FOOTNOTES
[1] VIII. 38. 7.
[2] Oneirocr. II. 34 and 37.
[3] i.e. (ὀμ)μάτι(ον), diminutive of ὄμμα.
[4] Also locally βιστυρι̯ά, a word whose origin I cannot trace.
[5] Ἰ. Σ. Ἀρχελάου, ἡ Σινασός, p. 90.
[6] Theocr. Id. VI. 39.
[7] Sonnini de Magnoncourt, Voyage en Grèce et en Turquie, vol. II. p. 99.
[8] Κωνστ. Κανελλάκης, Χιακὰ Ἀνάλεκτα, p. 360, cf. Καμπούρογλου, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηναίων, vol. III. p. 146.
[9] In Athens, among other places, cf. Καμπούρογλου, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηναίων, vol. III. p. 69.
[10] Verg. Ecl. III. 103.
[11] In Sinasos the rule is strict in regard to both, cf. Ἰ. Σ. Ἀρχελάου, ἡ Σινασός, pp. 83, 93.
[12] Καμπούρογλου, Ἱστ. τῶν Ἀθηναίων, vol. III. p. 146.
[13] Ibid. p. 64.
[14] Cf. Καμπούρογλου, Ἱστ. τῶν Ἀθηναίων, vol. III. p. 41.
[15] The Church of the Annunciation, for example, in Tenos, possesses an ἅγι̯ασμα as well as its miraculous icon. This spring was in high repute before the icon was discovered, cf. Μαυρομαρᾶ, Ἱστ. τῆς Τήνου, p. 102 (a translation of Salonis, Voyage à Tine (Paris 1809)). The icon was discovered only just before the Greek War of Independence.
[16] Καμπούρογλου, Μνημεῖα τῆς Ἱστ. τῶν Ἀθηναίων, vol. III. p. 5.
[17] The banishment of suffering etc. to the mountains is an idea to be met with in ancient Greek literature, cf. Orphic Hymn, no. 19, ἀλλὰ, μάκαρ, θυμὸν βαρὺν ἔμβαλε κύμασι πόντου ἠδ’ ὀρέων κορυφῇσι.
[18] Cf. Ἰ. Σ. Ἀρχελάου, ἡ Σινασός, p. 87.
[19] Ibid. p. 88.
[20] Theocr. Id. II. 28.
[21] Ibid. 53.
[22] Καμπούρογλου, Ἱστ. τῶν Ἀθ. vol. III. p. 21.
[23] This is probably the modern form of ἐμπόδευμα, ‘entanglement.’ The change of initial ε to α is not rare in dialect, cf. ἄρμος for ἔρμος (= ἔρημος) ‘miserable’; and υ, with sound of English v, is regularly lost before μ.
[25] Voyage en Grèce et en Turquie, II. 140.
[27] Καμπούρογλου, Ἱστ. τῶν Αθηναίων, vol. III. p. 60.
[28] Plato, Charm. § 8 (p. 155).
[29] The name is probably derived from the ancient βράγχος, with metathesis of the nasal sound. If βράγχος means congestion of the throat, the modern formation in -ᾶς would mean ‘one who causes congestion,’—apparently of other parts besides the throat. The by-forms Βαραχνᾶς and Βαρυχνᾶς seem to have been influenced by a desire to connect the name with βαρύς, ‘heavy.’ Under the ancient name of this demon, ‘Ephialtes,’ Suidas gives also a popular name of his day, Βαβουτσικάριος, a word borrowed from late Latin and apparently connected with babulus (baburrus, baburcus, babuztus) ‘foolish,’ ‘mad.’ Babutsicarius should then be the sender of foolish or mad dreams. Suidas however may be in error; see below p. [217].
[30] I learnt the details of this cure in Aetolia; a different version of it is recorded from Cimolos by Theodore Bent, The Cyclades, pp. 51 ff.
[31] Abbott, Macedonian Folklore, p. 363.
[32] Λαμπρίδης, Ζαγοριακά, pp. 172 ff.
[33] Passow (Popularia Carmina, Index, s.v. περπερία) speaks of a girl only. He was perhaps influenced by the feminine form of the word.
[34] Many versions of the song have been collected, but with little variation in substance. Passow gives three versions, Pop. Carm. nos. 311–313.
[35] Λαμπρίδης, Ζαγοριακá, pp. 172 ff.
[36] πορεία belongs to the dialect of the Tsakonians as spoken at Leonidi, but is otherwise obsolete.
[37] For authorities etc. see Finlay, Hist. of Greece, vol. IV. pp. 11 ff. (cap. 1, § 3).
[38] De Themat. II. 25. Finlay, op. cit. IV. 17.
[39] Arist. Frogs, 114.
[40] Hom. Od. XIV. 29–31.
[41] Ib. 21.
[42] I am indebted to Mr L. Whibley for pointing out to me two records of this fact by English travellers of last century, W. Mure (Journal of a Tour in Greece, 1842, vol. I. p. 99), and W. G. Clark (Peloponnesus, 1858, p. 237).
[43] Perhaps this is the ἀεικέλιον πάθος (Od. 14. 32) which Odysseus would have endured for some time but for the intervention of Eumaeus. Otherwise the line must have been inserted by someone who did not appreciate the guile of Odysseus.
[44] ll. 35–6.
[45] l. 38.
[46] ll. 45–7.
[47] ll. 72–7.
[48] l. 78.
[49] ll. 79–80.
[50] In some islands the old word φόρμιγγα also is still used.
[51] C.I.G. vol. I. p. 790 (No. 1625, l. 47) τὰς δὲ πατρίους πομπὰς μεγάλας καὶ τὴν τῶν συρτῶν ὄρχησιν θεοσεβῶς ἐπετέλεσεν (from Carditsa, anc. Acraephia, in Boeotia).
[52] For examples see Passow, Popul. Carm. nos. 305–309.
[53] Athen. VIII. 360 C.
[54] Cf. Hom. Od. 4. 782.
[55] ἐδῶ ἀφίνω τὰ ἁμαρτήματά μου καὶ τοὺς ψύλλους μου, Δ. Μ. Μαυρομαρᾶς, Ἱστορία τῆς Τήνου, p. 87 (transl. of Dr M. Salonis, Voyage à Tine (Paris, 1809)).
[56] Rohde, Psyche, vol. II. pp. 9 ff.
[57] οἱ βακχευόμενοι καὶ κορυβαντιῶντες ἐνθουσιάζουσι μέχρις ἄν τὸ ποθούμενον ἴδωσιν, Philo, de vita contempl. 2. p. 473 M., cited by Rohde l.c.
[58] Artemidorus, Oneirocr. III. 61.
[59] Soph. Fr. 753.
[60] Diog. Laert. Vita Diog. 6. 39.
[61] apud Diog. Laert. X. 123.
[62] 1 Cor. XI. 21.
[63] Apolog. cap. 5.
[64] Lampridius (Hist. Aug.) Alex. cap. 29 f.
[65] Ibid.
[66] de Haeres. cap. 8. For the references I am indebted to Pouqueville, Voyage de la Grèce, vol. VI. p. 136.
[67] Clem. Alex. Protrept. cap. iv. § 55 (p. 17 Sylb.).
[68] I have given the story in the form in which I heard it told by a peasant on board a boat in the Euripus. He was a native, I think, of Euboea, and being uneducated probably knew the story by oral tradition. A slightly longer form has, however, been published by Hahn (Griech. Märchen, vol. II. no. 76) and by Πολίτης (Μελέτη ἐπὶ τοῦ βίου τῶν νεωτέρων Ἑλλήνων, p. 43).
[69] Καμπούρογλου, Ἱστ. τῶν Ἀθ. III. p. 164.
[70] Bent, The Cyclades, p. 457.
[72] I am unable to determine whether this saint is the prophet Elijah of the Old Testament, or a Christian hermit of the fourth century. The Greeks themselves differ in their accounts.
[73] Maury, in Revue Archéologique, I. p. 502.
[74] According to Pouqueville (Voyage de la Grèce, II. p. 170) the rosalia was formerly celebrated both at Parga in Epirus and Palermo in Sicily. The festival at Athens falls on Easter Tuesday, and a large number of peasants come in from the country to attend it.
[75] Clem. Alex. Protrept. § 30.
[76] See J. M. Neale, History of the Holy Eastern Church, p. 1042.
[78] Καμπόυρογλου, Ἱστ. τῶν Ἀθ. III. p. 160.
[79] The Cyclades, p. 319.
[80] B. Schmidt, Das Volksleben der Neugriechen, p. 28.
[81] Travels in Crete, vol. I. p. 250.
[82] Schmidt (Volksleben der Neugr. p. 31) records also the phrase κατουράει ὁ θεός, parallel with Strepsiades’ joke (Ar. Nub. 373) πρότερον τὸν Δί’ ἀληθῶς ᾤμην διὰ κοσκίνου οὐρεῖν.
[83] The word is extremely rare, but ῥεμμόνι, I was told, is a coarse kind of sieve. The expression is from Boeotia.
[84] From Arachova on Parnassus, Schmidt, Das Volksleben der Neugr. p. 33.
[85] From Cyprus.
[86] From Zacynthos, Schmidt, op. cit. p. 32.
[87] From the island of Syme, near Rhodes.
[88] There is a good discussion of them by Πολίτης in Παρνασσός for 1880, pp. 585–608, 665–678, 762–773, from which some of my examples are taken. I have noted the provenance of the rarer expressions.
[89] Passow, Pop. Carm., Distich. Amat. 242, quoted by Schmidt (op. cit. p. 30), who notes the Homeric parallel.
[90] Pyth. IV. 181 (322), Βασιλεὺς ἀνέμων.
[91] See e.g. Passow, Pop. Carm. nos. 426–432, and below, pp. [101]-[104].
[92] Ἰ. Σ. Ἀρχελάου, ἡ Σινασός, p. 159.
[93] Märchen, etc., no. 19.
[95] The Cyclades, p. 373.
[96] There is some likelihood that the title καπνικαρέα is a mere corruption of an older title which had a quite different meaning; but I am concerned only with the existing title as popularly interpreted.
[97] Ross, Reisen auf den Griech. Inseln, IV. p. 74.
[98] Bent, Cyclades, p. 46.
[99] So also in Paros, Bent, Cyclades, p. 373.
[100] Athenaeus, II. 39 C.
[101] Bent, Cyclades, p. 72.
[102] Καμπούρογλου, Ἱστ. τῶν Ἀθ. III. p. 153.
[103] Ἀντ. Βάλληνδας, Κυθνιακά, p. 131.
[104] Γρηγ. Παπαδοπετράκης, Ἱστορια τῶν Σφακιῶν, p. 69.
[105] Cf. a couplet quoted by Pashley, Travels in Crete, p. 253.
Τάζω σου, Παναγία μου, μίαν ἀσημένεαν ζώστρα,
νὰ μὰς συσμίξῃς καὶ τζὴ δυό ς’ ἕνα κρεββατοστρώσι.
[106] e.g. Bent, The Cyclades, p. 249.
[107] Pindar, Nem. VI. 1
ἓν ἀνδρῶν, ἓν θεῶν γένος· ἐκ μιᾶς δὲ πνέομεν
ματρὸς ἀμφότεροι· διείργει δὲ πᾶσα κεκριμένα
δύναμις κ.τ.λ.
The opening phrase is often, even usually, translated ‘one is the race of men, another the race of gods.’ Whether ἓν ... ἓν was ever used in Greek for ἄλλο ... ἄλλο, I doubt; but even if it be possible, the emphasis ἓν ... ἓν ... ὲκ μιᾶς must to my mind be an emphasis upon unity, and the first mention of divergence comes equally strongly in διείργει δὲ....
[108] Stobaeus, Sentent. p. 279, Πρῶτος Θαλῆς διαιρεῖ ... εἰς θεὸν, εἰς δαίμονας, εἰς ἥρωας.
[109] For dialectic variations of the form, see Schmidt, Das Volksleben der Neugr. p. 91.
[110] I. Cor. v. 12, I. Tim. iii. 7, and elsewhere.
[111] Basil III. 944 A (Migne, Patrol. Graec. vol. XXIX.).
[112] Pouqueville, Voyage de la Grèce, I. p. 319, writes ‘Pagania.’
[113] In Andros the word is used (in the singular παγανό) to denote an unbaptised child. Cf. Ἀντ. Μηλιαράκης, Ὑπομνήματα περιγραφικὰ τῶν Κυκλάδων νησῶν,—Ἄνδρος, Κέως, p. 45.
[114] op. cit. p. 92, referring to Du Cange, τζίνα = fraus, p. 1571.
[115] Δελτίον τῆς Ἱστ. καὶ Ἐθν. Ἑταιρίας, II. p. 122.
[116] Schmidt, op. cit. p. 97.
[117] Relation de ce qui s’est passé de plus remarquable à Sant-Erini, isle de l’Archipel, depuis l’etablissement des Pères de la Compagnie de Jesus en icelle (Paris, 1657), p. 192 ff.
[118] See below, pp. [255] ff.
[119] See below, pp. [284]-[7].
[120] Cf. Hesych. σμερδαλέος, σμερδνός = φοβερός, καταπληκτικός, πολεμικός; and σμέρδος = λῆμα, ῥώμη, δύναμις, ὅρμημα.
[121] Bybilakis, Neugriechisches Leben, p. 16, and in the periodical Φιλίστωρ, IV. p. 517.
[122] op. cit. p. 92.
[123] Steph. Thesaur. s.v.
[124] Ἐφημ. τῶν Φιλομαθῶν, anno 1861, p. 1851, quoted by Schmidt, loc. cit.
[125] Schmidt, op. cit. p. 92.
[126] Ibid.
[127] Zenob. Cent. III. 3. Cf. Hesych. and Suidas, s.v. Γελλώ.
[128] Cf. Leo Allatius, de quor. Graec. opin. cap. III. ad fin., quoting Mich. Psellus, πᾶσαν τὴν ἐν τοῖς βρέφεσιν ἀπορροφᾶν ὥσπερ ὑγρότητα.
[129] Artemidorus, Oneirocritica, Bk II. cap. 9, p. 90.
[130] Ibid. p. 91.
[131] Schmidt, Das Volksleben der Neugr. p. 33.
[132] Schmidt, Märchen, etc. p. 131.
[133] Soutzos, Hist. de la Révolution Grecque, p. 158. Cf. Schmidt, Das Volksleben, p. 27.
[134] Schmidt, Märchen, etc. no. XI.
[135] Schmidt, Das Volksleben der Neugriechen, p. 135.
[136] Πανδώρα (periodical) XVI. p. 538, ἅγιε Νικόλα ναύτη.
[137] B. Schmidt, Märchen, etc. no. XX.
[138] Plutarch, de defect. orac. 17.
[139] Idyll. I. 15.
[140] Ps. 91. 6.
[141] De quorumdam Graecorum opinationibus, cap. VIII.
[142] Du Cange, Lex. med. et infim. Latin, s.v.
[143] Clarke, Catalogue of Sculptures in Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge.
[144] The population of Eleusis, as of many villages in Attica, is mainly Albanian; but they have inherited many of the old Greek superstitions and customs.
[145] Lenormant, Monographie de la voie sacrée éleusinienne, p. 399 ff.
[146] “The diminutive in Albanian of Nicolas is Kolio: in the choice of this name is there not a reminiscence of that of Celeus?”—so Lenormant in a note. The suggestion does not appear to me very probable.
[147] Opposite Eleusis in Salamis.
[148] Euseb. Chron. p. 27. Plut. Vita Thes. XXXI. ad fin.
[149] Paus. VIII. 15.
[150] Conon, Narrat. 15.
[151] Tour through Greece, II. p. 440.
[152] Travels in the Morea, III. p. 148.
[153] Paus. VIII. 42. 1–4, and 25. 5.
[154] Schol. in Ar. Ran. 441. Aelian, Hist. Anim. X. 16.
[155] Frazer, Golden Bough, II. 44 ff. (2nd edit.).
[156] Herod. II. 171.
[157] Aelian, l.c.
[158] Herod. II. 47. Plut. Isis et Osiris, 8 (Moral. 354). Aelian, l.c.
[159] Märchen etc. Song no. 56.
[161] Schmidt, Märchen etc. no. VII.
[162] Paus. VIII. 42. 1 ff.
[163] Paus. VIII. 42. 2.
[164] Schuchhardt, Schliemann’s Excavations (tr. Sellers), p. 296.
[165] Ibid.
[166] Paus. II. 22. 1.
[167] op. cit. p. 147.
[168] op. cit. p. 302.
[169] Schuchhardt, op. cit. p. 151, and Leaf’s introduction, p. XXVII. Cf. Frazer in Journal of Philology, XIV. 145 ff.
[170] Schuchhardt, op. cit. p. 151.
[171] op. cit. p. 303.
[172] Frazer in Journal of Philology, XIV. pp. 145 ff.
[173] Paus. I. 18. 3.
[174] Id. IX. 36.
[175] Iliad IX. 404–5.
[176] Griech. und Albanesische Märchen, nos. 63 and 97.
[177] ‘die Schöne der Erde’ in von Hahn’s translation. Unfortunately the original does not appear in Pio’s Νεοελληνικὰ παραμύθια, for which the MSS. of von Hahn provided the material.
[178] Cf. Plut. Vita Thes. 31, ad fin.
[179] For references see Schmidt, Das Volksleben der Neugr. p. 222.
[180] Passow, Popul. Carm. Graeciae recentioris. Carm. no. 408.
[181] Χασιώτης, Συλλογὴ τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἤπειρον δημοτικῶν ἀσμάτων, p. 169.
[182] Passow, op. cit. no. 423.
[183] Πολίτης, Μελέτη ἐπὶ τοῦ βίου τῶν νεωτέρων Ἑλλήνων, p. 290.
[184] Bernhard Schmidt, Märchen etc. p. 81.
[185] Kindly communicated to me by Mr G. F. Abbott, author of Macedonian Folklore.
[186] B. Schmidt, Märchen etc. Song no. 39.
[187] Cf. Passow, no. 428.
[188] Ibid. no. 430.
[190] e.g. Passow, no. 427.
[191] Cf. Schmidt, Das Volksleben, p. 230.
[192] This expression which I have heard several times is not noticed by Schmidt or Polites. They give, however, ἀγγελοκρούεται, ‘he is being stricken by an angel,’ and other phrases meaning to see, to fear, to be carried away by, an angel, all in the same sense. See Schmidt, op. cit. 181, and Πολίτης, Μελέτη, κ.τ.λ. 308.
[193] κουμπάρος. The word expresses the relationship in which a godfather stands to the parents of his godson.
[194] This story, as I have told it, is not a literal translation, for I could not take down the original. But notes which I set down after hearing it enable me to reproduce it in a form which certainly contains the whole substance and many actual phrases of the version which I heard.
[195] Probably meaning the brigand’s ‘comrades.’ The term ξεφτέρι, ‘hawk,’ is commonly so applied.
[196] Πολίτης, op. cit. p. 246 (from Λελέκης, Δημοτ. ἀνθολ. p. 57).
[197] e.g. Passow, Popul. Carm. nos. 426–429.
