FOOTNOTES
[901] This appears to have taken place on the Xocotlan road, followed by the Spaniards on first entering the country, for in the temple of this town, says Bernal Diaz, were found the saddles and other trophies. He estimates the treasure lost at 40,000 pesos. Hist. Verdad., 108, 116-117; Lejalde, Probanza, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 425.
[902] Herrera writes, under Iuste and Morla. If correct there were two Morlas.
[903] Herrera copies this account, but gives also another in an earlier chapter, which leads one to suppose that Yuste and a few companions escaped to the mountains. They either perished of hunger or were captured at some settlement while offering the remnant of their treasures for food. An inscription by Yuste on a piece of bark recorded their sufferings. ‘Por aqui passò el desdichado Iuan Iuste, con sus desdichados compañeros, con tãta hambre, que por pocas tortillas de mayz, diò vno vna barra de oro, que pesaua ochocientos ducados.’ dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xiii.; dec. iii. lib. i. cap. v. Torquemada repeats both versions, i. 530-1. Peter Martyr and Gomara are also confused, allowing the Yuste party in one page to fall at the pass, and on another to turn back to Villa Rica from Tlascala. Hist. Mex., 165, 181-2. A misinterpretation of a vague passage by Cortés is the cause of the mistake, into which nearly every writer has fallen. The party carried, according to the Cartas, 141, 183-4, a number of agreements with the natives, and other valuable documents, beside Cortés’ personal effects and valuables, worth over 30,000 pesos de oro. Bernal Diaz says three loads of gold. The inhabitants said that people from Tezcuco and Mexico had done the deed to avenge Cacama. But none except the natives of the district could have had time to gather for the attack.
[904] Herrera places the number of the party at 50 or 60. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xv. Bernal Diaz speaks of the slaughter in Tochtepec of 72 men and 5 women, and he leaves the impression that they were a part of the Narvaez force which had followed the army at their leisure. Hist. Verdad., 108. This is no doubt the party described in the text. Yet Herrera, in cap. xvii., refers to the destruction at Tochtepec of a force of 80 men under Captain Salcedo, who was sent to reduce this province a few months later. This incident, mentioned by no other original authority, may be identical with the preceding. Had the party in question belonged to the original force of Narvaez it would have accompanied Yuste and Alcántara. Such not being the case, it must have arrived after their departure. This receives confirmation from Gomara’s statement that several small parties, who had been attracted to New Spain by Cortés’ conquests, were killed in Tepeaca and Xalacinco. Hist. Mex., 173. The narratives of Bernal Diaz and Cortés specify some of these, numbering from ten to eighteen men, who fell at Quecholac, Tepeaca, and other places. It is not likely that so many small parties could have arrived on the coast during the short interval of Cortés’ departure from Cempoala and his retreat to Tlascala; nor that they would have ventured in small numbers into a strange country, during so unquiet a period; nor would a mere dozen have been allowed to penetrate so far as Tepeaca ere they met their fate. Hence they must have belonged to the large party spoken of in the text, whose members, dead or captive, were distributed among the different towns which had aided in their defeat. This appears to be the only way to reconcile the differing statements, which have so confused every writer as to lead them into apparent blunders or into the omission of facts. See Robertson’s Hist. Am., ii. 99; Prescott’s Mex., ii. 409-10; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 353-5.
[905] Bernal Diaz intimates that only two vessels remained of Narvaez’ fleet, and one of these was now destroyed so that the crew might be sent to Tlascala. The reinforcements numbered four soldiers and three sailors, two of whom suffered from swollen stomachs, and the rest from venereal diseases. Hist. Verdad., 109.
[906] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 109, mentions only four deaths.
[907] ‘Se le pasmo la cabeça, o porque no le curaron bien, sacãdole cascos: o por el demasiado trabajo.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 162. Solis describes the progress of the cure with a minuteness that would do credit to a medical journal. Hist. Mex., ii. 212-14.
[908] The Cihuacohuatl, Tzihuacpopocatzin, Cipocatli, and Tencuecuenotzin. The account of this tumult is given in a memorial on the conquest by an Indian, possessed by Torquemada. i. 509-10. Brasseur de Bourbourg assumes Tzihuacpopocatzin and the Cihuacohuatl to be sons of Tizoc, and the last two to be the sons of Montezuma, the last named a bastard. Cipocatli, accepted by him as the other name for Asupacaci, the legitimate heir of the emperor, he assumes with Cano to have been murdered by Quauhtemotzin. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 345. But we have seen that Cortés appears more correct in saying that the prince fell with him during the Noche Triste. Brasseur de Bourbourg’s assumption serves merely to show how hasty and untrustworthy his statements often are.
[909] Cortés assumes only two rivals, the natural sons of Montezuma, ‘el uno diz que es loco y el otro perlático.’ Cartas, 153.
[910] Twenty days after Montezuma’s death. Ixtlilxochitl, Relaciones, 413, 304.
[911] Of which Sahagun gives some account. Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 137. See also Torquemada, i. 511.
[912] ‘Él les hace gracia por un año de todos los tributos y servicios que son obligados á le hacer.’ Cortés, Cartas, 155; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 173.
[913] Beaumont, Crón. Mich., MS., 68 etc.; Native Races, ii. 107-8; v. 508 et seq.
[914] ‘Entrarian en parte de todas las rentas de las provincias sugetas por el imperio.’ Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 304.
[915] ‘Tanto supieron decir á la señoría estos embajadores, que casi toda ella, ... la redugeron á su voluntad y deseo.’ Old Xicotencatl being one of the most devoted. Id. Herrera also assumes that this chief favors the Mexicans, but the supposition is due to confounding the two men of this name. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xiv.
[916] ‘A q̄ venistes, a comernos nuestra hazienda, anda que boluistes destroçados de Mexico, echados como viles mugeres.’ Id.
