EXPORTS OF BARBARY PRODUCE
From the Port of Mogodor from January 1, to July 31, 1806.
| Sweet Almonds — | 5062,58 | lb. |
| Bitter Almonds — | 2138,11 | lb. |
| Bees Wax — | 2345,55 | lb. |
| Gum Barbary, Tolh, or Arabic — | 1839,12 | lb. |
| Gum Sandrac — | 270,000 | lb. |
| Gum Soudan (Senegal) — | 6330 | lb. |
| Calf Skins — | 2130,30 | lb. |
| Raisins — | 842 | lb. |
| Anice-seeds — | 3687 | lb. |
| Carraway Seeds — | 219 | lb. |
| Dates (Adamoh) — | 1237 | |
| Pomgranate Peals — | 5155 | lb. |
| Worm Seed — | 563 | lb. |
| Elephants Teeth — | 5536 | lb. |
| Goat Skins — | 6480 | dozen |
| Ostrich Feathers — | 556 | lb. |
| Cummin Seeds — | 2013 | lb. |
| Lead Ore — | 320 | lb. |
| Citrons — | 340 | lb. |
| Capers — | 100 | lb. |
| Caraway Seeds — | 219 | lb. |
| Oil of Olives — | 5604 | lb. |
| Tanned Leather — | 2660 | lb. |
| Packing Thread — | 3900 | lb. |
| Tallow — | 625 | lb. |
By a careful perusal of the foregoing account of the exports from, and imports into, the port of Mogodor, the commercial reader will be enabled to form an accurate idea of the trade of that place: there are several things exported in such small quantities, that they cannot be reckoned as articles of trade, but rather as samples; but being in the custom-house books, they are given here to make the account complete; they shew the produce of the country, and might, if the trade were duly encouraged and protected, form articles of considerable importance in a commercial view; but, with consuls, who are equally unacquainted with the language of the country, and the manners, politics, and complexion of the court, we must not expect that the British merchant will be sufficiently encouraged to make considerable adventures to West Barbary; and hence one reason why the trade has of late years been in a great degree abandoned by us, and has fallen into the hands of a few Jews, subjects of the Emperor.
The French, aware of the importance of a trade which carries off manufactured goods of all kinds, and furnishes in return raw materials, were induced to attempt an establishment of considerable capital; but the British cruizers in the Mediterranean rendering it almost impossible for their ships to sail to or from Marseilles, have lately obliged them to relinquish their enterprize for the present, though, there can be no doubt, that in the event of a permanent peace, it will be resumed with additional vigour. The same causes have also compelled the other merchants, natives of countries now under the dominion of France, to remain almost entirely inactive, waiting impatiently for some change that may enable them to resume, with some security, their commercial negociations; so that, with the exception of two or three houses, there is, at present, no European establishment of any consequence at Mogodor.
The commerce of Mogodor with America during the years 1804 and 1805, was impeded by a dispute between that country and the Emperor, which however has been amicably adjusted, and the trade is now resumed. Vessels going from Salem, Boston, and other parts of America with East and West India produce to Mogodor, receive, in return, the various articles of Barbary produce; and by this means, the agents of the American merchants established at Mogodor are enabled to undersell us in all East and West India articles.
A close connexion with the empire of Marocco is of the greatest importance to Great Britain both in a political and commercial point of view; for besides the various articles of trade already enumerated, it affords ample supplies of provisions; and if a friendly intercourse between the two nations were firmly established, we should never have any difficulty in victualling not only Gibraltar, but also all our different fleets which cruize in the Mediterranean, and on the northern coast of Africa, a resource, which, in the present state of things, certainly merits the serious attention of this country. The advantages of a trade with this empire must be evident from what has been detailed in the preceding pages, where it will be seen that nearly the whole of the exports to Marocco consists of manufactured goods, and that the returns for these are entirely raw materials, many of which are essentially necessary in our manufactures. That the present trade is so inconsiderable, arises entirely from the little encouragement and support it meets with; for British subjects, finding they had to depend on their own exertions alone, for the protection and safety of the property embarked in this traffic, have, for the most part, abandoned it, and now it is falling into the hands of subjects of Marocco, established in England. This is the more to be regretted, as we have it in our power, by proper representations and a judicious negociation, to supply, through this channel, a great part of the interior of Africa with our superfluous manufactures, while we might receive in return many very valuable and useful articles, such as oil of olives, hides, skins, almonds, gums, wax, silver, and gold, in addition to which may be mentioned oranges and lemons, of which a greater quantity might be procured from two ports[186] in the empire, than is afforded by both Spain and Portugal. The oranges of Tetuan are the finest in the world, and are sold for eight drahims, or about 3s. 6d. per thousand. Those of Marocco, of Terodant, of Fas, of Mequinas, of Rabat, and the adjacent country, are also very good, abundant, and equally cheap; they might be imported from Rabat to England with considerable advantage: but I believe the exportation has lately been prohibited, this fruit being included in the general prohibition to the exportation to Europe of all articles of provision. The season for gathering them for exportation is from November till January.
It may, perhaps, be objected by some, who have experienced difficulties in treating with the Emperor, that he would not, probably, allow fruit to be exported: to this I answer, that it is possible, by proper means, to obtain almost any favour from a Sovereign who is uncontrollable; it is not gold which rules his conduct, though some ingenious persons have imagined that to be the only means of procuring any thing from him: had this been the case, he would not have granted me the privilege of exporting mules to the West Indies at half the duty that another house offered him. In short, nothing is wanting to secure a most extensive and lucrative trade with Marocco, but an established friendship between the two nations, strengthened by a mutual return of good offices and attentions. Indeed the present Emperor, Muley Soliman, may be said to have made overtures of this nature; but from our impolicy, and inattention, added to the ignorance of the proper mode of treating with him, these overtures were neglected.
When we recollect, however, that the envoys to Marocco for the last century, have been men almost wholly unacquainted with the manners, customs, and religious prejudices of the people, and ignorant of their language, we shall cease to be surprised that our connection with that empire has been so limited, and impeded by mutual misunderstanding of each others sentiments, originating, but too often, in deficiency and inaccuracy of interpreters. What expectations can be indulged of terminating successfully negociations with a prince, in conversing with whom some ignorant illiterate interpreter, generally a Jew, and a devoted subject of the Emperor, must be made the confidential servant of the party treating? besides, every one acquainted with the nature of the government, and political principles of the Court of Marocco, is well aware, that, even supposing it possible to procure a Jew, capable of interpreting accurately the English into Arabic, and vice versa, yet there are many expressions necessary for an Envoy to use to the Emperor, which no Jew in the country would dare to utter in the imperial presence on pain of losing his head: the general garrulity of these people, moreover, is such, that they are perhaps unworthy of being entrusted with any secret wherein the interest of a nation is concerned. Of this the Emperor himself is convinced, as was also his father, who frequently, during his reign, expressed his regret to Mr. A. Layton, that no English consul could be found, capable of holding direct intercourse with him. The weakness and instability of our treaties are generally in proportion to the weakness and inaccuracy of the interpreter, their force and meaning being often frittered away by the misplacing of a word through his indecision or fear; and possessing, probably, but a slight knowledge of the style of writing, he is obliged to have the treaty read by a Moor, and explained according to his own manner, in the vulgar Arabic, or Moorish language, which alone is sufficient, without any additional cause, to do away the force and intent of any document, possessing that energy of expression for which the Arabic language is so remarkable. Suppose we were negociating a peace with France, what would be the probable result if there were no person attached to our embassy but a French subject, who understood the French and English languages sufficiently to convey the aggregate only, but not the precise sense of the stipulations? we should certainly have but little expectation of success under such circumstances, and should probably be worse off than if no treaty had been concluded, so easy would it be to give a turn to any clause, the force and point of which was not distinctly ascertained. This has been literally our case with Marocco: treaties have been made without being understood, or even translated, till many months after the conclusion of them; how then can we expect to acquire influence or consideration at a court, where a man who does not speak the Arabic is considered as an illiterate barbarian (ajemmie m’dollem), and is treated accordingly? The Emperor has frequently expressed a wish to communicate with our Sovereign, but the publicity to which his sentiments must be exposed in the present routine of British diplomacy, deters him from it, and restricts or diminishes the intercourse between the two countries.[187]
By way of shewing the extreme disadvantages under which our negotiations are carried on with the Barbary powers, I will relate a circumstance which happened during the last embassy to Marocco; I do not mean to say any thing prejudicial to Mr. Matra, who conducted that embassy; he was a man of capacity, and understood the nature of the court, as well as a long residence in the country, without a knowledge of the language, could enable him: he was attended by a Jewish interpreter, a subject of Marocco, who was required by the Emperor to wear the dress of his tribe,[188] but being in the suite of the Ambassador, and his interpreter, Mr. Matra repeated his injunction to the Emperor, alleging, that as he was in his immediate service, he was, and ought to be considered as, a British subject, and therefore entitled to wear the dress which the Jews of Great Britain wore: this argument was admitted by the Emperor, and the Jew was accordingly permitted to appear before him in the English dress. This was certainly a point gained by the Ambassador, and might have been the prelude to more considerable concessions, had it been judiciously followed up; indeed, the Emperor was desirous to temporise with the English, and treated the Ambassador and his suite in a better style than he had done any former one, and, as I was credibly informed, even permitted Mr. Matra to sit down by him, an honour never before conferred on any but a prince. Much affability and politeness of this kind was terminated by a long treaty of peace and amity, written in Arabic, but which unluckily nobody in the Ambassador’s suite could properly understand, except by circuitous and inaccurate explanation by a Moor to the Jew interpreter, and then from him to the consul; the latter, however, being dissatisfied with it, was persuaded to entrust it to a Spanish student, who, instead of giving an accurate translation to the Ambassador, sent one, as it was reported, to Madrid, kept the paper a month, and then returned it to Mr. Matra, so that the whole treaty was known at Madrid before it was known at London, or even by the Ambassador himself at Tangier! and in this manner, I am sorry to say, are our affairs conducted at Marocco. In short, I am well persuaded, that so long as gentlemen are sent to the Barbary powers as ambassadors or consuls, and remain there four or five years before they can make themselves sufficiently acquainted with the complection of the Mohammedan courts and intrigues, not to say the language, which but very few are at all likely ever to acquire sufficiently to hold colloquial intercourse at Court: we must not expect to gain any considerable commercial or political advantages with these countries.
It may also be necessary here to observe, that there are various expressions, not considered indelicate, among Europeans, which ought not to be used before the Ceed, or Emperor, by any one who is desirous to negociate advantageously. I have known a negociation totally frustrated by one trifling, or incautious expression. Accuracy of pronunciation, and refinement of expression, added to easy and affable manners, and a good person, would be attended with incalculable advantages in negociations at this court, the language, as well as the manners and customs of which, although fixed and regulated by invariable rules, are unknown and unattended to by the nations of Europe, at least by those of the North: and this I conceive to be one of the reasons why a negociation with the Court of Marocco seldom or ever terminates advantageously to the European negociator.
In treaties of peace between any European power and the Sultan of Marocco, one of the clauses always affects to protect the subject: so in the English treaties, if an Englishman residing in the empire commit any misdemeanor, he is not to be judged by the Mohammedan law, but by that of his own country, and is to be delivered up to the Consul until satisfaction be given; From the supineness of Consuls, however, this clause, as well as many others, has been often disregarded, and the wording altogether misunderstood or misconstrued.
As various reports have gone abroad relative to the affair of Mr. A. Layton, a British merchant at Mogodor, having had his teeth pulled out by order of the Emperor, it may be interesting to set that transaction in its true light.
