History of Mexico, Volume 1, 1516-1521

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

FOOTNOTES

[959] ‘Con este ... vino vn Francisco Lopez, vezino, y Regidor que fue de Guatimala.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 113. Vetancurt assumes that Pedro del Castillo—Diaz calls him ‘el Almirante Pedro Cauallero’—secured Barba and his vessel. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 148; Cortés, Residencia, ii. 165.

[960] ‘El capitã Diego de Camargo,’ says Herrera; but Bernal Diaz explains that this man stepped into the captaincy on the murder of ‘fulano Alvarez Pinedo,’ at Pánuco. ‘Dixeron, que el Capitan Camargo auia sido Fraile Dominico, e que auia hecho profession.’ Hist. Verdad., 114.

[961] Seven leagues up, says Herrera.

[962] ‘Muerto diez y siete ó diez y ocho cristianos, y herido otros muchos. Asimismo ... muerto siete caballos.’ Cortés, Cartas, 144. Bernal Diaz assumes that the whole attacking force was killed and some vessels destroyed. ‘Dexaron vna carauela,’ says Herrera.

[963] Herrera states that hunger caused the land expedition to abandon the vessels some twenty leagues above Almería. The people from the wrecked caravel were taken on board the last vessel. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xviii. Cortés leaves the impression that both vessels arrived at Villa Rica, perhaps because the one was wrecked so near it. ‘Vn nauio ... y traia sobre sesenta soldados.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 114. This may include the land party, but not the sailors.

[964] ‘Con hasta treinta hombres de mar y tierra.’ Cortés, Cartas, 154. ‘Sus soldados, que eran mas de cincuenta, y mas siete cauallos,’ says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 114; and, since Cortés would be less apt to indicate large accessions, he may be correct.

[965] ‘Este fue el mejor socorro.... Diaz de Auz sirvió muy bien a su Magestad en todo lo que se ofreciò en las guerras, ... traxo pleyto despues, sobre el pleyto de la mitad de Mestitan, ... conque le den la parte de lo que rentare el pueblo mas de dos mil y quinientos pesos.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 114-15. He was excluded from the town itself, owing to cruel treatment of Indians.

[966] ‘El señor de aquel rio y tierra, que se dice Pánuco, se habia dado por vasallo de V. M., en cuyo reconocimiento me habia enviado á la ciudad de Tenuxtitan, con sus mensajeros, ciertas cosas.’ Cortés, Cartas, 144-5. But this is probably a mere assertion, since the Spanish expeditions had never been higher than Almería, and the cacique could have had no inducement for submitting.

[967] Bernal Diaz refers to the last accession from Garay’s expeditions as 40 soldiers and 10 horses, under an old man named Ramirez. Protected by heavy cotton armor they were nicknamed the ‘albardillas.’ Hist. Verdad., 115.

[968] ‘Si todos ó algunos dellos se quisiesen volver en los navíos que allí estaban, que les diese licencia.’ Cortés, Cartas, 163.

[969] Oviedo, iii. 335; and so Herrera also intimates in reference to Camargo’s only remaining vessel, ‘la qual se anegò tãbien dẽtro de 10. dias en el puerto.’ dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xviii.

[970] The last two vessels bring 150 men and 16 horses, probably over 20, to which must be added Camargo’s force, amounting no doubt to 50 effective men, for Bernal Diaz admits 60 soldiers, not counting sailors; and Herrera intimates that over 100 men must have reached Villa Rica of the total force on board Camargo’s three vessels. Bernal Diaz’ estimates for the five vessels which he enumerates exceed 170 soldiers and 20 horses; on fol. 115 he contradicts several points, including the total, to which the sailors may be added, while a small reduction is to be made for deaths among Camargo’s men. Vetancurt follows Bernal Diaz, and so does Prescott, who assumes that full 150 men and 20 horses must have been obtained. Mex., ii. 438. Robertson raises this nearer to the truth by saying 180 men, Hist. Am., ii. 104, as does Brasseur de Bourbourg, who nevertheless, on an earlier page, adds Sahagun’s fanciful reinforcement of 300 men. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 371, 387. While the Spaniards were curing themselves, ‘llegó á Tlaxcala un Francisco Hernandez, español, con 300 soldados castellanos y con muchos caballos y armas.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 37. The later edition does not give the number. Gomara merely states that numerous small parties came over from the Antilles, attracted by Cortés’ fame, through Aillon’s reports, he seems to say. Many of them were murdered on the way, but sufficient numbers reached him to restore the army and encourage the prosecution of the conquest. Hist. Mex., 173.

[971] Said to have been named Francisco Eguia. Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 39, 66, and Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., i. 278. Herrera writes that many assumed the malady to have been one of the periodical scourges that used to fall on the country. ‘Y el no auer tocado a los Castellanos, parece que trae aparencia de razon.’ dec. ii. lib. x. cap. iv. But it appears to have been wholly a new disease to the natives.

[972] ‘En el mes que llamaban Tepeilhuitl que es al fin de setiembre,’ as Sahagun assumes. Hist. Conq., i. 39.

[973] Motolinia, Hist. Ind., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 14-15; Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 39, 66; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 514; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 101; Id. (Paris ed. 1837), iv. 460 (a chapter omitted in the original); Gomara, Hist. Mex., 148; Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., i. 279; Torquemada, i. 489; Tezcoco en los ultimos tiempos, 273.

[974] ‘Vivió despues de su elecçion solos sessenta dias.’ Cano, in Oviedo, iii. 549. The election having taken place twenty days after Montezuma’s death, according to Ixtlilxochitl, who assumes that he ruled only 40 or 47 days. Hist. Chich., 304; Id., Relaciones, 413. Others extend the rule to 80 days, both as leader and king, perhaps, which would agree with Cano’s version.

[975] Such characteristics may be seen in Spanish as well as native records; yet Solis writes, ‘su tibieza y falta de aplicacion dexáse poco menos que borrada entre los suyos la memoria de su nombre.’ Hist. Mex., 372. Sufficient proof of his energy is found in the siege resulting in the expulsion from Mexico.

[976] The native authorities incline to Quauhtemoc, but the Spanish generally add the ‘tzin,’ the ‘c’ being elided, and the ‘Q’ changed to ‘G,’ making the name Guatemotzin. ‘Quauhtemoc, que significa Aguila que baja.’ Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 51.

[977] Bernal Diaz describes him about a year later as 23 or 24 years old, while on another occasion he alludes to him as 25. Hist. Verdad., 112, 155. Ixtlilxochitl makes him 18. Hist. Chich., 304.

[978] ‘Por muerte de su Padre gobernaba el Tlatelulco.’ Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 479. ‘Sobrino de Monteçuma, que era papa ó saçerdote mayor entre los indios.’ Cano, in Oviedo, iii. 549; Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. vi. ‘Cuauhtemotctzin hijo del rey Ahuitzotzin y de la heredera de el Tlatelulco.’ Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, 413. This incorrect view is adopted by Brasseur de Bourbourg and many others.

[979] ‘Moglie già del suo Zio Cuitlahuatzin,’ is the supposition of Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 160. ‘Se hizo temer de tal manera, que todos los suyos temblauan dél.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 112. For fanciful portraits of these last two emperors, see Frost’s Pict. Hist. Mex., 104, 114.

[980] Ixtlilxochitl, loc. cit.; Torquemada, i. 570.

[981] ‘Al que solo fue causa q̄ los Christianos se conseruassen en aquella tierra.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xix.

[982] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 118; Herrera, ubi sup.