[198] Σακελλάριος, Κυπριακά, vol. III. p. 48. Cf. Πολίτης, op. cit. p. 239.
[199] The word for ‘black’ includes the sense of ‘grim,’ ‘gloomy,’ ‘sorrowful.’ Tears are commonly described as ‘black,’ μαῦρα δάκρυα.
[200] Passow, op. cit. distich no. 1155.
[201] Cf. Passow, no. 408.
[202] Cf. Passow, nos. 414, 415, 417.
[203] Passow, no. 424.
[204] Aesch. Eum. 237.
[205] Fauriel, Chants populaires de la Grèce Moderne, Discours préliminaire, p. 85.
[206] Schmidt, Märchen etc. Song no. 38.
[207] Ibid. no. 37.
[208] Schmidt, Märchen etc. Song no. 7.
[209] Das Volksleben, p. 237.
[210] Märchen etc. Song no. 10.
[211] Πολίτης, Μελέτη κ.τ.λ. p. 272.
[212] Passow, no. 371.
[213] Ἰατρίδης, Συλλογὴ δημοτ. ἀσμάτων, p. 17. Cf. Schmidt, op. cit. p. 236.
[214] So in some districts of Macedonia up to the present day; Abbott, Macedonian Folklore, p. 193.
[215] Πρωτόδικος, περὶ τῆς παρ’ ἡμῖν ταφῆς, p. 14. The form περατίκιον which the writer gives can hardly be popular. It might be, as Schmidt points out, περατίκιν in the local dialect. I have given the form which the word would assume in most districts.
[216] Σκορδέλης in the periodical Πανδώρα, XI. p. 449. Cf. Schmidt, op. cit. p. 238.
[217] περὶ πένθους, § 10.
[218] For this term see above, p. [68], and below, p. [283].
[221] Passow, no. 432.
[222] This is shown later to be the first form of the superstition. See below, pp. [433]-[4].
[223] Newton, Travels and Discoveries in the Levant, I. p. 289 (cited by Schmidt, das Volksleben, p. 239).
[224] The use of the coin, quite apart from any such variation of the custom, was forbidden by several councils of the Church between the 4th and 7th centuries, cf. Πολίτης, Μελέτη etc. p. 269.
[225] Cf. Ricaud, Annales des conciles généraux et particuliers (1773), vol. I. p. 654 (from Πολίτης, Μελέτη, p. 269).
[226] According to Bent (Cyclades, p. 363) the object used thus in Naxos is a wax cross with the initial letters Ι. Χ. Ν. engraved upon it, and it still bears the old name ναῦλον, ‘fare.’
[227] Κωνστ. Κανελλάκης, Χιακὰ Ἀνάλεκτα, pp. 335 and 339.
[228] Newton, Travels and Discoveries in the Levant, I. p. 212. The exact details of the custom in each place are given below, p. [406].
[229] See below, pp. [433]-[4].
[230] In Rhodes, according to Newton, l.c., the Christian symbol Ι. Χ. Ν. Κ. is combined with that to which I now come, the ‘pentacle.’
[231] Cf. Πολίτης, Παραδόσεις, I. 573, where it is said that in Myconos the symbol is sometimes carved on house doors to keep vrykolakes (on which see below, cap. [IV.]) from troubling the inmates at night.
[232] Cf. Lucian, ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἐν τῇ προσαγορεύσει πταίσματος, 5.
[233] apud Pausan. x. 28. 1.
[234] e.g. Eur. Alc. 252, 361, Heracl. 432, Arist. Ran. 184 ff., Lysistr. 606, Plut. 278.
[235] Suidas s.v.
[236] Pollux, 8, 102.
[237] Pollux, 4, 132.
[238] Strabo, 579.
[239] Ibid. 636
[240] Ibid. 649.
[241] Plut. Anton. 16.
[242] Χάρων θάνατος, s.v.
[243] Eur. Alc. 48, 49.
[244] Ibid. 74–6.
[245] Ibid. 1141–2.
[246] Ibid. 50.
[247] Codex Vaticanus, no. 909. Cf. Schmidt, das Volksleben, p. 223, whence the majority of these references are borrowed.
[248] VII. 603 and 671; XI. 133. Cf. Schmidt, l.c.
[249] s.v.
[250] Gerhard, die Gottheiten der Etrusker, p. 56; Müller, die Etrusker, II. 102.
[251] Ambrosch, de Charonte Etrusco, pp. 2, 3.
[252] Ibid. p. 8.
[253] Ibid. pp. 4–7; and Maury in Revue Archéologique, I. 665, and IV. 791.
[254] Annuaire de l’Association pour l’encouragement des études grecques en France, no. VIII. (1874), p. 392 ff.
[255] Both fortifications and well are actual features of Acro-Corinth up to the present day.
[256] Pausan. I. 37, ad fin.; Perrot, l.c. Cf. Frazer, Pausanias, II. 497.
[257] Märchen etc. Introduction, p. 35.
[258] Cf. Bursian, Geographie von Griechenland, II. p. 17.
[259] Vréto, Mélange Néo-hellenique.
[260] Schmidt, Märchen etc. nos. 16–18.
[261] Ibid. p. 113 (note 2).
[263] Orph. Hymns, 57 (58), 2.
[264] Orph. Hymns, 55, 8. μήτερ ἐρώτων. For representations in ancient art of many ἔρωτες, cf. Philostr. Eikones, p. 383 (770).
[266] Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 406.
[267] Pausan. I. 19. 2. Cf. C. I. G. no. 1444, and Orph. Hymn, 55 (54), 4.
[268] Apparently the old subterranean passage by which competitors entered the stadium.
[269] Mentioned by Pouqueville, Voyage en Grèce, V. p. 67, and confirmed by many other writers.
[270] Pausan. X. 38. 6.
[271] Pouqueville, op. cit. IV. p. 46.
[272] Καμπούρογλου, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηναίων, I. p. 222, III. p. 156. Πολίτης, Μελέτη κ.τ.λ. p. 227.
[273] Dodwell, Tour through Greece, I. 397.
[274] Πολίτης, l.c.
[275] l.c.
[276] Καμπούρογλου, Ἱστ. τῶν Ἀθην. I. p. 222.
[277] Cf. ἦτον γραφτό μου, ‘It was my written lot,’ i.e. destiny, and other similar phrases cited by Schmidt, das Volksleben, p. 212, and Πολίτης, Μελέτη, pp. 218, 219.
[278] Choeph. 464–5, which the Scholiast annotates thus, πέπηγε μὲν καὶ ὥρισται ὑπὸ Μοιρῶν τὸ τὴν Κλυταιμνήστραν ἀνδροκτονήσασαν ἀναιρεθῆναι κ.τ.λ.
[279] I regret to say that I cannot trace the source of this story. I incline to think that I took it from some publication, but it is possible that it was narrated to me personally.
[280] Except in Zacynthos, according to Schmidt (Volksleben, p. 211), where they number twelve.
[281] Schmidt, Volksleben, p. 220.
[282] Chants populaires de la Grèce moderne, Discours préliminaire, p. 83.
[283] According to Bent (Cyclades, pp. 292 and 437), the name Erinyes is still applied by the people of Andros and of Kythnos to the evil spirits who cause consumption.
[284] So Pouqueville, Voyage de la Grèce, VI. p. 160.
[285] Καμπούρογλου, Ἱστ. τῶν Ἀθην., III. pp. 67, 68.
[286] Cf. Πολίτης, Μελέτη κ.τ.λ. p. 218.
[287] The visit of the Fate on the day of birth instead of the third day after is unusual.
[288] From Καμπούρογλου, Ἱστ. τῶν Ἀθην. I. pp. 310, 311.
[289] Schmidt, das Volksleben, p. 212.
[290] Cf. μόρσιμος of the ‘destined’ bridegroom, in Hom. Od. XVI. 392.
[291] Cf. Miss Harrison, Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion, pp. 286 ff.
[292] Passow, no. 385.
[293] Heuzey, Le mont Olympe, p. 139. I have introduced a few alterations of spelling, mostly suggested by Schmidt, das Volksleben, p. 229 (note), e.g. τοὐρανοῦ for τοῦ οὐρανοῦ, in order to restore the rather rough metre.
[294] Πολίτης (Μελέτη κ.τ.λ. p. 228, note 1) gives the following references: Wordsworth, Athens and Attica, p. 228; Ἐφημ. Φιλομαθῶν, 1868, p. 1479; Passow, Popul. Carm. p. 431, besides those to which I have referred in other notes.
[295] Persae, 659.
[296] VII. 218.
[297] Πιττάκης, who recorded this version in Ἐφημ. Ἀρχαιολογική, no. 30 (1852), p. 653, spelt the word erroneously κόροιβο; the sound of οι and υ being identical in modern Greek, I have substituted the latter.
[298] Theog. 217 and 904.
[299] Theog. 217.
[300] Prom. Vinct. 516 ff.
[301] Leo Allatius (de quorumdam Graec. opinationibus, cap. xx.) quotes from Mich. Psellus (11th century) the ancient form Νηρηΐδες as then in use. He himself (ibid. cap. xix.) employs the form Ναραγίδες which was probably the dialectic form of his native Chios. Bern. Schmidt (Das Volksleben der Neugriechen, pp. 98–9) has brought together a large number of variants now in use, in which the accent fluctuates between the α and the ι, the first vowel is indifferently α, ε or η, the two consecutive vowels αϊ are sometimes contracted to ᾳ, sometimes more distinctly separated by the faintly pronounced letter γ, and lastly an euphonetic α is occasionally prefixed to the word. Hence forms as widely distinct as ἀνερᾷδες and ναραγίδες often occur. Du Cange, it may be added, gives the form Ναγαρίδες (with interchange of the ρ and the inserted γ); but since his information is seemingly drawn entirely from Leo Allatius, there is reason to regard it as merely his own error in transcribing Ναραγίδες.
[302] An attempt has been made by one authority on the folk-lore of Athens (Καμπούρογλου, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηναίων, I. pp. 218 and 222), to distinguish καλοκυρᾶδες from νεράϊδες. He maintains that in Athens the latter were never regarded as maleficent beings, and must therefore be distinguished from the dread καλοκυρᾶδες, whom he seeks to identify, on no better ground than the euphemistic name, with the Eumenides. A folk-story, however, which he himself records (ibid. p. 319), how a καλοκυρά was married to a prince, whose eyes she had blinded to all other women, and how after living with him for a while she disappeared finally in a whirlwind, reveals in her all the usual traits of a Nereid, and thus defeats the writer’s previous contention. But apart from this a little enquiry on the subject outside the limits of Athens would have set at rest his doubts as to the identity of the two. It is quite possible that formerly in Athens, as now elsewhere, it was usual to employ the euphemism καλοκυρᾶδες in referring to the Nereids in their more mischievous moods; only in that way can I explain his idea that the Nereids were never maleficent.
[303] Cf. Passow, Distich 692; Pashley, Travels in Crete, vol. II. p. 233; Πανδώρα, XIV. p. 566; Bern. Schmidt, Das Volksleben, p. 104.
[304] Cf. Bern. Schmidt, Das Volksleben, p. 105.
[305] The latter is quoted by Bern. Schmidt, Das Volksleben, p. 106, from the dialect of Arachova near Delphi.
[306] Cf. Bern. Schmidt, l. c.; Bybilakis, Neugriechisches Leben, p. 13.
[307] Pind. Nem. V. 36.
[308] Hom. Od. 13. 102 ff.
[309] Cf. e.g. Passow, Popularia Carmina, Distichs 552–3.
[310] Hahn, Griech. Märchen, vol. I. no. 15. ‘Ihre ganze Kraft steckt aber in den Kleidern, und wenn man ihnen die wegnimmt, so sind sie machtlos.’
[311] To form a chain of dancers the leader, who occupies the extreme right, is linked to the second in the row by a kerchief, while the rest merely join hands. More freedom of motion is thus allowed to the chief performer.
[312] Cf. also Hahn, Griech. Märchen, vol. II. no. 77. Ἀντ. Βάλληνδας, Κυθνιακά, p. 123.
[313] The crowing of the third cock is more usually the signal for the departure of Nereids and their kind. It is commonly held that the white cock crows first, the red second, and the black third. The last is a sure saviour from the assaults of all manner of demons.
[314] Similar transformations occur in a Cretan story, the forms assumed being those of dog, snake, camel, and fire. Χουρμούζης, Κρητικά, p. 69.
[315] Cf. Apollodorus, III. 13. 5.
[316] Bern. Schmidt, Das Volksleben, p. 104, quoting Ritschl, Ino Leucothea, Pl. I., II. (1 and 2), III.; and referring to a sarcophagus in the Corsini Gallery at Rome, figured in Monum. Ined. vol. VI. Pl. XXVI.
[317] Hom. Od. 5. 346 sqq. and 459 sqq.
[318] Ἀντ. Βάλληνδας, Κυθνιακά, p. 123.
[319] The women of Scopelos on certain festal occasions wear a dress which may well be the same as the classical ὀρθοστάδιον, a loose pleated robe falling from the shoulders and widening as it falls, so that their figures resemble a fluted column too broad at the base and too tapering at the top.
[320] Hahn, Griechische Märchen, vol. II. no. 83. Χουρμούζης, Κρητικά, p. 69.
[321] Cf. a folk-song quoted by Ross, Reisen auf Inseln, III. p. 180,
Σὲ μονοδένδριν μὴ ἀναιβῇς, ’στοὺς κάμπους μὴ καταίβῃς,
καὶ ’στὸν ἀπάνω ποταμὸν μὴ παίζῃς τὸ περνιαῦλι,
κῂ ἐρθοῦν καὶ μονομαζευθοῦν τοῦ ποταμοῦ ’νερᾷδες,
‘Go not up to the solitary tree, go not down to the lowlands, beside the torrent above play not thy pipes, lest the Nereids of the stream come and swarm thick about thee.’
[322] Lexicon, s.v. ῥάμνος, ἐν ταῖς γενέσεσι τῶν παιδίων χρίουσι (πίττῃ) τὰς οἰκίας εἰς ἀπέλασιν τῶν δαιμόνων.
[323] Καμπούρογλου, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηναίων, III. p. 32.
[324] Cf. Welcker, Kleine Schriften, 3. 197–9; Rohde, Psyche, I. p. 360, note 1.
[325] Cf. Hom. Od. XI. 48 ff. and Eustathius, ad loc.
[326] Ζ. Δ. Γαβαλᾶς, Ἡ νῆσος Φολέγανδρος, p. 29.
[327] Reisen auf Inseln, etc. III. pp. 181–2.
[328] C.I.G., no. 6201 (from Bern. Schmidt, Das Volksleben, etc. p. 122 note). Τοῖς πάρος οὖν μύθοις πιστεύσατε· παῖδα γὰρ ἐσθλὴν | ἥρπασαν ὡς τερπνὴν Ναΐδες, οὐ Θάνατος.
[329] Ἐμ. Μανωλακάκης, Καρπαθιακά, p. 129. There are also compounds ἐξωπαρμένος and ἀλλοπαρμένος with the same meaning.
[330] Plato, Phaedr. XV. (238 D).
[331] Ibid. 229 A, B; 230 B; 242 A; 279 B.
[332] Cf. Leo Allatius, De quor. Graec. opin. cap. xx. ‘potissimum si fluentis aquarum solum irrigetur.’
[333] To this belief I attribute the origin of the phrase ὥρα τὸν ηὗρε, ‘an (evil) hour overtook him’ (Leo Allatius, op. cit. xix.), employed euphemistically in reference to ‘seizure’ by the Nereids, and of the kindred imprecation, κακὴ ὥρα νά σ’ εὕρῃ, ‘may an evil hour overtake you’ (Bern. Schmidt, op. cit. p. 97), which gains in force and elegance by its reversal of an ordinary phrase of leave-taking, ὥρα καλή.
[335] Leo Allatius, op. cit. xix.
[336] From Epirus, Bern. Schmidt, op. cit. p. 120. See above, p. [142], note 2.
[337] Cf. Bern. Schmidt, op. cit. p. 120.
[338] I. p. 473 (Migne, Patrolog. Graeco-Lat. vol. XCIV. p. 1604).
[340] Cf. Hahn, Griech. Märchen, Vol. II. no. 80.
[341] The Cyclades, p. 457.
[342] Κωνστ. Κανελλάκης, Χιακὰ Ἀνάλεκτα, p. 369.
[343] ἡ Λάμια τοῦ πελάγου. Cf. the periodical Παρνασσός IV. p. 773, and Wachsmuth, Das alte Griechenland im Neuen, p. 30. See also below, pp. [171] ff.
[344] Histoire de la Révolution grecque, p. 228 note.
[345] Hor. Carm. III. 28. 10.
[346] Ἰ. Σαραντίδου Ἀρχελάου, Ἡ Σινασός, p. 90.
[347] Εὐαγγελία Κ. Καπετανάκης, Λακωνικὰ Περίεργα, pp. 43 sqq.
[348] Cf. Παρνασσός, IV. p. 669 (1880).
[349] So according to Theodore Bent (Cyclades, p. 496) but perhaps inaccurately.
[350] So Bern. Schmidt, op. cit. p. 101, following Βάλληνδας in Ἐφημερὶς τῶν Φιλομαθῶν, 1861, p. 1826; and Bent, loc. cit.
[351] In this view Prof. Πολίτης of Athens University, whom I consulted, concurs with me.
[352] Cf. Παρνασσός, IV. p. 669, Πολίτης, Μελέτη κ.τ.λ. p. 97.
[353] Cf. Bern. Schmidt, Das Volksleben, etc. p. 101.
[354] Καμπούρογλου, Ἱστ. τῶν Ἀθηναίων, I. p. 223.
[355] Travels in Crete, II. pp. 232–4.
[356] I cannot vouch for the accuracy of my translation of this word, which I have never seen or heard elsewhere.
[357] Cf. Leo Allatius, op. cit. cap. xix.
[358] Cf. Ἰον. Ἀνθολογία, III. p. 509. Hahn, Griech. Märchen, vol. II. no. 81.
[359] C.I.G. no. 997 (from Bern. Schmidt, op. cit. p. 122 note).
[360] Παρνασσός, IV. p. 765. The origin of the second part of the compound is unknown.
[361] Ἀρχαιολογικὴ Ἐφημερίς, 1852, p. 647.
[362] Cf. Καμπούρογλου, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηναίων, III. p. 156.
[363] Theotokis, Détails sur Corfou, p. 123.
[364] Theocr. Id. v. 53–4 and 58–9.
[365] Kindly communicated to me by Mr Abbott, author of Macedonian Folklore.
[366] Hom. Od. XIII. 105–6.
[367] See Miss Harrison, Prolegomena to the study of Greek Religion, p. 423.
[368] Οἰκονόμος, Περὶ προφορᾶς, p. 768.
[369] Ἀντ. Βάλληνδας, Κυθνιακά, p. 131 and Σκαρλάτος, Λεξικὸν τῆς καθ’ ἡμᾶς Ἑλληνικῆς γλῶσσης, s.v. δρίμαις.
[370] Σκορδίλης, in Πάνδωρα, XI. p. 472; cf. Bern. Schmidt, op. cit. p. 130.