[917] Bernal Diaz assumes that the young chief had been brought before the council a prisoner, to be arraigned for his machinations. His father was so deeply incensed against him as to decree his death, but the other chiefs were lenient out of respect for the father; the conspirators were arrested. Hist. Verdad., 109-10. A later writer states, on doubtful authority, that the chieftain was also removed from the command of the army; and Solis assumes that the act of jostling him down the steps in the council-hall was the form of degradation, which took place during a special session, after the deliberation. He appealed to Cortés, who caused him to be reinstated. Hist. Mex., ii. 220-3. According to Camargo, the elder Xicotencatl had ceded his place as ruler to the son, owing to his advanced age. Hist. Tlax., 173-4. In such a case no imprisonment or degradation could have been admitted; perhaps in no case, since he merely advocated what he considered to be the best for the country. Duran states that he was surrendered to Cortés, who ‘le puso en prisiones, y creo que al cabo le mandó matar,’ Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 485, a statement which may have aided to confuse Gomara, who allows Cortés to execute him already during his first stay at Tlascala. On the present occasion he lets Maxixcatzin strike the leader of the opposite faction. Hist. Mex., 90, 164. His blunder and vagueness helped Herrera to confound the two Xicotencatls, and Brasseur de Bourbourg to attribute to father and son the same opinion. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 365-7. This is also the view of Ixtlilxochitl. The discussion was held in the hall or oratory of Xicotencatl, where Cortés had planted the cross. While Maxixcatzin was advocating the Spanish cause a cloud settled on the cross and darkened the room. This miracle encouraged the orator, who threw down the younger Xicotencatl and won all to his side. The Mexican envoys were now dismissed with a refusal, whereupon the cloud dissipated, leaving the room bright and the cross resplendent, and attracting many believers. Hist. Chich., 304-5. Sahagun allows Xicotencatl, chief among the lords, to attack the second lord for urging the murder of the Spaniards. Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 138.
[918] With reference to the attack on Xicotencatl in the council-chamber, Herrera says, ‘Sin tener los Mexicanos otra respuesta se boluieron, con relacion de lo que passaua,’ dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xiv., a sentence which Clavigero elaborates into a flight of the envoy on observing the agitation of the people. ‘E’ però da credersi, che il Senato mandasse degli Ambasciatori Tlascallesi per portar la risposta.’ Storia Mess., iii. 149. Prescott and others also suppose that they fled; but this is unlikely, since personages so conspicuous as envoys could hardly have escaped from the centre of the republic without the knowledge of the senate, who had, beside, given them a guard, as well for their honor and protection as for preventing the undue exercise of their curiosity. Envoys enjoyed great respect among these peoples. Camargo and Ixtlilxochitl assume more correctly that the envoys were notified and dismissed.
[919] Tlascala sealed her enslavement, as some view it, ignoring national interests for the sake of shameful revenge. Behold now the punishment in her decay, and in the odium cast on her descendants by other peoples. So says Bustamante, in Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 140. They have certainly dwindled away ever since Cortés began to scatter them as colonists in different directions; but this was the natural and inevitable consequence of the presence of the stronger element. During Spanish dominion they enjoyed some slight privileges, and since then no odium has attached to them except in casual references to the conquest by prejudiced writers.
[920] ‘En nombre de todos.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 166. Whereat Bernal Diaz is exceedingly wroth. ‘We, the old soldiers, stood by Cortés,’ he asserts, ‘and Gomara’s omission to say so is intended to exalt him at our expense.’ Hist. Verdad., 110. Cortés himself intimates that the request was general. Cartas, 142. But Herrera more justly attributes it to ‘la mayor parte.’ dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xiv.
[921] ‘Si mal nos sucediere la ida [of the next campaign] hare lo que pedis: y si bien, hareis lo que os ruego.’ Thus Cortés, by his skill and firmness, saved not only the conquest but the lives of his men, which must have been sacrificed in a retreat. Had they reached Villa Rica they would not have remained there, but would have passed on to the islands, thus abandoning the country. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 167. Most of the points in the above speech are to be found in the lengthy harangue prepared by this author. Oviedo’s is weaker, and loses itself in repetitions and crude elaborations, adorned with learned references ill suiting a soldier addressing rude men, although not altogether inconsistent with Cortés’ love of display. Toward the conclusion is said: ‘If any one there is who still insists on leaving, let him go; for rather will I remain with a small and brave number than with many, if composed in part of cowards and of those who respect not their honor. Even if all fail in their duty I shall not. We shall now know who, being of us, will drink water from the hand, and who will kneel to drink with the face to the ground, so that they may be bidden to depart, as God said to Gideon.’ Oviedo, iii. 332-3. The test, if ever intended, was not made, since all acquiesced. Solis, the inveterate speech-maker, has unaccountably subsided for this period; perhaps he is piqued at finding himself so fully anticipated. Cortés gives a brief synopsis of what he indicates to have been a long speech. On no account would he commit so shameful, dangerous, and treasonable an act as to abandon the country. Cartas, 142-3; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 151; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xiv.
[922] ‘Habiendo estado en esta provincia veinte dias, aunque ni yo estaba muy sano de mis heridas, y los de mi compañia todavía bien flacos, salí della.’ Cortés, 143. Gomara follows, while Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 110, writes that after a stay at Tlascala of 22 days Cortés announced the determination to march on Tepeaca, which provoked murmurs from the men of Narvaez. Preparations for the campaign appear to have intervened before the march began, and negotiations with the province to be assailed. Herrera intimates that fully 50 days had passed before negotiations were opened. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xv.
[923] ‘Significa Tepeyacac, remate, o punta de zerro,’ owing to the position of the city at the end of a mountain range. Id., cap. xxi.
[924] Their father, Chichtuc, had been sole ruler, but after his death the sons divided the province. Id. This author assumes that it was merely an ally of Mexico, but there is little doubt about its being tributary. ‘Ixcozauhqui, le principal de ses trois chefs.’ Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 368.