[983] During the absence of the troops, says Herrera, a part of the Tepeacans had formed a plot to surprise them when divided; but some women informed Marina in time to prevent trouble. Cortés inflicted on them severe chastisement. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xvi. xviii.

[984] The reports and other papers by Cortés, written during a period of nearly three decades in connection with New Spain, are both numerous and lengthy, but only the five letters relating to the actual conquest of Mexico and Central America have achieved bibliographic celebrity, under the title of Cortés’ Letters or Relations. Although the first letter has been lost, and the companion letter long missing, yet an allusion to the expedition against Mexico appeared as early as 1520 in Ein auszug ettlicher sendbrieff dem aller durchleüchtigisten grossmechtigistẽ Fürsten ... von wegen einer new gefundẽ Inseln. Nürmberg durch Fryderichen Peypus am. 17. tag Marcij MDXX., wherein the voyages of Córdoba and Grijalva are also described. Harrisse, Bib. Am. Vet., 179, assumes that the information is taken from Peter Martyr’s Decades. A later brief reference to the city of Mexico itself is given in Translationuss hispanischer sprach zü Frantzösisch gemacht so durch dẽ Vice Rey in Neapole fraw Margareten Hertzogiñ iñ Burgundi zü geschrieben, published in 1522. On folio A. iii. is written: Not far from the same island they have conquered a city called Tenustitan, wherein 60,000 hearths have been counted, within a good wall. The letter of the ayuntamiento was first published in Col. Doc. Inéd., i., 1842.

By the time of the receipt in Spain of Cortés’ second letter, of October 30, 1520, the general and his conquest had become so famous that his communications were not likely to be lost sight of. The incidents treated of were besides highly enticing, particularly the victories in Tlascala, the entry into Montezuma’s wonderful island city, the disastrous expulsion, and the renewal of the campaign, and Cromberger had it printed in 1522 under the title of Carta de relaciõ ẽbiada a su. S. majestad del ẽpador nt̃o señor por el capitã general dela nueua spaña: llamado fernãdo cortes, etc. Seuilla: por Jacobo crõberger aleman. A viii. dias de Nouiẽbre. Año de M. d. y xxij. ‘Fué las Primicias de el Arte de la Imprenta en Sevilla, y acaso de toda España,’ observes Lorenzana, in Cortes, Hist. N. España, 171, but this is a great mistake, for printing had been done already for several decades in Spain. An Italian abstract of the letter appeared immediately after, as Noue de le Isole & Terra ferma Nouamente trouate In India per el Capitaneo de larmata de la Cesarea Maiestate. Mediolani decimosexto calẽ. Decembris M.D.XXII. A reprint of the Seville text was issued at Saragossa in January, 1523. A later abridged account of the conquest is given in Ein schöne Newe zeytung so Kayserlich Mayestet auss India yetz newlich zükommen seind, ascribed to Sigmund Grimm of Augsburg, about 1522. Bibliotheca Grenvilliana and Harrisse. Ternaux-Compans wrongly supposes the narrative to extend only to 1519, instead of 1522, and assumes the imprint to be Augsburg, 1520. Bibl. Amér., 5. Perhaps 1523 is the more correct date, which may also be ascribed to Tres sacree Imperiale et catholique mageste ... eust nouuelles des marches ysles et terre ferme occeanes. Colophon, fol. 16. Depuis sont venues a sa mageste nouuelles de certaīes ysles trouuez par les espagnolz plaines despecerie et beaucoup de mines dor, lesquelles nouuelles il receupt en ceste ville de vailladolid le primier doctobre xv. cent. xxij. This is a book noticed by no bibliographer except Sabin, who believes that it contains only the second letter, although the holder supposes the third letter to be also used. In 1524 appeared the first Latin version of the second letter, by Savorgnanus, Praeclara Ferdinãdi Cortesii de Noua maris Oceani Hyspania Narratio, Norimberga. M.D.XXIIII., which contains a copy of the now lost map of the Gulf of Mexico, and also a plan of Mexico City. In the same year two Italian translations of this version, by Liburnius, La Preclara Narratione, were printed at Venice, one by Lexona, the other by Sabio, yet both at the instance of Pederzani. The plan and map are often missing. Antonio, Bib. Hisp. Nova, iii. 375, mentions only Lexona’s issue. A translation from Flavigny appeared in the Portfolio, Philadelphia, 1817. The originals of the second and other letters were, in the early part of the eighteenth century, ‘en la Libreria de Don Miguel Nuñez de Rojas, del Consejo Real de las Ordenes,’ says Pinelo, Epitome, ii. 597. Much of the vagueness which involves the narrative of events previous to the flight from Mexico may be due to the loss of diary and documents during that episode. The loss was convenient to Cortés, since it afforded an excuse for glossing over many irregularities and misfortunes.

The third letter, dated Coyuhuacan, May 15, 1522, and relating the siege and fall of Mexico, was first published at Seville, on Cromberger’s press, March 30, 1523, as Carta tercera de relaciõ: embiada por Fernãdo cortes capitan y justicia mayor del yucatan llamado la nueua espana del mar oceano. It received a reproduction in Latin by the same hand and at the same time as the second letter. Both were reprinted, together with some missionary letters and Peter Martyr’s De Insulis, in De Insvlis nuper Inventis Ferdinandi Cortesii. Coloniæ, M.D.XXXII. The title-page displays a portrait of Charles V., and is bordered with his arms. Martyr’s part, which tells rather briefly of Cortés, found frequent reprint, while the second and third letters were republished, with other matter, in the Spanish Thesoro de virtudes, 1543; in the German Ferdinandi Cortesii. Von dem Newen Hispanien. Augspurg, 1550, wherein they are called first and second narratives, and divided into chapters, with considerable liberty; in the Latin Novus Orbis of 1555 and 1616; and in the Flemish Nieuwe Weerelt of 1563; while a French abridgment appeared at Paris in 1532. The secret epistle accompanying the third letter was first printed in Col. Doc. Inéd., i., and afterward by Kingsborough and Gayangos.

The fourth letter, on the progress of conquest after the fall of Mexico, dated at Temixtitan (Mexico), October 15, 1524, was issued at Toledo, 1525, as La quarta relacion, together with Alvarado’s and Godoy’s reports to Cortés. A second edition followed at Valencia the year after. The secret letter accompanying it was not published till 1865, when Icazbalceta, the well known Mexican collector, reproduced it in separate black-letter form, and in his Col. Doc., i. 470-83.

The substance of the above three relations has been given in a vast number of collections and histories, while in only a limited number have they been reproduced in a full or abridged form, the first reproduction being in the third volume of Ramusio Viaggi, of 1556, 1565, and 1606, which contains several other pieces on the conquest, all supplied with appropriate headings and marginals. Barcia next published them direct from the manuscript, in the Historiadores Primitivos, i. This collection bears the imprint Madrid, 1749, but the letters had already been printed in 1731, as Pinelo affirms, Epitome, ii. 597. Barcia died a few years before his set was issued. From this source Archbishop Lorenzana took the version published by him under the title of Historia de Nueva-España, Mexico, 1770, which is not free from omissions and faults, though provided with valuable notes on localities and customs, and supplemented with illustrated pieces on routes and native institutions, a map of New Spain by Alzate, an article on the Gobierno Politico by Vetancurt, a copy of a native tribute-roll from picture records, not very accurately explained, and the first map of Lower California and adjoining coast, by Castillo, in 1541. This version of the letters was reproduced in New York, 1828, with a not wholly successful attempt by Del Mar to introduce modern spelling. The work is also marked by a number of omissions and blunders, and the introductory biographic sketch by Robert Sands adds little to its value. An abridgment from Lorenzana appeared as Correspondance de Fernand Cortés, par le Vicomte de Flavigny, Paris, 1778, which obtained three reprints during the following year at different places. A great many liberties are taken with facts, as may be imagined; and the letters are, beside, misnamed first, second, and third. From the same source, or perhaps from Flavigny, of whom they savor, are Briefe des Ferdinand Cortes, Heidelberg, 1779, with several reproductions, and with notes; and the corrected Brieven van Ferdinand Cortes, Amsterdam, 1780-1. The first edition in English, from Lorenzana, was issued by Folsom, as Despatches of Hernando Cortes, New York, 1843, also with notes.