Mr. A. Layton was the chief partner in a house of considerable capital and respectability; the other partners were Frenchmen, who having had official notice given them, that as the King of France had broken off all connection with Marocco, the French merchants should quit the country, or seek some other protection; accordingly, the affairs of this House being extended in the country, various impediments rose against their quitting their establishment suddenly; they proposed therefore to take Mr. A. Layton as a partner under the firm of A. Layton and Co. making it by this stratagem an English house. One afternoon the three partners, A. Layton, Secard, and Barré, together with a clerk, went out on horseback with some greyhounds belonging to the former; and in returning towards Mogodor, one of the dogs attacked a calf belonging to a neighbouring village; a Shelluh, who was the owner of the calf, shot the dog; on this a fray ensued, and the village was soon in an uproar; in the scuffle some Shelluh women were seen to throw stones, and Mr. Barré was considerably bruised: Layton also received and gave several blows. The party returned to Mogodor, when Layton immediately made a complaint to the Governor, who promised him justice should be done, and accordingly sent for the parties, who on their part insisted on justice being done to them, alleging, that a woman had had two of her teeth knocked out by Layton, and called out in the name of God and the Prophet for justice from the Emperor himself: this appeal obliged the Governor to write to the Emperor, and the parties were ordered up to Marocco: witnesses having been brought against Layton, who declared that he had knocked the woman’s teeth out with the thick end of his whip, the Emperor was compelled to order two of his teeth to be pulled out as a satisfaction to the lady for the loss of her’s: his Majesty, however, did not appear disposed to put the sentence into execution, but the people, who had assembled in immense numbers on this extraordinary occasion, exclaimed loudly for retaliation;[189] when the tooth drawer approached, Layton requested that he might have two of his back teeth taken out, in lieu of two of his front teeth, which request the Emperor granted. His Majesty was pleased with the courage with which Layton suffered the operation, and apologized to him the next day, and it was intimated, that he would not have allowed the sentence of the law to have been executed, had it not been necessary to allay the fury of the people; he then desired him to ask any favour, and he would grant it; Layton accordingly requested permission to load a cargo of wheat, which was granted, and, I believe, free of duty; he afterwards conferred on him similar favours, and wished so much to have him appointed British Consul, that he offered to request his Majesty to appoint him, but this Layton declined; the Emperor, however, often repeated to him this wish, alleging the advantages of negotiating with a person who could converse with him in his own language, and promising, in case of his accepting the appointment, to grant every favour that England should ask of him. Whether Layton felt himself not sufficiently supported by his country, after this personal outrage, or what other reason he had to refuse the repeated overtures of Seedy Mohammed, is not for me here to declare. Some general remonstrance was made by all the European Consuls collectively respecting this affair, and the Emperor, it appeared, would have made proper apology to the British Consul had it been demanded with energy and resolution; the influence of Great Britain suffered by not supporting her subject, and ever since this transaction, encroachments have been making on the privileges of Europeans, insomuch, that it is now a remark at the Court of Marocco, that, “If the European nations will not protect their own subjects, how can they expect that we should protect them? The Consuls at Tangier are of no use but to determine disputes of captures amongst the belligerent powers of Europe, which we do not understand, nor wish to interfere in, and if they refuse to adjust these matters they may all leave the country, they are of no further service to us.”[190]
FOOTNOTES:
[181]A caravan journey is 24 miles.
[182]The word kumise signifies the 5th day of the week.
[183]The (Delels) auctioneers, who sell the horses, have a mode of shewing them off to great advantage, so that if a person be not experienced in the purchase of them he will very often be imposed upon; to prevent which, the best judges, even the Arabs, give a small fee to the Delel, by way of purchasing his fidelity; and when this mode is adopted, he may be depended on as far as his judgment extends. When the horse has been rode up and down the market several times in different paces, he is sold to the highest bidder, who is immediately apprised of his purchase: he then repairs to the Cadi, or chief judge, and procures from the court of law a (Akad el beah) declaration of sale, which is signed by two (Ukils) attorneys, and confirmed by the Cadi at the bottom or left corner of the paper; the declaration expresses the purchase to be, for better or for worse, by the Arabic term Eladem fie el Kunshah, which, if literally rendered into English, means the bones in the sack or skin. The same custom is observed in the sale and purchase of mules, and other animals.
[184]Seven cubits make four yards English measure.
[185]1¾ cubit = 1 yard. To bring cubits into yards, multiply by 4, divide by 7.
[186]Viz. Tetuan and Rabat or Sallée.
[187]In a conversation with the Minister at Marocco for European affairs, his Excellency asked me if, in the event of his master’s writing to his Majesty, the latter would be able to get the letter interpreted; I answered in the affirmative, and a very polite and friendly letter was afterwards written, which requested an answer; but it remained here in the Secretary of State’s office, without any attention being paid to its contents, a mark of disrespect which gave great offence to the Emperor.
It appears to me extraordinary, that a language which is spoken over a much greater extent of country than any other on earth—a language combining all the powers and energy of the Greek and Latin, should be so little understood, that an Arabic letter written by the present Emperor of Marocco, to the King of Great Britain, actually lay in the Secretary of State’s office some months without being translated. The circumstance coming to the knowledge of the Chancellor of the Exchequer (the Right Hon. Spencer Percival), that gentleman expressed a wish to a friend of mine, to have a translation, and the letter was transmitted to me for that purpose. Doctor Buffé, who delivered it, assured me, it had been sent to one, if not both Universities, and to the post-office, but that, either from a difference in the punctuation of the characters, or in the language itself, no one could be found capable of rendering it into English. This statement, however unaccountable it may appear to many, was afterwards farther confirmed, by passports and other papers in African Arabic being sent to me for translations, the want of which had detained vessels in our ports, and caused merchants in London to suffer from a loss of markets.
[188]The Emperor being on horseback in the place of audience one day at Marocco, he perceived a man at a distance dressed in an European dress of scarlet and gold; he enquired if he was an Ambassador, and sent some of the people in waiting to know his business; he was found to be a Jew, which being reported to the Sultan, he was highly displeased, and ordered him to be stripped, and Jewish clothes put on; this was instantly performed, and orders were issued to every port in his dominions, that Jews should be allowed to appear only in their own dress, in order that they might not, in future, be mistaken for ambassadors, alleging, that nothing was more proper and agreeable to reason, than that a Mooselmin should dress in his costume, a Christian in his, and a Jew also in his, that it might be known, and not concealed, which was which!
[189]The laws of Mohammed, like those of Moses, adhere strictly to retaliation— “An eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth.”
[190]This observation was made a few years since by the prince Muley Teib, at that time Khaliff at Tangier, to shew the contempt in which he held the representatives of the European powers!
AN
ACCOUNT OF WRECKS,
AND THE
CAPTIVITY OF BRITISH SAILORS,
ON THE
WESTERN COAST OF AFRICA.
CHAPTER XII.
Shipwrecks on the Western Coast of Africa about Wedinoon and Sahara — State of the British and other Captives whilst in possession of the Saharawans, or roving Arabs of the Desert — Suggestion of the Author for the Alleviation of their Sufferings — Mode of their Redemption.
That part of the western coast of Africa, which lies between the latitudes of 20 and 32 degrees north, has been differently laid down in various charts, but, perhaps, never yet accurately. The Spaniards, who fish on this coast eastward of the Canary Islands, assure us that soundings are to be found quite across to the Continent; and there is a tradition among the Arabs, that in very remote ages those islands formed part of the African continent. In support of this tradition, it may be observed, that the aborigines of Lancerotta, one of the Canary islands situated about thirty-five leagues from this coast, resemble in manners, in physiognomy, in person, and in language the Shelluhs, inhabitants of South Atlas, and retain many of their customs.
That part of the coast, which lies between the above-mentioned latitudes, is a desert country interspersed with immense hills of loose and moveable sand, which are from time to time driven by the wind into various forms, and so impregnate the air with particles of sand for many miles out at sea, as to give to the atmosphere an appearance of hazy weather: navigators not aware of this circumstance, never suspect, during such appearances, that they are near land until they discover the breakers on the coast, which is so extremely flat, that one may walk a mile into the sea without being over the knees, so that ships strike when at a very considerable distance from the low-water mark; added to this, there is a current, which sets in from the west toward Africa, with inconceivable force and rapidity, with which the navigator being too often unacquainted, he loses his reckoning, and in the course of a night, perhaps, when he expects to clear the African coast in his passage southward, he is alarmed with the appearance of shoal water, and before he has time to recover himself, finds his ship aground, on a desert shore, where neither habitation nor human being is to be seen. In this state his fears are soon encreased by a persuasion that he must either perish in fighting a horde of wild Arabs, or submit to become their captive; for soon after a ship strikes, some wandering Arabs strolling from their respective duars in the Desert, perceive the masts from the sand hills; and without coming to the shore, repair to their hordes perhaps 30 or 40 miles off, to apprise them of the wreck; when they immediately assemble, arming themselves with daggers, guns, and cudgels. Sometimes two or three days or more elapse before they make their appearance on the coast, where they await the usual alternative of the crew either delivering themselves up to them, rather than perish with hunger, or throwing themselves into the sea. When the former takes place, quarrels frequently ensue among the Arabs, about the possession of the sailors, disputing for the captain or mate because he is better dressed, or discovers himself to them in some other way, and because they expect a larger ransom for him. They afterwards go in boats, and take every thing portable from the vessel, and then if the sea do not dash it to pieces, set fire to it, in order that it may not serve as a warning to the crews of other ships, and thereby save them from a similar misfortune.[191] Sometimes, in these wrecks, the poor seamen perceiving what savages they have to contend with, (though they are far from being so savage and inhospitable as their appearance indicates) determine on making resistance, and by means of cannon, small arms, &c. maintain a temporary defence, until a few falling from the superiority of numbers, they at length yield, and deliver themselves up.
Vessels bound to Senegal, the coast of Guinea, Sierra Leone, the Cape de Verde Islands, should vigilantly watch the currents that invariably set in from the west towards this deceitful coast, which has in times past and now continues to enveigle ships to destruction. A flat hazy coast difficult to be perceived at a distance is the bane of navigators, who too often terminate their hard fate on this coast, it is impossible sufficiently to impress on the minds of our valuable mariners the dangers of this coast, and their subsequent sufferings; sufferings which no tongue can utter, no pen can accurately describe.
About three leagues from this flat shore off Wedinoon, or the river Akassa, a bank of sand near the level of the water extends southward towards Cape Bojador, extremely dangerous to approach; moreover, I have reason to believe, that this coast is laid down too far to the eastward in all our maps.
The Arabs going nearly in a state of nature, wearing nothing but a cloth or rag to cover their nakedness, immediately strip their unhappy victims, and march them up the country barefooted, like themselves. The feet of Europeans, from their not being accustomed, like the Arabs, to this mode of travelling, soon begin to swell with the heat of the burning sand over which they pass; the Arab considering only his booty, does not give himself the trouble to enquire into the cause of this, but abstemious and unexhausted himself, he conceives his unfortunate captive will, by dint of fatigue and travelling, become so too. In these marches the Europeans suffer the pains of fatigue and hunger in a most dreadful degree; for the Arab will go 50 miles a day without tasting food, and at night will content himself with a little barley meal mixed with cold water: miserable fare for an English seaman, who (to use the term that is applied to the richest men among the Arabs) eats meat every day.
They carry the Christian captives about the Desert, to the different markets to sell them, for they very soon discover that their habits of life render them altogether unserviceable, or very inferior to the black slaves, which they procure from Timbuctoo. After travelling three days to one market, five to another, nay sometimes fourteen, they at length become objects of commercial speculation, and the itinerant Jew traders, who wander about from Wedinoon to sell their wares, find means to barter for them tobacco, salt, a cloth garment, or any other thing, just as a combination of circumstances may offer, and then return to Wedinoon with the purchase. If the Jew have a correspondent at Mogodor, he writes to him, that a ship had been wrecked, mentioning the flag or nation she belonged to, and requests him to inform the agent, or consul, of the nation of which the captain is a subject; in the mean time flattering the poor men, that they will shortly be liberated and sent to Mogodor, where they will meet their countrymen: a long and tedious servitude, however, generally follows, for want of a regular fund at Mogodor for the redemption of these people. The agent can do nothing but write to the consul-general at Tangier; this takes up nearly a month, before an answer is received, and the merchants at Mogodor being so little protected by their respective governments, and having various immediate uses for their money, are very unwilling to advance it for the European interest of five per cent.: so that the time lost in writing to the government of the country to whom the unfortunate captives belong, the necessity of procuring the money for their purchase previous to their emancipation, and various other circumstances, form impediments to their liberation. Sometimes, after being exchanged several times from one owner to another, they find themselves in the inmost recesses of the desert, their patience is exhausted, the tardiness and supineness of diplomacy effaces all hope, and after producing despondency, they are at length, under promises of good treatment, induced to abjure Christianity, and accordingly become Mooselmin; after which their fate is sealed, and they terminate their miserable existence, rendered insupportable by a chain of calamities, in the Desert, to the disgrace of Christendom, and the nation under whose colours they navigated. If the interest of the munificent bequest of Mr. Thomas Betton, (who himself experienced during his life the calamity of bondage in Barbary), which now amounts, at simple interest, to 55,900l., had been appropriated, agreeably to the spirit of his will,[192] to the alleviation of the dreadful sufferings; to shortening the duration of captivity; to establishing (with the Emperor of Marocco’s consent) a respectable resident agent, who, to a knowledge of the country, people, and language, added such a philanthropic disposition, as would induce him to exert his utmost energies towards the emancipation of these poor unfortunate men, and direct his time and attention exclusively to this charitable and laudable object, how many an unfortunate Englishman would have been delivered from bondage? how many of our valuable countrymen would have returned to their families and connections? how many valuable sailors would be navigating on the ocean, who, dreadful to relate, are now bereft of all hope of ever again seeing their native land, and are dragging out a miserable existence in the interior of the wild, uncouth African Desert? It is true, that a competent agent would, with difficulty, be found; the inducements of African commerce have not led many of our countrymen to exile themselves from civilized society, to pass their days in regions like these; but where remuneration is offered adequate to the sacrifice, an efficient agent might probably be procured, whose philanthropic soul, glowing with the anticipation of relieving so many useful members of society; of being instrumental in alleviating the hard sufferings of so many fellow creatures, would exult in self-satisfaction, and would experience, in the accomplishment of this great and national object, pleasures
“compared with which
“The laurels that a Cæsar reaps are weeds.”
Cowper.
I knew an instance where a merchant of Mogodor (Mr. James Renshaw) had advanced the money for one of these captives, who, had his ransom not been paid by him to the Arab, would have been obliged to return to the south, where he would have been sold, or compelled to embrace the Mohammedan religion; for the British Vice-Consul had not the purchase money, nor any orders to redeem him, having previously sent to the Consul-General an account of the purchase of the rest of the crew. This man was delivered up by the merchant who had redeemed him, to the British Vice-Consul, to whom he looked for payment; various applications were made to the Consul-General, but the money was not paid two years afterwards, all applications to government having failed; a representation of the case was next made to the Ironmongers company in London,[192] which agreed to pay the merchant the money he had advanced. The purchase-money in this case was paid to me as agent for Mr. Renshaw, and including the cost of clothes (for the man was naked when purchased) did not amount altogether to forty pounds; there was, however, so much trouble attending the accomplishment of the business, that no individual merchant has since ventured to make an advance on a similar security; for, not to mention the difficulty of recovering the principal at the expiration of a long period, the value of money is such at Mogodor, that merchants are unwilling to advance it at a low interest, six per cent. per month being often paid for it. It is in this manner that the subjects of a great maritime power have been neglected in a country where, by adopting some judicious regulations, all the hardships of bondage, and the privations which necessarily follow in a barren country, might be prevented.
The coast of Noon or Wedinoon extends to the southward nearly as far as Cape Bojador. The Wed Akassa, or river Akassa, (which is erroneously called in the maps the river Nun, and in some Daradus), is a large stream from the sea to the town of Noon, which is about fifteen miles inland, and about two miles in circumference; from hence the river becomes shallow and narrow; it is to the southward of this river, that the ships are generally wrecked. Between the river Akassa and the province of Ait Bamaran in Suse, is a peninsula extending into the ocean, resembling that on which Mogodor is built, where are the remains of a fort built formerly by the Portuguese, but evacuated by them at the time they discovered America; they afterwards endeavoured to obtain possession of it, for the purpose of establishing a commercial factory, but the natives objected to the proposal. The French have been endeavouring to establish a settlement here at the nearest point of coast to Timbuctoo, with which emporium they are anxious to become better acquainted. The district of Wedinoon is nominally in the Emperor of Marocco’s dominions, but lately no army having been sent farther south than Terodant, the Bashaw Alkaid Mohammed ben Delemy being deceased, this district has suffered neglect, and I apprehend the people pay no taxes or tenths; the Emperor has even lately ordered his Bashaw of Haha to purchase the British slaves that had been wrecked there. This place being thus only nominally in his dominions is another impediment to the redemption of the mariners who happen to be shipwrecked about Wedinoon, for if the Emperor had the same authority over this district, that he has over the provinces north of the river Suse, measures might be adopted by the Consul, acting under his orders, for their delivery, without pecuniary disbursement.
Whilst the Europeans remain in the hands of the Arabs and Jews, they are employed in various domestic services, such as bringing water, possibly the distance of nine or ten miles, to the habitation, and in collecting fire-wood. In performing these offices, their feet, being bare, and treading on the heated sand, become blistered and inflamed, the sandy particles penetrate into these blisters when broken, and irritate in such a manner as sometimes to cause mortification, and death. The young lads, of which there are generally two or three in every ship’s crew, are generally seduced by the Arabs to become Mohammedans; in this case, the Sheick or chief of the duar adopts him, and initiates him in the Koran, by sending him to the (Mdursa) seminary, where he learns to read the sacred volume, and is instructed in the pronunciation of the Arabic language; he is named after the Sheick who adopts him, after which an Arabian woman is offered to him as a wife; he marries, has a family, and becomes one of the clan, thus abandoning for ever the religion of his father, his native country, and his connexions.
The state of domestic comfort enjoyed by Christians established in West Barbary or Marocco is far from being impeded by those degrading distinctions practised in Egypt and other Mohammedan countries, where they are not allowed to ride on horses (the prophet’s beast), to wear green (the prophet’s colour,) &c. &c.; here they may do either: they may even enter towns on horseback, a privilege, however, which was not granted till of late years: Mons. Chenier, the French consul, first broke through this degrading custom, for being opposed by the gate-keepers at Saffy, he drew his sword, and forced his entrance, adding, that no one should stop the representative of the King of France: and when I went to Agadeer, by order of the Sultan Muley Yezzid, to establish a commercial intercourse with Holland, on my arrival at the gate, the Bashaw’s son objected to my entering on horseback, alleging, that it was near a sanctuary, and that Christians had never been allowed to enter the gate on horseback; I immediately turned my horse, ordered the baggage to be put on board the ship from which I had just landed, and declared, that I would not reside in any town, where I was not on an equal footing with a Mooselmin: but the old Bashaw, El Hayanie, a man of ninety years of age, sent two of his sons to request me to return: “Old customs,” said he, (when I afterwards met him at the gate,) “are abolished; we wish to see this place flourish with commerce, as in its former establishment; enter and go out on horseback when ever you please;” accordingly, ever since this circumstance, Christians have been allowed to enter the town on horseback: they may ride about the country in safety, and amuse themselves in the sports of the field; they are not obliged to stop at the approach of a Bashaw or his family, or to alight till the great man has passed;[193] it is expected that he salute him in his own country fashion, by taking off his hat, which, however, is considered by Mooselmin (unaccustomed to Christians) much in the same light that we should a man taking off his wig; for they go uncovered in presence of the Emperor, or wear a red cap, which is a substitute for a wig, their heads being shaved.
Of the vessels wrecked from time to time on the coast of the Desert, or Sahara, many are probably never heard of; but if any of the crew survive their hardships, they are induced, seeing no prospect of emancipation, to become Mahommedans, and nothing is afterwards known or heard of them; the vessel is supposed by its owners to have foundered at sea, and all passes into oblivion. Of vessels whose loss has been learnt by any chance (such as that of the sailors falling into the hands of Wedinoon Jews, or Moors), there may have been from the year 1790, to the year 1806, thirty of different nations, part of whose crews have afterwards found their way to Marocco, and given some account of their catastrophe; these may be thus divided,
| English | 17 |
| French | 5 |
| American | 5 |
| Dutch, Danish, Swedish, &c. | 3 |
Of the English vessels the crews probably amounted to 200 men and boys, who may be thus accounted for:
| Young men and boys either drowned, killed, or induced to embrace the Mohammedan religion | 40 |
| Old men and others killed by the Arabs in the first scuffle, when making opposition, or defending themselves! also drowned in getting ashore | 40 |
| Dispersed in various parts of the Desert, after a lapse of time, in consequence of the Consul making no offers sufficiently advantageous to induce the Arabs to bring them to Mogodor (which should always be done as soon as possible after the wreck, and a price given superior to that of a native slave) | 40 |
| 120 | |
| Redeemed after a tedious existence among the Arabs of from one to five years, or more, originating from various causes, such as a want of application being made through the proper channel, want of remitting money for their purchase, or want of a competent agent settled on the coast. | 80 |
If any nation of Europe ought to enquire into the mode of remedying this evil, it is certainly Great Britain, whose influence at the Court of Marocco, by adopting a judicious system, might be made very considerable and advantageous to the country; a small sum would be sufficient at Mogodor (if the expense of an express agent for this particular purpose were disapproved), if deposited in the hands of the Vice-Consul, or any merchant of respectability, where it might remain ready to be employed in the purchase of these unfortunate people, and by allowing a sum rather above the price of a black slave, the Arabs would immediately bring them to Mogodor, knowing they could depend on an adequate price; by this means they might be procured for half what they now cost; and it would be an infinitely better plan than that of soliciting the Emperor to procure them through the Bashaw of Suse; for, besides the delay, and consequent protracted sufferings of the captives, the favour is undoubtedly considered by the Emperor as incalculably more than the cost and charges of their purchase.[194]
It is generally a month or two before the news of a shipwreck reaches Mogodor, at which time, if a fund were there deposited, in the hands of a competent agent, a hundred and fifty dollars would be sufficient to purchase each man; yet, often from the scarcity of specie, or the various commercial demands which the merchants have for their money, they have it not in their power (however philanthropically disposed) to redeem these poor men: and if they do, it is at their own risk, and they must necessarily wait to know if the government chooses to reimburse their expenses.
FOOTNOTES:
[191]I will here mention a stratagem by which a sailor, a few years since, saved a ship on this coast, as it may be of use to some future navigator:—The vessel was stranded, and one of the crew being a Spaniard, who had been used to fish there from the Canaries, advised the Captain to let go an anchor, as if the vessel were riding and in safety: some Arabs coming on board, the captain told them to bring their gums and other produce, for that they were come to trade with them, and were going away again in a few days; as it happened to be low water, the vessel on the return of the tide floated, they then weighed anchor, and set sail, leaving the Arabs astonished at their unexpected departure.
[192]Mr. Thomas Betton, of Hoxton-square, a Turkey merchant, by his will, dated in 1724, devised to the Ironmongers Company in trust about 26,000l. one moiety of the interest and profit thereof to be perpetually employed in the redemption of British captives from Moorish slavery. See Maitland’s History of London. See also Mr. Betton’s will proved at Doctor’s Commons 15th June 1725, by his executors, viz by John Cox, and four others of the Ironmongers Company.
[193]This latter is expected by a prince of the first dignity; but I have often passed princes on horseback without being required to alight: on such occasions I uncovered, and bowed in the European manner.
[194]As a further proof of the practicability of establishing an advantageous alliance with the present Emperor, it should be here observed, that his predecessors often obliged the English to send an ambassador, with presents, &c. to solicit the liberation of British seamen; but Muley Soliman gives them up to the British consul, without exacting such kind of remuneration.
CHAPTER XIII.
Commercial Relations of the Empire of Marocco with Timbuctoo, and other Districts of Soudan — Route of the Caravans to and from Soudan — Of the City of Timbuctoo — The Productive Gold Mines in its Vicinage — Of the navigable Intercourse between Jinnie and Timbuctoo; and from the latter to Cairo in Egypt: the whole being collected from the most authentic and corroborating testimonies of the Guides of the Caravans, Itinerant Merchants of Soudan, and other creditable sources of Intelligence.
Timbuctoo,[195] the great emporium of central Africa, has from time immemorial carried on a very extensive and lucrative trade with the various maritime States of North Africa, viz. Marocco, Tunis, Algier, Tripoli, Egypt, &c. by means of (akkabaahs) accumulated caravans, which cross the great Desert of Sahara, generally between the months of September and April inclusive; these akkabaahs consist of several hundred loaded camels, accompanied by the Arabs who let them to the merchants, for the transport of their merchandize to Fas, Marocco, &c. at a very low rate. During their route, they are often exposed to the attacks of the roving Arabs of Sahara, who generally commit their depredations as they approach the confines of the Desert.
Pl. XIII.
Map shewing the Tract as followed by the Caravans from Fas to Timbuctoo by Jas. G. Jackson, 1811.
London Published Augst. 30th. 1811. by G. & W. Nicoll Pall Mall.
In this fatiguing journey, the akkabaahs do not proceed in a direct line across the trackless Desert to the place of their destination, but turn occasionally eastward or westward, according to the situation of certain fertile, inhabited, and cultivated spots, interspersed in various parts of Sahara, like islands in the ocean, called Oas,[196] or Oases; these serve as watering-places to the men, as well as to feed, refresh, and replenish the hardy and patient camel: at each of these Oases, the akkabaah sojourns about seven days, and then proceeds on its journey, until it reaches another spot of the same description. In the intermediate journies, the hot and impetuous winds denominated Shume,[197] convert the Desert into a moveable sea, aptly denominated by the Arabs (El Bahar billa maa), a sea without water, more dangerous than the perfidious waves of the ocean. In the midst of the latter the pilot always entertains some hopes, but in these parching Deserts, the traveller never expects safety, but from the cessation of the wind. If it continues, the most numerous caravans are often buried under mountains of sand, which, like the tempestuous billows in a storm, advance in an undulating manner, stopping and accumulating wherever they find the smallest substance to impede their progress, insomuch that in a few hours a mountain of sand is thus accumulated, where it was before an uninterrupted plain, then the wind shifting, scatters in the air these newly constructed mountains, forming amidst this chaos dreadful gulphs and yawning abysses; the traveller continually deceived by the aspect of the place, can discover his situation only by the position of the stars; moreover the desiccating nature of these winds is such, that they exhale the water carried in skins by the camels for the use of the passengers and drivers; on these occasions, the Arabs and people of Soudan affirm, that 500 dollars have been given for a draught of water, and that 10 or 20 are commonly given when a partial exhalation has occurred.
In 1805, a caravan proceeding from Timbuctoo to Tafilelt, was disappointed, in not finding water at one of the usual watering-places, when, horrible to relate, the whole of the persons belonging to it, 2000 in number, besides 1800 camels, perished of thirst! Accidents of this sort account for the vast quantities of human and other bones which are found mingled together in various parts of the Desert.
It is generally affirmed, that the guides, to whom the charge of conducting these numerous and accumulated caravans is committed, in their routes to and from Marocco, direct their course by the scent of the sandy earth; but I could never discover any reasonable foundation for such an opinion, and apprehend it to be an artful invention of their own, to impose on the credulity of this superstitious and ignorant people, and thus to enhance the value of their knowledge. These guides possess some idea of astrology, and the situation of certain stars, and being enabled by the two pointers to ascertain the polar star, they can by that unvarying guide steer their course with considerable precision, preferring often travelling in the night, rather than under the suffocating heat of the effulgent meridian sun.
When the akkabaah reaches Akka, the first station on this side of the Desert, and situated on the confines thereof, in Lower Suse, which is a part of Bled-el-jerrêde, the camels and guides are discharged, and others there hired to proceed to Fas, Marocco, Terodant, Tafilelt, and other places.
The akkabaahs perform the traverse of the Desert, including their sojournments at El-wahaht, or Oases, in about 130 days. Proceeding from the city of Fas, they go at the rate of 3½ miles an hour, and travel seven hours a day; they reach Wedinoon, Tatta, or Akka in eighteen days, where they remain a month, as the grand accumulated akkabaah proceeds from the latter place.
In going from Akka to Tagassa[198] they employ sixteen days, here sojourning fifteen days more to replenish their camels; they then proceed to the Oasis and Well of Taudeny, which they reach in seven days; here again they remain fifteen days; their next route is to Arawan, another watering place, which they reach in seven days; here they sojourn fifteen days; and then proceed and reach Timbuctoo the sixth day, making a journey of fifty-four days actual travelling, and of seventy-five days repose, being altogether, from Fas to Timbuctoo, one hundred and twenty-nine days, or four lunar months and nine days.[199]
There is another akkabaah which sets out from Wedinoon and Sok Assa, and traversing the Desert between the black mountains of Cape Bojador and Gualata, touches at Tagassa, El Garbie (both g’s guttural, being the letter غ), or West Tagassa, and staying there to collect salt, proceeds to Timbuctoo. The time occupied by this akkabaah is five or six months, as it goes as far as Jibbel-el-biëd, or the White Mountains, near Cape Blanco, through the desert of Mograffra and Woled Abbusebah, to a place called Agadeen,[200] where it sojourns twenty days.
The akkabaahs which cross the Desert may be compared to our fleets of merchant vessels under convoy, the (stata) convoy of the Desert being two or more Arabs, belonging to the tribe through whose territory the caravan passes; thus, in passing the territory of Woled Abbusebah, they are accompanied by two Sebayhées, or people of that country, who on reaching the confines of the territory of Woled Delim, receive a remuneration, and return, delivering them to the protection of two chiefs of Woled Deleim; these again conducting them to the confines of the territory of the Mograffra Arabs, to whose care they deliver them, and so on, till they reach Timbuctoo: any assault made against the akkabaah during this journey, is considered as an insult to the whole clan to which the (stata) convoy belongs, and for which they never fail to seek ample revenge.
Besides these grand accumulated caravans, there are others which cross the Desert, on any emergency, without a stata or guard of soldiers: but this is a perilous expedition, and they are too often plundered near the northern confines of the Desert, by two notorious tribes, called Dikna and Emjot.[201] These ferocious hordes are most cruel and sanguinary, poor and miserable, ignorant of their situation, but unsubdued and free; when they attack the akkabaahs they generally succeed; sometimes they put all the persons to death, except those whom they cannot pursue. In the year 1798, an akkabaah consisting of two thousand camels loaded with Soudanic produce, together with seven hundred slaves, was plundered and dispersed, and many were killed. These desperate attacks are conducted in the following manner: a whole clan picket their horses at the entrance of their tents, and send out scouts to give notice when an akkabaah is likely to pass; these being mounted on the Heirie, or Shrubba Er’reeh, quickly communicate the intelligence, and the whole clan mount their horses, taking with them a sufficient number of (niag) female camels, to supply them with food (they living altogether on the milk of that animal); they place themselves somewhere in ambush near an oasis, or watering-place, from whence they issue on the arrival of the akkabaah, which they plunder of every thing, leaving the unfortunate merchants, if they spare their lives, entirely destitute.
Those who have philosophy enough to confine their wants solely to what nature requires, would view the individual happiness of the people who compose the caravans, with approbation. Their food, dress, and accommodation, are simple and natural; proscribed from the use of wine, and intoxicating liquors, by their religion, and exhorted by its principles to temperance, they are commonly satisfied with a few nourishing dates, and a draft of water; and they will travel for weeks successively without any other food; at other times, a little barley meal and cold water is the extent of their provision, when they undertake a journey of a few weeks across the Desert; living in this abstemious manner, they never complain, but solace themselves with a hope of reaching their native country, singing occasionally during the journey, whenever they approach any habitation, or whenever the camels appear fatigued; these songs are usually sung in trio, and in the chorus all the camel drivers, who have a musical voice, join; it is worthy observation, how much these songs renovate the camels, and the symphony and time they keep surpasses what any one would imagine, who had not heard them. In traversing the Desert they generally contrive to terminate the day’s journey at l’Asaw a term which they appropriate to our four o’clock, P.M. so that between that period and the setting sun, the tents are pitched, prayers said, and the (Lashaw) supper got ready; after which they sit round in a circle, and talk till sleep overcomes them, and next morning, at break of day, they proceed again on their journey.
The Arabic language, as spoken by the camel-drivers, is peculiarly sweet and soft; the guttural and harsh letters are softened, and with all its energy and perspicuity, when pronounced by them, is as soft, and more sonorous than the Italian; it approaches the ancient Korannick language, and has suffered but little alteration these twelve hundred years. The Arabs of Moraffra, and those of Woled Abbusebah, frequently hold an extempore conversation in poetry, at which the women are adepts, and never fail to shew attention to those young Arabs who excel in this intellectual and refined amusement.[202]
The articles transported by the company of merchants trading from Fas to Timbuctoo, are principally as follows: various kinds of German linens, viz. plattilias, rouans, brettanias, muslins of different qualities, particularly muls, Irish linens, cambricks, fine cloths of particular colours, coral beads, amber beads, pearls, Bengal raw silk, brass nails, coffee, fine Hyson teas, refined sugar, and various manufactures of Fas and Tafilelt, viz. shawls and sashes of silk and gold, hayks of silk, of cotton and silk mixed, of cotton and of wool; also an immense quantity of (hayk filelly) Tafilelt hayks, a particularly light and fine manufacture of that place, and admirably adapted to the climate of Soudan; to these may be added red woollen caps, the general covering of the head, turbans, Italian silks, nutmegs, cloves, ginger, and pepper; Venetian beads, cowries, and a considerable quantity of tobacco and salt, the produce of Barbary and Bled-el-jerrêde.
The produce of Soudan, returned by the akkabaahs, for the above articles, consists principally in gold dust, twisted gold rings of Wangara,[203] gold rings made at Jinnie,[204] bars of gold, elephants’ teeth, gum of Soudan, (guza Saharawie) grains of Sahara, called by Europeans grains of paradise, odoriferous gums, called el b’korr’h Soudan, much esteemed by the Arabs for fumigating, to which they ascribe many virtues; a great number of slaves, purchased at Timbuctoo, from the Wangareen, Houssonian, and other slatees,[205] who bring them from those regions which border on the Jibbel Kumra,[206] or Mountains of the Moon, a chain which, with little or no intermission, runs through the continent of Africa from west to east, viz. from Assentee in the west, to Abyssinia in the east.
Ostrich feathers and ambergris are collected on the confines of the Desert, and are added to the merchandize before mentioned. The gold jewels of Jinnie[207] are denominated by the Arabs El Herrez, from the supposed charm they contain; they are invariably of pure gold, and some of them of exquisite workmanship, and of various forms, but hollow in the middle for the purpose of containing the Herrez, or amulet, which consists of passages from the Koran, arranged in some geometrical figure, on paper, which being enclosed in the gold jewel, is suspended from the neck, or tied round the arms, legs, or elsewhere. These charms have various and particular powers attributed to them, some insuring the wearer against the effects of an evil eye, others from an evil mind; some are intended to secure a continuation of prosperity and happiness, or to avert misfortune, whilst others secure to the wearer health and strength. This superstition, and predilection for charms, pervades the greater part of Africa: thus, in the northern maritime states, in Suse, and other parts of Bled-el-jerrêde, the fakeers, or saints, attach half a hundred Herrez (without, however, the gold covering, for which they substitute a leathern one) to different parts of their body, and even to the horses: at Marocco I have seen eleven round one horse’s neck.[208] The inhabitants of these countries imagine no disorder incident to mankind can attack either man or beast without the aid of some (jin) spirit, or departed soul, or (drubba del’ain) an evil eye.
The slaves brought by the akkabaahs are more or less valuable in Barbary, according to their beauty and symmetry of person, and also according to their age, and the country from whence they are procured: thus a Wangareen slave is not worth so much as one from Houssa; the former being a gross, stupid people, little superior in understanding to the brute creation, whilst those of Houssa are intelligent, industrious, acute, and possess a peculiarly open and noble countenance, having prominent noses, and expressive black eyes: those of Wangara, on the contrary, have large mouths, thick lips, broad flat noses, and heavy eyes. A young girl of Houssa, of exquisite beauty, was once sold at Marocco, whilst I was there, for four hundred ducats,[209] whilst the average price of slaves is about one hundred, so much depends on the fancy, or the imagination of the purchaser.
These slaves are treated very differently from the unhappy victims who used to be transported from the coast of Guinea, and our settlements on the Gambia, to the West India islands. After suffering those privations, which all who traverse the African Desert must necessarily and equally submit to, masters as well as servants and slaves, they are conveyed to Fas and Marocco, and after being exhibited in the sook, or public market place, they are sold to the highest bidder, who carries them to his home, where, if found faithful, they are considered as members of the family, and allowed an intercourse with the (horraht) free-born women of the household. Being in the daily habit of hearing the Arabic language spoken, they soon acquire a partial knowledge of it, and the Mohammedan religion teaching the unity of God, they readily reject paganism, and embrace Mohammedanism; their Mooselmin masters then instil into their vacant minds, ready to receive the first impression, the fundamental principles of the Mooselmin doctrine; the more intelligent learn to read and write, and afterwards acquire a partial knowledge of the Koran; and such as can read and understand one chapter, from that time procure their emancipation from slavery, and the master exults in having converted an infidel, and in full faith, expects favour from heaven for the action, and for having liberated a slave. When these people do not turn their minds to reading, and learning the principles of Mohammedanism, they generally obtain their freedom after eight or ten years servitude; for the more conscientious Mooselmin consider them as servants, and purchase them for about the same sum that they would pay in wages to a servant during the above period, at the expiration of which term, by giving them their liberty, they, according to their religious opinions, acquire a blessing from God, for having done an act, which a Mooselmin considers more meritorious in the sight of Heaven, than the sacrifice of a goat, or even of a camel. This liberation is entirely voluntary on the part of the owner; and I have known some slaves so attached to their masters from good treatment, that when they have been offered their liberty, they have actually refused it, preferring to continue in servitude. It should not, however, be supposed, that the Arabs and Moors are always inclined thus to liberate these degraded people; on the contrary, some of them, particularly the latter, are obdurate, and make an infamous traffic of them, by purchasing, and afterwards intermarrying them, for the purposes of propagation and of sale, when they are placed in the public market-place, and there turned about, and examined, in order to ascertain their value.
The eunuchs which the Emperor and princes keep to superintend their respective Horems, are, for the most part, procured from the vicinage of Senaar in Soudan; these creatures have shrill effeminate voices: they are emasculated in a peculiar manner, and sometimes in such a way, as not to be incapacitated from cohabiting with women;[210] they are in general very fat and gross, and from the nature of the charge committed to them, become very confidential servants: indeed their fidelity is surpassed only by their unbounded insolence. I knew one of these creatures, who was chief of the eunuchs superintending the Horem of Muley Abd Salam,[211] at Agadeer, who was one hundred and ten years old; he was then upright, and walked about without a stick.
Persons unaccustomed to, or unacquainted with, the mode of living in Africa, may imagine the expense and trouble of conveying the slaves across the Desert, would be more than the advantage derivable from their sale; but it must be recollected that these people are very abstemious, particularly whilst travelling; ten dollars expended in rice in Wangara is sufficient for a year’s consumption for one person; the wearing apparel is alike œconomical, a pair of drawers, and sometimes a vest, forming all the clothing necessary in traversing the Desert.
It is not ascertained when the communication between Barbary and Soudan was first opened, yet it is certain, that the enterprising expedition of Muley Arsheede to the latter country[212] tended considerably to encrease and encourage the exchange of commodities, and caused the establishment of the company of Fas merchants, at Fas, as well as that of their factory at Timbuctoo, which has continued to increase and flourish ever since.
The circulating medium at Timbuctoo is (tibber) gold dust, which is exchanged for merchandize, thus a plattilia is worth 20 mizans[213] of gold: a piece of Irish linen, of 25 yards, is worth 30 mizans: and loaf sugar is worth 40 mizans of gold per quintal.
Having in some measure explained the nature of the trade with Timbuctoo, we may now proceed to discuss the extent of its territory, and although this does not appear to have been ascertained, yet it may be said to extend northward to the confines of Sahara, or the Desert; a tract of country about ninety miles in breadth; the western boundary is one hundred and thirty miles west of the city, and the eastern extends to the Bahar Soudan, or the Sea of Soudan, which is a lake formed by the Nile El Abeede, whose opposite shore is not discernible; this is the description given of it by the Soudanees, who have visited it; on its opposite or eastern shore begins the territory of white people hereafter mentioned, denominated by the Arabs (N’sarrath) Christians, or followers of Jesus of Nazareth: south of the river is another territory of immense extent, the boundary of which extends to Lamlem, or Melli, which latter is reported to be inhabited by one of the lost, or missing tribes of Israel.
The city of Timbuctoo is situated on a plain, surrounded by sandy eminences, about twelve miles north of the Nile El Abeede,[214] or Nile of the Blacks, and three (erhellat) days journey from the confines of Sahara: the city is about twelve miles in circumference, but without walls. A ditch or excavation, about four cubits in depth, and the same in breadth, but without water, circumscribes the city. The town of Kabra, situated on the banks of the river, is its commercial depot, or port. By means of a water carriage east and west of Kabra, great facility is given to the trade of Timbuctoo, from whence the various articles of European, as well as Barbary manufactures brought by the akkabaahs from the north of Africa, are distributed to the different empires and states of Soudan, and the south. This great mart is resorted to by all nations, whither they bring the various products of their respective countries, to barter for the European and Barbary manufactures.
The houses of Timbuctoo have, for the most part, no upper apartments: they are spacious, and of a square form, with an opening in the centre, surrounded by a gallery similar to the houses at Fas and Marocco; they have no windows, as the doors, which are lofty and wide, opening in the gallery before mentioned, admit sufficient light to the rooms when thrown open. The walls of the houses are erected thus: they put boards on each side of the wall, supported by stakes driven in the ground, or attached to other stakes laid transversely across the wall, the intermediate space is then filled with sand, mud, and lime, and beat down with large wooden mallets till it becomes hard and compact: the cases are left on for a day or two; they then take them off, and move them higher up, until the wall be finished, which is generally erected to the heighth of eight or nine cubits.[215] Contiguous to the house door is a building consisting of two rooms, called a Duaria, in which visitors are received and entertained, so that they see nothing of the women, who are extremely handsome. The men are so excessively jealous of their wives, that, when the latter visit a relation, they are obliged to muffle themselves up in every possible way to disguise their persons; their face also is covered with their garment, through which they peep with one eye to discover their way.
In various parts of the city are spacious (fondaque) caravanseras, built on a plan similar to that of the houses, having a gallery round the area, the access to which is by stairs: the rooms which surround and open into the gallery are very numerous, and are hired by merchants and strangers for themselves and their merchandize. These are private property, and the rooms are let each for about twenty okiat, or two dollars per month; the agent of the proprietor of the fondaque usually resides in some apartment, in order to accommodate the strangers with provisions and other necessaries, having messengers, or porters, who perform the domestic offices of the house until the strangers become settled, and have leisure to provide themselves with domestics, or to purchase slaves from the market to cook their victuals, clean their rooms, and attend their persons, whilst they are employed in bartering and exchanging their commodities till they have invested the whole in Soudanic produce, which they endeavour to accomplish by autumn (September), in order to be ready for the akkabaah, either to proceed to Marocco, Cairo, Jidda,[216] or elsewhere.
The king, whose authority has been acknowledged at Timbuctoo ever since the death of Muley Ismael, Emperor of Marocco, is the sovereign of Bambarra; the name of this potentate in 1800 was Woolo; he is a black, and a native of the country which he governs; his usual place of residence is Jinnie, though he has three palaces in Timbuctoo, which are said to contain an immense quantity of gold. Many of the civil appointments at Timbuctoo, since the decease of Muley Ismael before mentioned, and the consequent decline of the authority of the Emperor of Marocco, have been filled by Moors of Maroquin origin;[217] but the military appointments, since the above period, have been entirely among negroes of Bambarra, appointed by the King Woolo; the inhabitants are also for the most part Negroes, who possess much of the Arab hospitality, and pride themselves in being attentive to strangers. The various costumes exhibited in the market-places and streets, indicate the variety and extent of the commercial intercourse with the different nations of central Africa; the individuals being each habited in the dress of his respective country, exhibit a variety both pleasing and interesting to every stranger who goes there.
The toleration in a country like this is particularly deserving of notice. The Diwan, or L’Alemma, never interfere with the tenets of the various religions professed by the different people, who resort to Timbuctoo for commercial or other purposes; every one is allowed to worship the great Author of his being without restraint, and according to the religion of his father, or in the way wherein he may have been initiated.
The police of this extraordinary place is extolled, as surpassing any thing of the kind on this side of the Desert; robberies and house-breaking are scarcely known; the peaceable inhabitants of the town each following their respective avocation, interfere with nothing but what concerns them. The government of the city is entrusted to a Diwan of twelve Alemma, or men learned in the Koran, and an umpire, who retain their appointments, which they receive from the king of Bambarra, three years. The power of the Alemma is great, and their falling into the mass of citizens after the expiration of the above period, obliges them to act uprightly, as their good or bad administration of justice either acquits or condemns them after the expiration of their temporary power. The civil jurisprudence is directed by a Cadi, who decides all judicial proceedings according to the spirit of the Koran; he has twelve talbs of the law, or attornies, attending him, each of whom has a separate department of justice to engage his daily attention.
Daggers and stillettos are generally worn: if any one disputes with his comrade, and becomes irritated, the daggers are drawn, and one stabs the other, without premeditation, whilst under the influence of passion. Revenge, or retaliation for injuries, is so precise, and so eagerly followed, as to become hereditary in a family. Thus if a man be killed or stabbed, it devolves on the next of kin to him to seek retaliation, and to obtain satisfaction, who accordingly seeks every opportunity of destroying the man who killed his brother or relation; when he dies the charge devolves on his next of kin. In the mean time, if the officers of police discover that any sanguinary assault has been committed, they pursue the aggressor, and oblige him to attend the wounded man, at his own expense, till he recovers; but if he dies, the aggressor is condemned, by law, to death, unless the next of kin to the deceased chooses to grant him a pardon, in consideration of some pecuniary compensation, regulated according to the circumstances of the aggressor.
There is but one prison in this extensive city, where the prisoner is not confined, but suffers the bastinado, or pays a fine, and is liberated. Robberies attended with personal violence, stealing cattle, or provisions, are capital crimes, and are thus punished by decapitation:
The criminal sits down on the ground, and whilst a person engages his attention, by pushing him on the back or shoulder, the executioner seizes that opportunity of striking off his head with a sabre, at which he is very adroit. Strangling is seldom practised. Bastinadoing, when the crime is extremely aggravated, is sometimes practised till the criminal expires under the chastisement.
A debtor may be arrested and sent to prison, but on proving his insolvency, he is liberated, but still remains accountable to his creditors; and, in the event of his becoming afterwards a man of property, his creditors may claim and sue him to the extent of the debt previously contracted.
The Diwan, when the King is in the town, sit in his presence round the throne, and examine capital culprits. The king never decides contrary to the opinion of the Diwan, or El Alemma.
Slaves may complain to the Alemma of illegal severity received from their masters, of want of food or cloathing, either of which, if substantiated, he is ordered to liberate him.
A native of Timbuctoo cannot be a slave; he must necessarily have been born in another country, and these are generally captives taken in battle. The children of slaves are inherited by the masters of their parents. Slaves of different masters cannot marry without the consent of the latter: the master of a negress endeavours to purchase the negro to whom she is attached.
It is asserted that until lately no Jews were permitted to enter the town, and various conjectures have been made as to the cause of this interdiction. It is also reported that those Jews who do now resort thither, are obliged to become Mohammedans, the forms of which religion they probably relinquish on their return to their native country; but whatever may be the ostensible, I am inclined to think the true cause why the Jews are not admitted into Timbuctoo, is the extreme jealousy of the individuals of the Moorish factory, whose avarice induces them to exclude every person from sharing their emoluments whenever a plausible pretext can be found.
The climate of Timbuctoo is much extolled as being salubrious and extremely invigorating, insomuch that it is impossible for the sexes to exist without intermarriage; accordingly it is said, there is no man of the age of eighteen who has not his wives or concubines, all which are allowed by the laws of the country, which are Mohammedan; and it is even a disgrace for a man who has reached the age of puberty to be unmarried. The natives, and those who have resided there any considerable time, have an elegance and suavity of manners which is not observed on this side of Sahara: they possess a great flow of animal spirits, and are generally so much attached to the country, that they invariably return, when insurmountable difficulties do not prevent them.
With regard to the manufactures of different kinds of apparel at Timbuctoo, and other places of the interior, they are made, for the most part, by the women in their respective houses, whenever they cannot procure European cloths and linens, or when there is a great scarcity of Fas and Tafilelt manufactures of silk, cotton, and woollen.
It has been said that there is an extensive library at Timbuctoo, consisting of manuscripts in a character differing from the Arabic; this, I am inclined to think, has originated in the fertile imagination of some poet; or, perhaps, some Arab or Moor, willing to indulge at the expense of European curiosity, has fabricated such a story. In all my enquiries, during many years, I never heard of any such library at Timbuctoo. The state library, which is composed for the most part of manuscripts in the Arabic, contains a few Hebrew, and perhaps Chaldaic books; amongst the Arabic, it is probable there are many translations from Greek and Latin authors at present unknown to Europeans.
The Nile El Abeede, or Nile of the Negroes, overflows in the same manner as the Nile Massar, or Nile of Egypt,[218] when the sun enters Cancer; this is the rainy season in the countries south of the Great Desert, and in Jibbel Kumra, or the Mountains of the Moon, from whence the waters descend which cause the river to overflow its banks. At Kabra, near Timbuctoo, it becomes a very large stream. River horses are found in the Nile El Abeede, as well as crocodiles, and the country contiguous to its southern banks is covered with forests of primeval growth, in which are many trees of great size and beauty. These forests abound with elephants of an enormous size.
The river, according to the concurrent testimony of the Arabs and the Moors, and all travellers who have been on the spot, flows from west to east, and is about the width of the Thames at London; the stream is so very rapid in the middle, as to oblige the boats which navigate to Jinnie to keep close to the shore: and the boatmen, instead of oars, push the boat on with long poles.[219]
The soil about Timbuctoo is generally fertile, and near the river produces rice, millet, Indian corn, and other grain; wheat and barley grow in the plains, and are cultivated principally by the Arabs of the tribe of Brabeesh.[220] Coffee[221] grows wild here, as does also indigo; the latter, however, is cultivated in some parts, and produces a very fine blue dye, which they use in their various cotton manufactures; a specimen of this colour may be seen in the British Museum, in a piece of cloth of cotton and silk, which I had the honour to present to that national depository of curiosities some years since: it is of a checquered pattern, similar to a draft board, the squares are alternate blue and white; these pieces of cotton are manufactured at Jinnie and Timbuctoo, and used as covers to beds; they are valuable from the strength and durability of the texture, and are therefore sold at a high price in Barbary, according to the quantity of silk that is in them, and the quality of the cotton; those however which have no silk interwoven, but are simply cotton, of blue and white patterns, are not so costly: the width varies from two to twelve inches; the pieces are sewed together so closely afterwards with silk or thread, that one can scarcely perceive the seams, the whole appearing as one piece.