[371] Cited by Bern. Schmidt, ibid. from Βρετός, Ἐθν. Ἡμερολ. 1863, p. 55. This reference I have been unable to verify.
[372] In Macedonia.
[373] Κωνστ. Κανελλάκης, Χιακὰ Ἀνάλεκτα, p. 359.
[374] Wachsmuth in Rhein. Mus. 1872.
[375] Orph. Hymns, 36 (35), 12.
[376] Alexis, Fragm. Fab. Incert. 69.
[377] Verg. Georg. IV. 336.
[378] Tzetzes, Lycophron, 536.
[379] ibid. 522.
[380] Ἰ. Σ. Ἀρχέλαος, Ἡ Σινασός, p. 85.
[381] Ἐμ. Μανωλακάκης, Καρπαθιακά, p. 189. In Carpathos however the three middle and three last days of August are added.
[382] Ἀντ. Βάλληνδας, Κυθνιακά, p. 131.
[383] Σακελλάριος, Κυπριακά, vol. I. p. 710.
[384] Theodore Bent (Cyclades, p. 174) says that the word δρύμαις is used in Sikinos to mean actually the sores on limbs, and in other islands the holes in linen caused by washing during Aug. 1–6. But as he appears to have been unaware that δρύμαις usually means the days themselves, I question the accuracy of his statement.
[385] Σακελλάριος, Κυπριακά, I. p. 710, who derives the word from κακὸς and Α(ὔγ)ουστος.
[386] Anthol. Palat. VI. 189.
[387] Verg. Georg. IV. 383.
[388] Σκορδίλης, in Πανδώρα, XI. p. 472.
[389] I give both these words as I received them, but cannot account for the abnormal accents. Ἄλουστος and either Ἀλουστιναίς or Ἀλούστιναις would be usual. As regards the whole form Ἀλούστος, it cannot I think be a dialectic change of Αὔγουστος, but is probably a pun upon it with reference to the custom of not washing during the first days of the month.
[390] Σκαρλάτος, Λεξικόν, s.v. δρίμαις.
[391] Modern πρινάρι, ancient πρῖνος.
[392] Hesiod, Fragm. apud Plutarch. De Orac. Defect. p. 415.
[393] Cf. also Schol. ad Apoll. Rhod. II. 479, where Mnesimachus is quoted for the same opinion.
[394] O. T. 1099.
[395] Nat. Hist. IX. cap. 5.
[396] Lycophron, 480.
[397] Hom. Hymns, III. 256 sqq.
ἑστᾶσ’ ἠλίβατοι· τεμένη δέ ἑ κικλήσκουσιν
ἀθάνατων· τὰς δ’ οὔτι βροτοὶ κείρουσι σιδήρῳ.
These two lines (267–8) have fallen under suspicion because, it is urged, the word ἀθανάτων is in direct contradiction of what has been said as to the intermediate position of nymphs between mortals and immortals. This criticism is due to careless reading. The lines do not mean that each tree is called the τέμενος of an immortal nymph, but that a number of trees, each inhabited by a nymph, often form together the τέμενος of an immortal god. A sanctuary of Artemis, for example, might well be surrounded by trees which each harboured one of her attendant nymphs.
[399] Hahn, Griech. Märchen, II. no. 84. Cf. also no. 58.
[400] Χουρμούζης, Κρητικά, pp. 69, 70.
[401] This belief however is not universal in Greece; in some few districts a Nereid now, like a wolf in ancient times, is safer seen first than seeing first.
[402] Apoll. Rhod. Argon. II. 477 sqq.
[403] i.e. past participle passive of ξεραίνω (anc. ξηραίνω).
[404] Hom. Od. XIII. 103–4.
[405] De quorumdam Graec. opinat. cap. xix.
[406] Id. XIII. 39 sqq.
[407] So I translate χελιδόνιον on the authority of a muleteer whom I hired at Olympia; the modern form is χελιδόνι. It may be added that in Greece the cuckoo-flower is often of a dark enough shade to justify the epithet κυάνεον.
[408] Artem. Oneirocr. II. 27.
[409] Cf. Bern. Schmidt, op. cit. p. 102. Χουρμούζης, Κρητικά, p. 69. Δελτίον τῆς Ἱιστορ. καὶ Ἐθνολ. Ἑταιρίας τῆς Ἑλλάδος, II. p. 122.
[410] Inscription on rock at entrance now barely legible. Cf. Paus. X. 32. 5, Strabo IX. 3, Aesch. Eum. 22.
[411] Cf. Ulrichs, Reisen und Forschungen in Griechenland, I. p. 119, Bern. Schmidt, op. cit. p. 103.
[412] Heuzey, Le mont Olympe et l’Acarnanie, pp. 204–5.
[413] Hom. Od. VI. 105.
[414] Bern. Schmidt, Das Volksleben, p. 107. The title ἡ μεγάλη κυρά must not be confused with the title ἡ κυρὰ τοῦ κόσμου (see above p. [89]), which belongs to Demeter.
[415] Ibid.
[416] Cf. Paus. VIII. 35. 8, whence it appears probable that the nymph Καλλιστώ was once identical with Artemis; see Preller, Griech. Mythol. p. 304.
[417] Καμπούρογλου, Ἱστ. τῶν Ἀθην. I. p. 227.
[418] Apoll. Rhod. III. 877. Callim. Hymn to Artemis, 15.
[419] From Onorio Belli, Descrizione dell’ isola di Candia, in Museum of Classical Antiqu., vol. II. p. 271. Cf. B. Schmidt, op. cit. p. 108. Spratt, Trav. in Crete, I. p. 146.
[420] Du Cange, Gloss. med. et infim. Latin. s.v. Diana.
[422] Orph. Hymn 36 (35) ad fin.
[423] De quor. Graec. opinat. cap. xx.
[424] For these two names see above, p. [21].
[425] For the Callicantzari see below, p. [190].
[426] For Burcolakes or Vrykolakes see below, cap. [IV.]
[427] pulcras dominas, a translation of the Nereids’ title καλὰς ἀρχόντισσας, ibid. cap. XIX.
[428] The title-page of this exceedingly rare work runs as follows:—
La description et histoire de l’isle de Scios ou Chios
par
Jerosme Justinian
Gentil’homme ordinaire de la chambre du Roy Tres-Chrestien, fils de Seigneur Vincent Justinian, l’un des Seigneurs de la dite Isle, Chevalier de l’ordre de sa Majesté, Conseiller en son Conseil d’Estat et Privé, et Ambassadeur extraordinaire du Roy, auprez de Sultan Selin, Grand Seigneur de Constantinople.
M.D.VI.
In the copy formerly belonging to the historian Finlay and now in the possession of the British School of Archaeology at Athens is found a note by Finlay as follows:—‘Joh. Wilh. Zinkeisen in Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches in Europa (Gotha, 1854), vol. ii. p. 90, note 2, mentions a second printed copy as existing in the Mazarine Library at Paris, and a manuscript copy in possession of Justiniani family at Genoa. The date according to Zinkeisen should be not MDVI but MDCVI.’ There is no designation of the press or place from which the volume issued.
[429] op. cit. bk vi. p. 59.
[431] Das Volksleben der Neugriechen, pp. 107 and 123.
[432] Compare Märchen, etc. Song 56 and Stories 7, 19, with Das Volksleben, p. 123.
[433] Bern. Schmidt, Das Volksleben, p. 129.
[435] Also in one word καλλικυρᾶδες or καλοκυρᾶδες.
[436] Cf. Πολίτης, Μελέτη κ.τ.λ. p. 227; Pouqueville, Voyage en Grèce, VI. p. 160; and above, p. [125].
[437] Reisen auf dem griech. Inseln, III. pp. 45 and 182.
[438] In Ἐφημ. Ἀρχαιολογική, 1852, p. 648.
[439] Passow, Pop. Carm. Graec. Recent. no. 524.
[440] Bern. Schmidt, op. cit. p. 130.
[441] Curt. Wachsmuth, Das alte Griechenland im Neuen, p. 31. Cf. also Παρνασσός, IV. p. 773 (1880).
[442] Cf. Theodore Bent, The Cyclades, p. 144, who mentions also the custom of shooting at the waterspout as a precaution.
[443] Curt. Wachsmuth, op. cit. p. 30.
[444] Schol. ad Apoll. Rhod. IV. 828, cited by Wachsmuth, loc. cit.
[445] For passages from authors of the 11th century and onwards see Leo Allatius, De quor. Graec. opin. cap. iii., and Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie, II. 1012.
[446] Aristophanes, Frogs, 293.
[447] Bern. Schmidt, op. cit. p. 133.
[448] Καμπούρογλου, Ἱστ. τῶν Ἀθην. I. p. 224.
[449] Vespae, 1177, and Pax, 758.
[450] e.g. Hahn, Griech. Märchen, no. 4.
[451] Πολίτης, Μελέτη κ.τ.λ. p. 193.
[452] Hahn, Griech. Märchen, no. 4. Cf. Πολίτης, l.c.
[453] Πολίτης, l.c.
[454] e.g. Hahn, Griech. Märchen, nos. 4 and 32.
[455] Καμπούρογλου, Ἱστ. τῶν Ἀθην. III. p. 156.
[456] Ἐφημ. Ἀρχαιολογική, 1852, p. 653, and Δελτίον τὴς Ἱστορ. καὶ Ἐθνολ. Ἑταιρ. II. p. 135.
[457] A few instances are collected by Bern. Schmidt, op. cit. p. 141.
[458] See Preller, Griech. Myth. p. 618.
[459] Τὰ ἐς τὸν Τυανέα Ἀπολλώνιον, IV. 25 (p. 76).
[460] Metamorph. I. cap. 11–19.
[461] Lucian, Philopseudes, § 2. Strabo, I. p. 19. Schol. ad Arist. Vesp. 1177.
[462] See above, pp. [147]-[8].
[463] The Cyclades, p. 496.
[464] γιαλός = ancient αἰγιαλός, ‘the shore.’
[465] The differences in sound between γι and γ before ε, and between λ and λλ, are negligible. In many words and dialects there are none.
[466] De quor. Graec. opinat. cap. iii.-viii.
[467] Zenob. Cent. III. 3. Suidas s.v. Γελλοῦς παιδοφιλωτέρα (a proverb). Hesych. s.v. Γελλώ.
[468] The date is approximate only; for the authorship of the work in question is, I understand, disputed.
[469] This is merely a Latinised plural form; the Greek plural regularly ends in -δες.
[470] This word is recorded as still in use by Wachsmuth, Das alte Griechenland im Neuen, p. 78.
[471] op. cit. cap. viii.
[472] Cf. above, p. [174], where however the accent is given as belonging to the first syllable. The actual spelling in Allatius is Μωρρᾷ. The word in form Μορῆ also occurs in conjunction with the mention of Striges and Geloudes in a MS. of νομοκανόνες obtained by Dr W. H. D. Rouse. See Folklore, vol. X. no. 2, p. 151.
[473] Probably from Low Latin ‘burdo’ = milvus, a kite.
[474] Compounded from Low Latin ‘bardala’ = alauda, a lark. A form ἀναβαρδοῦ occurs in a similar list of names cited by Dr Rouse from a MS. on magic. See Folklore, l.c. p. 162. The names said to have been extorted by the Archangel Michael begin there with στρίγλα, γιλοῦ, and belong clearly to a similar female demon.
[475] The spelling in the text of Allatius before me is ψυχρανωσπάστρια.
[476] Theo. Bent, The Cyclades, p. 496.
[477] Pliny, Nat. Hist. XI. 39.
[478] Hyginus, Fabul. 28, emend. Barth.
[479] Fasti, VI. 131 ff.
[480] The same apparently as the στρίγλος of Hesychius. The Greek peasants are very vague about the names of any birds other than those which they eat.
[481] I. p. 473 (περὶ Στρυγγῶν), Migne, Patrol. Graeco-Lat. vol. XCIV., p. 1604.
[482] The word is εἰσοικίζει which suggests rather the ‘possession’ of children by Striges as by devils. This however could hardly represent fairly the popular belief.
[483] Quoted by Leo Allatius, op. cit. cap. iii.
[484] So also in Albania, Hahn, Alb. Studien, I. 163.
[485] From Πολίτης, Μελέτη κ.τ.λ. pp. 179–181.
[486] Αδαμάντιος Ἰ. Ἀδαμαντίου, Τηνιακά, pp. 293 sqq.
[487] Du Cange, Gloss. med. et infim. Latin. s.vv. ‘Diana’ and ‘Striga.’
[488] Ibid.
[489] A witch of Santorini told me that she had a narrow escape from being burnt for a much less heinous crime, failure to get rain. See above, p. [49].
[490] Πολίτης in Παρνασσός, II. p. 261 (1878).
[491] Πολίτης, ibid. p. 260.
[492] Πολίτης, ibid. pp. 266–8.
[493] Σκαρλάτος, Λεξικόν, s.v. (Πολίτης, l.c.).
[494] Ἐφημ. τῶν Φιλομαθῶν, 1860, p. 1272 (Πολίτης, l.c.).
[495] Νεοελληνικὰ Ἀνάλεκτα, II. p. 191 (Πολίτης, l.c.).
[496] Ἀδαμάντιος Ν. Ἀδαμαντίου, Τηνιακά, pp. 293 ff. Cf. above, p. [183]. The forms used are ἡ γοργόνα, τὸ γοργόνι, and γοργονικὸ παιδί.
[497] Ἐφημ. τῶν Φιλομαθῶν, 1871, p. 1843 (Πολίτης l.c.).
[498] Published by E. Legrand in Collection de monuments de la langue néo-hellénique, no. 16, from two MSS. nos. 929 and 930 in Paris (Bibliothèque Nationale).
[500] Passow, Carm. Popul. no. 337.
[501] The date assigned is, I believe, not certain, but is not of great importance.
[502] De monstris et beluis, edited by Berger de Xivrey in Traditions Tératologiques, p. 25. Πολίτης, l.c.
[503] Theog. 270–288.
[504] Cf. Pind. Ol. XIII. 90.
[505] Kuhn in Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung, vol. I. pp. 460–1, connects γοργώ with γάργαρα and Sanskr. garya, garyana, in sense of ‘the noise of the waves.’ Cf. Maury, Hist. des relig. de la Grèce antique, I. p. 303.
[506] No. 1002, found at Athens; date 600 B.C. or earlier.
[507] No. 534, from Corinth; date about 550 B.C.
[508] Πολίτης, l.c. p. 269.
[509] Hom. Od. XII. 73 ff.
[510] Aen. IV. 327.
[511] Παραδόσεις, part ii. of the series Μελέται περὶ τοῦ βίου καὶ τῆς γλώσσης τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ λαοῦ.
[512] Πολίτης, Παραδόσεις, II. p. 1293.
[513] Πολίτης, Παραδόσεις, II. 1295.
[514] De quor. Graec. opinat. cap. ix.
[515] Πολίτης, Παραδ. II. 1245.
[516] Ibid. II. 1245. It might equally well however, as Polites suggests, mean ‘deceivers,’ from the active πλανάω, ‘to lead astray.’
[517] So explained by Πολίτης, op. cit. 1247.
[518] Ibid. II. 1245.
[519] Πολίτης, Παραδ. I. p. 370 (from Syra).
[520] Ibid. II. 1293 (from Myconos).
[521] Καμπούρογλου, Ἱστ. τῶν Ἀθην. I. p. 230.
[522] Πολίτης, Παραδ. II. p. 1291. In the Museum they are numbered 10333–4.
[523] Κανελλάκης, Χιακὰ Ἀνάλεκτα, p. 367.
[524] Πολίτης, Παραδ. II. p. 1323.
[525] Schmidt, Das Volksleben, p. 148, and Πολίτης, Παραδ. I. p. 333.
[526] Leo Allatius (De quor. Graec. opinat. cap. ix.) makes the period a week only, ending on New Year’s Day.
[527] For dialectic varieties of this name from Macedonia, the Peloponnese, Crete, and some of the Cyclades, see Πολίτης, Παραδ., II. 1256.
[528] ὁ μεγάλος or ὁ πρῶτος καλλικάντζαρος. Also, according to Πολίτης, Παραδ. I. p. 369, ὁ ἀρχικαλλικάντζαρος. In Constantinople (acc. to Πολίτης, Παραδ. I. 343) he has a proper name Μαντρακοῦκος, which however I cannot interpret satisfactorily.
[529] ὁ κουτσοδαίμονας, or simply ὁ κουτσὸς, ὁ χωλός. Cf. B. Schmidt, Das Volksleben, pp. 152–4.
[530] The sequence of these cocks varies locally; their order is sometimes black, white, red.
[531] Lucian, Philops. cap. 14.
[532] So Leo Allatius, De quor. Graec. opin. cap. ix.
[533] Several other versions in the same vein are recorded, cf. B. Schmidt, Das Volksleben, p. 151, Πολίτης, Παραδ. I. pp. 337–41 and II. p. 1305.
[534] Πολίτης, Παραδ. I. p. 372.
[535] For this version see Καμπούρογλου, Ἱστ. τῶν Ἀθην. I. p. 229.
[537] Πολίτης, Παραδ. I. p. 338 (from Samos).
[538] Mod. Gk χαμολι̯ό, Anc. χαμαιλέων.
[539] Ἐφημ. τῶν Φιλομαθῶν, 1862, p. 1909.
[540] Πολίτης, Παραδ. i. 347.
[541] Ibid. i. 356.
[542] Ibid. i. 338.
[543] Ibid. i. 342.
[544] ψίχα, ψίχα λουκάνικο, κομμάτι ξεροτήγανο, νὰ φᾶν οἱ Καλλικάντζαροι, νὰ φύγουνε ’στὸν τόπο τους. For other versions see B. Schmidt, Das Volksl. p. 150, and Πολίτης, Παραδόσεις, i. 342.
[545] Cf. Καμπούρογλου, Ἱστ. τῶν Ἀθην. iii. 154.
[546] Cf. Πολίτης, Παραδόσεις, i. p. 357.
[547] Ibid. ii. p. 1308.
[548] Abbott, Maced. Folklore, p. 74.
[549] Voyage de la Grèce, vi. p. 157.
[550] Δελτίον τῆς Ἱστορ. καὶ Ἐθνολ. Ἑταιρ. τῆς Ἑλλάδος, ii. pp. 137–141.
[551] Ἰ. Μιχαήλ, Μακεδονικά, p. 39. Πολίτης, Παραδ. ii. 1251 note 2.
[552] loc. cit.
[553] Καμπούρογλου, Ἱστ. τῶν Ἀθην. iii. pp. 66 and 156.
[554] Παραδόσεις, i. p. 334.
[555] The word means literally men whose attendant genii (στοιχει̯ά, on which see the next section) are ‘light’ (ἀλαφρός) instead of being solid and steady. The temperament of such persons is ill-balanced in ordinary affairs, but peculiarly sensitive to supernatural influences; it often involves the gift of second sight and other similar faculties.
[556] Supernatural donkeys with the same habits are known also in Crete under the name of ἀνασκελᾶδες (prob. formed from ἀνάσκελα, ‘on one’s back,’ the position in which the rider soon finds himself).
