Footnotes
[1.] For examples see M. Dobrizhoffer, Historia de Abiponibus (Vienna, 1784), ii. 92 sq., 240 sqq.; C. Gay, “Fragment d'un voyage dans le Chili et au Cusco,” Bulletin le la Société de Géographie (Paris), Deuxième Série, xix. (1843) p. 25; H. Delaporte, “Une Visite chez les Araucaniens,” Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (Paris), Quatrième Série, x. (1855) p. 30; K. von den Steinen, Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasiliens (Berlin, 1894), pp. 344, 348; E. F. im Thurn, Among the Indians of Guiana (London, 1883), pp. 330 sq.; A. G. Morice, “The Canadian Dénés,” Annual Archaeological Report, 1905; (Toronto, 1906), p. 207; (Sir) George Grey, Journals of Two Expeditions of Discovery into North-West and Western Australia (London, 1841), ii. 238; A. Oldfield, “The Aborigines of Australia,” Transactions of the Ethnological Society of London, N.S. iii. (1865) p. 236; J. Dawson, Australian Aborigines (Melbourne, Sydney, and Adelaide, 1881), p. 63; Rev. G. Taplin, “The Narrinyeri,” Native Tribes of South Australia (Adelaide, 1879), p. 25; C. W. Schürmann, “The Aboriginal Tribes of Port Lincoln,” Native Tribes of South Australia, p. 237; H. E. A. Meyer, in Native Tribes of South Australia, p. 195; R. Brough Smyth, The Aborigines of Victoria (Melbourne, 1878), i. 110, ii. 289 sq.; W. Stanbridge, in Transactions of the Ethnological Society of London, New Series, i. (1861) p. 299; L. Fison and A. W. Howitt, Kamilaroi and Kurnai, pp. 250 sq.; A. L. P. Cameron, “Notes on some Tribes of New South Wales,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xiv. (1885) pp. 361, 362 sq.; W. Ridley, Kamilaroi, Second Edition (Sydney, 1875), p. 159; Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia (London, 1899), pp. 46-48; Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits, v. (Cambridge, 1904) pp. 248, 323; E. Beardmore, “The Natives of Mowat, British New Guinea,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xix. (1890) p. 461; R. E. Guise, “On the Tribes inhabiting the Mouth of the Wanigela River, New Guinea,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxviii. (1899) p. 216; C. G. Seligmann, The Melanesians of British New Guinea (Cambridge, 1910), p. 279; K. Vetter, Komm herüber und hilf uns! oder die Arbeit der Neuen-Dettelsauer Mission, iii. (Barmen, 1898) pp. 10 sq.; id., in Nachrichten über Kaiser-Wilhelmsland und den Bismarck-Archipel, 1897, pp. 94, 98; A. Deniau, “Croyances religieuses et mœurs des indigènes de l'ile Malo,” Missions Catholiques, xxxiii. (1901) pp. 315 sq.; C. Ribbe, Zwei Jahre unter den Kannibalen der Salomo-Inseln (Dresden-Blasewitz, 1903), p. 268; P. A. Kleintitschen, Die Küstenbewohner der Gazellehalbinsel (Hiltrup bei Münster, n.d.), p. 344; P. Rascher, “Die Sulka,” Archiv für Anthropologie, xxix. (1904) pp. 221 sq.; R. Parkinson, Dreissig Jahre in der Südsee (Stuttgart, 1907), pp. 199-201; G. Brown, D.D., Melanesians and Polynesians (London, 1910), p. 176; Father Abinal, “Astrologie Malgache,” Missions Catholiques, xi. (1879) p. 506; A. Grandidier, “Madagascar,” Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (Paris), Sixième Série, iii. (1872) p. 399; Father Campana, “Congo, Mission Catholique de Landana,” Missions Catholiques, xxvii. (1895) pp. 102 sq.; Th. Masui, Guide de la Section de l'État Indépendant du Congo à l'Exposition de Bruxelles-Tervueren en 1897 (Brussels, 1897), p. 82. The discussion of this and similar evidence must be reserved for another work. [2.] C. Meiners, Geschichte der Religionen (Hannover, 1806-1807), i. 48. [3.] R. I. Dodge, Our Wild Indians, p. 112. [4.] F. Blumentritt, “Der Ahnencultus und die religiösen Anschauungen der Malaien des Philippinen-Archipels,” Mittheilungen d. Wiener geogr. Gesellschaft, 1882, p. 198. [5.] Sir James E. Alexander, Expedition of Discovery into the Interior of Africa, i. 166; H. Lichtenstein, Reisen im Südlichen Africa (Berlin, 1811-1812), i. 349 sq.; W. H. I. Bleek, Reynard the Fox in South Africa (London, 1864), pp. 75 sq.; Theophilus Hahn, Tsuni-Goam, the Supreme Being of the Khoi-Khoi (London, 1881), pp. 56, 69. [6.] Callimachus, Hymn to Zeus, 9 sq.; Diodorus Siculus, iii. 61; Lucian, Philopseudes, 3; id., Jupiter Tragoedus, 45; id., Philopatris, 10; Porphyry, Vita Pythagorae, 17; Cicero, De natura deorum, iii. 21. 53; Pomponius Mela, ii. 7. 112; Minucius Felix, Octavius, 21; Lactantius, Divin. instit. i. II. [7.] Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 35; Philochorus, Fragm. 22, in C. Müller's Fragmenta historicorum Graecorum, i. p. 378; Tatian, Oratio ad Graecos, 8, ed. Otto; J. Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 208. Compare Ch. Petersen, “Das Grab und die Todtenfeier des Dionysos,” Philologus, xv. (1860) pp. 77-91. The grave of Dionysus is also said to have been at Thebes (Clemens Romanus, Recognitiones, x. 24; Migne's Patrologia Graeca, i. col. 1434). [8.] Porphyry, Vit. Pythag. 16. [9.] Philochorus, Fr. 184, in C. Müller's Fragmenta historicorum Graecorum, ii. p. 414. [10.] Ch. Lobeck, Aglaophamus (Königsberg, 1829), pp. 574 sq. [11.] G. Maspero, Histoire ancienne des peuples de l'Orient classique: les origines, pp. 108-111, 116-118. On the mortality of the Egyptian gods see further A. Moret, Le Rituel du culte divin journalier en Égypte (Paris, 1902), pp. 219 sqq. [12.] Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 21, 22, 38, 61; Diodorus Siculus, i. 27. 