[925] The suggestion of thus opening the campaign is claimed by native historians for the Tlascaltec lords, Ixtlilxochitl naming Xicotencatl as the originator. Hist. Chich., 303; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 177.
[926] And out of gratitude for Cortés’ intercession in his behalf, as Solis claims.
[927] Half of the booty obtained in all conquered countries, with incorporation of Cholula, Huexotzinco, and Tepeyacac. Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 176. This extent of jurisdiction is doubtful. ‘Les haria en nõbre de su Magestad escriptura de conservarlos en sus tierras, y govierno,’ is the moderate arrangement given in Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 146. When in 1655 an attempt was made to encroach on their rights they produced the document and obtained justice.
[928] Bernal Diaz, who alone enters into details, enumerates 420 soldiers, 4000 Tlascaltecs, 17 horses, and 6 cross-bows, without artillery or ammunition. Hist. Verdad., 111. But this is hardly reliable, for a few lines before he refers to 440 men, and there is no doubt that some ammunition, field-pieces, and other war material must have been obtained from Villa Rica. Herrera speaks of musketeers and 6000 allies, 50,000 more to follow. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xv. Gomara allows 40,000 allies to set out at once, with provisions and carriers. Hist. Mex., 168. Ixtlilxochitl mentions only 4000, and names some of the leaders. Hist. Chich., 305. Herrera states that a question arose as to the prudence of trusting so small a body of soldiers with so large a force of allies—which soon swelled to over 100,000—who might in case of disagreement overwhelm them. A council was held, which decided that the loyalty of the Tlascaltecs had been sufficiently tried, and that a small number of allies would be of no service. ubi sup., cap. xiv.
[929] Cortés’ first messengers returned with two Mexicans, who brought the contemptuous reply. They were given presents, and told to summon the native chiefs to a parley. On their return with a threatening answer ‘fue acordado, ... por ante Escriuano ... que se diessen por esclauos à todos los aliados de Mexico, que huviessen muerto Españoles.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 112. ‘Respondieron que si mataron Españoles fue con justa razon, pues en tiempo de guerra quisieron passar por su tierra por fuerça, y sin demandar licencia.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 168.
[930] ‘Tuuierõ los Indios amigos buena cena aquella noche de piernas, y braços, porque sin los assadores de palo, que eran infinitos, huuo cincuenta mil ollas de carne humana.’ The Spaniards suffered from want of water and food. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xv. Rather a strong story. The Spaniards could not well suffer from hunger in the midst of maize fields, in harvest time. Oviedo takes occasion to dwell on the common practice of devouring the slain on the battle-field, thus saving the trouble of burial. iii. 334. ‘Mi pare una favola,’ is Clavigero’s comment. Storia Mess., iii. 152. See Native Races.
[931] ‘Padeciendo siempre de agua, y comida.’ Herrera, ubi sup. But this could hardly be the case in so rich a province, at this time.
[932] ‘En obra de veinte dias hobe pacíficas muchas villas y poblaciones á ella sujetas ... sin que en toda la dicha guerra me matasen ni hiriesen ni un español.’ Cortés, Cartas, 143. ‘En obra de quarenta dias tuvimos aquellos pueblos pacificos,’ but with great hardship, ‘porque de sangre, y polvo que estaua quajado en las entrañas, no echauamos otra cosa del cuerpo, y por la boca,’ etc. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 112-13.
[933] The name of a beautiful bird, now San Martin de Huaquechula. This town was known to the Spaniards under the name of Guacachula.
[934] ‘Á la entrada de un puerto que se pasa para entrar á la provincia de Méjico por allí.’ Cortés, Cartas, 145. After the conquest it was moved to a more open site, three leagues south. Torquemada, i. 316.
[935] Calcozametl. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 372.
[936] Herrera reduces Cortés’ figure to 20,000.
[937] Bernal Diaz names Olid alone for the command, and Gomara adds Ordaz and Andrés de Tapia, while Herrera substitutes Ordaz and Ávila. The latter is probably wrong in giving them 300 soldiers, and Peter Martyr errs, through his printer, perhaps, in allowing only 3000 allies.
[938] Cortés writes that this occurred in a town of Huexotzinco province, and that here the Spaniards were alarmed by the report of collusion between the Huexotzincas, the Quauhquechollans, and the Aztecs. The leaders described the expedition as difficult. Cartas, 146. Gomara follows, naming the captain who brought the chiefs captive to Cortés. Hist. Mex., 169. Bernal Diaz points out very plausibly that Huexotzinco lay wholly out of the way; and, ignoring the accession of volunteers, he assumes that the report of a vast gathering of Mexican troops round Quauhquechollan was the cause for alarm, among the Narvaez party only. Olid appealed to their honor, and did all he could to encourage them, but failed. Hist. Verdad., 112-13. Clavigero believes, on the other hand, that Olid caught the alarm as readily as the rest. Storia Mess., iii. 154. The joining of Huexotzincas may have led to the belief that the march lay through their territory.
[939] Bernal Diaz states that Cortés did not go, but sent Olid a sharp letter, which roused him to proceed with the expedition. But our chronicler was sick with fever all this time, and has evidently not been well informed. Cortés’ description of the route and of different occurrences indicates that he must have been present.
[940] ‘Cayeron muchos dellos [enemy] muertos y ahogados de la calor, sin herida ninguna, y dos caballos se estancaron, y el uno murió.’ Cortés, Cartas, 149.
[941] ‘En Mexinca.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 169.
[942] ‘Y se les conservan el día de hoy,’ says Lorenzana, in Cortés, Hist. N. España, 160.
[943] ‘Dos tiros de ballesta el uno del otro.’ Cortés, Cartas, 150.
[944] ‘Tres estados en alto, y 14. pies en ancho,’ says Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xvi. ‘Alto como cuatro estados por de fuera de la ciudad, é por de dentro está casi igual con el suelo.’ Cortés, Cartas, 150. Meaning, in places.
