FOOTNOTES:
[304] Except to the extent indicated on p. 63.
[305] Perhaps the principal feature of the rebels' tactics was that the troops should assume the offensive.
[306] General Report. Sept. 1906 (not published).
[307] In his report for 1906, Col. Bru-de-Wold observes: "The recent operations have shown the absolute necessity for mobile transport, as rapidity of movement is the secret of success where Natives are concerned; ox-transport is far too slow to meet the requirements."
[308] Those convicted of rebellion were about 5·3 per cent. of the total number of rebel prisoners, less the 500 referred to in the text.
[309] The Union Government has abolished both the Council and the Commissioners, so that Natal is now practically in the same position in which she was before the Rebellion.
[XX.]
NATIVE AFFAIRS COMMISSION.—VISIT OF DINUZULU TO PIETERMARITZBURG.—MURDERS OF LOYALISTS.—ESCAPE OF BAMBATA'S WIFE AND CHILDREN FROM USUTU.—REMOBILIZATION OF MILITIA TO ARREST DINUZULU.
As far back as June, 1906, the Prime Minister had informed the Legislative Assembly that certain bills, prepared by the Native Affairs Department, and of the greatest importance in connection with Native administration, would be laid on the table of the House. At the same time, the Government was of opinion that the scope of these should be extended. It had, accordingly, been deemed advisable to appoint a Commission to inquire into the whole subject of Native administration and legislation. In this proposal the Governor concurred; indeed, in his capacity as Supreme Chief, he had already urged the taking of some such step.
The appointment of the Commission, however, could not take effect until September, primarily on account of hostilities in the eastern districts of Natal, as well as of the dissolution of Parliament and following general election.
The terms of reference were of the widest range, practically every aspect of Native legislation and administration being set down for inquiry. There was, however, one matter which did not fall within the scope of the inquiry, viz. the actual causes of the Rebellion.
The seven Commissioners appointed included a representative of the Imperial Government. No time was lost in getting to work.
The labours and area covered by this important body are succinctly set forth in the following extracts from its own report:
"The design of the inquiry being both general and particular, the powers conferred have been used in the manner intended and to the fullest extent by collecting information from all sources, European, official and unofficial—Native and others; all being invited who could further the investigation, by advice or suggestion, or the results of their observation or experience.... The Commission held its first meeting on the 16th October, 1906, ... evidence was received from time to time up to the 18th June, 1907. To facilitate this object, thirty-four places were visited, at which statements by 301 Europeans were received, together with those of 906 Natives and others, who addressed the Commission personally or by delegation. So highly did the Natives appreciate the opportunities afforded them of expressing their views that at least 5,500, including Chiefs and headmen, exempted and Christian Natives, attended, and, on the whole, spoke, as they were invited to do, with remarkable freedom."[310]
The recommendations of the Commission will be referred to later.
Colonel Bru-de-Wold was unfortunately obliged to retire from the position of Commandant of Militia, as well as from the public service, at the beginning of 1907. He had served in several capacities, chiefly as a soldier—always with benefit to the Colony and credit to himself—for upwards of thirty years. In recognition of the splendid work done by him before and during the Rebellion, the honour of D.S.O. was conferred on him by the King. The Natal Militia, moreover, presented him with a sword of honour, formally handed to him by the Governor. Colonel Sir Duncan McKenzie, K.C.M.G., succeeded as Commandant.
A general election took place towards the end of 1906, when Mr. Smythe's Ministry, finding itself without a sufficient working majority, resigned in November. The Right Hon. Sir Frederick R. Moor, P.C., K.C.M.G., was then called on to form a ministry. This he did, the portfolio of Premier and Minister for Native Affairs being taken by himself.