The fifth letter of the conqueror, on the famous expedition to Honduras, dated at Temixtitan, September 3, 1526, lay hidden in the Vienna Imperial Library till Robertson’s search for the first letter brought it to light. Hist. Am., i. xi. He made use of it, but the first complete copy was not published till of late, in Col. Doc. Inéd., iv. 8-167, reprinted at New York, 1848, and, in translation, in the Hakluyt Society collection, London, 1868. It bore no date, but the copy found at Madrid has that of September 3, 1526, and the companion letter printed in Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 14-23, that of September 11th. This, as well as the preceding letters, was issued by Vedia, in Ribadeneyra’s Biblioteca de Autores Españoles, xxii.; the first three letters being taken from Barcia, and the fifth from its MS. The letter of the ayuntamiento is given and a bibliographic notice of little value. A very similar collection is to be found in the Biblioteca Historica de la Iberia, i. But the most complete reproduction of the principal writings by Cortés, and connected with him, is in the Cartas y Relaciones de Hernan Cortés, Paris, 1866, by Gayangos, which contains 26 pieces, beside the relations, chiefly letters and memorials to the sovereign, a third of which are here printed for the first time. Although a few of Lorenzana’s blunders find correction, others are committed, and the notes of the archbishop are adopted without credit, and without the necessary amendment of date, etc., which often makes them absurd. The earliest combined production of Cortés’ relations, and many of his other writings, may be credited to Peter Martyr, who in his Decades gave the substance of all that they relate, although he also mingled other versions. Oviedo, in the third volume of his Hist. Gen., gives two versions of the conquest, the first, p. 258 et seq., almost a reproduction of Cortés’ letters, and the other, p. 506 et seq., from different sources.

Beside the relations, there are a number of miscellaneous letters, petitions, orders, instructions, and regulations, by Cortés, largely published in Navarrete, Col. de Viages; Col. Doc. Inéd.; Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc.; Icazbalceta, Col. Doc.; Kingsborough’s Mex. Antiq.; Alaman, Disert., and as appendices to histories of Mexico. A special collection is the Escritos Sueltos de Hernan Cortés, Mex., 1871, forming vol. xii. of the Bib. Hist. de la Iberia, which presents 43 miscellaneous documents from various printed sources, instructions, memorials, and brief letters, nearly all of which are filled with complaints against ruling men in Mexico.

Cortés’ letters have not inaptly been compared by Prescott to the Commentaries of Cæsar, for both men were military commanders of the highest order, who spoke and wrote like soldiers; but their relative positions with regard to the superior authorities of their states were different, and so were their race feelings, and their times, and these features are stamped upon their writings. Cortés was not the powerful consul, the commander of legions, but the leader of a horde of adventurers, and an aspirant for favor, who made his narrative an advocate. The simplicity and energy of the style lend an air of truth to the statements, and Helps, among others, is so impressed thereby as to declare that Cortés ‘would as soon have thought of committing a small theft as of uttering a falsehood in a despatch addressed to his sovereign.’ Cortés, ii. 211. But it requires little study of the reports to discover that they are full of calculated misstatements, both direct and negative, made whenever he considered it best for his interest to conceal disagreeable and discreditable facts, or to magnify the danger and the deed. They are also stamped with the religious zeal and superstition of the age, the naïve expressions of reliance on God being even more frequent than the measured declarations of devotedness to the king; while in between are calmly related the most cold-blooded outrages on behalf of both. There is no apparent effort to attract attention to himself; there is even at times displayed a modesty most refreshing in the narrative of his own achievements, by which writers have as a rule been quite entranced; but this savors of calculation, for the general tone is in support of the ego, and this often to the exclusion of deserving officers. Indeed, generous allusions to the character or deeds of others are not frequent, or they are merged in the non-committing term of ‘one of my captains.’ Pedro de Alvarado complains of this in one of his Relaciones, in Barcia, Hist. Prim., i. 165-6. In truth, the calculating egotism of the diplomate mingles freely with the frankness of the soldier. Cortés, however, is ever mindful of his character as an hidalgo, for he never stoops to meanness, and even in speaking of his enemies he does not resort to the invectives or sharp insinuations which they so freely scatter. His style bears evidence of training in rhetoric and Latin, yet the parade of the latter is not so frequent as might be expected from the half-bred student and zealot. Equally indicative are his regulations and instructions of the experience gained as notary and alcalde, and the promise once entertained of him as a legal light. The sentences are remarkably concise and clear for the time, and the expression both fluent and pure. The whole tends to confirm the opinion already formed of his character, as one who, while not wholly free from defects of his age, indulged in grand views, and stood forward conspicuous as a born leader of men.

[985] Of the central provinces actually under control Herrera enumerates: Cempoala, with 50 towns and villages, containing over 120,000 families; Tlascala, with 60 vassal lords, over 120,000; Huexotzinco, 50,000; Cholula, 40,000; Tepeaca, Acatzingo, and Quecholac, 80,000; Quauhquechollan and Itzucan, 20,000; ‘beside a number of others.’ dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xviii.

[986] Narvaez it was, they said, who without right or without exhibiting evidence of such right, had set himself up against Cortés, and begun to rouse the natives against him and his followers as piratical intruders, intent on mischief, while his own announced object was to right the natives, release Montezuma, and then to depart from the country without taking even gold with him. These intrigues caused the uprising which lost Mexico to the emperor, together with so many hundred lives and millions of treasure. To Velazquez, therefore, no control should be given in a country lost through the machinations of himself and his lieutenant. If any grants had been made to him, they were based on false representations, and would imperil the safety of these extensive and rich lands. The second object of the latter was to laud the character of Cortés as a man and soldier, and to pray that he be confirmed in the office of captain-general and justicia mayor as the only fit and worthy person. At the foot came the signature of 534 Spaniards, the majority of the troops, headed by Alvarado, Ordaz, and similar warm friends of the commander, and also by such prominent personages of the Narvaez party as Vasco Porcallo, and Juan Diaz, the clergyman. Bernal Diaz was still down with fever, which accounts for the absence of his name. Many others whose names might have been added were probably away on expeditions and on garrison duty. For copy of letter see Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 427-36.

[987] Whom Bernal Diaz calls Francisco Álvarez Chico; and Vetancurt, Francisco Hernandez.

[988] Bernal Diaz insinuates that there were a number of officers far more suitable than Captain Ávila for this mission, but Cortés desired to be rid of so outspoken an observer and champion of the men, and at the same time to promote the more pliable Alonso de Grado to the vacated contaduría, and the devoted Andrés de Tapia to the captaincy. He thinks that Grado, or Alonso de Cáceres, the rich, should have been sent. Hist. Verdad., 117. His insinuation cannot be wholly correct, however, since Ávila had already been for some time alcalde mayor of New Spain, and Grado, contador. See Lejalde, Probanza, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 419 et seq.

[989] ‘Despues de ganado Mexico, le llamamos Solis el de la huerta, yerno de ... Bachiller Ortega.’ Hist. Verdad., 118.