[945] Herrera says two.
[946] Later Izucar; now Matamoros.
[947] Bernal Diaz assumes that Olid is the sole leader; that he was here wounded, and lost two horses. Returning to Tepeaca he was received with great honor, and joined in laughing at the alarm which had caused the army to turn back at Cholula. He would never after have anything to do with the opulent and timid soldiers of Narvaez, he said. Hist. Verdad., 114. Gomara supposes that the bridge had been destroyed before the flight, so that few of the garrison escaped from the sword and the stream. Hist. Mex., 171.
[948] Ixtlilxochitl extends the stay at Ytzocan alone to twenty days. Hist. Chich., 305. Others make it less.
[949] Cortés calls it Ocupatuyo, which Lorenzana corrects into Ocuituco, and Torquemada into Acapetlahuaca, i. 315, while Clavigero insists that it should be Ocopetlajoccan. Storia Mess., iii. 157.
[950] ‘Vinieron asimismo á se ofrecer por vasallos de V. M. el señor de ... Guajocingo, y el señor de otra ciudad que está á diez leguas de Izzucan.’ Cortés, Cartas, 152.
[951] This name is badly misspelled. Chimalpain identifies it with Huaxtéca, which is decidedly out of the way, Hist. Conq., ii. 12, while Orozco y Berra stamps ‘en verdad errónea’ the suggestion of Lorenzana that it is Oajaca; but modern maps do place it in Oajaca, very slightly modified in spelling.
[952] They had always been loyal, they said, although deterred by fear of Mexico from sooner proclaiming it; the four remaining pueblos of the province would soon send in their allegiance. Cortés, Cartas, 152-3.
[953] The construction of sentences in Cortés, Cartas, 152, and the complex relationship, have misled nearly every one who notices this incident—as, Gomara, Hist. Mex., 171; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 147; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., .
[954] Alonso Coltzin. Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 12. Ixtlilxochitl calls him Ahuecatzin. Hist. Chich., 305. Alvarado stood sponsor. Terrified by some idle gossip, or by the preparations for his baptism, the boy asked the friar when he was to be sacrificed; but received comfort in a pious exhortation. Torquemada, i. 520.
[955] Herrera gives the command to Olid and Juan Rodriguez de Villafuerte, the owner of the much disputed first madonna image, accompanied by Juan Nuñez, Sedeño, Lagos, and Mata. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xvii. Olid may have been detached from Quauhquechollan after the first success had made troops less necessary; yet Herrera indicates that he set out before this expedition.
[956] ‘En lo de Cachula fue adonde auian muerto en los aposentos quinze Españoles.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 112.
[957] B. V. de Tapia, in his testimony against Cortés, states that about 6000 prisoners were sent to him from these districts by Olid, all of whom had surrendered without resistance, and that he ordered the men, 2000 in number, to be executed, the women and children being sold or distributed. Cortés, Residencia, i. 59-60.
[958] ‘Boluierõ a Tepeaca, y auiendo estado treynta dias en esta jornada hallaron a Hernando Cortes, que era buelto de Guacachula.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xvii. These successes are said to have been dimmed by a severe defeat at Tochtepec, on Rio Papaloapan, whither Salcedo had been sent with 80 men. It was the entrepôt for trade in this region, and was held by a strong Aztec garrison, aided by native warriors with Chinantec pikes. Owing partly to the efficient use of this weapon, and partly to the carelessness of Salcedo, the troops were surprised and slaughtered to a man, after selling their lives as dearly as possible. The disaster being a blow also to Spanish prestige which it would never do to overlook, Ordaz and Ávila were sent not long after with a larger force, some horses, and 20,000 allies, to exact retaliation in death, captivity, and rich spoil. The victors came back with ample plunder. Herrera, ubi sup. See [note 4] this chapter for doubts on the massacre.
CHAPTER XXIX.
KING-MAKING AND CONVERTING.
October-December, 1520.
Conquest in Detail—Barba Caught—Other Arrivals and Reinforcements—The Small-pox Comes to the Assistance of the Spaniards—Letters to the Emperor—Establishing of Segura de la Frontera—Certain of the Disaffected Withdraw from the Army and Return to Cuba—Division of Spoils—Head-quarters Established at Tlascala.
Thus all was going gayly with the Estremaduran once more. It was easy work overcoming the divided Aztec forces, which combined had proved so formidable. And there was little trouble now from factions. None advocated a station by the sea-side, with ships ready for flight; none thought of abandoning New Spain for Cuba. The simple presence of the general was as the shield of Abas, which performed so many marvels, and the mere sight of which could on the instant stay a revolt or reduce a province to submission.
The successes of the Spaniards were rapidly enlarging the fame and influence of their leader, bringing among other fruits, as we have seen, alliances and reinforcements, not alone from native sources, but from Spanish. The first accession of the latter was thirteen soldiers and two horses, brought in a small vessel under the hidalgo, Pedro Barba, formerly commandant at Habana. Commandant Rangel at Villa Rica had received instructions to secure any vessel that might arrive, both with a view to obtain recruits, and to prevent news from travelling to Cuba of the defeat of Narvaez, or other incidents. As the vessel entered the roadstead he accordingly approached it in a well manned boat, with hidden arms. “How fares Narvaez?” was Barba’s first inquiry. “Exceedingly well,” replied Rangel. “He is prosperous and rich, while Cortés is a fugitive, with a score of miserable followers at the most; or he even may be dead.” “All the better,” rejoined Barba; “for I bear letters from the most magnificent Velazquez, with instructions to secure the traitor, if he be alive, and send him at once to Cuba, whence he shall go to Spain, as commanded by our most illustrious Bishop Fonseca.” As a matter of course, Señor Barba will accept the proffered hospitality; he will go ashore and deliver his message to Narvaez in person. And he will catch this slippery fox from Estremadura, and carry him hence to be hanged; he will carry him to his worshipful master Velazquez to be hanged. So entering the boat he is conveyed away, but only, alas! to be declared a prisoner; only, alas! to learn that though damned, Cortés is not dead, and is by no means likely at once to meet strangulation at the hand either of Barba, Narvaez, or Velazquez. Meanwhile other visitors in other boats proceed to secure the crew. The vessel is dismantled; and since Cortés is the king, and not Narvaez, the so lately fierce and loyal Barba, nothing loath, declares for Cortés. Indeed, Barba was by no means unfriendly to the general, as proven by his attitude at Habana two years before. Any such reinforcement was gladly welcomed at Tepeaca, and Cortés sought to insure Barba’s loyalty by making him captain of archers.[959] A week later arrived another small vessel, under the hidalgo Rodrigo Morejon de Lobera, with eight soldiers, a mare, a quantity of crossbow material, and a cargo of provisions. It was secured in the same manner, and the soldiers and sailors proceeded to join the army. Thus Cortés draws them in, friend and foe alike being his fish, if once they enter his net.