In connection with many of the courts-martial referred to in the preceding chapter, a considerable amount of evidence was led more or less implicating Dinuzulu in the Rebellion. Moreover, a Native who had visited Usutu kraal on private business in January, 1907, reported having seen being harboured there twenty-eight rebels he knew by name and some hundred or more others. The men, it was averred, had been formed into three companies and called the Mbambangwe (leopard-catcher) regiment, because, for the most part, they consisted of those who had almost annihilated a small portion of Royston's Horse at Manzipambana.[311] In these circumstances, the Government arrived at a decision in August to hold an inquiry into Dinuzulu's conduct. Although action followed, it was soon suspended in favour of the Chief himself paying the Governor a visit. The making of such visit arose out of a conversation Sir Charles Saunders had with Dinuzulu (then at Nongoma) over the telephone. The latter had wished to 'unburden his heart.' After doing this as well as he could through the telephone, he asked that what he had said might be transmitted to the Government. This, the Commissioner replied, it was obviously impossible to do, although he promised to forward a summary, and suggested Dinuzulu's paying the Governor a visit and setting forth at a tête-a-tête all he wished to say. As, by this time, the Imperial Government wanted Sir Henry McCallum to assume the Governorship of Ceylon at an early date, suggestions were made to Dinuzulu that he should proceed to Pietermaritzburg for the purpose of unburdening himself, and, at the same time, bidding His Excellency good-bye. After some delay in arranging preliminaries, he proceeded to the railhead at Somkele. At various stopping-places on the way to Pietermaritzburg, he was visited by Natives, who not only accorded him the highest royal salutes, but laid at his feet other tokens of devotion and humble allegiance. This triumphal progress continued until he had reached Pietermaritzburg. At this place, too, the Natives treated him in a manner that could not have been outdone by the most servile subjects of an eastern potentate.
On the 20th and 21st May, he was summoned to Government House, where he, with his indunas, Mankulumana and Mgwaqo, and others, had lengthy interviews with Sir Henry McCallum in the presence of the Minister for Native Affairs and other officials. After saying all that was on his mind, Dinuzulu was spoken to straightly in respect of his misbehaviour and offences, real and imaginary, so far as these were then known. He parried too searching inquiries with his usual dexterity, not unmingled with suppressio veri, but there were certain accusations which he was unable, even with the assistance of his counsellors, Mankulumana and Mgwaqo, to quite brush aside. For instance, his having received messengers from Chiefs in all parts of the country in connection with the poll tax and not reporting them to the local Magistrate, as required to do by standing instructions.
The Governor's object, however, was not to punish him for such misdeeds as had come to light, or to probe too deeply into others that rested merely on suspicion, but to show him that the Government was in possession of information which clearly proved misbehaviour on his part, and to afford friendly counsel as to his conduct in the future. Little did the Governor or the Government know that the man then being addressed and urged to make a clean breast of his grievances, as he had himself requested to do, had already committed several serious and unpardonable acts of high treason.
After another interview, this time with the Acting Prime Minister and other Ministers, the Chief returned to his kraal.
By this time, the Native Affairs Commission was touring in Zululand, holding meetings at most of the magistracies with Chiefs and followers, under conditions the most pleasing to the Natives. Zulus rejoiced at having that opportunity of laying their grievances before the official delegates. Not so Dinuzulu. And yet the Governor's words to him, through the interpreter, were that he would "have an opportunity of laying his views before the Commission. I ask him to do so, because I can assure him that any recommendations which that Commission may send in will receive the earnest consideration of the Government."[312]
When Dinuzulu got to Somkele by rail, the Commission happened to be there too. This Dinuzulu knew, and yet although compelled for some hours to be at the station, he was unable to leave his railway carriage and walk a hundred yards to tender evidence, general in character, which it was well within his power to give, and which, in the interests of the people one would think he would rejoice to have tendered.
By reason of the fact that interviews had taken place with Dinuzulu, the Governor decided to arrange others with the most influential of those Natal and Zululand Chiefs who had behaved loyally during the Insurrection. Some of these men controlled tribes as large or larger than that of Dinuzulu. It was, indeed, for that particular reason that no differentiation was shewn between him and them. The interviews, held on the 3rd and 4th June, helped materially to allay much of the nervousness then still prevalent among the people at large, and to restore the former amicable relations between them and the authorities.
This proved to be the last of many useful services Sir Henry McCallum was called on to perform as Governor of Natal. With the greatest regret did Natalians of every class take leave of this public officer, for he was one who had very closely identified himself with their interests, in times of peace and of war. The energy and ability with which he had grappled with the numerous issues of the Rebellion were at all times conspicuous and conspicuously successful. Difficulties of the most serious nature arose, sometimes with surprising force and suddenness, only to be met with coolness and courage, and invariably surmounted. The Colony prided herself in having him as her Governor. In his hands she felt safe. So satisfied was she with him in command, as to accord him every privilege in connection with internal affairs as it was possible to do. In parting with him, after more than the normal term of years, she rejoiced to know that his services and experience, which had been of such intrinsic value to her in times of stress and of peril, would not be lost to the great Empire of which she formed a part.
Until the new Governor's arrival at the beginning of September, Mr. (now Sir William H.) Beaumont, one of the judges of the Supreme Court, acted as Administrator.
Lieutenant-Colonel Sir Matthew Nathan, K.C.M.G., who had served with distinction as Governor on the Gold Coast and Hong Kong, arrived at a critical time to preside over the affairs of the Colony. He at once addressed himself to the situation which, as will be seen, had been rapidly developing during Mr. Beaumont's tenure of office.
During Dinuzulu's visit to Pietermaritzburg to see Sir Henry McCallum, reference had been made to certain two murders in regard to which the Chief was said to have rendered no assistance to the Government. He explained, though not at that moment, that one of the men had 'died' in his ward and the other (Mnqandi) outside it. The latter who, up to the time of his death, had been living at Usutu kraal, had had his throat cut, but after walking a long way, died some eight miles from the kraal. This incident occurred about the same time that Stainbank was murdered. Dinuzulu declared he was unable to offer any explanation as to how the crimes had come to be committed.
These murders, both of which took place during the first half of 1906, are mentioned because it was owing to them and similar mysterious occurrences in 1907, again associated with Dinuzulu, that the Colony came once more to be placed under martial law, and a large portion of the Militia mobilized for the purpose of restoring order.
Following on a charge of having committed adultery with one of Dinuzulu's wives (a charge which was not substantiated), and on that account, believed to have caused Dinuzulu to become ill, another man, Gence alias Nsasa, formerly employed by the Chief as a doctor, was murdered in Nkandhla district in April, 1907.
The latter incident, however, because of deceased's low rank, did not excite nearly as much attention as the murder of a prominent and conspicuously loyal Chief, also of Nkandhla, named Sitshitshili. This man had materially assisted the Government to the utmost of his ability during the Rebellion. Many years before he had saved Dinuzulu's life, when the kraal at which the latter was staying was suddenly attacked by Zibebu's impi. Sitshitshili's murderer, who professed to be a messenger, was a stranger to deceased. He was allowed to spend a couple of days at the kraal. Seizing his opportunity when his host was alone at night, and after drinking a cup of coffee with him a few minutes before, he shot him in the chest and stomach with a revolver and, though pursued, escaped in the dark. The effect instantly created on the Native mind by this revolting and brutal murder is best stated in the words of Sir Charles Saunders, written but two weeks after the occurrence:
"Several of the loyal Chiefs from different parts have either visited or sent representatives to me to express their regret and horror at what has happened, and emphatically assert that the life of no loyal person is now safe.... There appears to be no doubt in their minds that this murder, as well as others, was inspired at the Usutu kraal. Some say so openly, whilst others, who are not so frank, insinuate in unmistakable terms that they share the same view, and it is not difficult to perceive that they hold Dinuzulu, either directly or indirectly, responsible for the whole."
MVELI,
Chief.
SITSHITSHILI,
Chief.
SIBINDI,
Chief.
MANKULUMANA,
Dinuzulu's principal induna.
SIYEKIWE,
Bambata's chief wife.
To show the people that the Government was alive to the necessity of preventing such crimes, the Police at Nkandhla magistracy immediately set to work to try and discover the murderer. Everything that skill or perseverance could accomplish was attempted. But these exertions did not escape the attention of specially interested parties. Sergeant Wilkinson, the officer who was in charge of the investigations, retired to his room about midnight on the 8th of September. Barely a minute after blowing out his light, two shots were fired at him through a hole in a window-pane with a revolver. One struck about eight inches above, and the other under, the bed. Being very dark, no clue could be got of the would-be murderer, except that the bullets closely resembled those fired at Sitshitshili. As, except in a very limited degree, Natives are not allowed to possess firearms, and, when permitted, almost invariably procure guns, the fact that a revolver was used on Sitshitshili and Wilkinson at once attracted general attention.
Orders were now issued by the Government for the country to be thoroughly patrolled by a strong Natal Police Force, with the object of restoring public confidence. Some such action was sadly needed, but, in the opinion of Native loyalists, far wide of the mark. These and many other people held but one opinion, namely, that Dinuzulu himself was the fons et origo of all the mischief. If not he, then puppets directly or indirectly instigated by him or his indunas.
The long dispensation or lease of immunity Dinuzulu had enjoyed was, however, fast coming to a close. Oppressed with the feeling that his misdeeds were gradually coming to light, in spite of all his profound and subtle influence on Zulus in general, in spite, too, of the terrorizing tactics above referred to or still to be described being traceable to his kraal, if not to his personal attendants and himself, he had done his best to enlist the Governor's sympathies on his own behalf. Those of Sir Charles Saunders he felt he could still count on, though he failed to give that officer credit for being able to see through his prevarication, and affectedly innocent pose.
For some months past, rumours to the effect that Bambata's wife and children were being deliberately harboured by him at his kraal had come to the notice of the Government. As, however, it was extremely difficult for any official Native messenger—a European one would have been hopeless—to obtain information on such point by visiting Usutu, all that could be done was to mark time and watch developments.
The opportunity came shortly after the return from his visit to Pietermaritzburg. He had been asked by Sir Henry McCallum to give orders for the arrest of any rebels who might find their way to Usutu and have them conveyed to the local Magistrate. On this Magistrate subsequently sending a list of eight rebels who had been recently seen in his ward, Dinuzulu caused five, and another not specially asked for, to be delivered two weeks later—3rd July.
On the morning of the same day, however, Siyekiwe, the wife of the notorious rebel Bambata, and two of his children, a girl (about 16) and a boy (about 14), turned up suddenly at Mahlabatini magistracy, having, as they declared, left Dinuzulu's kraal the evening before and travelled through the night. They had deserted, owing to a threat by Dinuzulu to remove them to a remote region in the north. As the Chief had led the Government to believe there were no rebels at his kraal, he determined to rid himself once for all of the woman and children. They had at length become a nuisance, although he believed, or professed to believe, his friend Bambata to be still alive. It was owing to Dinuzulu's not informing Siyekiwe of Bambata's death that she did not shave her head, as is universally customary among Zulus and other Natal tribes. The failure to do this was of the greatest importance in keeping alive the impression among Natives in general that Bambata was not dead, but roaming about somewhere. If his favourite wife, the one who had accompanied him in his flight to Usutu, did not believe in his being dead, no one else would, as she was not unnaturally looked on as the principal authority in such matter. Who, they argued, can know better than a woman if her husband be dead or not? Not the woman, but Dinuzulu appears to be responsible for the false impression that was circulated far and wide.
When Dinuzulu went to Pietermaritzburg, he had temporarily secreted the woman and children at a kraal a few miles off. That of a thoroughly reliable adherent was selected. But as the woman, quite young and rather good-looking, was not without male friends, she, on being recalled to Usutu, heard of the scheme, whereupon she made a plan and speedily got completely beyond Dinuzulu's reach. Then was the fat in the fire!
The fugitives were passed by the Magistrate to Sir Charles Saunders who, amazed to hear their numerous revelations, had them conveyed to Pietermaritzburg, where the whole story was carefully reduced to writing.
And what was the story? Briefly this. About a month before the attack on the Police in Mpanza valley (4th April, 1906), and when the Police were attempting to arrest Bambata for refusing to obey a summons from the Government, a Native messenger arrived to say Dinuzulu wished Bambata to come to him, the former having heard he was unhappy through being harassed by the Government and Europeans generally. After conferring with members of the tribe until lately presided over by himself, he left for Usutu, taking with him the woman and three children (by two other wives). Travelling on foot, the party reached Usutu in a few days. Here Bambata had several interviews with Dinuzulu and his indunas, Mankulumana and Mgwaqo. He was treated with every consideration. Suitable accommodation and food were found for him, his wife and children. Bambata informed his wife that, at the interviews he had had with Mankulumana and others, he had been reproved for showing cowardice on the occasion of the Police entering his ward to arrest him. It was considered he should have shown fight. Bambata queried how it was possible for him to go to war with Europeans. "Have you no people?" they asked. "A few," he replied. "Few though they be, you ought to have come into conflict. What do you suppose caused us to fight in 1879? Do you think we did so by the aid of drugs?"
The day before Bambata's departure for Natal, he was summoned to where Dinuzulu, Mankulumana and others were. "The room I was seated in," says Siyekiwe, "was close by where Dinuzulu was with the men referred to, and I could hear distinctly what was said. I heard Mankulumana say to Bambata 'There is nothing more that we have to say to you to-day. To-day we give you this weapon, a Mauser rifle, and we say: Go across into Natal and commence hostilities. We give you Ngqengqengqe, whom we direct to go back with you, also Cakijana.... After causing an outbreak of hostilities, you will remove into the Nkandhla district. Do not be afraid through thinking that the fighting is brought about by you. We, not you, are responsible for it....' The words I have given were spoken by Makulumana in the presence of Dinuzulu in an audible voice.... My husband said he hoped that they would not deceive him, make a fool of him, and deny the fact that they were the originators of what they wanted him to do. My husband was also instructed thus: 'After you have started the fighting and fled for refuge to the Nkandhla forest, we will meet you there.'"
The rifle, said to have been handed to Bambata by Mankulumana in Dinuzulu's presence, with cartridges done up in a piece of white cloth, were seen by the three. Bambata then left. Some time afterwards, Dinuzulu informed the woman that a rebellion had broken out in Mpanza valley, and that her husband had fled to Nkandhla forest.
When the Commissioner for Native Affairs made his visit to Usutu early in April, 1906, the woman was there the whole time, carefully concealed in the harem.[313]
There is no necessity to refer to other items in the story, such as the visits and harbouring of various rebels, seeing they belong rather to criminal proceedings than to a history. These proceedings, as well as the foregoing crucial fact, will be briefly dealt with later. Suffice it to say, the woman and children had been actually harboured by Dinuzulu, fed, accommodated and medically treated at his own expense for a period of over fifteen months. During that period, the boy was appointed cleaner of the large number of guns possessed by Dinuzulu, many of them illegally held. And yet the Chief had been called on officially from time to time to produce all guns in his possession for registration.
Not long after the woman and children had given their sensational evidence, the one corroborating the other, they were permitted to return to their relations at Mpanza.
The position now became clearer, though still complicated.
Sir Henry McCallum's object, when he had his interviews with Dinuzulu, was so to rouse the Chief to a sense of his duty as to cause him, on getting back to Usutu, forthwith to put his house in order and discontinue his unsatisfactory behaviour. We have seen the way in which he treated the Governor's suggestion about appearing before the Commission, and what he did about handing over the rebels who had taken refuge in his ward. Although called on later to deliver up other rebels, declared by reliable informants to have been recently at Usutu, he neglected to do so, on the plea that the men had not been there. The Governor also advised that all firearms in his possession should be given up. According to the evidence of Bambata's wife and children, especially the boy, and to other testimony, Dinuzulu possessed many more guns than had been registered, consequently he had failed between the time of getting home and when the woman and children deserted—a period of at least three weeks—to act on the Governor's advice.[314] What was his object in not wishing to disclose that he had these unregistered guns? He, moreover, had held a hunt in August, extending over a fortnight, in the Black Umfolozi valley, at which, as reliable information went to show, he secretly inspected about 150 breech-loading rifles in possession of his people, including his bodyguard, 'Nkomondala.' On the same occasion, he is said to have told his most confidential advisers "that he had experienced great difficulty in getting Mauser ammunition, but that there was not the same difficulty with regard to the ordinary .303 ammunition, as he could get this from agents at Delagoa Bay ... and was expecting 2,000 rounds from that source, which would be conveyed to him in bundles of cat-skins, ostensibly brought up from there by Portuguese Natives for sale amongst the Zulus."[315]
In reply to Dinuzulu's remark that he had not assumed the position of Government Induna, that being one of the conditions under which he was repatriated from St. Helena in 1898, the Governor had told him he would at once be given that position, but such appointment would necessitate his coming into closer touch with the Magistrate, Nongoma, than was possible at Usutu. The suggestion that, in assuming the position, he should move closer to the magistracy was, however, apparently ignored.
In addition to these unsatisfactory features, was the far graver one of the murders that had been and were still being committed. Apart from those of the Magistrate of Mahlabatini, Tshikana, Mnqandi and Gence, that of Sitshitshili had occurred in August, and the attempted one of Sergt. Wilkinson early in September. The strongest representations were made to the Commissioner by many loyal Natives that "the failure to obtain a conviction against the murderers of the Magistrate (Mr. Stainbank), or to bring to justice the murderers of certain Natives, and the belief that these murders had been instigated by Dinuzulu, were creating a doubt in the minds of loyal Natives as to the power of the Government to redress such wrongs, the fear that further murders would be perpetrated with impunity, and that Dinuzulu, by a course of terrorism, would win over the allegiance of heretofore loyal Natives, increase his power and independence, and so bring on another rebellion."[316]
The Police sent to patrol Zululand after Sitshitshili's murder, visited north-eastern and northern Zululand, and ended by passing by Usutu on the 30th September. Everywhere the people were quiet and orderly. The only uneasiness exhibited was when the force, under Inspector O. Dimmick, got near Usutu. As it approached, many Natives proceeded to the kraal. Halting some distance off, Dimmick sent Inspector C.E. Fairlie and two troopers to see Dinuzulu. The Natives, of whom less than 100 were then seen at the kraal (though reliable evidence received later showed that many others were concealed in a donga near by) became disturbed, wondering why an armed force had come that way. After speaking to Dinuzulu, Fairlie inspected the kraal. The Police then moved towards Nongoma.
Intelligence was, at the same time, received that Dinuzulu had, two or three weeks previously, been "doctored for war by a Native doctor, either from Pondoland or Basutoland," and that certain ceremonies had been carried out similar to those in vogue in the days of Tshaka.[317]
An old Boer farmer of Vryheid district, Mr. Conrad Meyer, long a friend of Dinuzulu, paid the latter a visit in October, when, after several interviews, he came to much the same opinion as to the Chief's loyalty as Sir Charles Saunders had so consistently held during 1906.
Whilst the Government, with the foregoing and other facts before it, was seriously considering what action should be taken, an attempt was made (7th October) to murder Mapoyisa, principal son and heir of the Chief Mbuzo, as well as another Native of the same tribe. The evidence went to show that the two would-be murderers had come from Usutu kraal. But people had hardly grasped the facts connected with this attempt when another cold-blooded murder was committed, this time on an elderly and respected Chief, Mpumela. The lives of two other loyalists were attempted about the same time (November). An attempt is also said to have been made on a storekeeper, George, formerly in the Police. His store, about six miles from Usutu, was destroyed by fire. It is, however, possible the latter occurrence was due to lightning.
Information also came in that the ringleaders of the previous year's rebellion, Mangati and Cakijana, had for long been harboured by Dinuzulu, although well knowing that warrants were out for their arrest. The former, captured in November in Vryheid district, stated on oath that Dinuzulu had been and was still instigating the murders. He (Dinuzulu), in short, seemed "determined," as the Administrator pointed out to the Secretary of State in August, "on a course of self-aggrandizement, of cool defiance or indifference to the wishes of the Government, and of open hostility to those Natives who had been loyal; and it was clear that his attitude and actions were becoming a serious cause of unrest and apprehension amongst the loyal Natives, and a menace to the peace of the country."
It was in view of all these and other circumstances, too numerous to refer to, that the Government, supported by the Attorney-General, ultimately decided to issue a warrant for Dinuzulu's arrest on a charge of high treason,[318] and to mobilize a large portion of the Militia to reinforce the Police when proceeding to execute the warrants.
For other reasons, Dinuzulu became very agitated about this time. The arrival of the Police on the 30th September, and especially their being stationed at Nongoma, twelve miles from his kraal, greatly upset him. He contemplated leaving Usutu and establishing himself on the Black Umfolozi, where the hunt had recently been held. He dispatched earnest letters to the Governor, Prime Minister, and Under Secretary for Native Affairs, asking for fair play, expressing confidence in his rulers, etc.; he followed these up, on the day that the troops reached Zululand (3rd December), with an urgent message through the Magistrate, Nongoma, portions of which ran as follows:
"I have heard that it is the intention of Government to send and take me by surprise shortly after Christmas.... I do not understand this, and want to know if there is any truth in it, as I know of no wrong that I have done. If Government think I am in the wrong over anything, why does it not place me on trial and punish me if found guilty? I am also surprised to hear that the court-house at Nongoma has been placed in a state of defence. Police are camped all round it.... Nothing is wrong in this division, as far as I know. The only place where things are wrong is Nkandhla division, and I am not responsible for what happens there; and in my opinion, ... these murders are being committed there on account of Government having given cattle which belonged to rebels to different people in that division, and the original owners of these cattle resent seeing their cattle in other people's possession."
In the meantime, however, seeing that the several murders and other crimes against public order recently committed in Zululand had caused widespread unrest and fear of violence to law-abiding people, and as, in order to restore order and confidence, it was imperative to arrest all persons concerned in the crimes, a proclamation was issued on the 30th November directing the strengthening of the forces in Zululand to enable the arrests to be effected. Orders were, at the same time, issued for the mobilization already referred to of the greater portion of the Active Militia. The troops actually called out were 188 officers and 1,928 of other ranks.