4; Dittenberger, Orientis Graeci inscriptiones selectae, i. No. 56, p. 102. [13.] A. Wiedemann, Die Religion der alten Aegypter, pp. 59 sq.; G. Maspero, Histoire ancienne des peuples de l'Orient classique: les origines, pp. 104-108, 150. Indeed it was an article of the Egyptian creed that every god must die after he had begotten a son in his own likeness (A. Wiedemann, Herodots zweites Buch, p. 204). Hence the Egyptian deities were commonly arranged in trinities of a simple and natural type, each comprising a father, a mother, and a son. “Speaking generally, two members of such a triad were gods, one old and one young, and the third was a goddess, who was, naturally, the wife, or female counterpart, of the older god. The younger god was the son of the older god and goddess, and he was supposed to possess all the attributes and powers which belonged to his father.... The feminine counterpart or wife of the chief god was usually a local goddess of little or no importance; on the other hand, her son by the chief god was nearly as important as his father, because it was assumed that he would succeed to his rank and throne when the elder god had passed away. The conception of the triad or trinity is, in Egypt, probably as old as the belief in gods, and it seems to be based on the anthropomorphic views which were current in the earliest times about them” (E. A. Wallis Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians, London, 1904, i. 113 sq.). If the Christian doctrine of the Trinity took shape under Egyptian influence, the function originally assigned to the Holy Spirit may have been that of the divine mother. In the apocryphal Gospel to the Hebrews, as Mr. F. C. Conybeare was kind enough to point out to me, Christ spoke of the Holy Ghost as his mother. The passage is quoted by Origen (Comment. in Joan. II. vol. iv. col. 132, ed. Migne), and runs as follows: “My mother the Holy Spirit took me a moment ago by one of my hairs and carried me away to the great Mount Tabor.” Compare Origen, In Jeremiam Hom. XV. 4, vol. iii. col. 433, ed. Migne. In the reign of Trajan a certain Alcibiades, from Apamea in Syria, appeared at Rome with a volume in which the Holy Ghost was described as a stalwart female about ninety-six miles high and broad in proportion. See Hippolytus, Refut. omnium haeresium, ix. 13, p. 462, ed. Duncker and Schneidewin. The Ophites represented the Holy Spirit as “the first woman,” “mother of all living,” who was beloved by “the first man” and likewise by “the second man,” and who conceived by one or both of them “the light, which they call Christ.” See H. Usener, Das Weihnachtsfest, pp. 116 sq., quoting Irenaeus, i. 28. As to a female member of the Trinity, see further id., Dreiheit, ein Versuch mythologischer Zahlenlehre (Bonn, 1903), pp. 41 sqq.; Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, ch. 1. vol. ix. p. 261, note g (Edinburgh, 1811). Mr. Conybeare tells me that Philo Judaeus, who lived in the first half of the first century of our era, constantly defines God as a Trinity in Unity, or a Unity in Trinity, and that the speculations of this Alexandrian Jew deeply influenced the course of Christian thought on the mystical nature of the deity. Thus it seems not impossible that the ancient Egyptian doctrine of the divine Trinity may have been distilled through Philo into Christianity. On the other hand it has been suggested that the Christian Trinity is of Babylonian origin. See H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader's Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament,3 pp. 418 sq., 440. [14.] L. W. King, Babylonian Religion and Mythology (London, 1899), p. 8. [15.] Plutarch, De defectu oraculorum, 17. [16.] This is in substance the explanation briefly suggested by F. Liebrecht, and developed more fully and with certain variations of detail by S. Reinach. See F. Liebrecht, Des Gervasius von Tilbury Otia Imperialia (Hanover, 1856), p. 180; S. Reinach, Cultes, mythes et religions, iii. (Paris, 1908), pp. 1 sqq. As to the worship of Tammuz or Adonis in Syria and Greece see my Adonis, Attis, Osiris, Second Edition (London, 1907). In Plutarch's narrative confusion seems to have arisen through the native name (Tammuz) of the deity, which either accidentally coincided with that of the pilot (as S. Reinach thinks) or was erroneously transferred to him by a narrator (as F. Liebrecht supposed). An entirely different explanation of the story has been proposed by Dr. W. H. Roscher. He holds that the god whose death was lamented was the great ram-god of Mendes in Egypt, whom Greek writers constantly mistook for a goat-god and identified with Pan. A living ram was always revered as an incarnation of the god, and when it died there was a great mourning throughout all the land of Mendes. Some stone coffins of the sacred animal have been found in the ruins of the city. See Herodotus, ii. 46, with A. Wiedemann's commentary; W. H. Roscher, “Die Legende vom Tode des groszen Pan,” Fleckeisen's Jahrbücher für classische Philologie, xxxviii. (1892) pp. 465-477. Dr. Roscher shews that Thamus was an Egyptian name, comparing Plato, Phaedrus, p. 274 d e; Polyaenus, iii. 2. 5; Philostratus, Vit. Apollon. Tyan. vi. 5. 108. As to the worshipful goat, or rather ram, of Mendes, see also Diodorus Siculus, i. 84; Strabo, xvii. 1. 19, p. 802; Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. ii. 39, p. 34, ed. Potter; Suidas, s.v. Μένδην. [17.] F. Liebrecht, op. cit. pp. 180 sq.; W. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites,2 pp. 412, 414. The latter writer observes with justice that “the wailing for 'Uncūd, the divine Grape-cluster, seems to be the last survival of an old vintage piaculum.” “The dread of the worshippers,” he adds, “that the neglect of the usual ritual would be followed by disaster, is particularly intelligible if they regarded the necessary operations of agriculture as involving the violent extinction of a particle of divine life.” On the mortality of the gods in general and of the Teutonic gods in particular, see J. Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie,4 i. 263 sqq.; compare E. H. Meyer, Mythologie der Germanen (Strasburg, 1903), p. 288. As to the mortality of the Irish gods, see Douglas Hyde, Literary History of Ireland (London, 1899), pp. 80 sq. [18.] “Der Muata Cazembe und die Völkerstämme der Maravis, Chevas, Muembas, Lundas und andere von Süd-Afrika,” Zeitschrift für allgemeine Erdkunde, vi. (1856) p. 395; F. T. Valdez, Six Years of a Traveller's Life in Western Africa (London, 1861), ii. 241 sq. [19.] See Taboo and the Perils of the Soul, pp. 6, 7 sq. [20.] See Taboo and the Perils of the Soul, pp. 26 sqq. [21.] W. W. Gill, Myths and Songs of the South Pacific (London, 1876), p. 163. [22.] H. A. Junod, Les Ba-Ronga (Neuchatel, 1898), pp. 381 sq. [23.] W. Barbrooke Grubb, An Unknown People in an Unknown Land (London, 1911), p. 120. [24.] T. C. Hodson, The Naga Tribes of Manipur (London, 1911), p. 159. [25.] Rev. J. Roscoe, The Baganda (London, 1911), p. 281. [26.] Ch. Wilkes, Narrative of the U.S. Exploring Expedition (London, 1845), iii. 96. [27.] U.S. Exploring Expedition, Ethnology and Philology, by H. Hale (Philadelphia, 1846), p. 65. Compare Th. Williams, Fiji and the Fijians,2 i. 183; J. E. Erskine, Journal of a Cruise among the Islands of the Western Pacific (London, 1853), p. 248. [28.] G. Turner, Samoa, p. 335. [29.] Martin Flad, A Short Description of the Falasha and Kamants in Abyssinia, p. 19. [30.] H. Diels, Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker,2 i. (Berlin, 1906) p. 81; id., Herakleitos von Ephesos2 (Berlin, 1909), p. 50, Frag. 136, ψυχαὶ ἀρηίφατοι καθαρώτεραι ἢ ἐνὶ νούσοις. [31.] F. de Castelnau, Expédition dans les parties centrales de l'Amérique du Sud, iv. (Paris, 1851) p. 380. Compare id. ii. 49 sq. as to the practice of the Chavantes, a tribe of Indians on the Tocantins river. [32.] R. Southey, History of Brazil, iii. (London, 1819) p. 619; R. F. Burton, in The Captivity of Hans Stade of Hesse (Hakluyt Society, London, 1874), p. 122. [33.] C. von Dittmar, “Über die Koräken und die ihnen sehr nahe verwandten Tschuktschen,” Bulletin de la Classe philologique de l'Académie Impériale des Sciences de St-Pétersbourg, xiii. (1856) coll. 122, 124 sq. The custom has now been completely abandoned. See W. Jochelson, “The Koryak, Religion and Myths” (Leyden and New York, 1905), p. 103 (Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. vi. part i.). [34.] C. von Dittmar, op. cit. col. 132; De Wrangell, Le Nord de la Sibérie (Paris, 1843), i. 263 sq.; “Die Ethnographie Russlands nach A. F. Rittich,” Petermann's Mittheilungen, Ergänzungsheft, No. 54 (Gotha, 1878), pp. 14 sq.; “Der Anadyr-Bezirk nach A. W. Olssufjew,” Petermann's Mittheilungen, xlv. (1899) p. 230; V. Priklonski, “Todtengebräuche der Jakuten,” Globus, lix. (1891) p. 82; R. von Seidlitz, “Der Selbstmord bei den Tschuktschen,” ib. p. 111; Cremat, “Der Anadyrbezirk Sibiriens und seine Bevölkerung,” Globus, lxvi. (1894) p. 287; H. de Windt, Through the Gold-fields of Alaska to Bering Straits (London, 1898), pp. 223-225; W. Bogaras, “The Chukchee” (Leyden and New York, 1904-1909), pp. 560 sqq. (Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. vii.). [35.] L. A. Waddell, “The Tribes of the Brahmaputra Valley,” Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, lxix. part iii. (1901) pp. 20, 24; T. C. Hodson, The Naga Tribes of Manipur (London, 1911), p. 151. [36.] K. Simrock, Handbuch der deutschen Mythologie,5 pp. 177 sq., 507; H. M. Chadwick, The Cult of Othin (London, 1899), pp. 13 sq., 34 sq. [37.] Procopius, De bello Gothico, ii. 14. [38.] J. Grimm, Deutsche Rechtsalterthümer,3 p. 488. A custom of putting the sick and aged to death seems to have prevailed in several branches of the Aryan family; it may at one time have been common to the whole stock. See J. Grimm, op. cit. pp. 486 sqq.; O. Schrader, Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde, pp. 36-39. [39.] See The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 4 sq. [40.] Taboo and the Perils of the Soul, pp. 5 sq. [41.] J. B. Labat, Relation historique de l'Éthiopie occidentale (Paris, 1732), i. 260 sq.; W. Winwood Reade, Savage Africa (London, 1863), p. 362. [42.] G. Merolla, Relazione del viaggio nel regno di Congo (Naples, 1726), p. 76. The English version of this passage (Pinkerton's Voyages and Travels, xvi. 228) has already been quoted by Sir John Lubbock (Lord Avebury) in his Origin of Civilisation,4 pp. 358 sq. In that version the native title of the pontiff is misspelt. [43.] Diodorus Siculus, iii. 6; Strabo, xvii. 2. 3, p. 822. [44.] R. Lepsius, Letters from Egypt, Ethiopia, and the peninsula of Sinai (London, 1853), pp. 202, 204. I have to thank Dr. E. Westermarck for pointing out these passages to me. Fazoql lies in the fork between the Blue Nile and its tributary the Tumat. See J. Russeger, Reisen in Europa, Asien und Afrika, ii. 2 (Stuttgart, 1844), p. 552 note. [45.] Brun-Rollet, Le Nil Blanc et le Soudan (Paris, 1855), pp. 248 sq. For the orgiastic character of these annual festivals, see id. p. 245. Fazolglou is probably the same as Fazoql. The people who practise the custom are called Bertat by E. Marno (Reisen im Gebiete des blauen und weissen Nil (Vienna, 1874), p. 68). [46.] J. Russegger, Reisen in Europa, Asien und Afrika, ii. 2, p. 553. Russegger met Assusa in January 1838, and says that the king had then been a year in office. He does not mention the name of the king's uncle who had, he tells us, been strangled by the chiefs; but I assume that he was the Yassin who is mentioned by Brun-Rollet. Russegger adds that the strangling of the king was performed publicly, and in the most solemn manner, and was said to happen often in Fazoql and the neighbouring countries. [47.] R. Lepsius, Letters from Egypt, Ethiopia, and the peninsula of Sinai (London, 1853), p. 204. Lepsius's letter is dated “The Pyramids of Meroë, 22nd April 1844.” His informant was Osman Bey, who had lived for sixteen years in these regions. An anqareb or angareb is a kind of bed made by stretching string or leather thongs over an oblong wooden framework. [48.] I have to thank Dr. Seligmann for his kindness and courtesy in transmitting to me his unpublished account and allowing me to draw on it at my discretion. [49.] As to Jŭok (Čuok), the supreme being of the Shilluk, see P. W. Hofmayr, “Religion der Schilluk,” Anthropos, vi. (1911) pp. 120-122, whose account agrees with the briefer one given by Dr. C. G. Seligmann. Otiose supreme beings (dieux fainéants) of this type, who having made the world do not meddle with it and to whom little or no worship is paid, are common in Africa. [50.] P. W. Hofmayr, “Religion der Schilluk,” Anthropos, vi. (1911) pp. 123, 125. This writer gives Nykang as the name of the first Shilluk king. [51.] P. W. Hofmayr, op. cit. p. 123. [52.] This is the view both of Dr. C. G. Seligmann and of Father P. W. Hofmayr (op. cit. p. 123). [53.] The word kengo is applied only to the shrines of Nyakang and the graves of the kings. Graves of commoners are called roro. [54.] On the use of flowing blood in rain-making ceremonies see The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, i. 256, 257 sq. [55.] Dr. C. G. Seligmann, The Shilluk Divine Kings (in manuscript). [56.] On this subject Dr. Seligmann writes to me (March 9th, 1911) as follows: “The assumption of the throne as the result of victory in single combat doubtless occurred once; at the present day and perhaps for the whole of the historic period it has been superseded by the ceremonial killing of the king, but I regard these stories as folk-lore indicating what once really happened.” [57.] These particulars I take from letters of Dr. C. G. Seligmann's to me (dated 8th February and 9th March 1911). They are not mentioned in the writer's paper on the subject. [58.] When one of the king's wives is with child, she remains at Fashoda till the fourth or fifth month of her pregnancy; she is then sent away to a village, not necessarily her own, where she remains under the charge of the village chief until she has finished nursing the child. Afterwards she returns to Fashoda, but the child invariably remains in the village of his or her birth and is brought up there. All royal children of either sex, in whatever part of the Shilluk territory they may happen to die, are buried the village where they were born. [59.] As to the disappearance of the early Roman kings see The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, vol. ii. pp. 312 sqq.; as to the disappearance of the early kings of Uganda, see the Rev. J. Roscoe, The Baganda (London, 1911), p. 214. [60.] See The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, i. 1 sqq., ii. 376 sqq. [61.] “E. de Pruyssenaere's Reisen und Forschungen im Gebiete des Weissen und Blauen Nil,” Petermann's Mittheilungen, Ergänzungsheft, No. 50 (Gotha, 1877), pp. 18-23. Compare G. Schweinfurth, The Heart of Africa, Third Edition (London, 1878), i. 48 sqq. In the text I have followed de Pruyssenaere's description of the privations endured by the Dinka in the dry season. But that description is perhaps only applicable in seasons of unusual drought, for Dr. C. G. Seligmann, writing from personal observation, informs me that he regards the description as much overdrawn; in an average year, he tells me, the cattle do not die of famine and the natives are not starving. According to his information the drinking of the blood of their cattle is a luxury in which the Dinka indulge themselves at any time of the year. [62.] For this and the following information as to the religion, totemism, and rain-makers of the Dinka I am indebted to the kindness of Dr. C. G. Seligmann, who investigated the Shilluk and Dinka in 1909-1910 and has most obligingly placed his manuscript materials at my disposal. [63.] On the importance of the rain-makers among the Dinka and other tribes of the Upper Nile, see The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, i. 345 sqq. [64.] Emin Pasha in Central Africa, being a Collection of his Letters and Journals (London, 1888), p. 91; J. G. Frazer, Totemism and Exogamy, ii. 529 sq. (from information given by the Rev. John Roscoe). [65.] Father Guillemé, in Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, lx. (1888) p. 258; id., “Credenze religiose dei Negri di Kibanga nell' Alto Congo,” Archivio per lo studio delle tradizioni popolari, vii. (1888) p. 231. [66.] The Travels of the Jesuits in Ethiopia, collected and historically digested by F. Balthazar Tellez, of the Society of Jesus (London, 1710), p. 197. We may compare the death of Saul (1 Samuel, xxxi. 3-6). [67.] Lieut. H. Pope-Hennessy, “Notes on the Jukos and other Tribes of the Middle Benue,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxx. (1900) p. (29). [68.] J. G. Frazer, Totemism and Exogamy, ii. 608, on the authority of Mr. H. R. Palmer, Resident in Charge of Katsina. [69.] F. T. Valdez, Six Years of a Traveller's Life in Western Africa (London, 1861), ii. 194 sq. [70.] Nathaniel Isaacs, Travels and Adventures in Eastern Africa (London, 1836), i. 295 sq., compare pp. 232, 290 sq. [71.] The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, i. 392. [72.] J. dos Santos, “Eastern Ethiopia,” in G. McCall Theal's Records of Southeastern Africa, vii. (1901) pp. 194 sq. A more highly-flavoured and full-bodied, though less slavishly accurate, translation of this passage is given in Pinkerton's Voyages and Travels, xvi. 684, where the English translator has enriched the unadorned simplicity of the Portuguese historian's style with “the scythe of time” and other flowers of rhetoric. [73.] J. dos Santos, op. cit. p. 193. [74.] Xenophon, Hellenica, iii. 3. 3; Plutarch, Agesilaus, 3; id., Lysander, 22; Pausanias, iii. 8. 9. [75.] Herodotus, iii. 20; Aristotle, Politics, iv. 4. 4.; Athenaeus, xiii. 20, p. 566. According to Nicolaus Damascenus (Fr. 142, in Fragmenta historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. Müller, iii. p. 463), the handsomest and bravest man was only raised to the throne when the king had no heirs, the heirs being the sons of his sisters. But this limitation is not mentioned by the other authorities. [76.] G. Nachtigal, Saharâ und Sûdân, iii. (Leipsic, 1889) p. 225; A. Bastian, Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-Küste (Jena, 1874-75), i. 220. [77.] P. W. Joyce, Social History of Ancient Ireland (London, 1903), i. 311. [78.] Strabo, xvii. 2. 3, p. 823; Diodorus Siculus, iii. 7. [79.] Mohammed Ebn-Omar El-Tounsy, Voyage au Darfour (Paris, 1845), pp. 162 sq.; Travels of an Arab Merchant in Soudan, abridged from the French by Bayle St. John (London, 1854), p. 78; Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (Paris), IVme Série, iv. (1852) pp. 539 sq. [80.] R. W. Felkin, “Notes on the Waganda Tribe of Central Africa,” in Proceedings of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, xiii. (1884-1886) p. 711; J. Roscoe, “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) p. 77 (as to sneezing). [81.] Narrative of Events in Borneo and Celebes, from the Journal of James Brooke, Esq., Rajah of Sarawak, by Captain R. Mundy, i. 134. My friend the late Mr. Lorimer Fison, in a letter of August 26th, 1898, told me that the custom of falling down whenever a chief fell was observed also in Fiji, where it had a special name, bale muri, “fall-follow.” [82.] Mgr. Bruguière, in Annales de l'Association de la Propagation de la Foi, v. (1831) pp. 174 sq. [83.] A. Dalzel, History of Dahomy (London, 1793), pp. 12 sq., 156 sq. [84.] Father Baudin, “Le Fétichisme ou la religion des Nègres de la Guinée,” Missions Catholiques, xvi. (1884) p. 215. [85.] Missionary Holley, “Étude sur les Egbas,” Missions Catholiques, xiii. (1881) pp. 351 sq. Here Oyo is probably the same as Eyeo mentioned above. [86.] Simon Grunau, Preussische Chronik, herausgegeben von Dr. M. Perlbach (Leipsic, 1876), i. p. 97. [87.] Lucian, De morte Peregrini. That Lucian's account of the mountebank's death is not a fancy picture is proved by the evidence of Tertullian, Ad martyres, 4, “Peregrinus qui non olim se rogo immisit.” [88.] D. S. Macgowan, M.D., “Self-immolation by Fire in China,” The Chinese Recorder and Missionary Journal, xix. (1888) pp. 445-451, 508-521. [89.] E. W. Nelson, “The Eskimo about Bering Strait,” Eighteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Part I. (Washington, 1899), pp. 320, 433 sq. [90.] Revelation xx. 1-3. [91.] Revelation xiii. 18. [92.] Ivan Stchoukine, Le Suicide collectif dans le Raskol russe (Paris, 1903), pp. 45-53, 61-78, 84-87, 96-99, 102-112. The mania in its most extreme form died away towards the end of the seventeenth century, but during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries cases of collective suicide from religious motives occurred from time to time, people burning themselves in families or in batches of thirty or forty. The last of these suicides by fire took place in 1860, when fifteen persons thus perished in the Government of Olonetz. Twenty-four others buried themselves alive near Tiraspol in the winter of 1896-97. See I. Stchoukine, op. cit. pp. 114-126. [93.] Voltaire, Essai sur les Mœurs, iii. 142-145 (Œuvres complètes de Voltaire, xiii. Paris, 1878). [94.] Duarte Barbosa, A Description of the Coasts of East Africa and Malabar in the Beginning of the Sixteenth Century (Hakluyt Society, London, 1866), pp. 172 sq. [95.] L. di Varthema, Travels, translated by J. W. Jones and edited by G. P. Badger (Hakluyt Society, London, 1863), p. 134. In a note the Editor says that the name Zamorin (Samorin) according to some “is a corruption of Tamuri, the name of the most exalted family of the Nair caste.” [96.] Francis Buchanan, “Journey from Madras through the Countries of Mysore, Canara, and Malabar,” in Pinkerton's Voyages and Travels, viii. 735. [97.] Alex. Hamilton, “A New Account of the East Indies,” in Pinkerton's Voyages and Travels, viii. 374. [98.] The sidereal revolution of Jupiter is completed in 11 years 314.92 days (Encyclopaedia Britannica, Ninth Edition, s.v. “Astronomy,” ii. 808). The twelve-years revolution of Jupiter was known to the Greek astronomers, from whom the knowledge may perhaps have penetrated into India. See Geminus, Eisagoge, I, p. 10, ed. Halma. [99.] W. Logan, Malabar (Madras, 1887), i. 162-169. The writer describes in particular the festival of 1683, when fifty-five men perished in the manner described. [100.] Sir H. M. Elliot, The History of India as told by its own Historians, iv. 260. I have to thank Mr. R. S. Whiteway, of Brownscombe, Shottermill, Surrey, for kindly calling my attention to this and the following instance of the custom of regicide. [101.] De Barros, Da Asia, dos feitos, que os Portuguezes fizeram no descubrimento e conquista dos mares e terras do Oriente, Decada Terceira, Liv. V. cap. i. pp. 512 sq. (Lisbon, 1777). [102.] Saxo Grammaticus,Historia Danica, viii. pp. 410 sq., ed. P. E. Müller (p. 334 of Mr. Oliver Elton's English translation). [103.] T. K. Gopal Panikkar (of the Madras Registration Department), Malabar and its Folk (Madras, N. D., preface dated Chowghaut, 8th October 1900), pp. 120 sq. I have to thank my friend Mr. W. Crooke for calling my attention to this account. [104.] Voyage d'Ibn Batoutah, texte arabe, accompagné d'une traduction par C. Deffrémery et B. R. Sanguinetti (Paris, 1853-58), iv. 246 sq. [105.] The Wonders of the East, by Friar Jordanus, translated by Col. Henry Yule (London, 1863, Hakluyt Society), pp. 32 sq. [106.] India in the Fifteenth Century, being a Collection of Voyages to India in the century preceding the Portuguese discovery of the Cape of Good Hope, edited by R. H. Major (Hakluyt Society, London, 1857), “The Travels of Nicolo Conti in the East,” pp. 27 sq. An instrument of the sort described in the text (a crescent-shaped knife with chains and stirrups attached to it for the convenience of the suicide) used to be preserved at Kshira, a village of Bengal near Nadiya: it was called a karavat. See The Book of Ser Marco Polo, newly translated and edited by Colonel Henry Yule, Second Edition (London, 1875), ii. 334. [107.] Major P. R. T. Gurdon, The Khasis (London, 1907), pp. 102 sq., quoting Mr. Gait in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for 1898. [108.] E. T. Dalton, Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal (Calcutta, 1872), p. 146. [109.] F. T. Valdez, Six Years of a Traveller's Life in Western Africa (London, 1861), ii. 158-160. I have translated the title Maquita by “chief”; the writer does not explain it. [110.] Ynglinga Saga, 29 (The Heimskringla, translated by S. Laing, i. 239 sq.). Compare H. M. Chadwick, The Cult of Othin (London, 1899), p. 4. According to Messrs. Laing and Chadwick the sacrifice took place every tenth year. But I follow Prof. K. Weinhold who translates “hit tiunda hvert ár” by “alle neun Jahre” (“Die mystische Neunzahl bei den Deutschen,” Abhandlungen der könig. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, 1897, p. 6). So in Latin decimo quoque anno should be translated “every ninth year.” [111.] Saxo Grammaticus, Historia Danica, iii. pp. 129-131, ed. P. E. Müller (pp. 98 sq. of Oliver Elton's English translation). [112.] Adam of Bremen, Descriptio insularum Aquilonis, 27 (Migne's Patrologia Latina, cxlvi. col. 644). See The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, vol. ii. pp. 364 sq. [113.] Plutarch, Agis, II. Plutarch says that the custom was observed “at intervals of nine years” (δι᾽ ἐτῶν ἐννέα), but the expression is equivalent to our “at intervals of eight years.” In reckoning intervals of time numerically the Greeks included both the terms which are separated by the interval, whereas we include only one of them. For example, our phrase “every second day” would be rendered in Greek διὰ τρίτης ἡμέρας, literally “every third day.” Again, a cycle of two years is in Greek trieteris, literally “a period of three years”; a cycle of eight years is ennaeteris, literally “a period of nine years”; and so forth. See Censorinus, De die natali, 18. The Latin use of the ordinal numbers is similar, e.g. our “every second year” would be tertio quoque anno in Latin. However, the Greeks and Romans were not always consistent in this matter, for they occasionally reckoned in our fashion. The resulting ambiguity is not only puzzling to moderns; it sometimes confused the ancients themselves. For example, it led to a derangement of the newly instituted Julian calendar, which escaped detection for more than thirty years. See Macrobius, Saturn. i. 14. 