More substantial reinforcements were in store, however. Governor Garay, of Jamaica, had in no manner been discouraged by the failure of his last expedition to Pánuco, and the rumors of his rival’s success in New Spain fired him to renewed efforts, the more so since he possessed the royal grant, the vessels, and the men, with ample means to sustain them. In the spring of 1520 he had despatched three vessels, with about one hundred and fifty soldiers and sailors, a few horses, and some artillery, under the former commander, Pineda.[960] Ascending the Pánuco the expedition came to a town,[961] and met with good reception, but the natives soon tired of giving their substance to strangers, who may beside have been guilty of excesses, and they made hostile demonstrations. Pineda showed a bold front, and proceeded to attack the town, but was surprised and killed, together with a number of soldiers and the horses.[962] The rest escaped as best they could in two of the vessels, pursued by a fleet of canoes. One of the caravels was wrecked not far above Villa Rica, whereupon a portion of the men resolved to proceed by land rather than suffer starvation on board, for in the hurry of the flight the lockers had received no attention. Both the sea and land parties arrived at the Spanish port, where every care was given them.[963] Thence they were forwarded to Tepeaca, where their cadaverous complexion and swollen bodies procured for them the nickname of ‘panzaverdetes,’ or green paunches. Hardship and bad food had carried a number past relief, and even in Tepeaca several died, including Camargo, as Bernal Diaz believes.
A month later, after the Quauhquechollan expedition, another vessel arrived with about fifty soldiers,[964] under Miguel Diaz de Auz, an Aragonian cavalier. He had been sent to reinforce Pineda, but after remaining at Rio Pánuco for a month, without seeing even a native, he had come down to search for the fleet. The fame of Cortés and the promise of rich spoils induced him to follow the preceding party, in contradistinction to which his stout and lusty recruits were dubbed the ‘strong-backs.’[965] Hearing that two other vessels had been fitted out to follow the Pánuco expeditions, and were probably now cruising along the coast, Cortés ordered a crew to be sent in pursuit, with the sole desire, as he expressed it, to save them from the fate which had so nearly overtaken Camargo. One was never heard of, and the other, the largest, entered the port before the searching vessel had left, it seems, bringing about one hundred and twenty men and sixteen horses. Camargo was induced to remonstrate with the captain against proceeding to Pánuco, since the result could only be disastrous, the native lord having, beside, tendered allegiance to Cortés in Montezuma’s time.[966] But the captain would not listen to him. To the joy of Cortés, however, a storm arose, which obliged this captain to slip his anchor and put to sea; obliged him to take refuge in San Juan de Ulua harbor, where he found his vessel so unsafe as to require her to be stranded, whereupon the forces and armaments were landed.[967] Cortés at once sent a sympathizing message, offering the captain every assistance, but never for a moment intending to give him any. He even tendered other vessels for his voyage—so he tells the emperor.[968] But there is no doubt that the tender was illusive, and that he did all in his power, with bribery, promises, and even force, to secure the men and armament, and at the same time to weaken his rivals by their loss. According to some accounts he caused their vessels to be sunk to prevent departure,[969] an act which Oviedo declares a fair war measure, particularly on the part of Cortés, who greatly needed reinforcements. Men destined for so comparatively unattractive a region as Pánuco must have been pleased by the prospect of ready spoils and Mexican treasures soon to fall into their hands under so able and successful a leader as Cortés. They were therefore readily induced to join him, the captains alone, as in the last instance, interposing objections for a while. These several accessions amounted, according to the testimony of Cortés, to about two hundred men and some twenty horses,[970] together with a large quantity of small-arms, artillery, and ammunition. Thus again and again was the shrewd and lucky Cortés aided by the very means which his great enemies and rivals had sent to be used against him; aided to reap the advantages they had planned and plotted to secure. And all the while he was pitting the antagonisms of native foes one against another, employing them also to assist him in securing the grand prize. Greatness is but another name for good fortune. Circumstances certainly did as much for Cortés in promoting success as Spanish arms and superior civilization.