The husbandmen (whom they call fulah) are very expert in the œconomy of bees; honey and wax are abundant, but neither is transported across the Desert; first, because the articles abound in Barbary, and secondly, because they are used by the natives of Timbuctoo, the former as an article of food, and the latter for candles.[222]
The fish called shebbel, similar to our salmon in the formation of its bones, and not unlike it in taste, abounds in the Neele El Abeede, near Kabra: it is much esteemed by the natives; eels also abound in the river. There are various other kinds of fish, the names of which I do not recollect.
The mines of gold which lie south of the bed of the river belong to the Sultan Woolo, who resides at Jinnie; he has three palaces, or spacious houses at Timbuctoo, where his gold is deposited, of which he is said to possess an enormous quantity. The persons who are daily employed in working the mines are Bambareen negroes, who are extremely rich in gold, for all pieces of ore which they take from the mines not weighing twelve mizans, or about two ounces, become a perquisite to themselves, as a remuneration for their labour, and all pieces of a greater weight belong to the Sultan, and are deposited in his before mentioned palaces.
It is asserted that the mines are so pure, that lumps of virgin gold are constantly found of several ounces in weight; this being admitted, it will not be surprising that the value of this precious metal, here so abundant, should be inconsiderable, and that some articles of small value with us in Europe, such as tobacco, salt, and manufactured brass, should often sell at Timbuctoo for their weight in gold. But here I would wish to be understood as speaking with some latitude, as the precise value of the circulating medium of Soudan is subject to great fluctuation, originating from a company of enterprising speculators of great capital at Fas, who are extremely jealous of the trade, and particularly cautious in communicating any information respecting it. In my various enquiries on this subject, I have constantly been guarded from receiving any information respecting Soudan from men who have had commercial establishments there; but have been rather induced to prefer the testimony of those, whom I have frequently met from time to time in my various journies through West and South Barbary, who were strangers to the motives of my enquiries, considering them merely as the natural suggestions of curiosity; some of these, however, I have by chance met with afterwards at Mogodor and Agadeer, where my commercial establishments were, when finding I was engaged in foreign commerce, they became very circumspect and cautious, and apparently regretted having communicated intelligence to me concerning their country.
I cannot attempt to give the exact geographical bearing and distance of places from Timbuctoo, in a country like this, as the Africans are ignorant of geography as well as other sciences; but from the several accounts which I have at different times received during my residence in Africa, and which were from respectable people who have resided years at Timbuctoo, and had travelled across Africa, it appears to be situated fifteen hundred miles SSE of Fas, eleven hundred and fifty miles about SSE of Akka, Tatta, and Wedinoon; thirteen hundred miles in nearly the same direction from Marocco; one thousand three hundred and twenty miles from Tafilelt: it is also about two hundred and thirty miles eastward of the city of Jinnie; one thousand miles west of Houssa.
The country north of Timbuctoo is inhabited by the powerful tribe of Arabs called Brabeesh, whose original stock emigrated in the eighth century, and took possession of a tract of country bordering on Egypt westward; there are several duars of that kabyle, inhabitants of the western confines of Egypt, who long since emigrated from the original stock, on account of family disputes; they are a turbulent, restless, and warlike tribe, but extremely afraid of fire arms, having no means of defence against such, being armed only with (zeraga) the lance, and occasionally with knives, or daggers: hence the inhabitants of the towns, when they go far into the country, carry guns and pistols with them.
There is another nation situated many (erhellat) journies south-east of Timbuctoo, who worship the sun, and abstain from animal food, living on milk and vegetables. One of these people was at Mogodor about ten years since, and continued his national custom, nor could all the flattering invitations to Mohammedanism induce him to renounce his doctrine.
In some part of the country between Timbuctoo and Casina, or Cashna, which is called (Beb Houssa) the Entrance of Houssa, is discovered a race of people, whom the Arabs compare to the English, alleging, that they speak a distinct language of their own, different from all the others known in Africa, and that it resembles the whistling of birds, to which they compare the English language. The people ride on saddles, similar to those of England, and wear rowelled spurs, the only nation in Africa that does, without shoes. Their faces are covered to the eyes, by their turbans folding round their necks and faces. Their weapons are swords, bows, arrows, and lances. When they engage in battle, each man selects an antagonist, they therefore never risk an engagement unless they think themselves superior in number, or at least equal to their enemy, resembling, in this respect, the Chinese. They are represented as a grossly superstitious people; their bodies as well as their horses being covered with (herrez) charms, or amulets.
About fifteen (erhellat) journies east of Timbuctoo, is an immense lake, called (El Bahar Soudan) the Sea of Soudan; on which are decked vessels, and the borders of it are inhabited by the above people; they brought, in or about the year 1793, some of their decked vessels to Timbuctoo, and transported thence goods to Jinnie; but as they were ascertained to be neither Arabs, Moors, Negroes, Shelluhs, nor Berebbers, the boatmen of Timbuctoo complained to the Cadi, that if these people were permitted to go to and from Jinnie, they would lose their business, as their boats performed the passage at less expense, and in half the time. On this suggestion the Cadi ordered them out of the country: some report that they were all poisoned, and their boats broken to pieces, and that since then none of their vessels have been used westward of this lake: the boats are described to be about forty cubits[223] in length, and eight in breadth, having the planks fastened together by shreet, or bass rope, and carry one hundred and fifty or two hundred men, and forty tons of goods; they have no sails, but when the wind is favourable, two oars are set up perpendicularly on each side of the boat, to which is fastened a large hayk, or spreading garment, which serves as a substitute for a sail: these boats are rowed by sixteen oars: at night they come to anchor by throwing a large stone overboard tied to a rope or cable, as before mentioned, which serves as an anchor.
With regard to the water communication between Timbuctoo and Cairo, there is no doubt but such a communication exists; it does not, however, facilitate the purposes of transport, the expense of land carriage by means of camels being more moderate than that by water, besides the advantages to a traveller of a continued succession of rich and fertile country, make the journey rather an excursion of pleasure when compared to the toils of a desert, where heat and thirst are so much dreaded by the weary traveller. In the interior of Africa; and among the rich traders who engage in this traffic across the Continent, there is but one opinion with regard to the Nile of Egypt and the Nile of Timbuctoo, and that opinion is, that they are one and the same river, or rather that the latter is the western branch of the former. It may be further observed, that the source of the Nile of Timbuctoo is at the foot of the western branch of the chain of mountains called Jibbel Kumra, or Mountains of the Moon, where it forms (merja) a swamp; and on the western side of the same mountain is another lake or swamp, which is the source of the Senegal river; hence the established African opinion, that the Senegal and Nile have the same source, although these two merjas are separated by the mountain: the copious springs, which throw the water up with great force, are very numerous, and are found on both sides of the mountain, that is on the eastern as well as on the western side. The western stream takes a northerly direction, as does also the eastern stream, which is increased in its course by various others issuing from the Jibbel Kumri, more to the east of the source, before described; but where the two streams unite (i.e. the Nile of Egypt, and that of Soudan) is not accurately ascertained.[224] It is proper, also, to observe, that the Africans express their astonishment whenever the Europeans dispute the connection of these two rivers, justly observing, that it is a folly to dispute a thing which the experience of a succession of ages has proved to be true; indeed it is remarkable how many empty hypotheses and idle reasonings the course of this river, or the Egyptian Nile, has given rise to; but there are people so bigotted to the opinions which are founded on these empty hypotheses as to disregard the relation of travellers who have actually been upon the spot, and who have, by the evidence of their eyes, confuted all that has been written on the subject.
In confirmation of the opinion that there is a navigable communication between Timbuctoo in Soudan, and Cairo in Egypt, the following circumstance was related to me by a very intelligent man, who has, at this time, an establishment in the former city:
In the year 1780, a party of seventeen Jinnie Negroes proceeded in a canoe, to Timbuctoo, on a commercial speculation; they understood the Arabic language, and could read the Koran: they bartered their merchandize several times during the passage, and reached Cairo, after a voyage of fourteen months, during which they lived upon rice and other produce, which they procured at the different towns they visited; they reported that there are twelve hundred cities and towns, with mosques or towers in them, between Timbuctoo and Cairo, built on or near the banks of (the Nile el Abeede, and the Nile Massar) the Nile of Soudan, and the Nile of Egypt.
During this voyage they remained in many towns several days, when trade, curiosity, or inclination induced them to sojourn: in three places they found the Nile so shallow, by reason of the numerous channels which are cut from the mainstream, for the purpose of irrigating the lands of the adjacent country, that they could not proceed in the boat, which they transported over land, till they found the water flowing again in sufficient body to float it; they also met with three considerable cataracts, the principal of which was at the entrance from the west of Wangara; here also they transported the boat by land until passing the fall of water, they floated it again in an immense (merja) lake, whose opposite shore was not visible; at night they threw a large stone overboard as a substitute for an anchor, and watch was regularly kept to guard against the attacks of crocodiles, elephants, and river horses, which abound in various parts. When they arrived at Cairo they joined the great accumulated caravan of the west, called Akkabah el Garbie, and proceeded therewith through Barca, Tripoli, Tunis, Algiers, and Angad, to Fas and Marocco, where they joined the Akka caravan, and again reached Jinnie, after an absence of three years and two months.
Finally it appears from the corroborating testimony of all who have performed the journey from Timbuctoo to Egypt, that the country contiguous to the Nile El Abeede is rich and productive, that the banks of the river are adorned with an incredible number of cities and towns of incalculable population, that the Mohammedan religion prevails; that the Arabic is the general language spoken throughout these countries. The cities and towns are crowded with mosques, having square towers attached to them: fondaques or caravanseras for the accommodation of travellers are spacious and convenient, so that we may conclude that the banks of the Nile El Abeede from Timbuctoo to the confines of Egypt may be as populous as the banks of any river in China.
FOOTNOTES:
[195]See the author’s letter to Sir Joseph Banks in Proceedings of the Association for Promoting the Discovery of the Interior Parts of Africa, in 2 vols. 8vo. vol. ii. page 364.
[196]الواح Elwah; this is the Arabic name; modern Europeans have, by adding an s made it wahs, the Romans not having the letter w have made it oas, and by the propensity to use this letter, it has been again added to make it plural; hence the word oasis, or wahsis. The plural in Arabic is El Wahaht.
[197]اّلشُومْ Asshume, or Shume; this wind has been already mentioned; during its continuance, it is impossible to live in the upper rooms of the houses, the inhabitants, therefore, retire to subterraneous apartments, cellars, or warehouses on the ground floor, eating nothing but fruits, as the water melon, and the prickly pear, for animal food at this period is loathsome whilst hot, and has scarcely time to cool before it becomes tainted. The walls of the bed chambers being of stone, buckets of water are thrown against them to render the rooms habitable towards night; and so great is their heat, that in doing this, the effect is similar to what is produced by casting water on hot iron. I have felt the Shume 20 leagues out at sea; when in lat. north 30°, longitude west 11° 30′, I astonished the captain of the ship, by directing his attention to particles of sand which fell on the deck; and although the mariners actually collected about a wine glass full of this sand by sweeping the deck, yet he would scarcely credit the cause to which I ascribed it, until we reached Agadeer, when he met with many daily proofs of the extraordinary effects of this tremendous wind. I never found any extreme inconvenience from the Shume north of the province of Suse, although at Mogodor it is sometimes felt, but seldom or ever continues more than three days.
The Akkabaahs are sometimes obliged suddenly to strike their tents, and proceed on their journey, from the Shume arising, and drifting the loose sand along the plains, which attaches to every fixed object in its course, and soon buries it. Savary, who often sacrifices truth to the pomp of language, has committed a gross error in describing the Desert; he says—“Woe to him, whom a whirlwind from the south surprises in the midst of the solitude, if he have not a tent to shelter him; he is assailed by clouds of burning dust which fills his eyes, ears, and mouth, and deprives him of the faculty of sight and breathing.” (See Letters on Egypt.) Now, so far from tents being any permanent protection during these winds, they are rather an annoyance, for it is impossible to keep them upright; and if they are not immediately struck, they, and all within them, are soon buried in the overwhelming torrent of sand.
[198]A person pronouncing this word in Africa, unless he knows the power and force of the letter غ and how to pronounce that difficult guttural, would be unable to make himself intelligible.
[199]Some akkabaahs perform the journey in less, I myself having, when I had a commercial establishment at Agadeer, received a caravan of gum Soudan from Timbuctoo in eighty-two days.
[200]Arguin in the maps.
[201]There is an emigration from this tribe of one hundred families, now residing in several encampments near the city of Marocco.
[202]During my visit to the Viceroy of Suse, Mohammed ben Delemy, he introduced me to four Arabs of the Woled Abbusebah tribe, who conversed in our presence on various subjects, in this poetic manner, and it is astonishing what accuracy in measure and expression is acquired by a long habit in this mode of entertainment. The old Emperor, Seedy Mohammed, encouraged this poetic conversation, and when any one excelled, he never failed to reward him munificently; for although no scholar himself, he encouraged every one who contributed to diffuse a knowledge of the Arabic language.