[990] This author indicates the despatch of only three vessels for Spain, Española, and Jamaica, respectively, one of which, or a fourth, conveyed the returning adherents of Narvaez. Id., 117. But Cortés writes: ‘Envio á la isla Española cuatro navíos para que luego vuelvan cargados de caballos y gente.’ Cartas, 154, 162. The Jamaica vessel is probably included in this number.

[991] Bernal Diaz names twelve of those who returned, two going merely to bring their children. Pilot Cárdenas, whose clamor at the treasure repartition at Mexico had called the attention of Cortés, was allowed to return to his family, with a present of 300 pesos from the general, only to join the ranks of his enemies. With one of the Cubans Cortés sent some bullion and jewels to his wife and brother-in-law. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 117; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 148.

[992] Cáceres also joined the commissioners. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 117. Clavigero names Ordaz as the sole commissioner, and he was probably the principal. Storia Mess., iii. 160.

[993] ‘Para el camino de la costa de la mar no hay mas de dos puertos muy agros y ásperos, que confinan con esta dicha provincia.’ Cortés, Cartas, 145. ‘Que señoreaua los puertos, el vno que se dize de Siculchima, por donde los Castellanos entraron en aquellas partes, y el otro de Quochula, legua y media de Tepeaca, por donde van los caminos Reales de la villa Rica.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xvi.

[994] ‘Le auian pedido presidio.’ Id. Cortés gives merely the strategic motives.

[995] Francisco de Solis, Cristóbal Corral, and Cristóbal Martin are mentioned as regidores in Probanza de Lejalde, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 418-19. Herrera adds to their ranks Gerónimo de Aguilar, the interpreter, ‘porque sabia Cortes honrar ... los benemeritos.’ dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xvi. The villa was removed after the conquest to a new site in the plain, not far from the old town. In 1545 it received the dignity of a city, and has ever since ranked as a district seat, supported to some extent by woollen factories. Of the strong fortress erected by the conquerors the remains are still to be seen in the plaza under the name of el Rollo de Tepeaca. Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 8; and in Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 145-6. In Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xxi. is given a description of the city and district. Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 153; Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, i. 248; Alcedo, in Dic. Univ., v.

[996] ‘Tambien me movió á facer los dichos esclavos por poner algun espanto á los de Culúa, y porque tambien hay tanta gente, que si no ficiese grande y cruel castigo en ellos, nunca se emendarian.’ Cortés, Cartas, 144; Oviedo, iii. 334. ‘Otros dizen que sin partido los tomo a todos, y castigo asi aquellos en venganza, y por no auer obedecido sus requerimiẽtos, por putos, por ydolatras,’ etc. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 168.

[997] Hist. Verdad., 116. This was probably the case, and Tapia’s testimony appears to confirm it in saying that of the 6000 captives taken from the Tecamachalco region the males, 2000 in number, were slaughtered in cold blood. Cortés, Residencia, i. 59. Perhaps it would be more correct to assume that a few were killed to expiate the murder of Spaniards, while the rest were given to the Tlascaltecs.

[998] ‘Saluo a las mugeres y niños,’ says Herrera, which leads Brasseur de Bourbourg to assume that women and children were not enslaved. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 370. ‘Creyerõ, q̄ a cada soldado bolveriã sus pieças, y q̄ apreciarian que tantos pesos valian, y que como las apreciassen, pagassen el quinto a su Magestad.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 116-17. This could hardly have been the case.

[999] ‘Mandò Cortes vender a muchos que auia prendido ... aplicando vna parte a su exercito, y a otra la republica de Tlascala, sacando primero el quinto que pertenecia al Rey.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xv. ‘Y despues otro quinto para Cortez,’ adds Vetancurt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 148, and this appears correct; yet Clavigero and many others do not refer to the second fifth. This deduction was declared to be an attempt at installing a second king. The deceit practised, as they claimed, at the distribution of treasure at Mexico was again called up, and declared to be less outrageous than the present effort to defraud poor and wounded soldiers of the prize for which they had shed their blood. Juan Bono de Quexo declared that he would complain to the emperor, and others were no less bitter. Previous to this a cause for dissatisfaction had been given by a proclamation of Cortés ordering the surrender of all gold saved from the common treasure at Mexico, thrown open to the soldiers on the eve of the flight. One third was to be retained by the possessor. Many refused to comply, and since the royal officials and leaders had shared in the treasure, the proclamation was allowed to lapse. What had been surrendered Cortés kept as a loan. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 116-117.

[1000] ‘Buenas, ò malas Indias, sacallas al almoneda ... que se venderia.’ Id. This was to be done at the next distribution in Tezcuco. The proceeding was discussed at length in Spain, and favored also by a large body of the clergy, as justifiable; but the emperor took the humane course of allowing captives to be held only as prisoners, so long as this was absolutely necessary. Solis, Hist. Mex., ii. 233.

[1001] The party commissioned to carry the Villa Rican share of the Aztec treasure from Tlascala to the coast. Bernal Diaz intimates that another party of nine were killed at Xocotlan. Hist. Verdad., 115-16.

[1002] The bodies of five of the Spaniards here murdered had been sent to Mexico, the rest eaten.

[1003] Alcántara’s, it would seem. The treasure carried by him had been dissipated.

[1004] ‘Dos dias ante de Navidad llegó el capitan con la gente ... que habian ido á las provincias de Cecatami y Xalazingo,’ says Cortés, Cartas, 163-5, who had already taken up quarters at Tlascala. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 172. Bernal Diaz speaks of a second expedition to Xocotlan, with 30 cavalry and 100 infantry; but this must be owing to a confusion of names, in one case the valley, Cacatami, being mentioned, in the other the town, Cocotlan. Hist. Verdad., 116.

[1005] Gomara, Hist. Mex., 172; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xviii. See note 37. ‘Por Capitan vn Francisco de Orozco, con obra de veynte soldados que estauan heridos, y dolientes,’ says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 118; Vetancurt follows. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 149.

[1006] ‘Por tener la nauidad q̄ era de ay a doze dias en Tlaxcallan.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 172.

[1007] Gomara calls it Coliman, which Chimalpain identifies with Amozoc, still in existence. Hist. Conq., ii. 13.

[1008] In the person of an illegitimate brother, is the assumption of modern authorities.

[1009] Herrera names him Lorenzo; but Torquemada insists that this was the father’s name.

[1010] The old soldier calls him Lorenzo de Vargas, but is probably mistaken. Hist. Verdad., 118.