Civilization! What fools we are, pluming ourselves in its radiance, the radiance of ghastly electrical lights, adopted instead of the glorious sun of nature. For is not the unartificial nature, and nature God, while artifice is rather of the devil? And yet we persist in glorifying artifice and calling it deity. The human sacrifice of the Aztecs was a horrible rite, but in the hands of the Spaniards is not Christianity a bloody mistress? And does not European civilization constantly demand the sacrifice of millions of lives, if not for the propitiation of gods, then to avenge an insult, to preserve the integrity of a nation, or to gratify the spleen of rulers? At hand even now, coming to the assistance of the magnificent Cortés, civilization’s pride and pet for the moment, is another ally of civilization, more terrible than horses, blood-hounds, gunpowder, or steel. At the time of Narvaez’ departure for Cuba, small-pox was raging there so severely that it offered a reason for preventing the governor from leaving with the expedition. A pioneer vessel of the fleet sowed the malady at Cozumel, whence it entered the continent. Before it spread far in this direction Cempoala was infected by a negro slave of Narvaez.[971] The Spaniards knew little about its treatment, and that little they sought to impart, not for their own safety, since those that were left of them were considered almost proof against the malady, but for the sake of the allies. Their advice did not avail much, however, for the natives were too devoted to their panacea, the hot and cold bath, which only intensified the evil. The terrible force of the first attacks of epidemics and endemics is well known, and it has been advocated with apparent truth that the diseases of a strong people fall with particular force on weaker races. After desolating the coast region for some time, the small-pox crossed the plateau border during the summer, and in September[972] it broke out round the lakes, on its way to the western sea, smiting high and low, rich and poor. For sixty days, according to native records, the hueyzahuatl, or great pest, raged here with such virulence as to fix itself a central point in their chronology. In most districts, says Motolinia, over half the population died, leaving towns almost deserted, and in others the mortality was appalling. Those who recovered presented an appearance that made their neighbors flee from them, until they became accustomed to the sight. Learning how contagious was the disease, and terrified by the number of deaths, the inhabitants left the bodies to putrefy, thus aiding to extend the pest. In some cases the authorities ordered the houses to be pulled down over the dead, so as to check the contagion. Not the least of the evil was a famine, which resulted from a lack of harvesters.[973]
Among the first victims at the capital were King Totoquihuatzin, of Tlacopan, and Cuitlahuatzin, the successor of Montezuma. The latter had ruled barely three months,[974] but sufficiently long to prove himself a most able leader of his people in their struggle for liberty, for he was brave, full of devices, and energetic, yet prudent; a man who, not content with securing the expulsion of invaders, had sought to strengthen his position with alliances and by attracting the subject provinces through gifts, remissions, and promises. If he did not succeed so well as he had hoped, the fault must be ascribed to the reputation of the previous government and to dereliction of duty among his officers.
As a monarch he would not have fallen far short of the native ideal, for as a general he had distinguished himself; and, the brother of Montezuma, he had in his court imbibed the dignity and majestic manner born of constant adulation from subservient nobles and plebeians. Crafty and unscrupulous, he appears not to have hesitated at crime and breach of faith to secure his aims for personal and state advancement. The flourishing condition of his own province indicated a not unwise administrator; and the beauty of Iztapalapan, its magnificent palaces, and exquisite gardens filled with choice plants from different regions, pointed to a ruler of cultivated taste.
There is no doubt that Mexico lost in him one of the most promising of sovereigns, and perhaps the only leader capable of giving her a longer lease of freedom in face of the irresistible onslaught of foreigners.[975] Thus bravely worked the small-pox for Cortés and the superior civilization.
The strongest candidate for the Mexican throne was now the high-priest Quauhtemotzin,[976] a young man of about twenty-three[977] years, rather handsome, of fairer complexion than the average of his race, grave and dignified, as befitted a prince, and ‘quite a gentleman for an Indian.’ He is said to have been the son of Montezuma’s sister by Itzquauhtzin, lord of Tlatelulco, the twin town or suburb of Mexico, who had been fellow-prisoner of the late emperor, and sharer in his fate.[978] The brothers and descendants of Montezuma had been pretty well removed by death, or through the machinations of Cuitlahuatzin; but if nearer legitimate claimants existed, Quauhtemotzin had eclipsed them all in experience, influence, and fame, as a brave and able leader. As the chief companion of his predecessor, and one who even before the appearance of the latter had led the uprising against the Spaniards, he had become identified as a true patriot, keeping himself at the head of the dominant party which began and continued the struggle for freedom. In order further to secure his influence he had taken to wife the only legitimate daughter of Montezuma, Princess Tecuichpo, or Isabel; and although the marriage was merely nominal, she being but a child, yet the alliance served the intended aim.[979] The Tepanecs at the same time elected as successor to their king, his son Tetlepanquetzaltzin,[980] whose coronation took place at the same time as that of Quauhtemotzin, hallowed by the blood of captive enemies, including no doubt some Spaniards. Cohuanacoch had meanwhile been chosen at Tezcuco in lieu of the disowned protégé whom Cortés had foisted upon them. By this trio were taken up the plans of Cuitlahuatzin for the deliverance of the country from her invaders, and especially were their efforts directed toward securing the loyalty of provinces and allies which had been stirred by the alarming progress of Spanish arms in Tepeaca.
A loss to the Spaniards through the epidemic, which outweighed many a gain, was the death of Maxixcatzin, to whose devoted friendship they chiefly owed their escape from the recent crises;[981] for he it was who took the lead in offering the Tlascaltec alliance and in overthrowing the inimical plans of the younger Xicotencatl in favor of the Aztecs. When the sad news came, Cortés felt as if he had lost a father, says Bernal Diaz, and mourning robes were donned by quite a number of the captains and men. In this they felt the more justified, since the chief, on finding himself stricken by the dread disease, had expressed a wish to become a Christian, and with the name of Lorenzo had received baptism at the hands of Olmedo, who joyfully hastened to Tlascala to perform so welcome a service for the Spaniards’ champion. He died exhorting his family and friends to obey Cortés and his brethren, the destined rulers of the land, and to accept their god, who had given victory over the idols.[982] It was fortunate that he did not die before Spanish prestige had been reëstablished by the Tepeaca campaign; for his friendship sufficed to confirm the allies in their adhesion, to gain for the Spaniards further coöperation, and to obtain for them a firm footing in the country.