[203]I presented one of these rings, some years since, to Mr. James Willis, ci-devant consul for Seni-Gambia; they are of pure gold, twisted, and open at the extremity, for the purpose of inserting them in the middle cartilage of the nose; and such is the fashion, that it is esteemed more genteel to appear in rags with a nose-ring, than in fine garments without one. I saw a party of these Wangareens whilst I was on a visit to the Viceroy of Suse, the Khalif Mohammed ben Delemy, who, when eating, threw the ring upwards, to prevent it from coming in contact with their mouth.
[204]The Arabs acknowledge the superiority of Europeans in mechanical arts, and allow that they excel the Africans in general, with the exception, however, of the working in gold, in which the natives of Jinnie do most eminently excel. I have seen trinkets, particularly a figure of an eagle, of such workmanship as would have been difficult to imitate either in England or France.
[205]Slatee is a slave merchant, or seller of men.
[206]Sometimes called Jibbel Kumrie, or the White or Lunar coloured Mountains (see [map the 2d]); so a white horse is called by the Arabs a moon-coloured horse (aoud kumri).
[207]It may not be irrelevant here to observe, that the air of Jinnie is inimical to all but those of Soudanic origin, that is negroes, on which account the Arabs, Moors, and others, denominated El Horreh, carefully avoid entering the town, but transact any business in the adjacent plains. The inhabitants, who are universally black, are adepts in the occult sciences, and hither men of all descriptions, who are infected with the worm of superstition, resort to gratify the phantasms of their heated imagination, by purchasing the charms, or incantations mentioned in the text.
[208]In purchasing horses I have cut off these incantations, for which they have looked upon me as a desperate infidel.
[209]The mitkal, called by Europeans ducat, is worth eight tenths of a Mexico dollar, or 3s. 8d. sterling.
[210]An eunuch of the horem of Muley Abd El Melk, whilst at Agadeer, had the audacity to cohabit with one of the concubines of the horem; the prince hearing of it, was so exasperated, that he ordered a punishment to be inflicted upon him which soon terminated his existence.
[211]Elder brother to the reigning sultan Soliman.
[212]Muley Arsheede, about the year 1670, proceeding to Suse, laid siege to the sanctuary of Seedy Aly ben Aidar, near Ilirgh; Seedy Aly, making his escape in disguise, fled to Soudan, whither he was followed by Muley Arsheede, who, on his arrival on the confines of Soudan, between Timbuctoo and Jinnie, was met by a numerous host of blacks, of the king of the negroes; the prince demanded Aly ben Aidar, but the negro prince, who was king of Bambara, replied, that as he had claimed his protection, it would be an infringement on the laws of hospitality to deliver him up, adding, moreover, that he desired to know if the views of Arsheede were hostile or not; to which the latter replied, after endeavouring in vain to procure the person of Aly, that he was not come hostilely, but was about to return, which he forthwith did; and the Bambareen king having received from Aly two beautiful renegade virgins, was so much flattered with the present, that he promised him any thing that he should ask; whereupon he requested permission to go to Timbuctoo, and to settle there with his numerous followers, which being granted, he proceeded thither, and having established a Moorish garrison, resided there several months, and afterwards returned to Barbary, bringing with him many thousand Bambareen blacks; but on his reaching Suse, he heard of the death of Muley El Arsheede, and having then no further occasion for the blacks, he dismissed them; they went to different parts of the country, and served the inhabitants in order to procure subsistence; but the politic Muley Ismael, who had then recently been proclaimed, ordered them to be collected together, and incorporated in his black army, which was, however, before this, very numerous, consisting, for the most part, of blacks brought away from Soudan by Muley Arsheede the year preceding. Muley Ismael also seized this opportunity of establishing his power at Timbuctoo; and he met with no opposition in putting that place under contribution: having sent fresh troops to occupy the Moorish garrison there, the inhabitants were glad to make a contribution in exchange for the protection and power which it afforded them, for previous to this, they had been subject to continual depredations from the Arabs of the adjacent country, to whom they had been compelled to pay tribute as a security for their caravans, which were constantly passing the country of these Arabs, who are of the race of Brabeeshee.
In the year 1727, when Muley Ismael died, it is reported that he possessed an immense quantity of gold, of the purity of which, some of his gold coins to be seen at this day, at Timbuctoo, bear testimony; it is also said that the massive bolts in his different palaces were of pure gold, as well as the utensils of his kitchen. After his decease, however, the tribute was not regularly transmitted, and his successors having no means of exacting it, it was entirely discontinued: the Moorish garrison too intermarrying with the natives, and dispersing themselves about the vicinage, has given to the latter that tincture of Mooselmin manners which they are known to possess, their descendants forming at this period a considerable portion of the population of Timbuctoo.
[213]Twenty-four nuaih’t make 1 mizan; 5⁹⁄₁₀ mizan is equal to 1 Spanish ounce, or the weight of a gold dollar, or doubloon. The value of a mizan of gold is about eleven shillings sterling.
[214]The river Niger.
[215]One cubit and three quarters make one yard.
[216]Timbuctoo, but more particularly Jinnie, carries on a considerable trade to Darbeyta, a port in the Red Sea, in the country of Senaar, from whence they are transported to Jidda, and other parts of (Yemin) Arabia Felix; among other articles is an immense quantity of the gold trinkets of the manufacture of Jinnie already mentioned.
[217]Seed Abd Allah ben Amgar, the person who was Cadi in 1800, was a principal trader at Mogodor, and son-in-law to the Governor of that place, who being unsuccessful in his commercial affairs, crossed the Desert, and soon obtained the appointment of Cadi; he was a shrewd clever man, about thirty-five years old: he is lately dead.
[218]Some writers have thought that the word Nile is applied to all great rivers; what foundation they may have for this supposition I am not learned enough to ascertain; but I know that among the African Arabs, there are but two streams, which are called Nile, and these have been made two separate rivers by Europeans only, for in Africa there is decidedly but one opinion respecting them, viz. that they are streams which communicate with each other, the Nile El Abeede being the greater, and running through a larger tract of territory than the Nile Cham, or Nile Massar, hence it is called Nile el Kabeer, the greater Nile; the Nile of Egypt, however, is not called the smaller Nile, but always the Nile Cham, or Nile Massar, i.e. the Nile of Egypt, Cham being also an Arabic name for Egypt when united to Syria and other countries.
[219]These boats are thirty days in reaching Jinnie; during the passage the Nile takes a considerable turn to the south, and returns again, forming a semi-circle; this curve is denominated (El Kos Nile) the curve, or bow of the Nile. A large stone is a substitute in these boats for an anchor, which would not hold in the muddy bottom of the river; these are attached to a cable, and thrown overboard at night, during which, watch is kept to prevent the Negroes from approaching, who often swim to, and plunder the boats, when not kept off by fire-arms.
[220]Some tribute is paid by the town of Timbuctoo to this tribe, by way of securing their forbearance from plundering the caravans from the north, which pass through their territory.
[221]I sent a quantity of this coffee to Mr. James Willis, who had formerly the appointment of Consul for Senegambia; but this gentleman informed me, on my arrival in England, that it was of a very inferior quality.
[222]Persons acquainted with the respective value of African produce, will perhaps ask how it happens that the akkabaahs transport Gum Soudan from Timbuctoo to Barbary, which is not so valuable as wax? The reason is evident, the wax is useful, and being consumed by the natives, always commands a price; the gum is not of any use or value to the Africans, but is collected and transported to Barbary only to be sold to the European factors on the coast.
[223]Seven cubits make four yards.
[224]An African manuscript, written by Seedi Mohammed ben Amran Soudanie, who, however, I do not quote as an author of the first respectability, has the following passage, which I have translated for the curious reader. “Respecting the Neele it has been ascertained by various travellers, that it hath (besides many inferior) two principal sources, one of which latter is the larger source, and rises at the foot of the Jibbel Kumri, (i.e. a chain of mountains which extend from east to west across Africa, passing through lat. N. 10°) north of Genowa (Guinea), where it forms a lake or swamp, out of which proceeds another river, which, passing N.W. through Soudan discharges itself near Asenagha (Senegal), in the El Bahar Kabeer (id est, the Western or Atlantic ocean); the larger source proceeds northward, and entering the country of Bambara, takes an eastern direction, and passing through the city of Segoo, Jinnée, and Kabra near Timbuctoo, it continues its course through Wangara; between the two latter cities, it receives from the south two auxiliary streams of considerable magnitude, which increase it so that the whole flat country of Wangara is one immense morass, formed by the overflowing of the waters: one of these auxiliary streams falls into the Neele 10 erhellat (i.e. 10 days journey) east of Timbuctoo; the other at Wangara, and the whole body of accumulated water hence, aptly denominated the Neele El Kabeer (the Great Nile), proceeds eastward till it communicates with the Neele Masser (the Nile of Egypt); the distance between the source of the greater Nile and its junction with the Nile of Egypt, is 99 erhellat of continual travelling.”
APPENDIX.
The following Specimens of African Arabic are given for the animadversion of the Arabian Scholar, as their translations are to shew the reader the style of writing generally used by the Arabs of Africa. The Asiatic punctuation is adopted to facilitate the perusal by the Students of Asiatic Arabic; the difference, in this respect, may be seen by referring to [pp. 212] and [213,] ante.
Letter from Muley Ismael, Emperor of Marocco, to Captain or Colonel Kirke, at Tangier, Ambassador from King Charles the Second, dated 7th Du El Kadah, in the 1093d year of the Hejra [corresponding to the 27th October, 1682, Christian æra.]
الحمد الله تعالي و حده * و صلي الله علي من لانبيُه بعده * من عبيد الله المتو كل علي الله امير المومنين المجاسر في سبيل ربِ العالمين الشريف *
(L. S.)
ايد الله اوامره وظفّر جنوده و عساكوه امين * الي قيتان طنجه كرك السلام علي من اتّبع اِلهدي هذا وقد اتصل بعلمي مقامنا كتابك و فهمنا ما احتوي عليه خطابك فاما مسألة المهادنه في البحر فاعلم انها لم تصرف منالكم الي الان وما جعلنا معكم الا المهادنة في طنجة فقد حيُت جيت انت المي عارنا الشريفة و تكلمنا معك علي ذلك لاربع سنين ولو بقيت انت براسك في طنجه ما دخل عليك فيها مسلم ابدا الا تاجراً واما المهادنة في البحر فماصرفت مناولا تكلمنا فيها واذا اردتمونا فيها نحن كتبنا السيدكم با لانكطرة و قلنا له اذا اراد مهادنة البحر وغيره واراد ان ياخذ السلام الصحيح منا فليبعت لنا رجلين عاقلين من اعيان ديوان الانكطرة الذي يثق بهم سلام جنمن النصرانيه هنلك وبعد مايقدمان الي علي مقامنا ويجلسان امامناكل مايسمعانه منا من عقدة او عهد او غير ذلك يكون عليه المعول وقد جعلنا لكم الامان في البحر اربعة اشهر من يوم دخول الكتاب الذي ارسلنا اليكم
TRANSLATION.
Praise be to God the most high alone! and God’s blessing be upon those who are for his prophet.
From [the servant of God, who putteth his trust in God, the Commander of the Faithful, who is courageous in the way of the omniscient God] the Sherriff
| (L. | Ismael son of a Sherrif, God illumine and preserve him. | S.) |
God assist his commanders, and give victory to his forces and armies! Amen. To the Captain of Tangier, Kirk; peace be to those who follow the right way! this by way of preface. Your letter came to the lofty place of our residence, and we understand what your discourse contained. As for the asking a cessation of arms by sea, know that it was not treated of between us till this present time. Neither did we make truce with you concerning any thing but Tangier alone: when you came to our illustrious house we treated with you about that matter for four years; and if you had sojourned there yourself, no Mooselmin would ever have gone into that town hostilely against you, but merely as a (peaceable) merchant.