[1011] Camargo gives at length the speeches of Cortés and the chiefs on the occasion. The latter invites him to accept their friendship and services, and settle among them, whereupon the general explains that the main object of his coming is to overthrow false idols, and that the condition of his staying with them must be the adoption of the true faith, wherein lies the sole reason for the superiority of his race over theirs. The holy ghost assists to impress his words, and they yield; but they implore him not to cast down the revered idols, for such an act may be fraught with the most terrible disasters. Cortés insists, and promises to assume all risks. Thus pressed, they ask to confer with the representatives of the people, lest a revolt occur. The council objects, offers to give the most prominent place to the new gods, and finally yields, amidst tears and wailing. The people secretly hide the adored images, and while accepting baptism still retain the old worship in secret. The four chiefs first receive the rite, under the sponsorship of the leading Spanish captains, Maxixcatzin the elder being named Lorenzo; Xicotencatl, Vicente; Tlehuexolotl, Gonzalo; and Citlalpopoca, Bartolomé. The general baptism followed, those baptized on the first day being named Juan, and María, and Ana, for men and women respectively, each receiving a ticket whereon the name was written. Many forgot their names, nevertheless, and had to appeal to the register; some received baptism over again, because they failed to acknowledge the previous rite, and others attended service for years without having been to the font. Among the idols and relics saved from the general destruction were the ashes of Camaxtli, the chief god of the tribe, said by some to have been the brother of Tezcatlipoca, by others the father of Quetzalcoatl. They were jealously guarded by the chief Tecpanecatl Tecuhtli, of Tepeticpac, till 1576, when, tired of the temporal injuries which were falling upon him, owing to their presence in his house, he turned to the Church and surrendered the relic, and died the same week, on holy Thursday, while penitently lashing himself before the madonna. On opening the envelope of the relic a mass of blonde hair fell out, showing that tradition was true in describing the god as a white man. Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 151-9, 178-9. Brasseur de Bourbourg eagerly seizes on this statement to support his theory that the Toltecs had come from the north of Europe to found their empire and era of culture in Mexico. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 392 et seq. Camargo places the general baptism on the occasion of Cortés’ first arrival in the republic, but herein Torquemada corrects him, although following the version in other respects. The picture in the convent at Tlascala indicates, he says, that the four chiefs, including the elder Maxixcatzin, were baptized together, and by the clergyman Juan Diaz. Great festivals followed the ceremony, i. 523, iii. 166-9. Ixtlilxochitl, who also refers to this picture, follows Camargo’s date, but names Xicotencatl senior Bartolomé, Zitlapopocatzin Baltasar, Tlehuexolotzin Gonzalo, and Maxixcatzin, a young man, Juan. Hist. Chich., 294. Brasseur de Bourbourg corrects this by substituting Xicotencatl junior for Maxixcatzin and naming him Vicente. He adds Nezahualpilli’s son Tecocoltzin, who receives the name of Fernando, ubi sup. The assumption that the four elder chiefs were baptized together, and the statement that the elder Maxixcatzin had died before Cortés returned to Tlascala, appear contradictory, but Vetancurt reconciles them by dating the general baptism just before the beginning of the Tepeaca campaign, and adopting the names as given on the picture in ‘our convent,’ and as quoted by Camargo and Torquemada. Padre Juan Diaz, who performed the rite, is supposed to have been killed soon after. Several other versions of his fate and burial-place are given. Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 146. But he testified during the residencia investigation against Alvarado, 1529. See Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 124. Clavigero follows Vetancurt, and maintains, notwithstanding the failure of the conquest writers to notice that event, that ‘è certo, che tutti i quattro Capi di quella Repubblica furono battezzati avanti la conquista.... Oltre ad’ altre pruove ciò consta dalle pitture antiche.’ Storia Mess., iii. 150. It would be interesting to know what the ‘altre pruove’ are. Prescott admits only the baptism of the two Maxixcatzins and old Xicotencatl, but avoids giving the new names, owing to the conflict of authorities. Mex., ii. 445.

[1012] ‘Cómo era Muchacho, imprimió mas en él nuestra conversacion y tornóse cristiano.’ Cartas, 177.

CHAPTER XXX.
CONSTRUCTION OF THE FLEET.
December, 1520-February, 1521.

The Objective Point—Vessels Needed—Martin Lopez Sent to Tlascala for Timber—Thirteen Brigantines Ordered—Cortés at Tlascala—Drill and Discipline—Address of the General—Parade of the Tlascaltecs—March to Tezcuco—New Ruler Appointed—Sacking of Iztapalapan—The Chalcans—Arrival at Tezcuco of the Brigantine Brigade.

The Tepeaca campaign had been only part of the plan conceived during the flight to Tlascala for the recovery of the dominating point of the empire. The strength of the capital, and the ascendancy acquired by the Aztecs during Spanish exclusion from the lake region, made it impossible to strike directly at the centre of the uprising. It was necessary first to conquer the surrounding provinces on which Mexico depended for aid, and to do this in detail was easier than to meet the combined strength of the foe. This would also leave the conquering troops free to turn their whole attention against the capital, with fresh allies and larger resources. A centre for operation was now needed within the valley, and one from which the Aztecs might be attacked in due time both by land and water. For this object Tezcuco presented the greatest advantages in being situated on the lake, some six leagues from Mexico, in the midst of a fertile country, and near enough to Tlascala, from and through which reinforcements might readily be obtained.[1013]

With a prudent foresight to these movements Cortés had shortly after his first successes in Tepeaca sent Martin Lopez, the shipwright, to Tlascala to prepare timber for thirteen brigantines, which were to be transported to the lake for besieging purposes. The republic offered to provide material and native carpenters, and aided by Andrés Nuñez and others, Lopez soon formed an efficient corps of assistants for felling and shaping the pieces, as modelled and numbered by himself. The site of construction was at Atempan, on the Rio Zahuatl,[1014] which afforded the necessary water for the trial launch, and had forests near by from which timber, masts, and pitch could be obtained.[1015] Iron, sails, cordage, and other needful articles taken from the sunken fleet were forwarded from Villa Rica, together with smiths and other workmen.

With the arrival of Cortés at Tlascala, preparations receive a fresh impulse, and weapons and armor are overhauled, pikes and arrows made, and stores collected. An opportune addition is made by the arrival of a vessel from Spain and the Canaries, laden with war material, bows, bowstrings, arquebuses, powder, and a variety of goods; also over a dozen soldiers, with three horses. Cortés purchases the whole cargo, and persuades the owner, Juan de Búrgos, the captain, and the men to join him.[1016]

Drill receives attention, and equally necessary is the maintenance of order, for they are few, remote from succor, and surrounded by a powerful, warlike, and astute foe. Then they must maintain friendly relations with their allies, whose aid is essential to the achievement of their plans. One hasty utterance, one unjust act, can raise a storm wherein all may perish. Good treatment on every hand is necessary to win neutral and hostile provinces. It is often easier to persuade than to enforce. With this view Cortés, as captain-general and justicia mayor for his majesty, prepares a series of regulations which are proclaimed on the 26th of December 1520.

In a lengthy preamble are set forth some reasons for its publication and the necessity for good conduct, as recognized not only in human but in divine affairs, and practised since time immemorial for the regulation of wars.

The first article proclaims the primary motive of this, and indeed of all their campaigns, to be spiritual conquest, in the absence of which material conquests must be regarded as unjust. Blasphemy is forbidden lest the offended Almighty should refuse his assistance. Gambling in a modified form is permitted, but quarrelling is prohibited.

Rules are laid down for discipline in camp and field for sentinels, for prompt and courageous performance of duty. No Spaniard may enter houses in a hostile city to plunder until the foe has been driven forth and victory secured; and booty of whatsoever nature, however and wherever acquired, must be declared before the proper officers, under penalty of death. Any captain who attacks an enemy without orders shall be put to death.[1017]

Orders were also issued to regulate the prices of clothing and accoutrements, which were excessive. In order to enforce the necessary respect for the regulations, Cortés punished the earlier infringements with a severity even in excess of the penalty proclaimed. Two of the general’s own negro slaves were hanged for petty theft, and a pilfering soldier was pardoned only when half strangled.[1018]

After a fortnight of rest and preparation Cortés concluded to resume the campaign, partly lest a longer delay should cool the ardor of the soldiers and allies. On the day following Christmas the troops were mustered for review in the main square of Tlascala, where Cortés in velvet-covered mail stood surrounded by the royal officials, the leading chiefs of the republic, and a brilliant suite. First marched the cross-bowmen in double file, who at a signal discharged their arms aloft and passed on with a salute. After them came the shield-bearers, waving their swords, which they sheathed after saluting; then the pikemen with copper-headed pikes, followed by arquebusiers, who saluted with a thundering salvo that reëchoed along the circling hills and sent a tremor through the crowd of native spectators. Last came the cavalry, prancing and skirmishing in rapid evolutions, to display their skill as fighters and riders, and to dazzle the beholders with their glittering arms and adornment. The total force consisted of five hundred and fifty infantry, divided into nine companies, and forty cavalry in four squads, with nine small pieces of artillery, eighty cross-bows and arquebuses.[1019]