The allied forces had become so numerous by the time Itzucan fell that they were absolutely unmanageable, and on returning from this place to Tepeaca Cortés dismissed them with friendly words to their homes, retaining only the tried Tlascaltecs, who had become efficient in the European style of warfare under the Spanish discipline and tactics.[983]
Before the Quauhquechollan expedition summoned him away, Cortés had begun a report to the emperor on the condition of affairs. On returning, he completed this his second and perhaps most interesting letter, dated at Segura de la Frontera, or Tepeaca, October 30, 1520, wherein are related the occurrences since the despatch of the first letter in the middle of July, a year before. “I write your Majesty,” it states, “although poorly told, the truth of all that has happened in these parts, and that which your Majesty has most need of knowing. With the aid of God the conquest is progressing in this new country, which from its similarity to Spain, in fertility, extent, temperature, and many other things, I have called La Nueva España del Mar Océano.” Then he proceeds to humbly beg his majesty to confirm this name. In a brief supplementary letter he asks the emperor to send a person of confidence to investigate and prove the truth of his statements.[984]
The council also wrote a letter to the emperor, speaking hopefully of the conquest, which already “extended, over one hundred and fifty leagues of the coast, from Rio Grande de Tabasco to Rio de Pánuco,”[985] while the remainder of the interior was on the sure way to reduction, under the able leadership of Cortés, whose valor and energy they praised.
They prayed that he, the beloved of all the troops, might be confirmed in the office of captain-general, as the only man whose genius and experience could be relied on to carry out and maintain the conquest. The natives being docile and ready to receive conversion, friars should be sent to secure this harvest for the church, and also to administer to the spiritual wants of the Spaniards. Colonists were needed; also horses, and other live-stock—the latter to be paid for at a future time—in order to secure the country and develop its wealth.
With these letters went one from the army, which, recounting but briefly the leading incidents of the campaigns, had for its main object to decry Narvaez and Velazquez as the sole cause of all the disasters that had occurred in the country, and to praise Cortés as a noble, loyal, and able man, by whom alone the conquest could be achieved.[986] These and other letters were intrusted to Alonso de Mendoza, a townsman of Cortés, together with thirty thousand pesos, in fifths and presents, and a number of commissions from different members of the expedition. A well appointed vessel was assigned for the voyage, and three other vessels were despatched for Española, there to enlist recruits and to buy horses, arms and ammunition, cattle, clothing, and other requirements, and four strong vessels to maintain traffic with the Antilles. Letters were sent to Licenciado Rodrigo de Figueroa and other royal officers on the Island, inclosing duplicates of those forwarded to Spain; and a number of specimens of the jewels, manufactures, and natural resources of the country, were transmitted as presents and as samples to allure recruits. The letters and the ample funds for the enlistment and purchases were intrusted to Contador Ávila and another officer,[987] with instructions to use every effort to confirm the audiencia officials in their good opinion of Cortés, so that they might plead his cause in Spain. The ill-treatment of Aillon by Velazquez and Narvaez had already impelled them to do this, as we have seen. Their advice was to be asked regarding the enslavement of rebels and other measures, and their authority and aid sought for obtaining men and stores.[988] Another vessel was sent under Solis[989] to Jamaica to buy horses and war material. Bernal Diaz does not fail to point out the evidence in the large remittance for Spain and the Antilles of treasures secretly taken from Mexico by Cortés and his clique, and accuses him of having appropriated also the share for Villa Rica, claimed to have been captured by the Indians during its transmission from Tlascala.[990]
No sooner were these preparations announced than Duero and a number of others of the Narvaez party claimed a fulfilment of the promise regarding their departure. The success of the Spanish arms and the allurement of spoils had reconciled most of the lately disaffected, so that those who now demanded to return were only a few of the more wealthy. The services of these could be readily dispensed with, now that such large reinforcements had been received, and the display of their accumulations at home might inspire fresh recruits. Therefore Cortés gave his consent, with abundant promises that as soon as the conquest was fully accomplished, gold and other rewards would flow on those who supported his cause either in the Islands or in Spain. Leaders like Duero and Bermudez were the chief recipients of such offers; and offers alone they remained in most instances, for Cortés was not the man to reward desertion. Duero and others evidently expected nothing more, since they were soon after found arrayed on the side of Velazquez. When some among the Cortés party raised objections to this diminution of the force, they were quieted with the declaration that the army was better rid of unwilling and inefficient soldiers, whose presence served only to discourage others.[991]
The vessel for Spain and two of those for the Islands were wrecked on the coast; and one consequence was that Mendoza’s departure was delayed till the 5th of March. He took with him a supplementary letter for the emperor, relating the progress so far made for the recovery of Mexico. By this time Ordaz was, according to Bernal Diaz, commissioned to join him and plead the cause of Cortés before the emperor, and at the same time to receive the reward for his many achievements, one of which was the ascent of the volcano. Several of the Narvaez party appear to have left by the same vessel.[992]
In course of the late campaign the advantages of the town of Tepeaca for permanent occupation had become apparent, chiefly as a point of observation for watching over the new conquest. It was well situated for protecting the road to Villa Rica,[993] and for communicating with Cholula and Tlascala, each capital eight or nine leagues distant, and it lay in the midst of a fertile maize country, which offered ample subsistence for a garrison. Although the punishment at first inflicted, by sacking and enslaving, had been severe, yet the treatment of the inhabitants became afterward so considerate that they themselves prayed for a continuance of Spanish protection.[994] Every circumstance, therefore, demanding a settlement, it was decided in council to found a villa in this same town, with the appropriate name of Segura de la Frontera, intended, as it was, to secure the frontier against the Mexicans. Pedro de Ircio was made alcalde, with Francisco de Orozco and others as regidores.[995]