As to a cessation of arms by sea, it was not negociated by us, neither did we discourse about it; but when you desired it of us, we wrote to your master, in England, saying, “If you desire a cessation of arms by sea, and are willing to receive a firm peace from us, send us two understanding men of the chief of the Diwan of England, by whom the peace of all the Christians here may be confirmed; and when they shall arrive at the lofty place of our residence, and sit before us, whatsoever they shall hear from us, by way of agreement, shall be acceded to.” And we have given you security at sea for four months, viz. from the time
بطنجه الي يوم ورود الجواب منه وقدوم الرجلين المذكورين علي الوصف المدكور واما هولا الذي دكرت في كتابك وانهم قبضوا في البحر فلم يكن عندي بهم علم ولاخبر لان كلامكم في ذلك كان مع علي بن عبد الله وقد انصفكم من المسلمين الذين اخذوا من اشتكيتم لنا بسببه وردّاكم النصارة وسجن البحريين علي ذلك ولم عرفت انا انّهم ظلموكم و وقعت بيني و بينكم مهادنة في البحر كما وقعت لاربع سنين في البر بواسطتك وسبب محبك اكنت انا علقتم و محوت اثارهم و انتقمت منهم اشد الانتقام وقد دكر لنا خدعينا محمد بن حدُ اعطار الذي جامن عندكم ان السباع ببلاد كم قليل وانكم تحبون ر ويته فحين جاء خدعيكم الينا وجد عندنا فرخين صغيرين من السباع فوجهناها لكم معه واعلم اناجاء لنا من عند سيدكم ثلاثة من الخيل المعدّين بحّر الكرثن مع خدامنا الذين كانوا هنالك و الكرثين يحتاج الي اربعة من الخيل يجرونه فلابد ان تبعث لنا حصاناءَ اخر من دلك الوصف ومن دلك ابحعر و من ذلك القدّ والقدر يجرّوه باربعة واغرموا لنا به ولابدّ ولابدّ والسّلام و به لبّتٌ * في السابع من ذي القعده الحرام عام ثلاثة وتسعين و الف
we sent to you our letter to Tangier, till the day that there comes an answer from him, and until the arrival of the two ambassadors aforementioned, after the aforesaid manner. As for those men, who in thy letter thou didst say were taken at sea, I neither know nor have heard any thing of them; your discourse about that matter having been with Ali ben Abd Allah, and he administered justice [to you] upon the Mooselmin who had taken these men prisoners, for the sake of him for whom you made your complaint to us, and he returned the Christians to you, and imprisoned the sailors for capturing them. Now if there shall happen to be a peace between me and you at sea, as there is for four years by land, through your mediation, and by reason of your coming to us, I will hang them, and blot out their footsteps, and be revenged on them with the most severe revenge.
Our Servant, Mohammed ben Hadu Aater, who came from your presence, told us that lions are scarce in your country, and that they are in high estimation with you. When your servant came to us, he found we had two small young lions; wherefore by him we send them to you. And know, that we have received, by our servants, from your master, three coach-horses; now a coach requires four horses to draw it, wherefore you must needs send us another good one of the same kind and size, that they may draw the coach with four horses. Oblige us in this, by all means. Farewell! We depend upon it. Written on the seventh of the sacred month Du El Kadah, in the year ninety-three and a thousand.
Letter from Seedi Muley Soliman, Emperor of Marocco, &c. &c. to His Majesty George the Third.
بسم الَّله الَّرحمن الَّرحيم
وهَو حسبنا و نعم الوكيل * ولا حول ولاقوة اِلا بالله العلي العظيم
من عبد الله اِمير المومنين المتوكل علي بن العالمين سُليمان بن محمد بن عبد الله بن اِسماعيل الشريف الحسَني العلوي اعلا الله امرا سلطان فاس و مراكش و سوس و درعه و تافيلالت و أتوات و جميع الا قاليم المغريبه
| (L. | سليمن ابن محمد بن عبد الله غفدْ الله له زولاد | S.) |
الي محب جانبنا العلي بالله السلطان جرج الثالث سلطان الاِ قاليم الملاقيه من اكرن ابرطانيه وارلنظه نزوك انبرك ابرنسبي من سلطنة دي روم و المقدس و غيره
اما بعد فانا نسال عنكم كثيرا و نريدكم تكونون علي خير دايما ازياد تكم في محبتنا اكثر ماكنت لابابكم مع اسلا فنا
TRANSLATION.
In the name of God! the all merciful and commiserating God! on whom is our account, and we acknowledge his support; for there is neither beginning nor power, but that which proceeds from God, the High, Eternal God.
From the Servant of God, the Commander of the Faithful [in Mohammed],[225] upheld and supported by the grace of God.
Soliman, the son of Mohammed, the son of Abd Allah, the son of Isma’ael, Prince of [the House or Dynasty of] Hassan, who was ever upheld by the power of God, Sultan of Fas and Marocksh, and Suse, and Draha, and Tafilelt, and Tuwat, together with all the territories of the West.
| Soliman, | ||
| (L. | son of Mohammed, [who was the] | S.) |
| son of Abd Allah, | ||
| God illumine | ||
| and support | ||
| him. |
To our dearly beloved and cherished, exalted by the power of God, the Sultan[226] George the Third, Sultan of the territories of the United Kingdom of Great Britain, Ireland, Duke of Mecklenburg Strelitz, Prince, descended from the dynasty of the Sultans of Rome and Palestine, &c.
This premised, we inform you that we continually make friendly and diligent enquiry about you, desiring heartily that you may be at all times surrounded by wealth and prosperity. We wish you to
الكرام رظوان الله عليهم والدي اوجبه اليكم هوا علامكم ان خديمكم دَكْثر بُفَ ورد علي حظرتنا العالية بالله واعجبنا علاجه و معرفته فاردناكم ان تعطوه امركم يبقي مقيما بقربنا بجبل طراف و مهمي وجهنا عليه ياتي الحضرتنا الشريفه سريعا من غير امهال ولاتماطل و تعطوته جميع مايحتاجه الينا من الادوية الجيدة المنتخبة اليكم و تزيدونه اكراما و تعظيما لاتيانه الينا و اغننابه بامرنا وانا نحبكم ان تكو نوا دايما بخير و عافية و السلام في 4 جُمادي الاولي عام 1221.
encrease in friendship with us, that our alliance may be more strongly cemented than heretofore, even stronger than it was in the days of our ancestors, whom God guard and protect.
Now, therefore, we make known to you, that your physician and servant, Doctor Buffé, has been in our royal presence (which is) exalted by the bounty of God, and we have been well pleased with his medical knowledge and diligent attention, and moreover with the relief he hath given to us.
We have, therefore, to entreat of you, to give him your royal order to return to Gibraltar, in our neighbourhood, well provided with all good and necessary medicines; that he, residing at Gibraltar, may be ready to attend quickly our royal presence whenever we may be in need of his (medical) assistance. We trust you will return him without procrastination to our throne, seeing that he has been of essential service to us.
We recommend you to exalt Doctor Buffé in your favour and esteem on our account, and we will always be your allies and friends. May you ever be well and in prosperity! Peace be with you! the 4th day of the month Jumad El Lule, in the year (of the Hejra) 1221.[227]
Laws of Bankrupts.
The following letter is given, to explain to the commercial reader the method adopted in order to enable an European merchant to quit the kingdom of Marocco; and it should be observed, that the Mohammedan law of bankrupts is such, that an insolvent man continues liable to his creditors all his life, till his debts be discharged: but he can claim, by law, his liberation from prison, on making oath and bringing proof of his insolvency; but then, if he succeed afterwards, and become possessed of property, he is compelled to pay the debts he before contracted; so that an European should be careful how he contracts debts with the Moors, lest the misfortunes incident to commerce oblige him to remain for ever in the country.
الحمد لله و حده
| سُليمان | ||
| L. | ابن محمد بن | S. |
| عبد الله بن اِسمعايل | ||
| &c. |
خديمنا الحاج احمد ابن براهيم و السيد محمد بن الكاهيه سلام عليكم ورحمت الله و بعد فنامركما ان تتركان النصْراني جَاكصن يركب لبلاده اذا لصرتكن عليه لا حد من الناس تباعة شرعية كما كتبنا لكَم بدلك في الكتب الاخر وَان كان لا يسْالة احد حقًا فلَا تتعرضا ولهُ وَالله يعينكم وَ السلام في صفر الخير عام 1220
TRANSLATION.
Praise be to God alone!
| Suliman | ||
| ben Mohammed | ||
| (L. | ben Abd Allah | S.) |
| ben Ismaael, | ||
| &c. |
Our servants, El Hage Mohammed O Bryhim, and Seid Mohammed ben El Kahia, peace, and the mercy of God be with you! This premised, I command you to suffer the Christian merchant Jackson, to embark for his own country, if it appears to you that no one pursues him in law (for debt), as I wrote to you on this subject in my last letter; if no one claims of him any right by law, allow him to go, and do not impede him.[228] God protect you, and peace be with you. 3 day of Saffer, the good year 1220. [A.C. 1805.]
FOOTNOTES:
[225]The words between brackets are not in the original, but implied.
[226]This, perhaps, is the only letter extant wherein a Mooselmin prince gives the title of Sultan to a Christian king.
[227]The above date corresponds with the 5th July, 1806, Christian æra.
[228]This repetition of the principal subject of a letter is a mode of impressing on the mind more forcibly the subject intended, and is commonly practised by the best writers in Africa.
GLOSSARY.
Abd, A slave.
Abeede Seedi Bukaree, The Bukarree blacks of the Emperor’s army.
Adul, An accountant.
Agem, A European, or Barbarian.
Akad El Beah, Declaration of sale.
Akkabaah, Several caravans accumulated together for the purpose of crossing the Desert of Africa.
Alem, A white flag suspended at the top of a mosque at noon, to announce prayers.
Bedowin, Wandering Arabs of the Desert.
Bu’dra, Old butter melted, and put into earthen jars, and preserved in the matamores ten, twenty, or thirty years: supposed to contain extraordinary medicinal properties.
Bussorah, A city in Arabia; derived from the Arabic words Bu and Surah, i.e. father of walls.
Cuscasoe, Granulated wheat, or barley-meal, mixed with water, and rolled into small particles about the size of partridge-shot, and prepared for food, by steam, with meat, fowls, and vegetables.
Deeb, A brown fox.
Delel, An itinerant auctioneer.
Diwan, Generally called Divan; but the letter v is not in the Arabic language: the word is derived from Diwee, to converse.
Douar, An encampment of Arabs tents.
El Wah, An oasis.
Erhella, A day’s journey of about eight hours continual travelling.
Ezzulia, Small glazed tiles of various colours, with which the Moors ornament their rooms, &c.
Fondaque, A caravansera, or inn.
Hashisha, A species of hemp, the seeds and leaves of which intoxicate, and are said to produce an agreeable vacuity of mind.
Harushe, A stony district.
Hassoua, Barley-gruel.
Hayk, A piece of woollen, or cotton cloth, or silk, made light, and of the natural colour of the article of which it is manufactured, being about two yards wide and five long, thrown over the dress, and resembling the Roman Toga.
Hejra, The Mohammedan æra, which began 16th July, A.D. 622. The year is lunar, consisting of 357 days; so that in the calculation of chronological events, 103½ lunar years are equal to 100 solar years.
Horreh, A free born, or noble born person.
Jimmel, A camel.
Kasseria, An enclosed building consisting of many shops.
Keyma, An Arab’s tent.
Kief, The seed of the Hashisha, an intoxicating herb.
Liali, The period of the forty longest nights.
Luksebba, A citadel.
Matamore, Subterraneous caverns or excavations, wherein is deposited corn, which by being closed so as to preclude the air, will keep the corn sound and good thirty years or more.
Millah, A department of a town inhabited by Jews.
Murristan, A mad-house.
Mutassib, An officer who regulates the weights and price of meat, &c.
M’shoar, Place of audience.
Naga, A female camel.
Niag, Female camels.
Semaimi, The period of the forty longest days.
Sfinge, Spongy bread.
Shebbel, A fish similar to salmon.
Sheik, An Arabian chief.
Smin, Butter melted and preserved with salt.
Soudanee, A native of Nigritia.
Stata, A convoy through the Desert, or other unsafe country, being a Sheick, or his friend, who accompanies and protects a caravan through his territory, and delivers it to the protection of a Sheick of the next adjoining district or clan, for which he generally receives a pecuniary remuneration.
Talb, A man versed in the Mohammedan laws.
Thaleb, The red fox.
Tibber, Gold dust.
Ukill, An attorney, or agent.
Zawiat, Sanctuaries.
Zemeeta, Meal mixed with cold water; a food used by the inhabitants of Mount Atlas.
Zibda, Fresh butter.
Zite, Oil.
Zitune, Olives.
ERRATA.
| Page | [20,] | line | 1, | for River Suse, read Province of Suse. |
| [80,] | note | for Appendix, p. 1808, read Appendix, page 108. | ||
| [107,] | line | 6, | for plate 2nd, read plate 8th, page 103. | |
| [196,] | — | 19, | for Eastern part of Chinese Tartary, read Eastern part of Bengal. | |
| — | 20, | for to the Cape of Good Hope, read to Zanguebar and Mosambique. | ||
| [283,] | — | 14, | for Latter, read Letter. | |
| [298,] | — | 29, | for three quarters of a cubit, read one cubit and three quarters. | |
| [299,] | — | 4, | for Skiat, read Okiat. |
London: Printed by W. Bulmer and Co.
Cleveland row, St. James’s.