The main reliance of the infantry was in the swords and pikes, the long Chinantec poles being largely introduced, even among the allies, and made effective by long drilling. The nucleus of the troops, whereon rested the highest hopes, was of course the horsemen, whose safety had been carefully looked to by providing the steeds with poitrels, and side and quarter coverings of stout bulls’-hide, reaching to the hocks. They were fringed with small pieces of iron which jingled like bells, and were supposed to add to the terror ever spread by these animals among the natives.[1020] The riders were equally protected, some with helmet and body mail of steel, which covered even the limbs, leaving the wearer vulnerable only at the joints.[1021] Others had less complete mail, while many possessed only the twisted cotton armor worn by the foot-soldiers, though this was sufficiently effective in native warfare. Thus was experience rapidly developing the art of war in America.

The troops having fallen into line, Cortés advanced on horseback and addressed them. They had mustered for a most important enterprise, to recover the rich provinces once acquired but wrested from them by treacherous rebels, to elevate the holy faith insulted by idolaters, and to avenge the blood of cruelly murdered friends and comrades. “Just are the reasons which impel us,” cried the speaker, “and necessary to our security. Spaniards! God has ever favored you; therefore be fearless. Let your conduct be such as to inspire with respect and confidence our stout and tried allies, a hundred thousand and more of whom stand ready and eager to join us. What more can Christian soldiers desire than the double favors which God here giveth us, rich rewards in temporal blessings and that glory immortal which follows victory?” Thus the astute commander stirred the hearts of his men; and believing his own words, was himself stirred thereby. And the shout came back to him that they would regain the lost and avenge themselves on the exultant Tenochtitlans.[1022]

Not to be outdone by foreigners, next morning the Tlascaltecs marched into the plaza to the sound of conchs, pipes, and drums, the four lords at the head richly attired and in plumage studded with precious stones, which rose a yard above their heads in variegated colors, denoting their rank and achievements. Following them were four squires bearing their weapons, and the standard-bearers of the respective quarters. Then in files of twenty deep came the regular warriors, divided into archers, shieldmen, and pikemen, and into companies, each with its ensigns and musicians. A striking spectacle they presented in their orderly lines, gay with flowing plumes, glittering arms, and many-colored devices; some of the latter displayed on a broad plane of shields extended; others embroidered on the quilted cotton tunics of leading warriors. All together formed a series of gay streaks broken by wider bronze-hued masses of naked rank and file, while above all heads rose a profusion of feather-work banners, speckled with brilliant ornaments.[1023] These were lowered as the companies passed before Cortés, who doffed his cap in acknowledgment, the warriors responding by bending the head and discharging their bows. Their number on this occasion has been estimated as high as one hundred and fifty thousand, and although this is evidently exaggerated, there is no doubt that the large Tlascaltec army was swelled by companies from the neighboring provinces.[1024]

The march over, Cortés addressed the allies, extolling their deeds which had covered the republic with glory. Soon again would they add to its renown and its wealth, while avenging ancient wrongs. He would see to it that their services were recognized by the emperor. A small proportion would accompany him on the present march; the remainder could follow after the completion of the brigantines.[1025] In orthodox cheers the native warriors testified approbation. Their general then spoke, exhorting them ever to remember that they were Tlascaltecs, a name of terror to all foes. Only twenty thousand of the eager republicans, including some Huexotzincas and the carriers, were allowed to join the expedition, for more could not be conveniently used during the preliminary campaign. Their general was Chichimecatl.[1026]

On the following day, the 28th of December, after the invocation of divine aid, and midst the stirring strains of music, the army filed out of Tlascala, the populace lining the route and shouting their farewell blessings. “The gods grant you victory!” they cried, “and successful return.” “There go the strong ones to humble the proud,” said some, while of the women many sobbed: “Oh! if our eyes should never behold you again!” There were three routes leading into the lake provinces, two of them tried already during former marches; but since the enemy were doubtless on the alert with ambuscades and other measures, it was deemed best to select the third and worst road, north of snow-crowned Iztaccihuatl, by which an approach would be least expected.[1027] This led through Tezmeluca,[1028] a village in Huexotzinco, six leagues from Tlascala, where camp was formed. Here began a three-league ascent of the pass, and the Tezcucan border was crossed amidst intense cold, the gradually dwindling vegetation giving freer scope to the bleak wind which came whistling from the summits. A league farther a convenient spot was found for a halt, and the tired and shivering soldiers were soon huddling round fires. On the following day a thick pine forest was entered, and soon after the road was found blocked with felled trees. This created no little stir among the men, but Cortés, who had not expected an unobstructed path, sent forward a body of natives to clear it.[1029] With forces massed and arms prepared, Cortés thereupon led the way, and in half a league open ground was gained, to the relief of all. The difficulties of the march were passed, and behind the army now lay the grim expanse of barren rocks and hoary peaks; while beneath a pale-blue sky they descended the wooded slopes to the valley below, rich in variegated hues of field and garden, and enlivened with the gleaming white of human habitation. Beyond spread the glassy surface of the lakes, bordered on the farther side by the misty outline of low ranges, fading in the distance like the glories of the now fading empire. The queen city was the theme, however, and while some descanted to late recruits on its wealth and beauties, others stood silently gazing on the spot so dimmed with sad remembrances. Thus pondering on the past they could almost hear the voices of fallen comrades calling on them for vengeance, and “we vowed,” writes Cortés, “there to achieve victory or perish.”[1030] As if in response to the challenge, ominous smoke columns rose from the circling heights, the signal of the Mexicans to rouse the inhabitants against the invaders.

No opposition was met during the descent, but beyond a ravine, on level ground, forces were seen approaching from different directions.[1031] By a quick movement Cortés managed to leave the broken ground and gain the bridges ere the foe had united. Having now a plain before them, fifteen of the horsemen charged and routed the main body. The rest dispersed, with the Tlascaltecs in close pursuit to kill and ravage. The army did not camp till they reached the deserted Coatepec, some three leagues from Tezcuco.

Shortly before this there had been an accession in the person of Ixtlilxochitl,[1032] the ruler of the northern part of Acolhuacan, who had offered his friendship to the Spaniards before they ever entered the valley. His faith in them was unshaken, particularly under the aspect of their late successes, and he came to renew his protestations, assuring Cortés that no opposition would be offered at Tezcuco. He gave information about the political feeling, the prospect for humbling the hated Aztecs, and the fate of certain small bodies of Spaniards during the uprising. He also stated that Cuicuetzcatl was no more. While at Tepeaca, Cortés had sent to Cohuanacoch, the usurper king at Tezcuco, an Acolhua noble,[1033] with peaceful proposals. The envoy was executed. Not long after, Cuicuetzcatl set out for Tezcuco, without leave, tired as he was of the semi-captive restraint at Tlascala, and confident that with the aid of his adherents and the prestige of Spanish success he would be able to overthrow his usurping brother and resume the sceptre entrusted him by Montezuma and Cortés. The presence of so powerful an intriguer in the capital could not long escape the spies of Cohuanacoch, who had him seized, and by the advice of Quauhtemotzin summarily removed from his path.[1034]

Although fully a hundred thousand warriors were rumored to be hovering hereabout, no formidable evidences of hostility were encountered during the march to Tezcuco. A short distance from Coatepec a procession of Acolhua nobles appeared, headed by four prominent personages, and bearing a golden banner as a peace offering. They came in the name of Cohuanacoch to tender his submission and the hospitality of the city, with the request that no ravages be committed. After what he had learned Cortés could hardly look upon their master as other than an inimical usurper, whose tardy proffers could not be trusted, and whose opposition need not be feared. He accordingly received the message coldly, referred to the treacherous slaughter of the Yuste party of fifty Spaniards and three hundred Tlascaltecs, and demanded that at least the treasures seized on that occasion should be restored; failing in which, a thousand natives should die for every Spaniard killed. The envoys tremblingly explained that the outrage had been committed by Zoltepecs at the instance of the Aztec ruler, whose men had carried off the valuables. Still, they would institute a search.[1035]

Regardless of their urgent request that the entry into the capital should be deferred till quarters had been prepared, Cortés proceeded through the outlying suburbs of Coatlichan and Huexotla, where the chiefs came forth to render homage, and passed on Monday, the 31st of December, into Tezcuco, which was for many a month to be his ‘halting-place,’ as the name signifies.[1036] Quarters were taken up in Nezahualcoyotl’s palace, as the largest and strongest place.[1037]

Meanwhile some soldiers who had ascended a tower came to report that the inhabitants were hurrying away by land and water. Cortés now understood why the envoys had sought to detain him on the road, and gave immediate orders to seize the ruler and as many leading men as possible. It was too late, however. Cohuanacoch had escaped. After usurping the throne, combining with the foes of the Spaniards, and murdering the ruler appointed by them, he did not dare to trust himself within their reach. Hence, as the invaders marched in he embarked for Mexico with his family, his chief adherents and treasures, attended by a fleet of canoes with fugitives and effects. The anger of Cortés at this escape encouraged the pursuing troops to commit certain excesses; and in this they could hardly be blamed, for in one of the temples were found relics of the Yuste party, which very naturally fired the soldiers with a desire for vengeance.[1038] Ixtlilxochitl and other friendly chiefs implored pity for the unoffending inhabitants, and orders were issued in accordance, though not until the allies had sacked a number of houses and fired the beautiful Nezahualpilli palace containing the national archives.[1039]

Not knowing what might follow this exodus, Cortés hastened to fortify his quarters and to collect supplies, aided by Ixtlilxochitl, who had succeeded somewhat in reassuring the people. In order to restore confidence, however, and win the inhabitants to his purposes, he saw that there should be a recognized head, with influence to control them, and one whom he could trust. The former necessity demanded that the choice should be made among the brothers of Cohuanacoch, children of Nezahualpilli, and of these Ixtlilxochitl and Tecocoltzin were the only professed friends of the Spaniards. The latter was of less legitimate birth, it seems, than some of the brothers, and a mere youth, who had shared the quasi captivity of Cuicuetzcatl, and had accepted baptism with the name of Fernando Cortés de Monroy.[1040] He was tall and well formed, of noble presence, and as fair as the average Spaniard. Of docile disposition, he had readily conformed to the teachings of the friars, had adopted Spanish ideas, and had become a favorite among the conquerors. It may be readily understood that this easily ruled boy should be preferred by Cortés to Ixtlilxochitl, whose stay in Tezcuco during the troublous times had not tended to strengthen Spanish confidence.

Cortés summoned the chiefs and represented that since Cohuanacoch had forfeited any claims that he might have had to the throne, by murdering the lawfully elected king and by abandoning his country, they should therefore choose another ruler. He took care that his selection should become known to them, and the electors hastened to conform to the conqueror’s will, not even Ixtlilxochitl venturing to remonstrate.[1041]

Fernando was accordingly brought from Tlascala soon after and installed with great ceremony, receiving a Spanish dress with arms.[1042] He proved kind and faithful, particularly to his patrons, yet Cortés never relaxed his caution, and in order to keep him under safe surveillance Antonio de Villareal was appointed his tutor, and Bachiller Escobar captain of Tezcuco, while Pedro Sanchez Farfan and his brave wife María de Estrada also remained there. This recognition of an esteemed descendant of the beloved Nezahualpilli, and the just and moderate conduct of the Spaniards, served to reconcile the people, who speedily returned to their homes and avocations. The caciques of Coatlichan, Huexotla, and Atenco tendered allegiance within three days of the Spanish entry, protesting that their hostility had been wholly compulsory.

This ready submission was by no means palatable to Quauhtemotzin, who sent messengers to stir anew the spirit of revolt, while preparing to strike a blow. But the emissaries were promptly surrendered to the Spaniards, before whom they pretended to be merely peace mediators. It pleased Cortés to accept the explanation, and after treating the captives with great kindness he sent them back to Mexico to carry peace proposals. Those who had been the chief promoters of the late uprising were now dead, and it was better the past should be forgotten, and friendship established. To this no answer was vouchsafed.

No hostile demonstration having occurred for eight days after the entry into Tezcuco, Cortés resolved to waste no further time in preparation, but to begin the campaign. This course was also needed to maintain the troops in activity, to encourage them with spoils, and to save the friendly Tezcucans from the constant drain of providing supplies. Among the intended head-quarters during the siege of Mexico to follow was the rich and beautiful garden city of Iztapalapan, close to the southern entrance of the capital. This was an advantageous point, through which a blow might be dealt the Mexicans while chastising the town itself for the hostility of its inhabitants and their late ruler, Cuitlahuatzin, the brother and successor of Montezuma. The expedition consisted of eighteen horse and two hundred foot, with a few thousand Tlascaltecs and Tezcucans,[1043] headed by Cortés, Sandoval remaining in charge of the camp.

Warned by the movement, the inhabitants began to remove their families and valuables, while the warriors marched along the lake shore for nearly two leagues to meet and detain the invaders, supported by Aztec forces and a fleet of canoes. As soon as the Spaniards came up a lively skirmish ensued, the warriors being obliged to retreat, though slowly, rallying at times, when the nature of the ground permitted.[1044] Three hours of fighting brought them near the town, and a final assault by the soldiers effected an entrance and forced the warriors to take refuge in canoes and houses. The first comers occupied the upper quarters, the others continued their course toward the lake, where the dwellings stood on piles, cutting down every person encountered in the streets. General massacre was followed by pillage, and before nightfall six thousand bodies were ready for the funeral pyre.[1045] Suddenly midst the work of destruction Cortés observed startling signs of increasing waters, and soon after a Tezcucan brought word that the dike shielding the town on the west had been cut. In their desperation the inhabitants had invoked the flood, whose mercy could not be more pitiless than the invaders, while it might assist the work of revenge.[1046]

The opening was widening every moment. No time was to be lost. The recall was sounded, but with the people so scattered it took some time to gather them. Staggering under the weight of spoil they fell into line, their march being dimly lighted by the flames behind them. The flood increased so much that few of them could retain their burdens, and near the opening the water came with such force as to make the passage difficult. Several of the allies were swept away. It was nine o’clock before the last of the troops gained the high land beyond the dike. “A delay of three hours longer, and none of us would have escaped,” writes Cortés. Failing in their desperate sacrifice to catch the invaders in the flooded houses, there to be imprisoned all night by the rushing waters, the enemy were at hand in canoes with early dawn, showering missiles and sallying against the flanks of the invaders. The Spaniards could only reply with sword and lance, for the powder was wet, and since nothing more could be done under the circumstances, they continued the retreat to Tezcuco. A number of allies fell, and even the soldiers, who had suffered no casualties in the capture of Iztapalapan, now lost one out of their ranks.[1047]