[557] Πολίτης, Παραδ. i. p. 342, from Γ. Λουκᾶς, Φιλολ. ἐπισκ. p. 12.
[558] Πολίτης, Παραδ. i. 338.
[559] Luke iii. 22.
[561] De quorundam Graec. opinat. cap. x.
[562] Πολίτης, Παραδόσεις, ii. p. 1286.
[563] Ἐμαν. Μανωλακάκης, Καρπαθιακά, p. 130.
[564] Πολίτης, Παραδόσεις i. p. 344.
[565] The word ζωτικά which is sometimes heard in the Cyclades is, I suspect, merely a corrupt form of ξωτικά (on which see above, p. [67]); some writers however have derived it from the root of ζάω. But at any rate in usage it denotes the same class of beings as the commoner form ξωτικά.
[566] op. cit. cap. x. Actually the earliest reference to the Callicantzari which I have found occurs in La description et histoire de l’isle de Scios ou Chios by Jerosme Justinian, p. 61, where he says, Ils tiennent ... qu’il y a de certains esprits qui courent par les grands chemins, et sont nommez Calican, Saros. But inasmuch as he does not record even the name correctly, his statement that these beings are esprits can have little weight as against that of Leo Allatius.
[567] Das Volksleben, p. 143.
[568] Παραδόσεις, I. pp. 331–81, and II. pp. 1242–4.
[569] Πολίτης, Παραδ. II. 1257.
[570] The Cyclades, pp. 360 and 388. Bent does not seem to have known the ordinary form καλλικάντζαροι.
[571] Abbott, Maced. Folklore, p. 73.
[572] Λαμπρίδης, Ζαγοριακά, p. 209.
[573] In this, the ordinary, sense the word appears twice in Passow’s Popularia Carm. nos. 142 and 200. See also his index, s.v. καλιουντσήδαις. The Turks themselves borrowed the word qālioum (our ‘galleon’) from the Franks.
[574] Πολίτης, Παραδ. II. pp. 1242 and 1244.
[575] Das Volksleben, p. 144.
[576] Schmidt, it should be said, was dubious about the existence of this form.
[577] In Bianchi, Dict. Turc- fr. II. p. 469, it is translated ‘loup-garou,’ Schmidt, l.c.
[578] Schmidt, l.c. note 2, ‘esclave de la plus mauvaise espèce.’
[579] The previous relations between the Giustiniani, who controlled the Genoese chartered company in Chios, and the Ottoman Empire seem to have been purely commercial.
[580] Quoted by Leo Allat. de quor. Graec. opinat. cap. ix. and published in full by Σάθας.
[581] If this was the origin of Suidas’ information, as seems almost certain in view of its inaccuracy, his date cannot be earlier than that of Psellus (flor. circa 1050).
[582] d’Arnis, Lexicon Med. et Infim. Latin., explains babuztus (with other forms babulus, baburrus, and baburcus) by the words stultus, insanus.
[583] J. B. Navon, Rouz Namé, in the periodical Fundgruben Orients, Vienna, 1814, vol. IV. p. 146, quoted by Πολίτης, Παραδόσεις, II. p. 1249, note 1.
[584] Ἄτακτα, IV. p. 211.
[585] In the periodical Πανδώρα, 1866, XVI. p. 453.
[586] Μελέτη, p. 73, note 6.
[587] Παραδόσεις, II. pp. 1252–3.
[588] The word καλίκι or καλίγι is a diminutive form from the Latin caliga. Besides its original meaning ‘shoe,’ it has acquired now the sense of ‘hoof.’ The transition was clearly through the sense of ‘horse-shoe,’ as witness the verb καλιγόνω, ‘I shoe a horse.’
[589] This word has to be written with β to give the v-sound of υ following ε. The ε drops, and the υ cannot then be used alone, for except after α and ε it is sounded as a vowel.
[590] Polites backs up this meaning by deriving baboutzicarios (on which see above, p. [217]) from παποῦτσι (Arabic bābouch) ‘a shoe,’ but reluctantly refuses to accept the identification of καλιοντζῆς (above, p. [215]) with γαλόντζης, a maker of γαλόντσας or ‘wooden shoes.’ Παραδ. II. 1253.
[591] Their Greek character is strongly emphasized by Balsamon, pp. 230–1. (Vol. 137 of Migne, Patrol. Gr.-Lat.)
[592] loc. cit.
[593] Photius, Biblioth. 254, pp. 468–9, ed. Bekker, μυσαρὰς καὶ μιαιφόνους τελετάς.
[594] Ibid. δαιμονιώδης καὶ βδελυκτὴ ἑορτή.
[595] Ibid. ὡς ἐνθέσμοις ἔργοις τοῖς ἀθεμίτοις καλλωπιζόμενοι.
[596] Usener, Acta S. Timothei, p. 11 (Bonn).
[597] Migne, Patrol. Gr.-Lat. Vol. 40, p. 220.
[598] Edited by Cumont.
[599] Balsamon, loc. cit.
[600] Παραδόσεις, II. pp. 1273–4. To this work I am indebted for most of my instances of these celebrations during the ‘Twelve Days.’
[601] Annual of the British School at Athens, VI. p. 125.
[602] Abbott, Macedonian Folklore, p. 31.
[603] R. M. Dawkins, in Journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol. 26, Part II. (1906), p. 193.
[604] Dawkins, op. cit. p. 201, referring to a pamphlet, περὶ τῶν ἀναστεναρίων καὶ ἄλλων τινῶν παραδόξων ἐθίμων καὶ προλήψεων, ὑπὸ Ἀ. Χουρμουρζιάδου, Constantinople, 1873, p. 22.
[605] Καμπούρογλου, Ἱστ. τῶν Ἀθ. III. p. 162.
[606] loc. cit.
[607] The word is certainly in my experience rare, and is not given in Skarlatos’ Lexicon. But it occurs e.g. in a popular tradition from Thessaly concerning the Callicantzari, in Πολίτης, Παραδόσεις, I. p. 356.
[608] Λεξικὸν τῆς καθ’ ἡμᾶς Ἑλληνικῆς διαλέκτου, s.v. κατσιασμένος.
[609] Plutarch, de εἰ apud Delphos, 9 (p. 389).
[610] Balsamon, p. 231 (Migne, Patrol. Gr.-Lat. Vol. 137).
[611] Ulpian, ad Dem. p. 294. Cf. also Balsamon, loc. cit.
[612] Müller and Donaldson, History of the Literature of Ancient Greece, I. p. 382.
[613] Smith, Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, s.v. Dionysia.
[615] I write d in the place of the Greek τ, which when following ν always has the sound of English d.
[616] It is probably formed from τέντα, ‘a tent,’ which clearly comes from the Latin. Some however derive directly from the anc. Gk τιταίνω. The question of origin however does not affect my illustration of the later change of τ into τσ.
[617] Heard in Sciathos and kindly communicated to me by Mr A. J. B. Wace.
[618] Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxv. 6; Dioscor. v. 45; Sophocles Byzant. Lexicon, s.v. ἀρκεύθινος οἶνος.
[619] Marcellus Empir., cap. 20 (p. 139).
[620] Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion, p. 380.
[621] Lucian, Zeuxis, cap. 6.
[622] Nonnus, Dionys. 13. 44 καὶ λασίων Σατύρων, Κενταυρίδος αἶμα γενέθλης. This reference I owe to Miss Harrison, l. c.
[623] Iliad, II. 743.
[624] Lucian, Zeuxis, cap. 5.
[625] Isaiah xxxiv. 14.
[626] I cannot of course absolutely affirm that the word is extinct in every dialect even now; but the only suggestion of its use which I can find is in a story of Hahn’s collection (Alban. und Griech. Märch. II. 189), where the German translation has the strange word ‘Wolfsmann.’
[627] Pyth. III. 1–4.
[628] Ibid. IV. 115.
[629] Ibid. IV. 119.
[630] Ibid. III. 45.
[631] Pyth. II. 29.
[632] Pyth. II. 42–48.
[633] Hesiod, Shield of Heracl. 178–188.
[634] Hom. Il. I. 262–8.
[635] Hom. Il. II. 743.
[636] Il. XI. 832.
[637] Ibid.
[638] Il. IV. 219.
[639] Hom. Od. XXI. 303.
[640] Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion, p. 382.
[641] Early Age of Greece, I. pp. 173 ff.
[642] Pyth. IV. 80.
[643] Pyth. III. 45.
[644] Early Age of Greece, I. pp. 175–6.
[645] Ridgeway, Early Age of Greece, I. p. 178.
[646] De bello Gothico, IV. 20 (Niebuhr, 1833, p. 565).
[647] Early Age of Greece, I. pp. 177–8.
[648] Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion, p. 382.
[649] Ridgeway, Early Age of Greece, I. p. 174. The vase in question is figured by Colvin in Journ. of Hellenic Studies, Vol. I. p. 131, Pl. 2, and by Miss Harrison, Prolegomena etc. p. 384.
[650] Pind. Pyth. III. 45 ff. (transl. Myers).
[651] Pind. Pyth. IX. 31 ff.
[652] Primitive Culture, Vol. I. p. 308. For a mass of instances, see pp. 308–315.
[653] Op. cit. I. p. 312.
[654] Verg. Ecl. VIII. 95.
[655] Hesiod, Shield of Heracles, 178 ff. Cf. also the names Ἄγριος and Ἔλατος (suggesting ἐλάτη, the fir-tree from which their weapons were made) in Apollodor. II. 5. 4. The name Ἄσβολος in Hesiod, meaning ‘soot,’ I cannot interpret; for it is hard to suppose that the ancient Centaurs, like the Callicantzari, came down the chimney. But the word is possibly corrupt; for Ovid (Met. XII. 307) refers to an augur Astylus among the Centaurs.
[656] Cf. Miss J. Harrison, Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion, pp. 383–4.
[657] Paus. VIII. 42. 1–4. Cf. VIII. 25. 5.
[658] Apollodorus, II. 5. 4.
[659] Πολίτης, Παραδόσεις, I. p. 339.
[660] Stories of their coming to cook frogs etc. at the hearths of men occur, but only confirm the general belief that they have no fires of their own at which to cook, and are in general afraid of fire.
[661] Πολίτης, Παραδόσεις, II. pp. 1297 and 1337.
[662] The shift of accent is due to the synizesis of the syllables -ει-α, pronounced now as -yá.
[663] Du Cange, s.v. στοιχεῖον.
[664] Coloss. ii. 3 and 20; Galat. iv. 3 and 9.
[665] Galat. iv. 9.
[666] Passow, Popul. Carm. no. 524. According to Σκαρλάτος (Λεξικόν, s.v.) στοιχειόν is sometimes a term of abuse; on that statement I base my interpretation of the folk-song.
[667] Du Cange, s.v.
[668] Du Cange, s.v.
[669] Georg. Cedrenus (circ. 1050) Historiarum Compendium, p. 197 (edit. Paris).
[670] Cedrenus, ibid.
[671] στοιχεῖον pro eo quod τέλεσμα (whence by Arabic corruption our ‘talisman’) vocant Graeci, usurpant alii. Du Cange, ibid.
[672] Codinus (15th century), de Originibus Constantinop. p. 30 (edit. Paris) § 63.
[673] Codinus, ibid. p. 20. § 39.
[674] De quor. Graec. opinat. cap. XXI.
[675] The active of the verb also survives in a special sense, for which see below, p. [267]. The modern form is στοιχειόνω: cf. δηλόνω for δηλόω, etc.
[677] Verg. Aen. V. 84 ff.
[678] Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite, 272. Cf. above, p. [156].
[679] De quor. Graec. opinat. cap. XXI.
[680] B. Schmidt, Das Volksleben, p. 185.
[681] i.e. οἰκοκύριος, with initial ν attached (first in the accusative) from the article (τὸν) preceding. This is the ordinary word for ‘the master of a house.’
[682] i.e. δαίμων τοῦ τόπου. The word is used in Cythnos and Cyprus. Cf. Βάλληνδας, Κυθνιακά, p. 124. Σακελλάριος, Κυπριακά, III. p. 286.
[683] For detailed stories in point, see Leo Allatius, l. c., B. Schmidt, op. cit. pp. 186, 187.
[684] Char. 16.
[685] Suidas, s.vv. οἰωνιστική and Ξενοκράτης.
[686] s.v. ὄφιν οἰκουρόν.
[687] VIII. 41.
[688] Cf. Passow, Popul. Carm., Index, s.v. στοιχεῖον.
[689] Πολίτης, Μελέτη, p. 134.
[690] Πολίτης, l. c.
[691] Καμπούρογλου, Ἱστ. τῶν Ἀθην. III. p. 155.
[692] Καμπούρογλου, op. cit. I. 226.
[693] e.g. Passow, Popul. Carm. nos. 511, 512.
[694] Ἀντωνιάδης, Κρητηΐς, p. 247 (from Πολίτης, op. cit. p. 141).
[695] Πολίτης, ibid.
[696] Ἰατρίδης, Συλλογὴ δημοτ. ἀσμάτων, pp. 28–30 (Πολίτης, ibid.).
[697] W. H. D. Rouse in Folklore, June, 1899 (Vol. x. no. 2), pp. 182 ff.
[698] Passow, no. 511, and Ζαμπέλιος, Ἄσματα δημοτικὰ τῆς Ἑλλάδος, p. 757.
[699] So Bern. Schmidt, Das Volksleben, p. 196. Ἰατρίδης, Συλλογὴ δημοτ. ἀσμάτων, p. 93, mentions also a dog.
[700] So also in Zacynthos and Cephalonia. Bern. Schmidt, op. cit. p. 196.
[701] e.g. in Cimolus, Bent, The Cyclades, p. 45.
[702] Cf. Ricaut, Hist. de l’église grecque, pp. 369–70.
[703] Καμπούρογλου, Ἱστ. τῶν Ἀθην. III. p. 148.
[704] The Cyclades, p. 132.
[705] Πολίτης, Μελέτη, p. 138.
[706] Ricaut, Hist. de l’église grecque, p. 367 (from Πολίτης, ibid.).
[707] Ἰατρίδης, Συλλογὴ δημοτ. ἀσμάτων, p. 28.
[708] Das Volksleben, p. 196, note 2.
[709] Since this was written, a new work of Prof. Polites (Μελέται περὶ τοῦ βίου καὶ τῆς γλώσσης τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ λαοῦ, Παραδόσεις) has come into my hands, and I find that he has modified his views. Cf. below, pp. [272]-[3], where I insert a suggestion made by Polites, op. cit. II. p. 1089.
[710] Suidas, Λεξικόν, s.v. Μάμας. The statement is corroborated by Codinus, περὶ θεαμάτων, p. 30, who adds to the human victims ‘multitudes of sheep and oxen and fowls.’ From Πολίτης, Μελέτη, p. 141, note 1.
[711] Hom. Il. VII. 442 ff.
[712] Hom. Il. XII. 3–33.
[714] Agam. 214.
[715] Agam. 1418.
[716] IV. 9. 1–5.
[717] VI. 20. 2–5.
[718] Porphyrius, De abstinentia, II. 56. Plutarch, Themistocles, 13.
[719] This view of the story I take from Πολίτης, Παραδόσεις, II. p. 1089.
[720] V. 4. 4.
[721] Pausanias’ Description of Greece, III. p. 468.
[722] Pausanias, I. 26. 1.
[723] Schol. ad Aristoph. Nubes, 508.
[724] Miss Jane Harrison, Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion, p. 327 ff.
[725] See Roscher, Lexicon d. Mythol. I. 2468 ff.
[726] Lucian, Alexander vel Pseudomantis, cap. XIV.
[727] See Miss Jane Harrison, Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion, pp. 17–20, where the two reliefs in question are reproduced.
[728] For ballads dealing with this theme, see Πολίτης, Μελέτη, p. 133, and Ᾱραβάντινος, Συλλογὴ δημωδῶν ἀσμάτων τῆς Ἠπείρου, no. 451.
[729] Bern. Schmidt, Das Volksleben, p. 197.
[730] Ibid. p. 198.
[731] He used a neuter form, τὰ ἀράπια, which I have not found elsewhere.
[732] A similar method of laying vrykólakes is reported from Samos by Πολίτης (Παραδόσεις, I. 580). In this case a wizard ‘took three calves born at one birth and drove them three times round the churchyard, saying some magic words.’
[733] ὁ βῳδοκέφαλας. The story as I give it is not a verbatim report of what I heard; as usual, I had to rely on my memory at the time and make notes afterwards.
[734] This is the form which I heard used constantly in the island instead of the more common ποτάμι (τὸ).
[735] This however must have been prior to the middle of the 17th century; for a history of the island published in 1657 says, ‘cette Isle ... n’est arrousée d’aucun ruisseau ou fontaine.’ Père François Richard, Relation de ce qui s’est passé à Santorini, p. 35.
[736] Soph. Trach. 10 ff.
[737] Formed from the ancient δράκων as Χάρος and Χάροντας from Χάρων. Cf. above, p. [98]. There is a feminine δρακόντισσα or δράκισσα.
[738] Cf. Philostr. Vit. Apollon. III. 8. Aelian, de natur. anim. XVI. 39. Bern. Schmidt, Das Volksleben, p. 191.
[739] Only one variety of dragon, the χαμοδράκι or ‘ground-dragon,’ is often harmless. It is of pastoral tastes and consorts with the ewes and she-goats, and is more noted among the shepherds for its lasciviousness than for any other quality.
[740] Artem. Oneirocr. II. 13 (p. 101). Cf. Festus, 67, 13.
[741] Lucian, Philopseudes, cap. XXXII. Zenobius, Cent. II. 1. The same punishment is in one story inflicted by a Callicantzaros on a midwife who had deceived him into believing that his newborn child was male. After sending her away with a sackful of gold, he discovered her deceit, and on her arrival at home the gold had turned to ashes. See above, p. [199].
[742] Ἀδαμάντιος Ἰ. Ἀδαμαντίου, Τηνιακά (published first in Δελτίον τῆς Ἱστορ. καὶ Ἐθνολ. Ἑταιρίας τῆς Ἑλλάδος, Vol. V. pp. 277 sqq.).
[743] For the first half of this story, see above, p. [183].
[744] ἀθάνατο νερό, op. cit. pp. 299 and 315.
[745] e.g. ἀθάνατα μῆλα, ‘immortal apples,’ op. cit. pp. 311 and 316. ἀθάνατο καρποῦζι, ‘immortal water-melon,’ pp. 297 and 315. ἀθάνατο γαροῦφαλο, ‘immortal gilly-flower,’ p. 317. The translation of this last is correctly that which I have given, but the peasants all over Greece will call almost any bright and scented flower by this same name.
[747] Cf. above, pp. [143]–[4].
[748] Glossar. med. et infim. Graecitatis (p. 1541), s.v. τελώνιον.
[749] Ibid., Damasc. Hierodiac. Serm. 3.
[750] Ibid., Maximus Cythaer. Episc.
[751] Ibid., Georg. Hamartolus.
[752] τελώνας καὶ διαλόγους (for which I read δικολόγους with Bern. Schmidt, das Volksleben, p. 172).
[753] Ibid., Euchologium.
[754] Luke xii. 20.