13 sq.; Solinus, i. 45-47. On the ancient modes of counting in such cases see A. Schmidt, Handbuch der griechischen Chronologie (Jena, 1888), pp. 95 sqq. According to Schmidt, the practice of adding both terms to the sum of the intervening units was not extended by the Greeks to numbers above nine. [114.] Die Dorier,2 ii. 96. [115.] E. Man, Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Andaman Islands, pp. 84 sq. [116.] W. E. Roth, North Queensland Bulletin, No. 5, Superstition, Magic, and Medicine (Brisbane, 1903), p. 8. [117.] A. W. Howitt, The Native Tribes of South-East Australia, p. 429. [118.] A. W. Howitt, op. cit. p. 430. One of the earliest writers on New South Wales reports that the natives attributed great importance to the falling of a star (D. Collins,Account of the English Colony in New South Wales (London, 1804), p. 383). [119.] Spencer and Gillen, Northern Tribes of Central Australia, p. 627. [120.] Spencer and Gillen, op. cit. pp. 488, 627 sq. [121.] G. Thilenius, Ethnographische Ergebnisse aus Melanesien, ii. (Halle, 1903) p. 129. [122.] H. A. Junod, Les Ba-ronga (Neuchatel, 1898), p. 470. [123.] A. C. Hollis, The Masai (Oxford, 1905), p. 316. [124.] J. Campbell, Travels in South Africa (London, 1815), pp. 428 sq. [125.] Id., Travels in South Africa, Second Journey (London, 1822), ii. 204. [126.] G. Zündel, “Land und Volk der Eweer auf der Sclavenküste in Westafrika,” Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin, xii. (1877) pp. 415 sq.; C. Spiess, “Religionsbegriffe der Evheer in Westafrika,” Mittheilungen des Seminars für Orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin, vi. (1903) Dritte Abtheilung, p. 112. [127.] Boscana, “Chinigchinich, a Historical Account of the Origin, etc., of the Indians of St. Juan Capistrano,” in A. Robinson's Life in California (New York, 1846), p. 299. [128.] C. Lumholtz, Unknown Mexico (London, 1903), i. 324 sq. [129.] K. von den Steinen, Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasiliens (Berlin, 1894), pp. 514 sq. The Peruvian Indians also made a prodigious noise when they saw a shooting star. See P. de Cieza de Leon, Travels (Hakluyt Society, London, 1864), p. 232. [130.] G. Kurze, “Sitten und Gebräuche der Lengua-Indianer,” Mitteilungen der Geographischen Gesellschaft zu Jena, xxiii. (1905) p. 17; W. Barbrooke Grubb, An Unknown People in an Unknown Land (London, 1911), p. 163. [131.] M. Dobrizhoffer, Historia de Abiponibus (Vienna, 1784), ii. 86. [132.] W. Tetzlaff, “Notes on the Laughlan Islands,” Annual Report on British New Guinea, 1890-91 (Brisbane, 1892), p. 105. [133.] H. Oldenberg, Die Religion des Veda, p. 267. [134.] W. Crooke, Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India (Westminster, 1906), ii. 22. [135.] Holzmayer, “Osiliana,” Verhandlungen der gelehrten Estnischen Gesellschaft zu Dorpat, vii. (1872) p. 48. [136.] Guillain, Documents sur l'histoire, la géographie, et le commerce de l'Afrique Orientale, ii. (Paris, N.D.) p. 97; C. Velten, Sitten und Gebräuche der Suaheli (Göttingen, 1903), pp. 339 sq.; C. B. Klunzinger, Upper Egypt (London, 1878), p. 405; Budgett Meakin, The Moors (London, 1902), p. 353. [137.] E. Dieffenbach, Travels in New Zealand (London, 1843), ii. 66. According to another account, meteors are regarded by the Maoris as betokening the presence of a god (R. Taylor, Te Ika a Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants,2 p. 147). [138.] Ch. Wilkes, Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition, v. 88. [139.] A. W. Howitt, Native Tribes of South-East Australia, p. 369. [140.] A. W. Howitt, in Brough Smyth's Aborigines of Victoria, ii. 309. [141.] E. Palmer, “Notes on some Australian Tribes,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xiii. (1884) p. 292. Sometimes apparently the Australian natives regard crystals or broken glass as fallen stars, and treasure them as powerful instruments of magic. See E. M. Curr, The Australian Race, iii. 29; W. E. Roth, North Queensland Ethnography, Bulletin No. 5, p. 8. [142.] J. Macgillivray, Narrative of the Voyage of H.M.S. Rattlesnake (London, 1852), ii. 30. [143.] P. A. Kleintitschen, Die Küstenbewohner der Gazellehalbinsel (Hiltrup bei Münster, n.d.), p. 227. [144.] P. Rascher, “Die Sulka,” Archiv für Anthropologie, xxix. (1904) p. 216. [145.] Dudley Kidd, Savage Childhood (London, 1906), p. 149. [146.] J. Halkin, Quelques Peuplades du district de l'Uelé (Liège, 1907), p. 102. [147.] O. Baumann, Durch Massailand zur Nilquelle (Berlin, 1894), p. 163. [148.] O. Baumann, Durch Massailand zur Nilquelle (Berlin, 1894), p. 188. [149.] E. Petitot, Monographie des Dènè-Dindjé (Paris, 1876), p. 60; id., Monographie des Esquimaux Tchiglit (Paris, 1876), p. 24. [150.] A. Henry, “The Lolos and other Tribes of Western China,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxiii. (1903) p. 103. [151.] Pliny, Nat. Hist. ii. 28. [152.] F. Panzer, Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie, ii. 293; A. Kuhn und W. Schwartz, Norddeutsche Sagen, Märchen und Gebräuche, p. 457, § 422; E. Meier, Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebräuche aus Schwaben, p. 506, §§ 379, 380. [153.] P. Sébillot, Traditions et superstitions de la Haute-Bretagne, ii. 353; J. Haltrich, Zur Volkskunde der Siebenbürger Sachsen (Vienna, 1885), p. 300; W. Schmidt, Das Jahr und seine Tage in Meinung und Brauch der Romänen Siebenbürgens, p. 38; E. Gerard, The Land beyond the Forest, i. 311; J. V. Grohmann, Aberglauben und Gebräuche aus Böhmen und Mähren, p. 31, § 164; Br. Jelínek, “Materialien zur Vorgeschichte und Volkskunde Böhmens,” Mittheilungen der anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien, xxi. (1891) p. 25; G. Finamore, Credenze, usi