There was good reason to suppose that Dinuzulu's immediately available impi was comparatively insignificant, notwithstanding his hasty endeavours to augment it under the shallow pretext of the young men being required to 'weed his gardens.' Such appeals had been made to Chiefs living outside Zululand, viz. in Vryheid and Ngotshe districts. Mr. Meyer had reported "one sees at a glance that he (Dinuzulu) is a man of rank without followers." That the force dispatched to deal with him was so overwhelmingly strong, was due solely to the Government's wish to overawe armed rebels or others at Usutu against all forms of resistance. It was recognized that an outbreak at Usutu might be taken by the Zulus as the signal for a general rising. Another reason was that Silwana, a powerful Chief of Weenen, whose levy, it will be remembered, behaved unsatisfactorily during the Rebellion, was said to be calling on his people to rebel.
Units mobilized with the same remarkable rapidity that had characterized their movements in the preceding year, and were ordered to proceed by rail direct to Gingindhlovu. This station, on the Zululand coast and nearly twenty miles from Eshowe, was reached on the evening of the 3rd December.[319] On the same day, martial law was proclaimed, to operate, however, in Zululand only. Owing to the sudden, and necessarily sudden, mobilization, no preparation was made to fill up the places of those who had been called away. The ex-Commandant (Colonel Bru-de-Wold) was hastily summoned from Port Shepstone and asked to arrange for the defence of Natal in the event of hostilities breaking out in Zululand. The necessary organization was carried out in a thorough-going manner. The Reserves in sixteen districts (vide Appendix VII.) were called out and ordered to patrol their respective districts.
As soon as Dinuzulu's message was received, the Government, although the troops were by then well on their way to Gingindhlovu, thought it necessary to advise the Chief that there was no intention to take him by surprise, and that the Chief Commissioner of Police was being sent "to require him to surrender himself in order that charges against him might be tried." He was, at the same time, directed to proceed to Nongoma and there await the police officer.
A communication such as this could not, of course, do otherwise than bring about confusion among the troops that were concentrating at Gingindhlovu, through altering elaborate arrangements which had already been made for their subsequent advance.
The position, from the Government's point of view, was a difficult one, but with martial law proclaimed, and the troops actually in the field, the stronger and better course, perhaps, would have been to have referred Dinuzulu's communication to the O.C. Troops to deal with as he might have considered necessary under the circumstances. As it was, his hands were tied, and his plans considerably upset.
That the Ministry were not alone in their desire for settlement of a trouble inherited to some extent from their predecessors, can be seen from the following remarks by the Governor, Sir Matthew Nathan, to the Secretary of State: "Though I am doubtful whether this situation would have arisen if Ministers had at once, after the suppression of last year's Rebellion, or even at a later date, adopted the policy of amnesty and conciliation, and had thereby prevented Dinuzulu from acquiring the power he has done by protecting outlaws and by reason of the country remaining unsettled, yet I recognize that, under existing conditions, with a growing tale of unpunished murders attributed throughout the country to that Chief, it was not possible for the Government to remain inactive."[320]
The previous Government had, however, been out of office for over a year. During such time, the new Government had had, and had taken advantage of, opportunities of ameliorating the conditions as far as was possible. More was to follow as soon as time had been given to introduce some of the legislation recommended by the Native Affairs Commission. If the Government erred in not declaring an amnesty sooner, or in not releasing prisoners in larger lots than it did, that gave Dinuzulu no right to persist in disloyal and treasonable behaviour. At no moment could a general amnesty have cured such position as then existed. The fact that such policy had answered in other parts of the world, or even in Zululand after the 1888 disturbances, cannot be taken as a formula to apply to circumstances which happen to be similar in a few respects. Had a general amnesty been attempted sooner than it was, it would have been a blunder and enabled Dinuzulu, especially as rumours were current in Zululand at the time that he was going to secure an amnesty, to pose as liberator-general, although known to be actively and flagrantly disloyal. It would have been to place a premium on still more serious rebellion in the future. The only remedy was the one adopted, namely, to remove the source of mischief once for all. That the Ministers were not mistaken in the view they took, will be seen further on. As it was, between July and the issue of the warrants for Dinuzulu's arrest, some 500 to 600 prisoners had been released, whilst, as soon as the arrest was made, Ministers decided to release the remainder at short intervals, 300 at a time.