[755] Du Cange, ibid. τελωνάρχαι, λογοθέται, πρακτοψηφισταί, etc.
[757] Κωνστ. Κανελλάκης, Χιακὰ Ἀνάλεκτα, pp. 362–3.
[758] Ἰ. Σ. Ἀρχέλαος, ἡ Σινασός, p. 81.
[760] Testimony to the same belief is cited by Du Cange (s.v. τελώνιον) from an anonymous astronomical work.
[761] For references see Preller, Griech. Mythol. II. 105–6.
[762] Villoison, Annales des voyages, II. p. 180, cited by B. Schmidt, das Volksleben, p. 174, note 4.
[763] Καμπούρογλου, Ἱστ. τῶν Ἀθην. III. p. 166.
[764] Voyage de la Grèce, VI. p. 154.
[765] Das Volksleben, p. 173.
[766] Griech. Märch. Vol. II. no. 64.
[767] Cf. Καμπούρογλου, Ἱστ. τῶν Ἀθηναίων, III. p. 77.
[769] For this term see above, p. [204].
[770] B. Schmidt, Das Volksleben, p. 180.
[771] Ibid. note 6.
[772] Op. cit. p. 181.
[773] Op. cit. p. 181.
[774] Op. cit. p. 182.
[775] I cannot vouch for the accuracy of this translation. The word might possibly mean ‘he has had his shadow trampled on,’ and has been hurt indirectly through an injury inflicted upon his shadow-genius.
[776] Hom. Il. XXIII. 79.
[777] Il. XVIII. 535–8.
[778] Plato, Phaedo, p. 107 D.
[779] Rep. p. 617 D, E. Cf. 620 D, E.
[780] Meineke, Fragm. Com. Graec. IV. p. 238.
[781] Theocr. IV. 40.
[782] I do not of course wish to imply that in the every-day usage of these words the thought of a guardian-genius was present to men’s minds; but the first formation of them can only have sprung from this belief.
[783] Aen. VI. 743.
[784] Plato, Theag. 128 D.
[785] Ibid. E.
[786] Both Plato (Apol. 40 A) and Xenophon (Mem. I. 1. 2–4), compare Socrates’ converse with his genius with μαντική or ‘inspiration.’
[787] Hesiod, Works and Days, 185, with reading οὐδὲ θεῶν ὄπα εἰδότες.
[788] Βάκχος and Βάκχη, cf. Eur. H. F. 1119.
[789] De divinatione, I. 3.
[790] op. cit. I. 18.
[791] Prom. Vinct. 485–99.
[792] Suid. Lex. s.v. οἰωνιστική.
[793] Cic. de Divin. I. 4.
[794] Ibid. I. 6 and 18.
[796] Cf. Lucian, Philopseudes, 19 and 20.
[798] Nov. 26.
[799] Καμπούρογλου, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηναίων, III. p. 19.
[800] Cf. Cic. de Divinat. I. 18.
[801] The shift of accent is curious. It may be some result of dialect, but is not explained.
[802] e.g. Hom. Od. XVIII. 116.
[803] At midsummer. The name of the custom ὁ κλήδονας is sometimes given as a title to the saint himself; and from his willingness to enlighten enquirers concerning their future lot he is also named sometimes ὁ Φανιστής (the enlightener) and ὁ Ῥιζικάς (from ῥίζικο, ‘lot’ or ‘destiny’), Ἰ. Σ. Ἀρχέλαος, ἡ Σινασός, p. 86.
[804] Sonnini de Magnoncourt, Voyage en Grèce et en Turquie, II. pp. 126–7.
[805] In the Iliad it is not found. Cf. Bouché Leclercq, Hist. de la Divination, I. p. 156.
[806] Hom. Od. XVII. 114 ff. Cf. also Od. XX. 98 ff.
[807] For examples see Herod. V. 72, VIII. 114, IX. 64, 91; Xenoph. Anab. I. 8. 16. Cf. Bouché Leclercq, op. cit. I. p. 157. The word φήμη is in some of these passages used in the sense of κληδών.
[808] Paus. VII. 22. 2, 3.
[809] Le Bas et Waddington, Voyage Archéologique, V. 1724a.
[810] Paus. IX. 11. 7. Cf. Bouché Leclercq, Hist. de la Divin. I. p. 159 and II. p. 400.
[811] Paus. ibid.
[812] The proper precaution is prescribed in the couplet, ’στὸ δρόμο σὰν ἰδῆς παπᾶ, | κράτησ’ τ’ ἀρχίδι̯α σου καλά. Si per viam sacerdoti occurres, testiculos tuos teneto.
[813] γαϊδοῦρι με συμπάθειο, ‘a donkey, with your leave.’ So also often in mentioning the number ‘three,’ and sometimes with ‘five.’
[814] Aristoph. Aves, 720.
[815] Eccles. 792.
[816] Theophr. Char. 16. 1.
[817] Ibid.
[818] op. cit. 16. 3.
[819] Cf. Suidas, s.v. οἰωνιστική.
[820] Bouché Leclercq, op. cit. I. p. 129.
[821] Assuming derivation from οἶος, as υἱωνός from υἱός, κοινωνός from κοινός.
[822] Plutarch, de solertia animalium, cap. 20 (p. 975).
[823] Bouché Leclercq, Hist. de la Divin. I. p. 133–4.
[824] e.g. Hom. Il. XXIV. 310.
[825] Hom. Il. VIII. 247.
[826] Etymol. Magn. p. 619, s.v. οἰωνοπόλος.
[827] Apoll. Rhod. III. 930.
[828] Ovid, Metam. II. 548 sqq.
[829] Hom. Od. XV. 526.
[830] Hom. Il. X. 274.
[831] Plutarch, Pyth. Orac. cap. 22.
[832] Paroemiogr. Graec. I. pp. 228, 231, 352.
[833] περὶ ὠμοπλατοσκοπίας καὶ οἰωνοσκοπίας.
[834] Suid., Lexicon, s.v. οἰωνιστική.
[835] op. cit. § 2.
[836] Cf. Bouché Leclercq, op. cit. I. p. 140, note 2.
[837] Hesiod, Works and Days, 745.
[838] The identification of the birds named by even the more intelligent peasants is necessarily uncertain. The name κουκουβάγια is seemingly onomatopoeic, suggesting the hooting of the owl, but is generally reserved to the brown owl.
[839] op. cit. § 2.
[840] In the dialects of Scyros and other Aegean islands, κ before the sounds of ε and ι is regularly softened to τσ. The ρ has, as often, suffered metathesis.
[841] Hom. Od. XV. 524 ff.
[842] Derivation from χαρά, instead of Χάρος, and πουλί is possible, but less likely. It would then be an euphemistic name, ‘bird of joy.’ An owl named στριγλοποῦλι (on which see above, p. [180]) appears to be a semi-mythical bird chiefly found in Hades; it is possibly identical with ‘Charon’s bird.’
[843] Cf. Ἐμαν. Μανωλακάκης, Καρπαθιακά, p. 126.
[844] Il. VII. 184.
[845] Od. XVII. 365.
[846] Il. I. 597.
[847] Βικέντιος Κορνάρος, Ἐρωτόκριτος, p. 320.
[848] Aristot. Hist. An. IX. 1.
[849] Cf. Aesch. Sept. 24, Soph. Antig. 999 sqq.
[850] Origen, contra Cels. IV. 88.
[851] Homeric Hymn to Demeter, 46.
[852] e.g. Passow, Popul. Carm. nos. 122, 123, 213, 232, 234, 235, 251 et passim.
[853] A. Luber in a monograph Die Vögel in den historischen Liedern der Neugriechen, pp. 6 ff., notes the impossibility of determining in many cases whether a real bird or a scout is meant.
[854] Passow, Popul. Carm. no. 415, vv. 5–7. Cf. 413, 414.
[855] Ibid. no. 410.
[856] ξεφτέρι (probably a diminutive from ὀξύπτερος), a ‘falcon,’ is a favourite name for the warrior, just as the humbler πουλί, ‘bird,’ is used for ‘scout.’
[857] With reference to Ibrahim’s Egyptian troops.
[858] Passow, Popul. Carm. no. 256.
[859] Cic. de Divin. I. 52, II. 12, 15, 16, 17. Cf. Bouché Leclercq, Hist. de la Divin. I. p. 167.
[860] Plato, Tim. 71 c.
[861] Philostr. Vit. Apollon. VIII. 7. 49–52. Cf. Bouché Leclercq, op. cit. I. p. 168.
[862] For authorities on this point see Bouché Leclercq, op. cit. I. p. 170.
[863] Cf. ibid. p. 169.
[864] K. O. Müller (die Etrusker, II. p. 187) places the introduction of the custom in the sixth century B.C.
[865] Bybilakis, Neugriechisches Leben, p. 49 (1840).
[866] Περὶ ὠμοπλατοσκοπίας καὶ οἰωνοσκοπίας, § 1.
[867] Λαμπρίδης, Ζαγοριακά, p. 210. No details are given.
[868] Λαμπρίδης, Ζαγοριακά, p. 176.
[869] The writer does not actually mention the two things in connexion. He belongs to that class of modern Greek writers who exhibit their own intellectual emancipation by deploring or deriding popular superstitions, and wastes so much energy therein that he fails to note such points of interest. But, since it is not probable that the peasants of Epirus eat meat more often than other Greek peasants, the connexion of the sacrifice and the divination may, I think, be assumed.
[870] Certain details of the art as practised in Macedonia are given by Abbott, Macedonian Folklore, p. 96. But, as they may in part be due to Albanian influence there, I have not made use of them.
[871] Περὶ ὠμοπλατοσκοπίας κ.τ.λ. l. c.
[872] Reading ἄλλα γὰρ for ἀλλὰ γὰρ of Codex Vindobonensis, as published in Philologus, 1853, p. 166.
[873] The word is ῥάχις. This in relation to the body generally means the ‘spine,’ but can be used of any ridge (as of a hill), and so here, I suppose, of the ridge of bone along the shoulder-blade.
[874] So I understand the somewhat obscure sentence, εἰ μὲν γὰρ μεταξὺ τοῦ ὠμοπλάτου δύο ὑμένες ἐξ ἀμφοτέρων μερῶν τῆς ῥάχεως κ.τ.λ., conjecturing οἱ before μεταξὺ, where Codex Vindob. has corruptly εἰ.
[875] Prom. Vinct. 493.
[876] Pausan. VI. 2. 5.
[877] Tatian, adv. Graecos, I. Cf. Bouché Leclercq, Hist. de la Divin. I. p. 170.
[878] In Zagorion in Epirus, the ram is sacrificed on the entrance of the bride to her new home (cf. the sacrifice of a cock mentioned below). Λαμπρίδης, Ζαγοριακά, p. 183.
[879] Curtius Wachsmuth, Das alte Griechenland im Neuen, p. 86.
[880] In Macedonia the weasel is said on the contrary to be a good omen. Abbott, Macedonian Folklore, p. 108.
[881] Λαμπρίδης, Ζαγοριακά, p. 203.
[882] Theophr. Char. 16.
[883] Theocr. Id. II. 35.
[884] So too in antiquity apparently according to Propertius IV. (V.) 3. 60; Ovid (Heroid. XIX. 151) on the contrary reckons it a good omen.
[885] Theocr. Id. III. 37 ἄλλεται ὀφθαλμός μευ ὁ δεξιός· ἆρά γ’ ἰδησῶ | αὐτάν; the order of the words, it will be seen, justifies the emphasis which I have given to δεξιός and to αὐτάν.
[886] Dialog. Meretric. 9. 2.
[887] The significance of right and left in this case is reversed in Macedonia (cf. Abbott, Macedonian Folklore, p. 112). But in all these instances I am only giving what I have found to be the commonest form of the superstition in Greece as a whole.
[888] Abbott, Macedonian Folklore, p. 111.
[889] The word ψοφῶ is properly used only of the dying of animals.
[890] ἐπέπταρε πᾶσιν ἔπεσσιν.
[891] Hom. Od. XVII. 539 ff. Cf. Xenoph. Anab. III. 2. 9 and Catull. XLV. 9 and 18.
[893] Καμπούρογλου, Ἱστ. τῶν Ἀθηναίων, III. p. 22.
[894] e.g. at the oracle of Hermes Agoraeus at Pherae the enquirer performed the whole ceremony required and obtained his response without the intervention of any priest or seer. Cf. above, p. [305].
[897] Cf. an article by Ἀντ. Μηλιαράκης, τὸ ἐν Ἀμοργῷ Μαντεῖον τοῦ Ἁγίου Γεωργίου τοῦ Βαλσαμίτου, in Περιοδικὸν τῆς Ἑστίας, no. 411, 13th Nov. 1883.
[898] Le Père Robert (Sauger), Histoire nouvelle des anciens ducs et autres souverains de l’Archipel (Paris, 1699) pp. 196–198. Cf. Tournefort, Voyage du Levant, I. pp. 281 ff.; Sonnini de Magnoncourt, Voyage en Grèce et en Turquie, vol. I. p. 290.
[899] Bouché Leclercq, Hist. de la Divin. I. p. 187.
[900] Pausan. III. 23. 8.
[901] De sacrificiis, p. 12.
[902] Ibid. cap. 2.
[903] Plato, Sympos. p. 188.
[904] Hom. Il. IX. 497 ff.
[905] See above, pp. [322]-[3] and [326].
[907] See above, pp. [58]-[9].
[908] Ancient offerings of this type, as found at Epidaurus, should not I think be grouped all together as thank-offerings; many of them belonged probably to the propitiatory class.
[912] Formerly (and again latterly) called Thera.
[913] Le père Richard, Relation de ce qui s’est passé à Sant-Erini, p. 23.
[914] Called by him ὄρος τοῦ ἁγίου Στεφάνου; but the fact that there is only this one mountain in the island and that it still has a chapel of St Stephen on it places the identification beyond all doubt.
[915] This phrase as noted down by me from memory along with the rest of the story immediately after my interview is, I believe, verbally exact. The old man’s words were ἐσκεφτήκαμε λοιπὸν κι’ ἀποφασίσαμε νὰ στείλουμε ἄνθρωπο ’στὸν Ἅγι’ Νικόλα, γιὰ νά τον παρακαλέσῃ νὰ ἐπιτυχαίνουνε τὰ καράβι̯α μας στὸν πόλεμο.
[917] The term ὁ θεός could not have been intended to apply to St Nicolas; although the saints are practically treated as gods, they are not so spoken of. See above, pp. [42] ff.
[918] Plutarch, Pelop. 21 (p. 229).
[919] Porph. de Abstin. 27 and 54.
[920] Tzetz. Hist. XXIII. 726 ff.
[921] Cf. Πολίτης, Μελέτη, II. p. 341.
[922] Ραζέλης, Μυρολόγια, p. 16. Πολίτης, Μελέτη, II. 343.
[923] Popul. Carm. no. 373.
[924] Ραζέλης, Μυρολόγια, p. 36. Cf. Πολίτης, Μελέτη, II. p. 342. The line runs μαντατοφόρος φρόνιμος ’ποῦ πάει ’στὸν κάτω κόσμο.
[925] Eur. Hec. 422–3.
[926] Verg. Aen. II. 547 sqq.
[927] Diodor. Sic. V. 28.
[928] e.g. Fauriel, Chants de la Grèce Moderne, Discours Prélimin. p. 39. Rennell Rodd, Customs and Lore of Mod. Greece, p. 129.
[929] Dora d’Istria, Les Femmes en Orient, Bk. III. Letter 2.
[930] Plutarch, Vita Solon. 20.
[931] Hom. Il. XXIV. 719–775.
[932] Plato, Leg. VII. p. 801.
[933] An edict of the year 1662 preserved in the record-office (ἀρχαιοφυλακεῖον) of Zante was shown and interpreted to me by Mons. Λεωνίδας Χ. Ζώης, whose courtesy I wish here to acknowledge. The record-office contains much valuable material for the study of the period of Venetian supremacy in the Heptanesos.
[934] Soph. Antig. 29; Eur. Hec. 30; cf. also Soph. Antig. 203–4 τάφῳ μήτε κτερίζειν, μήτε κωκῦσαί τινα, and Philoct. 360.
[935] Hom. Il. XIX. 301–2.
[936] Κωνστ. Κανελλάκης, Χιακὰ Ἀνάλεκτα, pp. 335–6.
[937] See below, pp. [555] ff.
[938] Herodot. IV. 94.
[939] For the evidence see Miss Harrison, Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion, pp. 96 ff.
[940] Cf. Paus. VIII. 38. 7 and Porphyr. de abstinentia, II. 27.
[941] Paus. VIII. 2. 6 and VIII. 38. 7 and Frazer’s note ad loc.
[942] Paus. VIII. 38. 7.
[943] Tylor, Primitive Culture, I. p. 458.
[944] Tylor, Primitive Culture, I. p. 462.
[946] Paus. VIII. 38. 7.
[947] Schol. ad Ar. Eq. 1136 in explanation of the word δημόσιοι.
[948] Tzetzes, Hist. XXIII. 726 ff. quoting Hipponax’ authority on most points.
[949] Miss Harrison, Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion, pp. 95 f.
[950] op. cit. p. 108.
[951] Serv. ad Verg. Aen. III. 75 as translated by Miss Harrison, op. cit. p. 108.
[952] op. cit. p. 100.
[953] Luc. Nek. 7.
[954] Eur. Phoen. 944.
[955] op. cit. p. 100.
[956] op. cit. p. 108.
[957] Lysias, c. Andoc. 108. 4 as translated by Miss Harrison, op. cit. p. 97
[958] Ran. 734, Equ. 1405 and fragm. 532 (from Miss Harrison, op. cit. p. 97).
[959] Heard by me from a fisherman of Myconos.
[960] Πολίτης, Παραδόσεις, I. pp. 573 and 593.
[961] The list of dialectic forms compiled by Bern. Schmidt (das Volksleben der Neugriechen, p. 158) comprises, besides that which I have adopted as in my experience the most general, the following: βουρκόλακας, βρουκόλακας, βουρκούλακας, βουλκόλακας, βουθρόλακας, βουρδόλακας, βορβόλακας. To these may be added βαρβάλακας from Syme (Πολίτης, Παραδόσεις, I. 601), βουρδούλακας, from Cythnos (Βάλληνδας, Κυθνιακά, p. 125), and an occasional diminutive form such as βρυκολάκι. The κ is often doubled in spelling.
[962] A plural in -οι, -ους, with accent either paroxytone or proparoxytone, also occurs.
[963] De quorumdam Graecorum opinationibus, cap. 12 sqq.
[964] ὁποῦ τὸν ἐγνώριζε προτίτερα, leg. ἐγνώριζαν.
[965] For these memorial services (μνημόσυνα) and the appropriate funeral-meats (κόλλυβα) see below, pp. [534] ff.
[966] The reference given by Allatius is to Turco-Grecia, Bk 8, but I cannot find the passage.
[967] With this description compare a phrase used in a recent Athenian account of a vrykolakas, σὰν τουλοῦμι, ‘like a (distended) wine-skin,’ Πολίτης, Παραδ. I. 575.
