APPENDIX.
[From the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London, vol. vii., p. 144—172.]
Extracts from the Correspondence of the late Mr. Davidson, during his residence in Morocco; with an Account of his further progress in the Desert.[127]
The much-lamented close of Mr. Davidson’s life, an event which every member of the Geographical Society will unite in deploring, has made it the melancholy duty of that body to preserve some record of his latest exertions in pursuit of geographical knowledge. For that purpose his various friends and correspondents were requested to place in the hands of the Secretary such of his letters as contained any observations of moment; to this request they readily acceded, and the acknowledgments of the Society are more particularly due to his Royal Highness the Duke of Sussex, to whose gracious encouragement Mr. Davidson was mainly indebted for his favourable reception in Morocco, and who, with his wonted liberality, has allowed the transcription of the most interesting communications received from that enterprising traveller. To the extracts from Mr. Davidson’s own letters, are added such accounts as have been at different times forwarded respecting his further progress and the fatal determination of his journey, the particulars of which are still involved in some doubt, though concerning the main point, the loss of his valuable life, there is unhappily no place for hope.
It would have been highly gratifying had it been possible to introduce these extracts to the reader, by a detailed memoir of Mr. Davidson’s extensive travels in every quarter of the globe; but the materials furnished by such various and remote journeys could not have been collected and arranged in the short period which has elapsed since the sad intelligence of his end has been authenticated. Those journeys were also performed before their author was in correspondence with this Society, and for that reason are not necessarily connected with its Journal. His instructive lecture on the site of Jerusalem and the movements of the investing armies, the manuscript of which, had it received its author’s last corrections, would have formed a suitable counterpart to his description of a mummy which he opened and described after his return from Egypt, might have been inserted in this collection, had it not been too closely confined to topography and history to be properly placed among geographical disquisitions.
In the summer of 1835, Mr. Davidson, whose ardour was not checked by the many hazards and difficulties he had already experienced, formed the adventurous project of a journey into the heart of Africa, by what may be termed the most direct route. He therefore embarked in September, 1835, for Gibraltar, on his way to Morocco, from which country he hoped to reach Tumbuktú by the route of Tâfilêlt, the road by which Réné Caillé travelled from that city northwards. To the almost insurmountable obstacles which would meet him at every step, Mr. Davidson was no stranger. His personal courage, however, his power of enduring fatigue and change of climate, readiness at finding expedients to obviate difficulties, and, above all, his peculiar urbanity, which could not fail to prepossess even strangers in his favour, gave his friends, and still more perhaps himself, a confidence which even those excellent qualifications could hardly justify. To many other accomplishments particularly valuable in such an undertaking he added a considerable knowledge of medicine, to which, indeed, he was in the main indebted for the accomplishment of that part of his journey which he did execute; and should his papers have escaped the notice of the savages who assassinated him, they may hereafter add another leaf to the laurels with which his brow is already graced.
The only person by whom Mr. Davidson was accompanied was a negro baptized in the West Indies by the appellation of Edward Donnelan, but better known in this country by his Muselmán name of Abú Bekr, of whom some account has been given in this Journal.[128] He is occasionally mentioned in the following letters by the name of Abou, and should he not have sunk under the privations and fatigues of the desert, may possibly hereafter supply us with a more authentic account of his lamented employer’s end than any which we have hitherto received.
Mr. Davidson, as was before remarked, was well aware of the difficulties which awaited him, and at Gibraltar, where he was detained nearly three months by the impossibility of clearing his way into the empire of Morocco, he met Mr. Hay, his Britannic Majesty’s Consul-General in Barbary, who “seems to think” (he says in a letter to Dr. Lee, dated 13th September, 1835) “that we shall not be able to get on.” His resolution was not so easily to be shaken; he proceeded to Tangier,[129] and after waiting there a considerable time, had at length the satisfaction of informing his brother, Mr. T. Davidson, on the 13th December, that he had “that morning received a most kind and flattering letter from the Sultán of Morocco, accompanied by a few lines from his minister,” commanding him to repair to the court, where he should experience nothing but what would be agreeable to him. This letter was accompanied by another to “El’ Arbi Essaidi, the káïd of Tangier, directing him to provide everything for his safe conduct, and enclosing letters to all the governors by whom he had to pass, that they should pay him respect, honour, and hospitality, inasmuch as he was travelling to benefit his fellow-creatures; that the governor [al-káïd] should provide him a guard of ten horsemen, commanded by a káïd [captain], who would enforce respect and ensure the due performance of the Sultan, their master’s orders, which were that he should be treated with respect and consideration; and that his Majesty enclosed for him, the governor [of Tanjah], money for the soldiers, and extra pay for the káïd, who were to act under his orders, and be guided by his discretion.” “Such,” he adds, “is the manner, after a delay of three months, that I commence my arduous undertaking. I almost fear it is of too flattering a character, but must only use the more discretion.”
Antecedently to the receipt of these gracious orders from the Sultán, Mr. Davidson’s residence at Tanjah had not been either agreeable or encouraging, as appears from the following extract from a letter to Dr. Lee, written (10th December) only three days before the last:—“My good and grateful companion [Abú Bekr] begs me to forward the few lines he has this morning written to you, and I wish I could send you any particulars as to our journey, or any new observations on the small portion of this country which we have seen. With the exception of two or three excursions, [at] the utmost under fifty miles, I have been confined to the walls of this place, waiting the Sultán’s permission to proceed into the interior. The jealousy of this people exceeds all belief; their insults [are] innumerable, and I fear their determination is not to allow us to proceed. I have, however, by means of a few presents, bought the interest of the governor of this place and of Tetuan, and have been allowed to visit the places in the neighbourhood, but never without a soldier, from whose view I cannot proceed one step. I have examined some of the neighbouring mountains, most rich in iron, and specimens of jaspar and large masses of fossils. I have also passed some hours at the various douars,[130] or Arab encampments, have taken measurements of the ruins of the Outset,[131] or Pharaoh’s Peg, as it is called; some observations on which I hope shortly to send to England. I propose next week, should I not receive my permission to proceed south, [to] go from hence to the Divarretts, amongst whose hills are some Bedouins. One large tribe, who used to escort the hadjis from this to Mecca, still remain in the neighbourhood; and I think some of them would for a good consideration take me to Mourzouk, from whence I could get upon the caravan-track for Soudan. I have had some conversation with the Sheïk of Wadnoon[132] here, on his return from Mecca; but he states he cannot take me through Morocco, but will protect me, should I get to his dominions. The second rains have commenced with more than usual violence, and part of the country is impassable, which may account in some degree for [my] not receiving my answer from Morocco. I shall lose no time as soon as I receive this, nor shall I delay more than this month, and if this fail, I shall commence the year by a new route. My health, thank God, is very good; but I am sorry to say that Abou has had his sight much affected; and I fear he is very unequal to the journey. I am taking every care of him by nursing him; and he is too, I grieve to say, an object of great suspicion.”
Secure under such a protection, Mr. