relative, Vasco Porcallo de Figueroa, and Pánfilo de Narvaez, the first two mentioned already in connection with Cortés’ appointment. With Bermudez the governor could come to no arrangement, and with Porcallo he managed to quarrel after selecting him,[617] so that he was left with no other choice than Narvaez. This was the hidalgo of Valladolid,[618] whom we have met before, who had joined Velazquez shortly after his arrival in Cuba, and had taken a leading part in its conquest. This over, he had married a rich widow, María de Valenzuela, possessing a number of towns, and had accepted civil positions, such as procurador for the island, and contador in the newly discovered region. Narvaez was about forty-two years of age, tall and strongly built, with a long face, ruddy complexion, and sandy beard. To a deep voice might be added agreeable manners, being quite fascinating in conversation. His qualities were such as created favorable impression. Ordinarily he exhibited good judgment, but he was careless, headstrong, and arrogant. As a soldier he was undoubtedly brave, but deficient in discipline and foresight; as a general he was far from being the equal of Cortés.[619]

By virtue of his commission Velazquez appointed this man captain-general and lieutenant-governor of the new country, with orders to send Cortés and any rebellious captain in chains to Cuba, to carry on the conquest, and to administer for the best interests of the settlement.[620] But the friends of Cortés were not idle. They caused representations to be secretly made to the audiencia[621] that a fratricidal war was about to be opened in the new region, ruinous to the interests of God and the king, and legal steps were at once taken by the promotor fiscal.[622] The policy of Cortés in sending procuradores to Spain, with presents and messages to the king, had its effect on the audiencia, which considered not only that his case had passed beyond them, but that he was rendering, and likely to render, greater service to the royal interest than was his rival. By no means predisposed in favor of Velazquez, they moreover sent to Cuba the prudent licentiate Lucas Vazquez de Aillon, a member of their body, with instructions to prevent the threatened danger.

Accompanied by Pedro de Ledesma, secretary to the audiencia, and the alguacil mayor, Aillon met Narvaez at Yagua,[623] preparing with a portion of the fleet to join the rest at Guaniguanico. Placing the captain under injunction not to leave Cuba, he proceeded to the rendezvous and represented to Velazquez the evil which must result from his project, urging that his duty as governor and loyal subject demanded him to forego personal vengeance and interest, and finally forbidding the expedition without express permission from the king. The governor, who appears to have obtained more definite news from Spain regarding the wealth and promises of New Spain, was more determined than ever to carry out his scheme. Relying upon the grant of the country to himself, he considered that he had every right to claim his own and to treat Cortés as an interloper. At first he refused to recognize the jurisdiction of the audiencia in the matter, but pretended finally to fall in with Aillon’s views.

It was accordingly agreed that, in order to promote the interests both of king and governor, by rendering available the costly preparations made, the fleet should proceed to its destination, but without Indians, and with a less number of settlers than had volunteered. Narvaez might present the claims of his principal upon Cortés, but only in a peaceable manner, without landing any forces. If they were not entertained, he must sail onward in quest of new discoveries.[624]

In the presence of Aillon instructions were given to Narvaez in accordance with the agreement, but the former nevertheless resolved to accompany the expedition and watch over their observance, for he suspected the sincerity of both parties.[625]

The expedition was the largest which had as yet been fitted out in the New World, and consisted of eleven large and seven small vessels, with somewhat over nine hundred soldiers, including eighty men with fire-arms, one hundred and twenty with cross-bows, and eighty horsemen. There were also several hundred Indians, a large force of sailors, and a park of artillery, together with ample stores of all kinds.[626]

Sail was set early in March, 1520, and after touching at Cozumel Island to pick up the party which had been left there[627] some time before, they entered Rio de Tabasco to obtain water and provisions. The inhabitants fled from the town on seeing so large a force, but with the aid of an interpreter found there they were reassured, and brought maize and fowl, together with three women, as presents for the captain. Four days after leaving the river the fleet was dispersed by a storm, with the loss of six vessels and a number of soldiers and sailors.[628] The rest of the vessels arrived at San Juan de Ulua in the latter part of April.[629]

Three soldiers, deserters from the exploring expedition[630] of Cortés, came on board, and after declaring allegiance to Narvaez, poured into the ears of their wondering countrymen the story of their general’s brilliant achievements. They told of the vast extent and resources of the country, of the wealth accumulated, the unfairness of Cortés in dividing, and the consequent discontent of the soldiers and the danger of their position.[631] This tended to render the conceited Narvaez over-confident, so that his rival was rather benefited than injured by the story of the deserters. He now told Aillon that he would land, since Cortés was so far in the interior and the vessels in a bad condition. He was also determined to form a settlement, and regardless of the oidor’s protest a town was founded for a second time upon the site of the present Vera Cruz.[632] The governor of Cuetlachtlan hastened to send presents of supplies, as an act of courtesy to a captain whom he supposed to be the friend of Cortés. He was undeceived, however, and told by the deserters that Narvaez was the real envoy and captain sent by the king, while Cortés and his men were fugitive adventurers whom Narvaez would punish. His king had heard of the outrage on the emperor, and had sent him to procure his release, to restore order, and thereupon to return. The governor reported this to Montezuma, who, thinking no doubt that it would be prudent to secure the friendship of so powerful a commander, whether he came as liberator or oppressor, sent him a number of valuable presents, and gave orders to provide his army with supplies. Narvaez kept the valuables for himself, a course which did not tend to increase his popularity, and transmitted in return a few trinkets to the monarch, with assurances of his good-will.[633]

Hearing that Velazquez de Leon was leading a large force not far off, Narvaez sent a message, appealing to him as a relative and old friend to join him with his men; but Velazquez, who was still in the region in and above Chinantla, looking for tribute and gold, deigned not even to reply, but forwarded the letter to his general and asked for orders. Meanwhile he and his lieutenant, Rangel, assembled their men and made them swear allegiance to Cortés, a few suspected of sympathy with the Cuban governor being placed under surveillance.[634] The next step of Narvaez was to demand the surrender of Villa Rica, which the deserters represented as held by less than four score men. This task was intrusted to the clergyman Juan Ruiz de Guevara, accompanied by Notary Vergara, Amaya a relative of Velazquez, and three witnesses,[635] and letters were given them for distribution among Cortés’ soldiers, with a view to gain their allegiance.[636]

Sandoval had been advised concerning the fleet, and suspecting the object he sent to warn Cortés, despatching at the same time two dark-complexioned soldiers, disguised as Indian fruit vendors, to learn further particulars. The spies remained in Narvaez’ camp a whole day, and by mingling with the leaders they picked up valuable information, escaping during the night with two horses.[637] Sandoval now sent off the old and infirm soldiers to a town called Papalote, in the hills, and obtained the promise of the remainder to hold the fort with him, a gallows being erected in a conspicuous site as a warning to the faint-hearted. About this time Guevara appeared before the quarters of Sandoval. No one came to receive him, and he had to find his way to the commander’s house. The priest had been led to believe that little or no objection would be made by the adherents of Cortés to his demands, and confidently he began his harangue, speaking of the claims of Velazquez and the treason of Cortés. The word treason fired Sandoval. His party were the better servants of the king, he said, and were it not for Guevara’s character as a clergyman he would have him chastised for his impudence. As it was, he referred him to Cortés as captain-general and justicia mayor of New Spain. Guevara likewise grew warm,[638] and a war of words followed, which the commander cut short by ordering some Indians to bundle the three principals into net hammocks. In these they were carried to Mexico, under a Spanish guard, to be delivered to the general.[639]