[969] Relation de ce qui s’est passé de plus remarquable a Sant-Erini Isle de l’Archipel, depuis l’établissement des Peres de la compagnie de Jesus en icelle (Paris, MDCLVII.), cap. XV. pp. 208–226.
[970] In many places at the present day it is believed that vrykolakes (and sometimes other supernatural beings) cannot cross salt water. Hence to bury (not burn) the corpse in an island is often held sufficient.
[971] Some modern authorities state that Turks are believed to be more subject to become vrykolakes than Christians. Schmidt (Das Volksleben, p. 162) appears to me to overstate this point of view, which I should judge to be rarer and more local than its contrary. Even where found, it is unimportant, being a mere invention of priestcraft for purposes of intimidation. See below, pp. [400] and [409].
[972] Evidently a local form of τουμπί (= τύμπανον, cf. Du Cange, Med. et infim. Graec., s.v. τυμπανίτης), with metathesis of the nasal. Cf. the word τυμπανιαῖος above.
[973] To this phrase I return later.
[974] leg. ἄσπρος.
[975] Histoire nouvelle des anciens ducs et autres souverains de l’Archipel, pp. 255–6 (Paris, 1699).
[976] Voyage du Levant, I. pp. 158 ff. (Lyon, 1717). Cf. also Salonis, Voyage à Tine (Paris, 1809), translated by Δ. Μ. Μαυρομαρᾶς, as Ἱστορία τῆς Τήνου, pp. 105 ff.
[977] Paul Lucas, Voyage du Levant (la Haye, 1705), vol. II. pp. 209–210.
[978] Cf. Tournefort, Voyage du Levant, I. p. 164 (Lyon, 1717).
[979] Ἀντών. Βάλληνδας, Κυθνιακά, p. 125.
[980] Γρηγ. Παπαδοπετράκης, Ἱστορία τῶν Σφακίων, pp. 72–3.
[981] The writer points out in a note the correspondence of the number of priests who assemble for τὸ εὐχέλαιον, the anointing of the sick with oil.
[982] The Cretan word used throughout this passage is καταχαν-ᾶς (plur. -ᾶδες), on which see below, p. [382].
[983] διπλοσαραντίσῃ. I have given what I take to be the meaning of a popular word otherwise unknown to me.
[984] Ᾱντ. Μηλιαράκης, Ὑπομνήματα περιγραφικὰ τῶν Κυκλάδων νήσων.—Ἄνδρος, Κέως, p. 56.
[985] Good examples may be found in Bern. Schmidt, Märchen, etc., no. 7, and Πολίτης, Παραδόσεις, I. 590 sqq.
[986] The Cyclades, p. 299.
[987] Πολίτης, Παραδόσεις, I. p. 577.
[988] Ibid., p. 578.
[989] In Scyros and in Cythnos, as I have noted above, this means of riddance has given place to milder remedies. But in the former I heard of fairly recent cases of vampirism, and in the latter, according to Βάλληνδας (Κυθνιακά, p. 125), the names of several persons (including one woman) who became vrykolakes are still remembered.
[990] Communicated to me by word of mouth in Maina.
[991] ἑορτοπιάσματα (see above, p. [208]), who are commonly regarded as subject to lycanthropy in life and continue the same predatory habits as vampires after death.
[992] Bern. Schmidt, Das Volksleben, p. 162 (from Aráchova).
[993] This belief belongs chiefly, in my experience, to the Cyclades.
[994] Curt. Wachsmuth, Das alte Griechenland im Neuen, p. 117 (from Elis).
[995] Ibid. p. 114 (from Elis). Bern. Schmidt, op. cit. p. 162 (Parnassus district). Πολίτης, Παραδόσεις, I. 578 (Calávryta).
[996] Das Volksleben der Neugriechen, p. 170.
[997] This derivation is reviewed and rejected by Bern. Schmidt, Das Volksleben etc., p. 158.
[998] Cf. Miklosich, Etym. Wörterbuch d. Slav. Spr., p. 380, s.v. *velkŭ, Old Slav., vlъkъ, wolf....
Old Slav., vlЪkodlakЪ; Slovenian, volkodlak, vukodlak, vulkodlak; Bulg., vrЪkolak; Kr., vukodlak; Serb., vukodlak; Cz., vlkodlak; Pol., wilkodłak; Little Russian, vołkołak; White Russian, vołkołak; Russian, volkulakЪ; Roum. ve̥lkolak, ve̥rkolak; Alb., vurvolak; cf. Lith., vilkakis.
‘Der vlЪkodlak ist der Werwolf der Deutschen, woraus m. Lat. guerulfus, mannwolf, der in Wolfgestalt gespenstisch umgehende Mann.’ The second half of the compound is less certainly identified with dlaka, Old Slav., New Slav., Serb., = ‘hair’ (of cow or horse).
I am indebted for this note to the kindness of Mr E. H. Minns, of Pembroke College, Cambridge. It will be found to corroborate the view pronounced by B. Schmidt, Das Volksleben der Neugriechen, p. 159.
[999] Bern. Schmidt, Das Volksleben der Neugriechen, p. 160 (with note 1).
[1000] Ralston, Songs of the Russian people, p. 409.
[1001] Whether this word is originally Slavonic appears to be uncertain, but it is at any rate found in all Slavonic languages and is proved by the forms which it has assumed to have been in use there for fully a thousand years. This note also I owe to my friend, Mr Minns.
[1002] Abbott, Macedonian Folklore, p. 217.
[1003] Das Volksleben d. Neugr. p. 159.
[1004] Ibid. note 2.
[1005] Mannhardt’s Zeitschrift f. d. Mythol. und Sittenk. IV. 195.
[1006] Les Slaves de Turquie, I. p. 69 (Paris, 1844).
[1008] Cf. pp. [183] and [208].
[1009] In Chios at the present day the word vrykolakas is in general usage, except that in the village of Pyrgi, owing to a confusion of vrykolakes and callicantzari, a local name of the latter is applied also to the former. Cf. Κανελλάκης, Χιακὰ Ἀνάλεκτα, p. 367, and see above p. [193].
[1010] Ἀντ. Βάλληνδας, Κυθνιακά, p. 125. The two words are given in the neuter plural τυμπανιαῖα and ἄλυτα, as equivalents of the word vrykolakas which, in the form βουρδούλακκας, is also employed.
[1011] The periodical Πανδώρα, vol. 12, no. 278, p. 335 and vol. 13, no. 308, p. 505, cited by Schmidt, op. cit. p. 160.
[1012] Schmidt, op. cit. p. 160, referring to Φιλίστωρ (periodical), III. p. 539; Πολίτης, Παραδόσεις, I. p. 574.
[1013] Πολίτης, ibid.
[1015] Βάλληνδας in Ἐφημερὶς τῶν Φιλομαθῶν, 1861, p. 1828. Schmidt interprets the word as ‘der Aufhockende,’ one who sits upon and crushes his victims, a habit sometimes ascribed to vrykolakes, but more often to callicantzari. My own interpretation has the support of many popular stories, in which, when the exhumation of a vrykolakas takes place, he is found sitting up in his tomb. See e.g. Πολίτης, Παραδόσεις, I. p. 590.
[1016] Cf. Χουρμούζης, Κρητικά, p. 27 (Athens, 1842); Γρηγ. Παπαδοπετράκης, Ἱστορία τῶν Σφακίων, pp. 72–3.
[1017] Op. cit. p. 160.
[1018] Ἄτακτα, II. p. 114.
[1019] Os hians, dentes candidi, cf. above, p. [367].
[1020] The word is mentioned by Newton, Travels and Discoveries in the Levant, I. p. 212. I have been unable to obtain any more recent information.
[1021] Τὸ Θανατικὸν τῆς Ῥόδου (The Black Death of Rhodes), ll. 267 and 579, published in Wagner’s Medieval Greek Texts, I. p. 179 (from Schmidt, op. cit. p. 160, note 4).
[1022] I have shown above (pp. [239] ff.) that in certain districts the word λυκάνθρωπος was superseded by a new Greek compound λυκοκάντζαρος; but this new term was probably always confined, as it now is, to the vocabulary of a few districts only, while the Slavonic word vrykolakas enjoyed a wider vogue.
[1024] I quote my authority only for choice specimens which I have not myself heard. Variations may be found in almost any work bearing on popular speech or belief.
[1025] Δελτίον τῆς Ἱστορ. καὶ Ἐθνολ. Ἑταιρίας, II. 123 (from Crete).
[1026] Ibid.
[1027] Ἰ. Σ. Ἀρχέλαος, Ἡ Σινασός, p. 199 (from Sinasos in Asia Minor).
[1028] Christophorus Angelus, De statu hodiernorum Graecorum, cap. 25.
[1030] In the details of my account of this custom I follow Βάλληνδας, Κυθνιακά, pp. 113–114. But it prevails also in substantially the same form in many places besides Cythnos.
[1031] I have been at some pains to make wide enquiries on this point, but have found no example.
[1032] The version which I translate is No. 517 in Passow’s Popularia Carmina Graec. recent.
[1033] Prof. Πολίτης has collected seventeen in a monograph entitled Τὸ δημοτικὸν ἅσμα περὶ τοῦ νεκροῦ ἀδελφοῦ (originally published in the Δελτίον τῆς Ἱστορ. καὶ Ἐθνολ. Ἑταιρίας).
[1034] Πολίτης, op. cit. p. 43 (Version No. 4, ll. 18, 19).
[1035] The periodical Πανδώρα, 1862, vol. 13, p. 367 (Πολίτης, op. cit. p. 66, no. 17, ll. 19, 20).
[1036] Ἰ. Σ. Ἀρχέλαος, Ἡ Σινασός, p. 164 (from Sinasos in Asia Minor).
[1037] I make this statement with as full confidence as can be felt in any such negation, after perusing nearly a score of versions.
[1039] Πολίτης, Παραδόσεις, I. p. 589.
[1040] Ibid. p. 591.
[1041] Goar, Eucholog. p. 685.
[1042] Cf. Leo Allatius, De quor. Graecorum opinat. XIII. Balsamon, I. 569 (Migne). Epist. S. Niconis, quoted by Balsamon, II. p. 1096 (ed. Paris, 1620). Christophorus Angelus, cap. 25.
[1043] S. Matthew xviii. 18.
[1044] The power of excommunicating belonged to priests as well as to bishops, but they might not exercise it without their bishop’s sanction. Cf. Balsamon, I. 27 and 569 (Migne).
[1045] Quoted by Leo Allatius, De quor. Graec. opinat. XIII. and XIV.
[1046] The reversal of the decree of excommunication by the same person who had pronounced it was always preferred, largely as a precaution against an excommunicated person obtaining absolution too easily. Cf. Balsamon, I. 64–5 and 437 (Migne).
[1047] op. cit. cap. XV. Cf. also Christophorus Angelus, Ἐγχειρίδιον περὶ τῆς καταστάσεως τῶν σήμερον εὑρισκομένων Ἑλλήνων (Cambridge, 1619), cap. 25, where is told the story of a bishop who was excommunicated by a council of his peers, and whose body remained ‘bound, like iron, for a hundred years,’ when a second council of bishops at the same place pronounced absolution and immediately the body ‘turned to dust.’
[1048] According to Georgius Fehlavius, p. 539 (§ 422) of his edition of Christophorus Angelus, De statu hodiernorum Graecorum (Lipsiae, 1676), Emanuel Malaxus was the writer of a work entitled Historia Patriarcharum Constantinopolitanorum, which I have not been able to discover. It was apparently used by Crusius for his Turco-Grecia; for the story here told is narrated by him in two versions (I. 56 and II. 32, pp. 27 and 133 ed. Basle) and he alludes also (p. 151) to a story concerning Arsenios, Bishop of Monemvasia, which likewise according to Fehlavius (l.c.) was narrated by Malaxus.
[1050] Christophorus Angelus (op. cit. cap. 25) vouches for the early use of this word by one Cassianus, whom he describes as Ἕλλην παλαιὸς ἱστορικός. I cannot identify this author.
[1051] Du Cange, Med. et infim. Graec., s.v. τυμπανίτης.
[1052] Christophorus Angelus, l.c.
[1053] Matthew xviii. 18.
[1054] John xx. 23.
[1056] The word μνημόσυνα, which I have rendered with verbal correctness ‘memorial services,’ really implies more, and corresponds to a mass for the repose of the dead.
[1057] Anastasius Sinaita, in Migne’s Patrologia Gr.-Lat., vol. 89, 279–280.
[1058] i.e. the πνευματικοί, as they were called, the more discreet and ‘spiritual’ priests who alone were authorised by their bishops to discharge this function. Cf. Christophorus Angelus, op. cit. cap. 22.
[1059] Κωνστ. Κανελλάκης, Χιακὰ Ἀνάλεκτα, pp. 335 and 339.
[1060] On this symbol see above, pp. [112] f.
[1061] Newton, Travels and Discoveries in the Levant, I. p. 212 (1865). (Cf. B. Schmidt, das Volksleben, p. 164.)
[1062] Cf. Christophorus Angelus, op. cit. cap. 25 (init.).
[1063] I. Cor. v. 5 and I. Tim. i. 20.
[1064] Theodoretus, on I. Cor. v. 5 (Migne, Patrologia Gr.-Lat., vol. 82, 261).
[1065] Aesch. Choeph., 432–3.
[1066] Paus. IX. 32. 6.
[1067] Philopseudes, cap. 29.
[1069] Πολίτης, Παραδόσεις, I. p. 576.
[1070] Ralston, Songs of the Russian people, p. 412.
[1071] Mirabilia, cap. I.
[1072] By ‘seer’ I render μάντις, a man directly inspired; by ‘diviner’ οἰωνοσκόπος, one who is skilled in the science of interpreting signs and omens.
[1073] Relation de ce qui s’est passé de plus remarquable a Sant-Erini etc., p. 213. He calls Philinnion a Thessalian girl, and makes Machates come from Macedonia. But his reference to the story contains a patent inaccuracy (for he speaks of the girl being buried a second time, whereas she was burnt), and in all probability he was quoting from memory, not from a more complete text than that now preserved.
[1074] See Pashley, Travels in Crete, II. p. 221; Carnarvon, Reminiscences of Athens and the Morea, p. 162; Schmidt, das Volksleben, p. 165; Πολίτης, Παραδόσεις, I. pp. 589, 591 and 593; Βάλληνδας, Κυθνιακά, p. 125.
[1075] Alardus Gazaeus, Commentary on Ioh. Cassianus, Collatio, VIII. 21 (Migne, Patrologia, Ser. I. vol. 49).
[1076] On ‘striges’ see above, pp. [179] ff.
[1077] On this word see above, p. [288].
[1078] Das Volksleben der Neugriechen, p. 170, with note 1.
[1079] Philopseudes, cap. 26.
[1080] Ar. Eccles., 1072–3.
[1081] See above, pp. [387]-[91].
[1082] Eur. Or., 1086.
[1083] Eur. Hipp., 1038.
[1084] Soph. O. C., 1383 ff.
[1085] Soph. O. C., 1405.
[1086] 261–297.
[1087] Aesch. Choeph., 287–8.
[1088] Κατὰ Ἀριστογείτονος, I. p. 788. συμπεπτωκότος is a necessary correction of the ἐμπεπτωκότος of the MSS.
[1089] Cf. l. 366 μιαίνεται.
[1090] Aesch. Suppl., 407 ff.
[1091] Aesch. Eum., 173 ff. reading ἄλλον μιάστορ’ ἐξ ἐμοῦ.
[1093] Works and Days, 325 ff.
[1096] Hom. Il. XXIII. 69 ff.
[1097] Hom. Od. XI. 51 ff.
[1098] Eur. Hec. 1–58.
[1099] Aesch. Eum. 94 ff. It must be observed, however, that Clytemnestra’s restlessness is represented as being due to her being a murderess quite as much as to her having been violently slain. There was a double cause. See below, p. [474].
[1100] cap. 29.
[1101] Other references are given by Schmidt, das Volksleben, p. 169, among them Servius on Virg. Aen., IV. 386 and Heliod. Aethiop., II. 5.
[1102] Certain hints however are to be found, on which see below, pp. [438]-[9].
[1103] Aesch. Choeph. 480 ff.
[1104] See below, pp. [438]-[9].
[1105] p. 81 C, D.
[1106] Iliad XXIII. 65 ff.
[1107] Eurip. Hecuba 1 ff.
[1108] τοῦ ὁρατοῦ as opposed to τοῦ ἀειδοῦς τε καὶ Ἅιδου.
[1109] See above, pp. [110] ff.
[1111] Soph. El. 453–4.
[1112] Aesch. Choeph. 480–1.
[1113] Aesch. Ag. 455.
[1114] Eur. Or. 491–541.
[1115] Ibid. 580 ff.
[1116] Aesch. Choeph. 924–5. Cf. also 293.
[1117] Soph. El. 445.
[1118] Aesch. Choeph. 439 ff.
[1119] Antiphon, pp. 119, 125, and 126.
[1121] Plato, Leges, 865 D, παλαιόν τινα τῶν ἀρχαίων μύθων.
[1122] The word δειμαίνει, which in this passage seems clearly transitive, is perhaps a verbal reminiscence of the old language in which Plato had heard the tradition.
[1123] Plato, Leges, 865 D ff.
[1124] Cf. Demosth., in Aristocr., pp. 634 and 643.
[1125] The word technically used of this withdrawal without formal sentence of banishment was ἀπενιαυτεῖν, or simply ἐξιέναι (cf. ὑπεξελθεῖν τῷ παθόντι in the above passage of Plato), or, as again in the same passage, ἀποξενοῦσθαι; whereas legal banishment was denoted by φεύγειν.
[1126] Plato, Leges, 872 D ff.
[1127] In early Greek, as witness the first line of the Iliad, the use of μῆνις, was less restricted than in later times; but the word, μήνιμα even in Homer occurs only, I think, in the phrase μήνιμα θεῶν. See below, p. [449].
[1128] Plato, Phaedrus, § 49, p. 244 D.
[1129] Cf. especially Eur. Or. 281–2, as pointed out by Bekker in his note on Plato, Phaedrus, l.c.
[1130] Aesch. Choeph. 293.
[1131] Plato, Leges, 869 A (Bekker’s text); cf. also 869 E.
[1132] See Aesch. Eum. 101 and 317 ff.; cf. Eur. Or. 583.
[1133] Ibid. 94–139.
[1134] Ibid. 417.
[1135] Xenoph. Cyrop. VIII. 7, 18.
[1136] Hom. Il. XXII. 358.
[1137] Hom. Od. XI. 73.
[1138] Pind. Pyth. IV. 280 ff.
[1139] Cf. Plato, Leges, IX. passim, and especially p. 871.
[1140] Cf. Aesch. Eum. 285 and 448 ff.
[1141] Plato, Leges, 868 A and 871 A.
[1142] Cf. Aesch. Eum. 445.
[1143] Plato, Leges, 871 B.
[1144] Ibid. 865 C.
[1145] Cf. Plato, Leges, p. 854 A, δυσίατα καὶ ἀνίατα.
[1146] Cf. Plato, Leges, 866–874, passim.
[1147] Aesch. Eum. 74 ff.
