CHAPTER VII
SCOPE AND INFLUENCE OF IRISH SCHOLARSHIP
In the preceding chapter we discussed at length the nature of the curriculum of the Irish monastic schools. Our conclusions were based on the evidence supplied by an examination of the writings and other material remains which attest their Irish authorship. Here we shall attempt to determine the extent as well as the limitations of Irish scholarship, and briefly indicate the influence which that scholarship may reasonably claim to have exerted on the history of mediæval education. As illustrations of types of Irish scholars who attained eminence in a special field and yet displayed considerable versatility we have selected five: Virgilius, Dicuil, Dungal, Sedulius and Eriugena. These may fairly be considered as representing Irish scholarship of the period at its best.[477] All except Virgilius belong to the ninth century.
Virgilius, bishop of Salzburg (766–7–784–5 A.D.) whose name is a latinised form of the Irish name Fearghal, was one of the few men who in the eighth century cultivated the profane sciences.[478] Indeed the age in which he lived was equally unfavourable to the pursuit of science or to the encouragement of speculative thought, as Virgilius found from experience. On one occasion, Boniface, the Papal Legate, denounced him for promulgating false doctrines inasmuch as he maintained that the sun and moon passed under the earth, and that there must be inhabitants on the other side.[479] Boniface had a previous dispute with Virgilius over a theological question in which the Pope decided in favour of Virgilius. Either from ignorance of Astronomy or, as some think, through pique, Boniface appears to have misrepresented the real views of Virgilius so as to convey the impression that he taught that there was another world and another sun and moon and consequently other men who were not redeemed by Our Lord.[480] The versions of Virgilius’ teaching which we have given would appear to represent his real views on the subject. At any rate he seems to have explained his doctrine to the satisfaction of the Pope; for we find no further mention of the controversy and he retained his see until his death in 784–5 A.D.[481] His teachings show that he must have held that the world was spherical, though he was wrong in his theory that the sun and stars revolved round the earth. Even this semi-correct theory was a decided advance on contemporary views on astronomical matters and shows that Virgilius was an original thinker on scientific subjects, or else it argues for his acquaintance with Greek literature in which he may have become familiar with the doctrine of Eudoxus and Eratosthenes, as to the sphericity of the earth.[482] As Virgilius was bishop of Aghaboe in Ireland before he went to the Continent, it is most improbable that he received his education any place other than in an Irish monastic school. Unlike many of the Irish scholars who went abroad the name of Virgilius is recorded in the Irish annals, a circumstance which would lead us to suppose that he was already famous for his scholarship before he went abroad. An additional reason for believing that he had acquired a reputation as a scientist is the fact that he is called in the annals Virgil or Fergal the “Geometer.”[483]
Dicuil (d. 825 A.D.) is another instance of an Irish scholar who was interested in secular studies. His chief claim to fame rests on a Latin tract entitled De Mensura Orbis Terrarum.[484] As the name would suggest, this was a work of geography in the sense that the term is now used. The internal evidence leaves no doubt as to the Irish birth and education of the author. He speaks of nostri Scoti, nostra insula Hibernia, alludes to the Irish poet Sedulius whom he styles noster Sedulius and he shows an accurate knowledge of the islands near Britain and Ireland.[485] He tells that a certain Suibneus (in Irish Suibhne anglicised Sweeney) was his master to whom under God he owed whatever knowledge he possessed. This Suibhne has been identified with Suibhne, abbot of Clonmacnoise, who died 810 A.D.[486] This would suggest that Dicuil was a pupil of the famous school of Clonmacnoise.
He derived his material from three sources:
1. He utilised the report of the Theodosian survey. He tells us that he made it the basis of his work because though vitiated by false MSS. it was less faulty than Pliny especially in its measurements.
2. He utilised the works of previous geographers.
3. He made several interesting additions to existing knowledge which he derived from trustworthy accounts of Irish monks who were the greatest travellers of the time.
The list of authors from whom he borrowed is very large, including Pliny, Solinus, Isidore, Virgil, Crosius, Servius, Hectateus, Homer, Herodotus and other Greek writers.[487]
Dicuil is the first writer to refer to Iceland, which he describes under the name Thule from an account given to him by some Irish monks who visited that island about thirty years previously (c. 795 A.D.) and remained there from February to August.
He was also the first to give authentic information about the Faroe Islands, which were visited by Irish hermits a hundred years before, but were forsaken on account of the piratical incursions of the Northmen.