When Montezuma first received news from the coast governor of the arrival of the great fleet, he supposed that these were the vessels which Cortés had said that he expected, and by which it was hoped he would depart. Montezuma at once sent for Cortés to impart the tidings.[640] The Spanish general was not a little surprised at this second unusual summons, and still more when told that his vessels had arrived, and that new ones need not be built. While he was yet puzzling over the words, the emperor produced the painted message showing a fleet at anchor off Chalchiuhcuecan. “You can now leave in safety, and all will be well,” continued the monarch, overjoyed at the thought of release.[641] “Thanks be to God, who provides all things!” was the fervent utterance of the general, while the soldiers sent up shouts of joy mingled with discharges of fire-arms. “Surely,” they said, “Puertocarrero and Montejo have returned in good time.” Further consideration of the matter, however, convinced Cortés that these were not the ships of his friends, but that they belonged to his archenemy of Cuba. His captains thought the same, and talked with calculated effect to the men of the great wrong to them if the hirelings of Velazquez were to step in and reap the results of their hardships.

Anxious to learn something definite, Cortés sent two messengers by different routes to bring news about the expedition, a third being instructed to follow Velazquez de Leon with instructions to await orders before proceeding to Goazacoalco; a fourth messenger was despatched to Villa Rica.[642] Learning meanwhile from Sandoval that the expedition was inimical to him, Cortés sent letters from himself and his regidores to the commander, stating the progress of conquest on behalf of the Spanish king, and demanding his object. If he needed no succor, and came not provided with royal authority, he must at once depart; otherwise Cortés would march against him, supported by the vast forces of the empire.[643] The letters were made the subject of jest among the officers of Narvaez, the veedor Salvatierra declaring that the messages of traitors should receive no attention. He urged the expediency of marching upon them without loss of time, and swore that he would broil and eat the ears of Cortés.

Shortly after the letters had been sent, the approach of Guevara and his companions was announced. And now for more of that deep diplomacy in which Cortés was so skilled. Perceiving the importance of conciliating men of their standing, he despatched an escort with horses to bring them with all honor into the city, and he himself went to meet them, expressing regret at the rude treatment they had received. With smooth tongue and promises he wove his web round them, and “oiled their hands with gold,” as Bernal Diaz expresses it. He showed them the greatness and wealth of the country, and explained to them how it was all in his power; and he sought to convince them of the injury dissension must occasion to God, to the king, and to themselves. Ah, rare talent, the talent of tongue! Guevara, at least, was won over, and went back delighted with his courtesy and liberality, and in full sympathy with his cause.[644] On reaching the camp he told of what he had seen, the great extent of country, its vast population, and the number of well built towns on every side. Nor did he fail to sing the praises of Cortés, and speak of his treasures, of which he displayed specimens. Every captain and soldier under him, he said, could boast of heavy gold ornaments and well filled purses, of numerous servants and beautiful women; and they lived on the fat of the land, having the country and all its inhabitants at their disposal. The general had taken care to exhibit only the attractive features of his position, which as now detailed by the priest captivated the hearts of the listeners, who longed to be with so fortunate and liberal a leader. Even before this many were disaffected, and despised the arrogant and narrow-minded Narvaez; others took an impartial view, and recognized the evil of dissension in a country only half subdued, while yet others were intent only on securing treasures.

The priest brought a letter to Narvaez, wherein Cortés expressed delight at finding his old friend commander of the expedition, although he regretted that hostile measures had been taken against him, who as a loyal servant held the country for the king. If Narvaez carried a royal commission, it had only to be presented to be obeyed; otherwise he was willing to come to a friendly agreement, since hostilities must be prejudicial not only to them both, but to the crown.[645] Guevara supported these expressions by recommending a peaceful arrangement and withdrawal to new territory, for Cortés was evidently loyal, and had hosts of Indians to aid him in maintaining his position. Narvaez not only refused to listen to any overtures, but became indignant with the clergyman and his companions for advocating them. He knew that the forces of Cortés were inferior to his own, and of Indians he had no fear.

Cortés had elicited from Guevara a number of facts regarding the expedition, among them that the arrogance and parsimony of Narvaez had alienated a large proportion of his followers, and that a little gold would have a wonderful effect.[646] Indeed, they had come for gold, and had no desire to raise the sword against their brethren if it could be avoided. This information was not lost on the astute conqueror.