[1148] Aesch. Choeph. 280–1.
[1149] Aesch. Choeph. 288–9.
[1150] Cf. especially Aesch. Choeph. 400 ff.
[1151] Aesch. Eum. 336, θανὼν δ’ οὐκ ἄγαν ἐλεύθερος.
[1152] Aesch. Eum. 137–9.
[1153] Ibid. 264–7.
[1154] Ibid. 328 ff., and again 343 ff.
[1155] This rendering of the word αὐονά has been challenged, but has the support of the Scholiast who explains it by the words ὁ ξηραίνων τοὺς βροτούς, (the hymn) which dries and withers men.
[1156] The tense of ταριχευθέντα in the phrase from which I started (Choeph. 296) is hereby explained.
[1157] Plato, Phaedrus, 244 E, πρός τε τὸν παρόντα καὶ τὸν ἔπειτα χρόνον.
[1158] Plato’s list is ‘father, mother, brother, sister, or child,’ Leges, IX. 873 A.
[1159] Plato, Leges, IX. 873 B.
[1160] Cf. especially Tournefort, Voyage du Levant, I. p. 163, who was an eye-witness of such an occurrence in Myconos.
[1161] Cf. Aesch. Eumen. 780 ff., and (for the withdrawal of the curse) 938 ff.
[1162] Eur. Phoen. 1592 ff. The word here translated ‘avengers’ is ἀλάστορες, which is fully discussed below, pp. [465] ff.
[1163] Aesch. Suppl. 262 ff., reading in 266 μηνιτὴ δάκη, the emendation of Porson.
[1164] l.c. 265–6, μιάσμασιν ... μηνιτή ... ἀνῆκε.
[1165] Aesch. Eum. 52.
[1166] Aesch. Eum. 53, 137–9.
[1167] Ibid. 254.
[1168] Ibid. 75, 111, 131, 246–7.
[1169] passim.
[1170] 183–4, 264.
[1171] Ibid. 780 ff., 938 ff.
[1172] Ibid. 644.
[1173] Ibid. 70, 73, 644.
[1174] Eur. Med. 1370.
[1175] Aesch. Eum. 177.
[1176] Soph. El. 603.
[1177] Aesch. Eum. 349, reading μαυροῦμεν νέον αἷμα.
[1178] Aesch. Eum. 236.
[1179] L. and S. s.v.
[1180] Cf. Aesch. Choeph. 1026 ff., and Eumen. passim.
[1181] Cf. Preller, Griech. Mythol., I. p. 145 (edit. 4, Carl Robert).
[1182] Clem. Alex. Protrept. II. § 26.
[1183] Aesch. Pers. 353.
[1184] This fact is recognised by Geddes in his edition of the Phaedo, in the course of his note (p. 280 ff.) on the difficulty concerning the words ἢ λόγου θείου τινὸς in cap. 33 (p. 85 D). He does not however infer that the words really contrasted are ἀλάστωρ and δαίμων, but claims for the particle ἢ an epexegetic sense (‘or, in other words,’) besides its usual disjunctive sense (‘or else’). I am far from being satisfied that the epexegetic use of ἢ existed at all in Classical Greek, which idiomatically employed καὶ in that way. At any rate its existence is not proved by the other passages which Geddes cites—Aesch. Pers. 430 and Soph. Phil. 934—where the ἢ perhaps equals vel rather than aut, but has none of the epexegetic sense of sive.
[1185] Eur. Med. 1059 ff.
[1186] Eur. Med. 1333 ff.
[1187] Eur. H. F. 1229 ff.
[1188] Cf. Paley, in his note to elucidate this dialogue. It should be added however that in a second note on the same page, dealing with this line only, he apparently contradicts his previous explanation.
[1189] Eur. H. F. 1218 ff.
[1190] Cf. 1324.
[1191] See Eustath. on Il. IV. 295.
[1192] Gk Etymol. 547.
[1193] Vergleichende Grammatik, II. § 122.
[1194] The nearest parallel could only be the dubious form ἀδώτης in Hesiod, W. and D., 353. But that form, if correct, is probably best treated as adjective (giftless) not as substantive (non-giver).
[1195] I am indebted to Mr P. Giles, of Emmanuel College, for pointing out to me that the analogy with μιάστωρ is mentioned in the last edition of Meyer’s Griechische Philologie.
[1196] Hom. Il. IV. 295, Ἀμφὶ μέγαν Πελάγοντα, Ἀλάστορά τε, Χρόμιόν τε. The hiatus in the third foot has been made the basis of a suggestion, to which Mr P. Giles has kindly called my attention, that ἀλάστωρ should begin with a digamma. There is however no need for the supposition, since hiatus after the trochaic caesura is not infrequent (e.g. Il. I. 569) and some license is generally allowed in any case in the metrical treatment of proper names; moreover, in Il. VIII. 333, we have a line δῖος Ἀλάστωρ which makes against the original existence of a digamma in the word.
[1197] Aesch. Eum. 103.
[1198] Aesch. Eum. 114.
[1199] Aesch. Eum. 98.
[1200] This is distinctly stated in the passage, though of course her own violent death might equally well have been given as a cause of ‘wandering.’
[1201] Eur. Tro. 1023.
[1202] Cf. Plutarch, de defect. orac., cap. 15 (p. 418).
[1203] Aesch. Eum. 236, cf. above, p. [466.]
[1204] Soph. Ajax, 373.
[1205] Demosth. de Falsa Legat., p. 438, 28.
[1206] Demosth. de Corona, § 296, p. 324.
[1207] Soph. Trach. 1092.
[1208] e.g. Eur. Iph. in Aul. 878; Phoen. 1550; El. 979; Or. 1668.
[1209] Choeph. 928.
[1210] Electra, 677.
[1211] Eur. Or. 1584.
[1212] Eur. Andr. 614.
[1213] Aeschines, De falsa legatione, § 168 (p. 49). Cf. § 162 (p. 48).
[1214] Aeschylus, Agam. 1587.
[1215] Plato, Leges, IX. p. 866 B, cf. above, p. [445].
[1216] So far as I can discover, it is a solitary example of the use in Classical Greek; but I very strongly suspect that in Antiphon, p. 127 (init.), προστρέψομαι should be read instead of προστρίψομαι. A man accused of murder is saying, ἀδίκως μὲν γὰρ ἀπολυθεὶς, διὰ τὸ μὴ ὀρθῶς διδαχθῆναι ὑμᾶς ἀποφυγὼν, τοῦ μὴ διδάξαντος καὶ οὐχ ὑμέτερον τὸν προστρόπαιον τοῦ ἀποθανόντος καταστήσω· μὴ ὀρθῶς δὲ καταληφθεὶς ὑφ’ ὑμῶν, ὑμῖν καὶ οὐ τούτῳ τὸ μήνιμα τῶν ἀλιτηρίων προστρίψομαι. The sense is, ‘If I were really guilty of this murder and yet owing to the feeble case presented by the prosecutor I were acquitted by you, my escape would bring the Avenger of the dead man upon the prosecutor and not on you; whereas, if you condemn me wrongly when I am innocent, it will be on you and not on him that I, after death, shall turn the wrath of the Avengers.’ Clearly προστρέψομαι is required to answer προστρόπαιον, and it could have no more natural object than τὸ μήνιμα, the special word denoting the wrath which follows on bloodguilt.
[1217] Photius, s.v. παλαμναῖος.
[1218] I venture upon this emphatic negation, not so much because I have found no such usage in my reading of Greek literature, as because the line of the Eumenides in which Orestes calls himself ἀλάστορα, οὐ προστρόπαιον, would be hopelessly ambiguous if such an usage had been possible.
[1219] Antiphon, 119. 6.
[1220] Aesch. Choeph. 287.
[1221] Antiphon, 125. 32 and 126. 39.
[1222] Pausan. II. 18. 2.
[1223] Hesychius, s.v. προστρόπαιος.
[1224] Aesch. Agam. 1587; see above, p. [480].
[1225] Cf. Aesch. Eum. 283 and 450.
[1226] Bern. Schmidt, Lieder, Märchen, Sagen etc., Folk-song no. 33.
[1228] See above, p. [307], note 1, and p. [313].
[1229] The feasts at earlier dates, as on the third and ninth days, will be shown later to be popular in origin. See below, pp. [530] ff.
[1230] Ἰ. Σ. Ἀρχέλαος, ἡ Σινασός, p. 82.
[1231] Op. cit. p. 81. The form here is σαρανταρίκια.
[1232] Δελτίον τῆς ἱστορ. καὶ ἐθνολ. ἑταιρ. τῆς Ἑλλάδος, III. p. 337. The form is σαραντάρια.
[1234] Soph. Antig. 256. Cf. Jebb’s note ad loc., from which I take the further references.
[1235] Aelian, Var. Hist. v. 14.
[1236] Aelian, Hist. Anim. v. 49.
[1237] Cf. Fauriel, Chants de la Grèce Moderne, Discours Préliminaire, p. 40; Μιχαὴλ Σ. Γρηγορόπουλος, ἡ νῆσος Σύμη, p. 46.
[1238] Early Age of Greece, Vol. I. cap. 7.
[1239] Bury, History of Greece, p. 41.
[1240] Rohde, Psyche, cap. I.
[1241] Hom. Il. VI. 417 ff., XXIII. 252 ff., XXIV. 791 ff.; Od. XI. 72 ff. and XII. 11 ff.
[1242] Psyche I. pp. 31–32.
[1243] Cf. Lucian, De Luctu 14, ἐσθῆτα καὶ τὸν ἄλλον κόσμον συγκατέφλεξεν ἣ συγκατώρυξεν.
[1244] Described in Ἐφημερὶς Ἀρχαιολ. 1889, pp. 171 ff.
[1245] Described in Athen. Mittheilungen, 1893, pp. 73–191.
[1246] The perusal of Philios’ narrative leaves the impression that several cases of cremation were discovered. Yet in his concluding summary he says: “Burial, not burning, of the dead was in those times the more prevalent custom, since in one case and one only can we admit that the corpse was not buried but burnt.” I note that Brückner and Pernice (op. cit. p. 149) in referring to Philios’ results tacitly soften his rigid ‘one and one only’ into the more supple ‘one or two.’ For justification of this see Philios, op. cit. pp. 178, 179, 180, 185.
[1247] Hirschfeld, in Annali, 1872, pp. 135, 167, cited by Brückner and Pernice op. cit. p. 148. Κουμανούδης, in Πρακτικὰ, 1873–4, p. 17.
[1248] Op. cit. pp. 91 ff.
[1249] Op. cit. p. 178.
[1250] Brückner and Pernice take this view of the fact, though the words which they use are coloured by their acceptance of Rohde’s theory of propitiatory offerings to the dead. ‘Vor der Beerdigung, so scheint es nach den Funden des Herrn Philios, sind an der Grabstätte des öfteren Brandopfer dargebracht worden.’ Op. cit. p. 151.
[1251] See op. cit. pp. 78–9.
[1253] Il. XXIV. 719 ff.
[1254] Cf. Athen. Mittheil. 1893, p. 103.
[1255] Plutarch, Solon 20.
[1256] Lysias, Or. XII. 18, 19.
[1257] Lucian, de Luctu, 12 and 13.
[1258] Hom. 32 in Mat. p. 306.
[1259] Preserved among the archives of Zante, which the kindness of Mr Leonidas Zoës enabled me to inspect.
[1260] Psyche, I. pp. 209 and 360. From this source I draw several of the following references.
[1261] Tsountas in Ἐφημερὶς Ἀρχαιολ. 1888, p. 136.
[1262] Plut. Lycurg. 27.
[1263] Iambl. Vit. Pythag. 154.
[1264] Pliny, N. H. XXXV. 160.
[1265] Dem. Orat. 43 § 71.
[1266] Antig. 1201. Prof. Jebb in his note on this passage expresses the opinion that the θάλλοι νεοσπάδες were not fuel: in view of the Attic law above cited I am inclined to dissent. He also takes κλήματα in Ar. Eccles. 1031 to mean ‘olive twigs’ and not, as more usual, ‘vine-shoots.’ I pass by the passage as doubtful evidence.
[1267] Ross, Arch. Aufs. I. 31.
[1268] Artemid. Oneirocr. IV. 57.
[1269] Herod. V. 8.
[1270] Lucian, de Luctu, 21.
[1271] Antiquities of the Christian Church, Bk XXIII. cap. 2, whence I take the following references.
[1272] Minucius, p. 32.
[1273] Acta Tharaci ap. Baron. an. 299, n. XXI., Ammian. Marcell. lib. XXII. p. 241, Euseb. lib. VIII. cap. 6.
[1274] Tertull. De Anima, cap. 51.
[1275] Tertull. de Resur. cap. 1.
[1276] Cod. Th. lib. IX. tit. 17 de Sepulcris violatis, leg. 6.
[1277] Saturnal. lib. VII. cap. 7.
[1278] See Finlay, History of Greece, vol. V. pp. 274–6.
[1279] Passow, Popularia Carm. Graeciae recentioris, nos. 222–224. I translate here no. 222.
[1280] So I interpret, but without certainty, the words καὶ τὸ βεζύρη κάψαν, literally ‘and they burnt the Vizir.’
[1281] The Liápides were an Albanian tribe employed by the Turks.
[1282] No. 223.
[1283] Actual data on this point are difficult to obtain; but archaeologists whom I consulted in Greece were all agreed, that lamps are more frequent in graves of late date, most frequent in the Greco-Roman period.
[1284] Hieron. Vita Pauli 4, cap. 66.
[1285] Chrysostom, Hom. 32 in Mat. p. 306.
[1286] Cited by Durant, de Ritibus, lib. I. cap. XXIII. n. 14 (p. 235). I have been unable to discover the original passage. Cf. Bingham, op. cit. XXIII. 3.
[1287] See Bingham, Antiquities of the Christian Church, Bk XXIII. cap. 3 ad fin.
[1288] Κωνστ. Ν. Κανελλάκης, Χιακὰ Ἀνάλεκτα, p. 341.
[1289] These lines, or others in the same tenor, are well known among the professional μυρολογίστριαις (women hired to mourn at funerals). The version which I here follow is given by Passow, Popul. Carm. no. 377 A.
Κι’ ὄντες νά με περάσουνε ψάλλοντες οἱ παπᾶδες,
Ἔβγα κρυφὰ ’π’ τὴ μάνα σου κι’ ἄναψε τρεῖς λαμπάδες·
Κι’ ὄντες νά μου τὰ σβέσουνε παπᾶδες τὰ κηριά μου,
Τότες τρανταφυλλένια μου βγαίνεις ἀπ’ τὴν καρδιά μου.
[1290] Theocritus XXI. 36 f.; Athenaeus 700 D; Pausan. I. 26. 7.
[1291] Frazer, in Journ. of Philol. XIV. 145 ff.
[1292] Plato, Phaedo 115 C ff.
[1293] Hom. Il. XXIII. 65 ff.
[1294] Hom. Il. XXIII. 72.
[1295] Cf. the constant contrast of αὐτὸς and ψυχή, as in Iliad I. 3–4, and twice in the passage before us, Il. XXIII. 65 f. and 106 f.
[1296] Hom. Od. XI. 489 ff.
[1297] Hom. Il. XVI. 857.
[1298] The few inconsistencies in the Odyssey, such as the physical punishment of Tityos, Tantalos, and Sisyphos (Od. XI. 576 ff.), or again the mention of the ‘asphodel mead’ (Od. XI. 539, XXIV. 13), are unimportant. They are, I think, adventitious Pelasgian elements in the Homeric scheme of the future life, and it may be noted that the Iliad is singularly free from them, while in Odyssey, Bk XI., where they chiefly occur, they are obviously incongruous with the general conception of the lower world.
[1300] Pindar, Fr. 129 (95).
[1302] Πολίτης, Μελέτη, p. 407 ff.
[1303] Ἐκθ. ὀρθοδοξ. πίστεως 11 (25); Migne, Patrolog. (ser. Graec.) Vol. XCIV. p. 916.
[1304] Plutarch, de occult. viv. cap. 7, cited by Bergk in Lyrici Graeci, ad loc.
[1305] Pind. Ol. II. 134.
[1306] Pind. Ol. I. 1.
[1307] νὰ δροσίσουν τὴ λαύρα τοῦ πεθαμένου.
[1308] Cf. Theodore Bent, The Cyclades, p. 220.
[1309] This is of course only one out of several passages in which Pindar speaks of the future life, and he does not adhere to any one doctrine; elsewhere, as in Ol. II., his views are coloured largely by Pythagorean or Orphic eschatology, although there is a close resemblance between the isles of the blest there described (126–135) and the abode depicted in this fragment.
[1310] Hom. Il. IX. 632 ff.
[1311] Herod. II. 51.
[1312] Herod. II. 171.
[1313] Aristoph. Frogs, 884.
[1314] Op. cit. 1032 ff.
[1315] A conspicuous example is Delphi, where the Achaean god Apollo had usurped the place of some oracular deity of the Pelasgians, cf. Plutarch, de defect. orac. cap. 15 p. 418. See Miss Harrison, Proleg. to the Study of Greek Religion, pp. 113 f.
[1316] Il. XXIII. 104.
[1317] Il. XXIII. 101.
[1318] Plato, Phaedo, cap. 29 (p. 80 D).
[1319] Cf. Κωνστ. Ν. Κανελλάκης, Χιακὰ Ἀνάλεκτα, p. 341.
[1320] Rohde (Psyche I. cap. 1) contends that the discovery of an altar, of the type used in the worship of Chthonian deities, superimposed upon one Mycenaean grave, proves both that offerings to the dead were continued after the interment and also that the offerings were of a propitiatory character. On this slight foundation he rears the edifice of his theory that a vigorous soul-cult flourished in Mycenaean and earlier ages. Accordingly he views all gifts to the dead, including those made at the time of the funeral, as offerings intended to propitiate departed souls, although he is forced to admit that from the Homeric age onwards there is no evidence that fear of the dead was a feature of Greek religion; the offerings made, on his view, to the soul of Patroclus were merely, he holds, a ‘survival,’ a custom no longer possessed of any meaning. The accident of an altar belonging to some Chthonian deity having been found above the grave of some man seems to me insufficient basis for any theory.
[1321] The blood which in the Odyssey is used to attract the souls of the dead and is given to Teiresias to drink forms, I imagine, part of a magic rite, which has no connexion with the present point.
[1322] I omit the twelve Trojan prisoners; the slaughter of these is clearly stated to have been an act of revenge. See Il. XXIII. 22 f.
[1323] Il. XXIII. 50.
[1324] Φίλιος, in Ἐφημερὶς Ἀρχαιολ. 1889, p. 183. Possibly also at Athens, cf. Brückner and Pernice, in Athen. Mittheil. 1893, pp. 89–90.
[1325] I am not overlooking the fact that ἐναγίσματα were also made to Chthonian deities (cf. Pausan. VIII. 34. 3), but there was a distinction in character even between these ἐναγίσματα and those made to the dead. Wine, for example, was excluded from the former and included in the latter. Possibly in origin ἐναγίζειν was the Pelasgian rite, θύειν the Achaean.
[1326] Lysist. 611.