Notwithstanding the loss of booty and the humiliating retreat, the expedition had succeeded in its main object, to inflict a severe lesson on the foe by desolating one of the finest cities in the valley, at the very threshold of the capital. The effect was noticed in the arrival, the day after the return to Tezcuco, of messengers from Otumba and several adjacent towns,[1048] penitently to renew their allegiance, which was never again broken. A number of other towns and domains followed the example, notably Chalco, a large and fertile district extending round Chalco Lake, and toward the south-eastward. It had fallen from the rank of an independent kingdom to that of a province tributary to the Aztecs. The severity of its taskmasters kept ever smouldering the flame of revolt, and deeply the people sighed for deliverance. Owing to the proximity of the Mexicans and the presence of their lawless garrisons, they like many others had not before ventured to cast off the yoke, but with the approach of the Spaniards they gathered courage, and two envoys were sent to implore protection.[1049]

This accorded with Cortés’ plans, and Sandoval was instructed to assist them. His first order, however, was to escort to Tlascala with twenty horsemen and two hundred infantry the carriers, together with a number of warriors, who desired to return home with the booty so far acquired. Fresh supplies were likewise desired, and communication with Villa Rica must be kept open. They had not proceeded far before the Tlascaltecs, who had hastened in advance of the Spanish main body, found themselves attacked by a large force, which slew a number and captured the carriers’ train. Sandoval routed the assailants and recaptured most of the booty.[1050]

From Tlascala Sandoval turned to Chalco. In certain maizefields in front of the capital the Mexicans stood prepared with twelve thousand warriors to dispute possession. He charged them at the head of his cavalry, but, though yielding for a moment, they rallied and with their long pikes compelled him to fall back upon the infantry and allies. The second charge was more successful, and within two hours the foe was in flight, during which large numbers were slaughtered and some captives taken, including three leading men, while but few of the Spaniards were even wounded.

The Chalcans came forth to tender an ovation, and the two young rulers Acazitzin and Omacatzin[1051] accompanied the troops to personally offer allegiance to Cortés, together with some small presents. Their father had always admired the Spaniards and sought to serve them,[1052] and on his death-bed, during the late small-pox epidemic, he had recommended them and their counsellors to submit to the white chief, for to him and his children of the sun did prophecy point as rulers of that land. So important an accession gave no little pleasure to Cortés, who treated the young prisoners with every consideration. At their own request he confirmed them in the lordship, assigning to the eldest Chalco city, with more than half the towns in the province, while the younger received Tlalmanalco and Chimalhuacan, with Ayotzinco and other places subject to them.[1053]

The eight captives were kindly treated, and sent to Mexico with peace proposals similar to those transmitted by the former captors; but there came no reply. The secession of Chalco was a blow to the Mexicans even more severe than the capture of Iztapalapan, owing to the bad example to submissive and wavering provinces, and Quauhtemotzin hastened with allurements and threats to reimpress upon them the necessity for remaining true to the empire. These messages were also sent to the towns round Tezcuco; and the caciques of Coatlichan and Huexotla came to the Spanish camp in great distress, to say that all Mexico was coming upon them. They were doubtful whether to flee to the mountains or come to Tezcuco. They were reassured and promised succor when required; meanwhile they must entrench themselves and prepare the warriors. The Mexicans did little, however, beyond making raids on farms and stragglers from two towns,[1054] wherein they were entrenched, not far from Tezcuco. This attack on the larder of the army could not be endured, and Cortés went forth on two occasions to secure the threatened crops for himself, driving off a force of marauders who had come with quite a fleet in the expectation of a fine harvest, and capturing their strongholds on the lake.[1055]

All this made communication with Tlascala insecure, and on last leaving that province Sandoval had strictly forbidden any one to cross to Tezcuco without a permit. It so happened that a vessel arrived at Villa Rica with over thirty soldiers, besides the crew, eight horses, and a quantity of war stores. Knowing how pleased Cortés would be, a young soldier broke the rules, adventured his life, and carried the tidings to the general, who freely forgave the disobedience of orders. This young cavalier also reported that the brigantines were completed and ready for transport. Since siege operations could not begin until the brigantines were floated on Tezcuco Lake, no time was to be lost, and Sandoval received orders to proceed at once to Tlascala and convoy the precious train. In going he must pass through Zoltepec, five leagues distant, near the eastern border of Acolhuacan, and there inflict chastisement for the murder of the Yuste party during the late uprising.

Sandoval set out with fifteen horse and two hundred foot. On the way a house was passed bearing upon its wall the touching inscription, “Herein the unhappy Juan Yuste was a prisoner.” The inhabitants of Zoltepec, henceforth termed ‘pueblo Morisco,’ had long expected this descent, and no sooner did the party appear in sight than they hastened to the mountains. One body of soldiers entered the town to plunder, and found among other things relics of the dress, arms, and accoutrements of their slain comrades in one of the temples.[1056] Another body pursued the fugitives, killing a few and capturing a large number, chiefly women, who were enslaved. Their pleading so moved the heart of Sandoval that he issued a pardon to those who had escaped.

Meanwhile Martin Lopez, the master shipwright in Tlascala, had arranged for the transportation of the brigantines. A trial launch had been made of one or two above a dam thrown across Zahuatl River,[1057] and this proving satisfactory they were broken up. Upon the shoulders of eight thousand carriers were now loaded the separate pieces of timber and planks, duly marked and numbered for fitting them together; also the spars, cordage, sails, together with a quantity of ammunition, two heavy guns, and other effects.[1058] Gayly they bent to the burden wherein lay enginery so portentous for the destruction of the hated Aztecs. The caravan set forth, escorted by a large force of warriors, and halted at Hueyotlipan to await the Spanish convoy. After a time the Tlascaltecs became impatient, and regardless of warnings proceeded. While encamped near the border an alarm was raised, and tumultuously the warriors rushed to arms to protect a portion at least of the train which had cost such labor and embodied such hopes. The next moment a cheer was heard. It was Sandoval and his men.

With this new protection many of the Tlascaltec escort could be dismissed, and the remaining twenty thousand were redistributed, the rear being assigned to the leading chief, Chichimecatl, and the flanks to Axotecatl and Teotepil.[1059]

It was a strange sight in those parts, this serpentine procession as it wound its way across the Tezcucan border, along the narrow defiles of the mountains,[1060] extending two miles from front to rear, it is said. A fleet impelled by human agencies over mountain and plain, through forest and dale, it was indeed a “cosa maravillosa,” as Cortés expresses it. The feat of Vasco Nuñez stood repeated, but magnified in some respects, in the number of the vessels, in the distance of the journey, the lurking foe being ever present, and in the audacity of purpose, the subjugation of the proudest metropolis on all this vast continent. And great was the rejoicing at Tezcuco as the caravan came in sight on the fourth day, arrayed in gala attire, with brightly gleaming devices and ornaments, and waving plumage, advancing in one long line to inspiring music. With a large retinue, also in gala dress, Cortés went forth to meet them, and as the procession passed into the city the Tlascaltecs rolled forth their newly acquired Spanish vivas: “Viva el Emperador!” “Viva Malinche!” “Castilla!” “Tlascala, Tlascala, Castilla!” The march past occupied six hours, says Cortés. Ship-yards were prepared for the vessels on the border of a creek or irrigation canal, which had been deepened and widened for nearly half a league, fortified in places with timber and masonry, and provided with dams and locks. This labor had occupied eight thousand Tezcucans fifty days.[1061]