The truth of these interesting accounts is proved in two ways: 1, the tolerably exact statements as to the length and shortness of the days could only be determined by a resident of the place; 2, from northern and independent sources we learn that the first Norwegian settlers who were of course pagans found Christians whom they called Papar. These Papar left Irish books, croziers, bells and other things behind them when they went away.[488]
When describing the Nile he introduces the narrative of a brother Fidelis who with a party of priests and monks made a journey from Ireland to the Holy Land.[489]
To be fair to Dicuil, we must judge his work not by modern scientific standards but by the standards of the ninth century. We must at least acknowledge that he made a genuine effort to obtain the most accurate available information and that he was more than usually conscientious, for when Pliny’s figures seemed to him to be inaccurate, he left a blank space.[490]
In addition to the Liber de Mensura Orbis Terrarum, Dicuil is the author of a short poem of twenty hexameters which he prefixed to a copy of a short treatise by Priscian,[491] and of an astronomical work in prose and verse which is still unpublished.[492] This latter is dedicated to Louis the Pious and mentions Dicuil by name. We may therefore infer that this geographer, astronomer and poet was one of the versatile Irish scholars whose work must have contributed in no small degree to the Carolingian revival of learning. This distinguished scholar is believed to be identical with the Dicuil who was abbot of Pahlacht in the ninth century.[493]
Dungal is another of those ninth century scholars of whose life the details are all too meagre. From a few fragmentary references and his existing works we are led to the conclusion that he was a very capable man distinguished not only as a theologian and poet but also as an astronomer and schoolmaster.[494]
In the year 811 A.D. he wrote a letter to Charlemagne to explain the double eclipse of the sun that was supposed to have occurred the previous year. This letter is written in excellent Latin showing familiarity with Virgil and Cicero.[495]
Moreover it shows an intimate acquaintance with the whole field of astronomical literature of the time, but it is chiefly remarkable for the expression of astronomical views that were considered advanced because they seemed to call in question the truth of the Ptolemaic system.[496]
In the year 825 A.D. the Emperor Lothair desiring to carry out the enlightened educational policy of his ancestor Charlemagne issued an Edict[497] complaining that through the extreme carelessness and indolence of certain superiors true teaching was shaken to its very foundations, and urging that persons engaged in teaching in all those places hereinafter mentioned should throw all their zeal and energy into securing the progress of their disciples and that they should apply themselves to science as the necessity of the times demanded. He laid out for this exercise certain places chosen in such a manner that neither time nor distance nor poverty might any more serve as an excuse to the people. He desired therefore at Pavia and under the superintendence of Dungal all students should assemble from Milan, Brescia, Lodi, Bergamo, Novara, Vercelli, Tortona, Acqui, Genoa, Asti, and Como.[498] Thus we see what a responsible position Dungal occupied as head of the school of Pavia—the precursor of the famous university.
Dungal himself informs us that he was an Irishman in a poem in praise of Charlemagne which commences with these words: “These verses the Irish Exile (exul Hibernicus) sends to King Charles.” He composed several other poems,[499] but that written to Charlemagne is his longest and best effort. The shorter poems display considerable taste but not much imagination.[500]
In 828 A.D. Dungal appeared in a controversy against Claudius, bishop of Turin, who had written against the veneration of images. It will be recalled that this Claudius was the learned and gifted Spaniard who described the Council of Italian bishops as a “council of asses” (congregatio asinorum). Against this formidable opponent Dungal was called upon to undertake the defence of the veneration of images. As Zimmer remarks, “these two learned adversaries, Claudius the Spaniard and Dungal the Irishman, who met on the soil of Lombardy, were the representatives of two countries—the only ones—which offered an asylum to Graeco-Roman culture at the beginning of the seventh century when it had declined in the West. Ireland was especially conspicuous in introducing it anew in the form of Christianity, principally into France, these efforts being made when civilization was at its lowest ebb and the country in its most degraded condition.”[501]
We are not concerned here with the theological question at issue, but it may be remarked that Dungal’s reply[502] shows that he was a man of wide culture, “accomplished too in sacred literature, and at the same time trained in grammatical laws and in the classical excellence of style as will readily appear to anyone who reads his writings.”[503] Alzog informs us that the sophistical reasoning of Claudius was refuted by Jonas, bishop of Orleans, but much more ably by Dungal. He is styled an excellent theologian (theologus excellans) by a contemporary and Healy declares that Dungal’s is the first and best work that was written on the subject.[504] The many quotations from Greek and Latin poets which occur in his reply to Claudius as well as in his epistle to Charlemagne prove that Dungal had a strong love for poetry and that he was well read in classic literature.[505] Thus we see that Dungal’s education was built on a broad foundation, for he was distinguished as an astronomer and a theologian as well as a poet and a schoolmaster.
The last act of Dungal of which we have any record is his gift of books to the library of Bobbio.[506] Dungal is greatly praised by Muratori, Mabillon, Bellarmine and others for his learning and he was valued both in Italy and France for his varied attainments. Muratori, who published a catalogue[507] of the library of Bobbio, says that “Dungal carried into Italy the Scotic love of learning.” Among the books which Dungal presented to Bobbio is one which was catalogued as Psalterium but named by Muratori as the Antiphonary of Bangor,[508] a book of hymns compiled expressly for the use of the monastic community of Bangor in Co. Down (Ireland). It is written in Latin, but it contains the strongest internal evidence of its Irish origin. On the strength of the evidence furnished by the fact that Dungal possessed this book many believe that Dungal himself was a pupil of Bangor. If so, we have in Dungal an excellent example of the type of education available in this famous monastic school in the ninth century.