e costumi Abruzzesi, pp. 47 sq.; M. Placucci, Usi e pregiudizj dei contadini della Romagna (Palermo, 1885), p. 141; Holzmayer, “Osiliana,” Verhandl. der gelehrten Estnischen Gesellschaft zu Dorpat, vii. (1872) p. 48. The same belief is said to prevail in Armenia. See Minas Tchéraz, “Notes sur la mythologie arménienne,” Transactions of the Ninth International Congress of Orientalists (London, 1893), ii. 824. Bret Harte has employed the idea in his little poem, “Relieving Guard.” [154.] H. Lew, “Der Tod und die Beerdigungs-gebräuche bei den polnischen Juden,” Mittheilungen der anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien, xxxii. (1902) p. 402. [155.] A. Schlossar, “Volksmeinung und Volksaberglaube aus der deutschen Steiermark,” Germania, N.R., xxiv. (1891) p. 389. [156.] Boecler-Kreutzwald, Der Ehsten abergläubische Gebräuche, Weisen und Gewohnheiten (St. Petersburg, 1854), p. 73. [157.] E. Monseur, Le Folklore wallon, p. 61; A. de Nore, Coutumes, mythes et traditions des provinces de France, pp. 101, 160, 223, 267, 284; B. Souché, Croyances, présages et traditions diverses, p. 23; P. Sébillot, Traditions et superstitions de la Haute-Bretagne, ii. 352; J. Lecœur, Esquisses du bocage normand, ii. 13; L. Pineau, Folk-lore du Poitou (Paris, 1892), pp. 525 sq. [158.] L. F. Sauvé. Le Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges (Paris, 1889), pp. 196 sq. [159.] F. Chapiseau, Le Folk-lore de la Beauce et du Perche (Paris, 1902), i. 290; G. Finamore, Credenze, usi e costumi Abruzzesi (Palermo, 1890), p. 48. [160.] North Indian Notes and Queries, i. p. 102, § 673. Compare id. p. 47, § 356; Indian Notes and Queries, iv. p. 184, § 674; W. Crooke, Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India (Westminster, 1896), i. 82. [161.] W. Ellis, Polynesian Researches,2 iii. 171. [162.] Maximilian Prinz zu Wied, Reise in das Innere Nord-America (Coblenz, 1839-1841), ii. 152. It does not, however, appear from the writer's statement whether the descent of the soul was identified with the flight of a meteor or not. [163.] D. C. J. Ibbetson, Outlines of Panjab Ethnography (Calcutta, 1883), p. 118, § 231. [164.] L. Ideler, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie, ii. 605 sqq. Ninety-nine lunar months nearly coincide with eight solar years, as the ancients well knew (Sozomenus, Historia ecclesiastica, vii. 18). On the religious and political import of the eight years' cycle in ancient Greece see especially K. O. Müller, Orchomenus und die Minyer,2 pp. 213-218; id., Die Dorier,2 i. 254 sq., 333 sq., 440, ii. 96, 483; id., Prolegomena zu einer wissenschaftlichen Mythologie (Göttingen, 1825), pp. 422-424. [165.] “Ancient opinion even assigned the regulation of the calendar by the solstices and equinoxes to the will of the gods that sacrifices should be rendered at similar times in each year, rather than to the strict requirements of agriculture; and as religion undoubtedly makes larger demands on the cultivator as agriculture advances, the obligations of sacrifice may probably be reckoned as of equal importance with agricultural necessities in urging the formation of reckonings in the nature of a calendar” (E. J. Payne, History of the New World called America, ii. 280). [166.] As to the eight years' servitude of Apollo and Cadmus for the slaughter of dragons, see below, p. [78]. For the nine years' penance of the man who had tasted human flesh at the festival of Zeus on Mount Lycaeus, see Pliny, Nat. hist. viii. 81 sq.; Augustine, De civitate Dei, xviii. 17; Pausanias, viii. 2. 6; compare Plato, Republic, viii. p. 565 D E. Any god who forswore himself by the water of Styx was exiled for nine years from the society of his fellow-gods (Hesiod, Theogony, 793-804). On this subject see further, E. Rohde, Psyche,3 ii. 211 sq.; W. H. Roscher, “Die enneadischen und hebdomadischen Fristen und Wochen der ältesten Griechen,” Abhandlungen der philolog.-histor. Klasse der Königl. Sächsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, xxi. No. 4 (1903), pp. 24 sqq. [167.] Plato, Meno, p. 81 a-c; Pindar, ed. Boeckh, vol. iii. pp. 623 sq., Frag. 98. [168.]
Homer, Odyssey, xix. 178 sq.,
τῇσι δ᾽ ἐνὶ Κνωσός, μεγάλη πόλις, ἔνθα τε Μίνως
ἐννέωρος βασίλευε Διὸς μεγάλου ὀαριστής.
with the Scholia; Plato, Laws, i. I. p. 624 a, b;[id.] Minos, 13 sq., pp. 319 sq.; Strabo, ix. 4. 8, p. 476; Maximus Tyrius, Dissert. xxxviii. 2; Etymologicum magnum, s.v. ἐννέωροι, p. 343, 23 sqq.; Valerius Maximus, i. 2, ext. I; compare Diodorus Siculus, v. 78. 3. Homer's expression, ἐννέωρος βασίλευε, has been variously explained. I follow the interpretation which appears to have generally found favour both with the ancients, including Plato, and with modern scholars. See K. Hoeck, Kreta, i. 244 sqq.; K. O. Müller,Die Dorier,2 ii. 96; G. F. Unger, “Zeitrechnung der Griechen und Römer,” in Ivan Müller's Handbuch der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft, i. 569; A. Schmidt, Handbuch der griechischen Chronologie (Jena, 1888), p. 65; W. H. Roscher, “Die enneadischen und hebdomadischen Fristen und Wochen der ältesten Griechen,” Abhandlungen der philolog.-histor. Klasse der Königl. Sächsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, xxi. No. 4 (Leipsic, 1903), pp. 22 sq.; E. Rohde, Psyche,3 i. 128 sq. Literally interpreted, ἐννέωρος means “for nine years,” not “for eight years.” But see above, p. [59], note 1.