[1327] Menecl. 46 and Ciron 55 (p. 73. 26).
[1328] Ctesiphon, 226 (p. 86. 5).
[1329] Pollux VIII. 146; Harpocrat. s.v. τριακάς.
[1330] Herod. IV. 26.
[1331] Artem. Oneirocr. IV. 83.
[1332] loc. cit.
[1333] Bingham, Antiq. of Christian Church, Bk 23, cap. 3.
[1334] See Chrysostom, Homily 47 in 1 Cor., p. 565.
[1335] Anastasius, Quaestio XXII., in Migne, Patrolog. Graeco-Lat. Vol. LXXXIX. 288.
[1336] Known also as τὸ ζεστόν (‘the warming’) according to Bybilakis, Neugriech. Leben, p. 67.
[1337] According to Bybilakis, loc. cit., in the dead man’s house. This, naturally, would be the usual case.
[1338] p. 321. 25.
[1339] Hence it is probable that the ancient περίδειπνον also was conducted on the principle of the ἔρανος.
[1340] Hom. Il. XXIII. 170. Cf. also the use of μελίκρατον, Hom. Od. XI. 27, and Eur. Or. 115. Cf. also Aesch. Pers. 614.
[1341] Ar. Lys. 599 ff.
[1342] In some villages of Chios, the diminutive ψυχοπῆττι or a word ψύτση is used (Κωνστ. Κανελλάκης, Χιακὰ Ἀνάλεκτα, p. 337). The commoner form ψυχόπηττα is that of Crete (cf. Bybilakis, op. cit. p. 69), Kasos, and other Asiatic islands (Πρωτόδικος, περὶ τῆς παρ’ ἡμῖν ταφῆς, p. 17) etc.
[1343] See above, pp. [486]-[7].
[1344] Called respectively τρίμερα, ἐννι̯άμερα, and σαράντα.
[1345] Sonnini de Magnoncourt, Voyage en Grèce et en Turquie, Vol. II. p. 153.
[1346] Eur. Or. 109.
[1347] Cf. Suidas s.v. κόλυβα, σῖτος ἑψητός. The spelling with λλ is preferable.
[1348] The classical meaning of κόλλυβα was ‘small coins.’ The scholiast on Aristoph. Plut. 768 mentions κόλλυβα among the καταχύσματα thrown over a new slave on his introduction to the household. These consisted mainly of sweetmeats, etc. (cf. op. cit. 798) whence apparently Hesychius (s.v. κόλλυβα) explains that word by τρωγάλια. More probably small coins were thrown along with various sweetmeats; for the kindred custom of throwing καταχύσματα over a bride on her entry into her new home has continued down to the present day, and these certainly now comprise small change as well as sticky edibles.
[1349] Gregorovius, Wanderings in Corsica, etc. (tr. Muir), II. p. 46.
[1350] Πρωτόδικος, περὶ τῆς παρ’ ἡμῖν ταφῆς, p. 17. Ἰ. Σ. Ἀρχέλαος, ἡ Σινασός, p. 92.
[1351] Cf. Bybilakis, Neugriechisches Leben, p. 67.
[1352] Plutarch, Vita Solon. cap. 21.
[1353] Thucyd. III. 58. 4.
[1355] This occurred in old time in the case of heroes, whose offerings are called ἐναγίσματα and χοαί, like those of other dead men; but since the state and not the individual provided for them, the gifts were made not for a time only, but regularly year after year.
[1356] See above, pp. [487] f.
[1357] As opposed, in correct speech, to νεκροταφεῖον, the place of preliminary interment. But the two terms are often confused.
[1358] Il. XI. 241.
[1359] Hes. W. and D. 116.
[1360] e.g. Hom. Il. XVI. 454 and 672; XIV. 231.
[1361] Hes. Theog. 212, 756.
[1362] See Preller, Griech. Myth. I. 690 ff.
[1363] Paus. V. 18. 1. Cf. III. 18. 1.
[1364] Passow, Popul. Carm. CCCXCVI.
[1365] Hom. Od. XXIV. 1.
[1366] Virg. Aen. IV. 242 ff.
[1367] See above, pp. [96] ff. and pp. [134] ff.
[1368] Paus. VIII. 2. 5.
[1369] Paus. ibid. § 4.
[1370] Passow, Pop. Carm. no. 364.
[1371] Passow, Pop. Carm. no. 374.
[1372] The word χαρὰ, (‘joy’), as I have pointed out elsewhere, is indeed often used technically of marriage.
[1373] Passow, Pop. Carm. no. 38 (ll. 13–18) and also nos. 65, 152, 180.
[1374] See above, pp. [255] ff.
[1375] Abbott, Macedon. Folklore, p. 255.
[1376] Passow, Pop. Carm. no. 370. The phrase κάνει χαρὰ, which I have inadequately rendered as ‘maketh glad,’ is technically used of marriage. See above, p. [127].
[1377] For authorities see Lobeck, Aglaoph. I. pp. 76 ff.
[1378] Soph. Antig. 574–5. I do not know how much stress may be laid on the repetition of the pronoun ὅδε in these two lines (viz. στερήσεις τῆσδε and τούσδε τοὺς γάμους); but the lines follow closely on that in which Creon bids Ismene speak no more of Antigone as ἥδε, and an ironical stress might well be laid by Creon on the word τούσδε as he uses it, which would suggest to his audience its antithesis τοὺς ἐκεὶ γάμους.
[1379] Soph. Antig. 804–5.
[1380] ibid. 810–16.
[1381] ibid. 891–2.
[1382] ibid. 1203–7.
[1383] ibid. 1240–1.
[1384] Pindar, Fragm. 139 (Bergk).
[1385] Aesch. Prom. 940 ff.
[1386] Oneirocr. II. 49. The word τέλη denotes here not merely a ‘rite,’ but a ‘consummation’ by which a man becomes τέλειος. See below, p. [591].
[1387] ibid. I. 80. To translate the passage more fully is not convenient; I append the original: θεῷ δὲ ἢ θεᾷ μιγῆναι ἢ ὑπὸ θεοῦ περανθῆναι νοσοῦντι μὲν θάνατον σημαίνει· τότε γὰρ ἡ ψυχὴ τὰς τῶν θεῶν συνόδους τε καὶ μίξεις μαντεύεται, ὅταν ἐγγὺς ᾖ τοῦ καταλιπεῖν τὸ σῶμα ᾧ ἐνοικεῖ.
[1388] ibid. II. 65.
[1389] Oneirocr. II. 49.
[1390] The majority of the references to ancient usage given below are borrowed from Becker’s Charicles.
[1391] Thuc. II. 15.
[1392] Eur. Phoen. 347.
[1393] Aeschines, Epist. X. p. 680.
[1394] Cf. Pollux, III. 43.
[1395] Soph. Antig. 901.
[1396] De Luctu, 11.
[1397] Abbott, Macedonian Folklore, p. 193.
[1398] For a discussion of this point see Becker, Charicles pp. 483–4.
[1399] Harpocrat. s.v. λουτροφόρος. ἔθος δὲ ἦν καὶ τοῖς ἀγάμοις ἀποθανοῦσι λουτροφορεῖν, καὶ ἐπὶ τὸ μνῆμα ἐφίστασθαι. τοῦτο δὲ ἦν παῖς ὑδρίαν ἔχων. The same words are repeated by Photius and Suidas. With ἐφίστασθαι it appears necessary to supply λουτροφόρον. Cf. Pollux VIII. 66 τῶν δ’ ἀγάμων λουτροφόρος τῷ μνήματι ἐφίστατο, κόρη ἀγγεῖον ἔχουσα ὑδροφόρον.... For other references see Becker, Charicles p. 484. This information, as regards the emblem used, is held to be incorrect. The λουτροφόρος was not a boy bearing a pitcher, but the pitcher itself. See Frazer, Pausanias, vol. v. p. 388.
[1400] For this view see Frazer, Pausanias, vol. v. p. 389. ‘It may be suggested that originally the custom of placing a water-pitcher on the grave of unmarried persons ... may have been meant to help them to obtain in another world the happiness they had missed in this. In fact it may have been part of a ceremony designed to provide the dead maiden or bachelor with a spouse in the spirit land. Such ceremonies have been observed in various parts of the world by peoples, who, like the Greeks, esteemed it a great misfortune to die unmarried.’
[1401] Plut. 529.
[1402] Cf. Lucian, de Luctu 11.
[1403] For a discussion of the point in relation to funerals see Becker, Charicles pp. 385 f. and in relation to marriage pp. 486 f.
[1404] Lucian, de Luctu 11.
[1405] I. 6.
[1406] Cf. Passow, Popul. Carm. Graec. Recent. no. 415, and Tournefort, Voyage du Levant, I. p. 153, who describes a dead woman, whose funeral he witnessed, as ‘parée à la Gréque de ses habits de nôces.’
[1407] Passow, Popul. Carm. 378.
[1408] Charicles p. 487.
[1409] Lucian, de Luctu 11. Aristoph. Lysist. 602 etc.
[1410] The influence of the Church was against the use of garlands in early times and perhaps suppressed it in some districts. Cf. Minucius, p. 109 ‘Nec mortuos coronamus. Ergo vos (the heathen) in hoc magis miror, quemadmodum tribuatis exanimi aut [non] sentienti facem aut non sentienti coronam: cum et beatus non egeat, et miser non gaudeat floribus.’ The first non is clearly to be deleted.
[1411] Cf. Abbott, Macedonian Folklore, p. 193.
[1412] Cf. ibid. p. 197.
[1413] Hom. Hymn. in Demet. 372 ff. Hence the pomegranate was treated as ‘an accursed thing’ in the worship of Demeter at Lycosura, Paus. VIII. 37. 7.
[1414] Paus. II. 17. 4.
[1417] The following references are in the main taken from Lobeck, Aglaophamus.
[1418] Soph. Fragm. 719 (Dind.).
[1419] Hom. Hymn. ad Cer. 480 ff.
[1420] Pind. Fragm. 137 (Bergk).
[1421] Id. Fragm. 129. See above, p. [518].
[1422] Aristoph. Ranae 440–459.
[1423] Isocr. Paneg. p. 46.
[1424] Aglaoph. I. p. 70.
[1425] περὶ εἰρήνης, p. 166.
[1426] Aristid. Eleusin. 259 (454).
[1427] Julian. Or. VII. 238. The same story in similar words recurs in Diog. Laert. VI. 39 and Plut. de Aud. Poet. II. p. 21 F.
[1428] Crinagoras, Ep. XXX.
[1429] Cic. de Leg. II. § 36.
[1430] Mathem. I. p. 18, ed. Buller.
[1431] Aglaoph. I. pp. 39 f.
[1432] See Lobeck, Aglaoph. I. pp. 6 ff.
[1433] Diodorus, v. 77. Cf. Miss Harrison, Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion, p. 567.
[1434] For references on this point, see Lobeck, Aglaophamus, I. 14 ff.
[1435] For the evidence that the Achaeans adopted the language of the Pelasgians, and not vice versâ, see Ridgeway, Early Age of Greece, vol. I. p. 631 ff.
[1436] Protrept. § 55.
[1437] Hom. Il. I. 221 f.
[1438] Euseb. Demonstr. Evang. V. 1, 268 E.
[1439] Praep. Evang. XV. 1, 788 C.
[1440] Προτρεπτ. § 61.
[1441] Synes. de Prov. II. 124 B.
[1442] Cf. Artemid. Oneirocr. Bk III. cap. 61.
[1443] In Thera, as I myself witnessed, and until recently at Delphi. Greeks with whom I have spoken of this custom have often seen or heard of it somewhere.
[1444] I regret that my notes contain no mention of my informant’s name. I must apologise to him for the omission.
[1445] Asterius, Encom. in SS. Martyr. in Migne, Patrolog. Graeco-Lat. vol. XL. p. 324.
[1446] Adv. Valentin. cap. I.
[1447] Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. IV. 11. Cf. Sainte-Croix, Recherches sur les Mystères, 2nd ed., I. p. 366.
[1448] loc. cit.
[1449] [Origen] Philosophumena, p. 115 (ed. Miller), p. 170 (ed. Cruice). Cf. Miss J. Harrison, Proleg. to Study of Gk Relig. p. 549.
[1450] Clem. Alex. Protrept. II. 18.
[1451] Dieterich, Eine Mithras-Liturgie, p. 125, cited by Miss J. Harrison, Proleg. to Study of Gk Relig. p. 155, note 3.
[1452] Hesiod, Theog. 970 f. Cf. Hom. Od. V. 125.
[1453] Theocr. Id. III. 49 ff. (A. Lang’s translation).
[1454] Plutarch, de fac. in orb. lun. 28, cited by Miss Harrison, Proleg. to Study of Gk Relig. p. 267.
[1455] See above, pp. [91] f. and [96] ff.
[1456] Theocr. Id. III. 46 ff.
[1457] Protrept. § 14.
[1458] Theocr. Id. XV. 86.
[1459] Orph. Hymn. LVI.; Bion, Id. I. 5. 54; Lucian, Dial. deor. XI. 1; Macrob. Saturn. I. 21; Procop. in Esai. XVIII. p. 258. Cf. Lenormant, Monogr. de la voie sacrée éleusin., where many other references are given.
[1460] Dem. Κατὰ Νεαίρας, pp. 1369–1371 et passim. Cf. Arist. Ἀθην. Πολ. 3.
[1461] Etymol. Mag. 227. 36.
[1462] Hesych. s.v. γεραραί.
[1463] See above, pp. [339] ff.
[1464] Plutarch, de defectu orac. cap. 14 (p. 417).
[1466] Not so, however, to Artemidorus. Cf. Oneirocr. I. 80.
[1467] Protrept. § 34.
[1468] l. c.
[1469] Protrept. § 16.
[1470] Theophr. Char. 28 (ed. Jebb).
[1471] l. c.
[1472] Clem. Alex. Protrept. II. 15.
[1473] The cymbal certainly belonged to Demeter also (see Miss Harrison, op. cit. p. 562) but not, I think, the kettle-drum.
[1474] Psellus (Quaenam sunt Graecorum opiniones de daemonibus, 3, ed. Migne) refers the formulary to the rites of Demeter and Kore. But I cannot agree with Miss J. Harrison (Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion, p. 569) as to the importance of Psellus’ testimony in any respect. He appears to me to give no more than a résumé of information derived from Clement’s Protreptica, misunderstood and even more confused.
[1475] Paus. II. 17. 3.
[1476] Miss J. Harrison, op. cit. p. 536, commenting on Philosophumena, ed. Cruice, v. 3.
[1477] A title under which both Zeus and Hermes were known; see Aristoph. Pax, 42, and Schol. ibid. 649.
[1478] Clem. Alex. Protrept. § 54.
[1479] Athen. VI. p. 253 A. Shortly afterwards he quotes a song (253 D) in which it is the name of Demeter which is coupled with that of Demetrius.
[1480] Athen. VI. 253 A, and 261 B.
[1481] Glycon was Alexander’s new god, a re-incarnation of Asclepius, born in the form of a snake out of an egg discovered by Alexander.
[1482] A superstitious old Roman entrapped by Alexander.
[1483] Lucian, Alexander seu Pseudomantis, cap. 38–39 (II. 244 ff.).
[1484] See Miss J. Harrison, op. cit. pp. 549 ff.
[1485] Paton, Inscr. of Cos, 386, cited by Rouse, Greek Votive Offerings, p. 246.
[1486] Plutarch, Conjug. Praec. ad init.
[1487] Schol. ad Soph. Antig. 1241.
[1488] Photius, Lex. Rhet. Vol. II. p. 670 (ed. Porson), cited by Farnell, Cults of the Greek States, I. p. 245.
[1489] For the chief references, see Farnell, loc. cit.
[1490] Farnell, op. cit. p. 191.
[1491] Diod. Sic. V. 73; Pollux III. 38. Cf. Farnell, op. cit. p. 246.
[1492] Pollux, l. c. ταύτῃ (τῇ Ἤρᾳ) τοῖς προτελείοις προὐτέλουν τὰς κόρας.
[1493] Cf. Plutarch, Amator. Narrat. 1, where the girls of Haliartus are said to have bathed themselves in the spring Cissoessa immediately before making the sacrifices just mentioned, and evidently as part of the same ritual.
[1494] [Aeschines] Epist. 10, p. 680.
[1495] Chariton IV. 4.
[1496] Gorgias, p. 493 B.
[1497] Frazer, ad Pausan. X. 31. 9 (vol. v. p. 389).
[1498] I cannot pretend to have gone into the whole literature of the subject, but I find no reference to this passage either in Dr Frazer’s Pausanias, l. c., or in Miss Harrison’s Proleg. to Study of Gk Relig. pp. 614 ff., where the same topic is fully discussed.
[1499] Lucian, Dial. Marin. 6. 3.
[1500] Eustath. ad Hom. Il. XXIII. 141.
[1501] Anthol. Pal. VII. 507.
[1502] For other examples see Lenormant, Monographie de la voie sacrée éleusinienne, pp. 50 f., where also the above example is quoted.
[1503] Auson. Epitaph. no. 33.
[1504] Prolegomena to Study of Gk Religion, pp. 573 ff.
[1505] op. cit. p. 586; Kaibel, C.I.G.I.S., 641.
[1509] I am forced by these considerations to dissent from Miss Harrison’s view as expressed op. cit. p. 594, ‘Here the symbolism seems to be of birth rather than of marriage,’ and again ‘this rite of birth or adoption ...’: and indeed this view seems hardly to tally with that which she suggests later (p. 600), “Burial itself may well have been to them (the Pythagoreans) as to Antigone a mystic marriage: ‘I have sunk beneath the bosom of Despoina, Queen of the Underworld.’”
[1510] Furtwängler, Die Idee des Todes, p. 293.
[1512] Plutarch, Sympos. IV. 5. 3.
[1513] Aristoph. Aves, 1737.
[1514] Cf. Schol. ad Aristoph. l. c.
[1515] This, I am aware, is not an unique case. Plato applies the same epithet to the gods as a whole, but above all to Eros, clearly, I think, with something of the same significance. See Plato, Sympos. § 21, p. 195 A.
[1516] Cf. Theo Smyrnaeus, Math. I. 18; Aristid. Eleusin. p. 415; Plato, Phaedrus, p. 48.
[1517] Lenormant, Monographie de la voie sacrée éleusinienne, p. 54.
[1518] l. c.
[1519] For a long list of such monuments dealing with the story of Persephone, see Clarac, Musée de Sculpt. anc. at mod.—‘Bas-reliefs Grecs et Romains,’ pp. 209–10.
[1520] Monographie de la voie sacrée éleusinienne, p. 56.
[1521] Aristoph. Aves, 1737.
[1522] Soph. Antig. 787 ff.
[1523] Pind. Nem. VI. init.
[1524] Plato, Phaedo, cap. 32, p. 82 B, C.
[1525] See Geddes’ notes ad loc.
[1526] For other evidence confirming this view, see Geddes’ notes ad loc.
[1527] Plutarch, de defect. orac. cap. 10, p. 415.
[1528] Plato, Symp. § 7, p. 180.
[1529] ibid. § 15, p. 188.
[1530] ibid. § 19, p. 193.