Shortly after the departure of the clergyman, Cortés took counsel with Father Olmedo, that most admirable of friars, whose knowledge of the world, calm judgment, and clear foresight had more than once saved Cortés from himself. Olmedo now undertook the conversion of Narvaez and his men. Laden with instructions and jewels, he proceeded to their camp and endeavored to win Narvaez to peaceful measures. Special letters and presents were given Duero, Aillon, and others, who were supposed to be friendly, with a view of obtaining their active coöperation. Cortés wished especially that Narvaez should understand that he was friendly to him. Dissension would react on both, particularly on Narvaez; unity of action could alone promote their common aim and preserve the country to the king. Cortés had fewer soldiers, but was nevertheless stronger, from possessing interpreters, knowledge of the country, and control of its forces and resources. Were not the kings already his servants?

But Narvaez was stubborn. Olmedo, however, overcame the scruples of a number of his counsellors, who advised him to negotiate with a man so strongly established. Narvaez called them all traitors, and told Olmedo that he ought to be ashamed of himself for promulgating such base sentiments; whereat the priest became indignant, and devoted himself all the more assiduously to the subordinates, among whom he found the way well prepared by Guevara. His arguments found willing ears, and his gold confirmed the arguments. Among his companions from Mexico was one Usagre, an artillerist, whose brother occupied a similar position under Narvaez. This man also did Cortés good service. These doings could not escape notice, and, warned by Salvatierra, the commander would have arrested the friar had not Duero and others interfered. They called attention to his diplomatic and religious character, and the courteous treatment Cortés had given his own messengers. Narvaez hurried him away, however, with a letter for his general, wherein he claimed authority to take possession of the country for Velazquez. If Cortés resisted, it would fare ill with him.[647]

It was an easy escape for Olmedo, for Narvaez had not scrupled shortly before to deal with the royal oidor in a most peremptory manner. Aillon had remonstrated with him about his proceedings, such as forming a settlement, threatening to enter the country, spreading harsh reports among the natives against Cortés, and neglecting to restrain his men from taking property and otherwise abusing the inhabitants. No attention being paid to this, he formally called upon Narvaez to make a peaceful demand for the surrender of the country, and, if refused, to go elsewhere to settle. He intimated publicly that the measures of Narvaez were actuated by malice, rather than by loyal wisdom. This the vain and arrogant commander could not endure. It was to the oidor, he said, that the present growing disaffection among his men was due. He was becoming dangerous, and the municipal officers were directed to seize and carry him on board the same vessel in which he had arrived. His secretary and alguacil were placed on board another, and a day or two after sail was set for Cuba, the captains and crews having been sworn to deliver them to Velazquez.[648] During the voyage, however, Aillon persuaded his jailers to take him to Española, which he reached in the last days of August, after a long and dangerous trip of three months and a half. The consort vessel was separated from him during a storm shortly after leaving Ulua, and the secretary and alguacil did not rejoin the oidor till October. A report of the outrage was promptly forwarded to the king, signed by the whole audiencia, with a request that severe chastisement be inflicted, in order to maintain respect for that august tribunal.[649]

Among others falling under the wrath of Narvaez was Gonzalo de Oblanco, whose advocacy of Cortés and condemnation of Aillon’s arrest brought imprisonment, which so wrought upon him that he died within a few days.[650] These harsh and foolish measures engendered further discontent, and half a dozen of Aillon’s supporters, including Pedro de Villalobos, deserted to Sandoval, who received them with open arms. Others sent to signify their willingness to join Cortés.[651]

After Aillon’s arrest Narvaez had been persuaded to move his camp to Cempoala, as a healthier place, more suitable for head-quarters, and better provided with supplies. The cacique was intimidated to surrender some effects belonging to Cortés and to accord the new-comers a welcome, which seemed to stamp his conduct as desertion. “Oh, well!” said Cortés when told of it, “long live the last victor.”[652] But he could hardly blame the natives for yielding, when even Sandoval himself, on hearing of this approach, abandoned Villa Rica and took refuge in the mountains, where he remained till the general bade him join his forces.[653]