The campaign being practically concluded, a division was ordered to be made of the spoils not hitherto distributed, including slaves, which had now become a prominent feature thereof, and were intended for personal and plantation service, as already practised in the Antilles. The pretence was to enslave only the inhabitants of districts concerned in the murder of Spaniards, but the distinction was not very strictly observed, and rebellious tribes and those addicted to cannibalism and other vicious practices were included.[996] The Spaniards, as a rule, kept only the women and the children, the men being transferred to the allies for their share, “because they were difficult to watch,” says Bernal Diaz, “and because their services were not needed while we had the Tlascaltecs with us.”[997]
The soldiers were ordered to bring in all their captives, which from the first had been branded for recognition with a ‘G,’ signifying guerra, war.[998] When the day for distribution came, it was found that the leaders and favored men had already secured their share by appropriating the prettiest and choicest slaves. They had probably been priced by the officials, and the leaders, being entitled to larger shares, had secured the best articles. At this there was a considerable uproar, increased by the outcry against the fifth set apart for Cortés, after deducting the royal fifth.[999] How the matter was settled is not clear, except that the general had recourse to the soothing eloquence he knew so well how to apply, promising that for the future he would conform to the general desire, which appeared to be in favor of offering the slaves at auction, so as to arrive at their proper value, and to give all members of the expedition an equal chance in securing the more desirable.[1000]
One of the last expeditions fitted out at Segura was for the reduction of the northern route to Villa Rica, by which the Spaniards had first entered the plateau, and for the punishment of those concerned in the murder of Alcántara and other Spaniards.[1001] It set out in the beginning of December, under Sandoval, with two hundred infantry, twenty horses, and the usual complement of allies, and entered Xocotlan valley, which readily submitted, with the exception of the main town, named Castilblanco during the first entry into the country. The cacique, who had then already shown himself unfriendly, rejected every proposition, with the threat that he would make a feast on the commander and his followers, as he had on the former party. There being no alternative, the cavalry charged the large force which had taken up position near a ravine, on the outskirts of the city, with a view to defend the entrance. Under cover of the musketeers and archers, who from one side of the ravine did considerable harm to the enemy, the charge succeeded, though four riders and nine horses were wounded, one of the latter dying. The enemy thrown into disorder fled to join the remaining garrison, which occupied the temples on the plaza. With the aid of the infantry and allies the stronghold speedily fell, and a number of prisoners were secured.[1002]
Proceeding northward along the mountain border of the plateau Sandoval added a considerable extent of country to his conquest, meeting serious opposition only at Jalancingo, where the Aztec garrison, ever since the beginning of the Tepeaca campaign, had been employed in fortifying the place, and either considered themselves secure or feared that a surrender would procure no better terms, for them, at least. They were disconcerted by being attacked on different sides, under native guidance, and after a brief resistance took to flight, during which a number of them were captured, the Spaniards losing three horses, and having eight men severely injured, Sandoval receiving an arrow wound. In a temple were found relics of slaughtered Spaniards, in the shape of dresses, arms, and saddles.[1003] A few days later the expedition set out to rejoin the army, with a large amount of spoils and a train of captives. The chiefs were pardoned by Cortés, with politic regard for the future, and enjoined to furnish their quota of supplies at Segura.[1004]
The head-quarters had meanwhile been removed to Tlascala, preparatory to a march on Mexico, and Segura was now in charge of the alcalde, Pedro de Ircio, lately lieutenant of Sandoval at Villa Rica, assisted by the regidor, Francisco de Orozco, and sixty men, including the invalids and the disabled.[1005] Cortés had left it in the middle of December,[1006] taking with the cavalry the route through Cholula,[1007] to settle the question of succession to a number of cacique offices vacated during the epidemic. These appeals were made to him not only as the representative of the Spanish monarch to whom the people had sworn obedience, but as an acknowledgment of his influence over the native mind. His treatment of the conquered and his equitable decisions of disputes had made him the umpire and king-maker whom not only allies, but half-reconciled tribes were willing to heed, in private and public affairs. Having made the appointments, and formed favorable arrangements for himself, he rejoined the army. The march to Tlascala was one befitting the return of conquering heroes. Triumphal arches covered the roads, and processions came to chant the praises of the victors, and recount the successes achieved by the Tlascaltec allies, as shown by spoils and banners from different provinces and cities, and by long files of captives. On nearing the republican capital the whole population came forth to join in the ovation, and at the plaza an orator stepped forward to greet Cortés in a glowing panegyric, wherein he reviewed his progress as conqueror and avenger. In reply Cortés alluded feelingly to the brotherhood between the two races, now cemented by blood and victories, and to the common loss sustained in the death of the wise and noble Maxixcatzin. These words, added to the evidence of sorrow in the mourning array of their dress and arms, left a most favorable impression on the minds of the brave allies.
He was again called as representative of his king to appoint as successor to Maxixcatzin his eldest legitimate son, a boy of twelve years, against whom a claimant had arisen.[1008] This done, Cortés dubbed him a knight, according to Castilian usage, in recognition of the services of his father, causing him also to be baptized, with the name of Juan, Maxixcatzin becoming the family name.[1009] Taking advantage of the occasion and of his own popularity, the general sought to inspire a more general feeling in favor of his religion, but the effort met with little encouragement, and he wisely refrained from pressing so dangerous a subject. According to Bernal Diaz, the elder Xicotencatl was among the limited number of saved souls, and received the name of Vicente.[1010] The native records, as given by Camargo and Torquemada, and adopted by most writers, assume that the four chiefs were all baptized at this time, if not earlier; but they are neither clear nor consistent, and are evidently impelled by a desire to redeem the native leaders from the charge of idolatry. Cortés, Herrera, Diaz, and other chroniclers would not have failed to record so large and prominent a conquest for the church, particularly since the two latter do mention the exceptional converts.[1011] Cortés also refers to a conversion in the person of Tecocoltzin, a younger brother of King Cacama, and the future head of Tezcuco, who is named Fernando; but he does so in a manner which indicates that the conversion was exceptional.[1012] His baptism took place probably on the same day as that of young Maxixcatzin and old Xicotencatl, the occasion being celebrated with banquets and dances, with illumination, sports, and exchange of presents, the Spaniards adding horse-races and other interesting proceedings for the gratification of the natives.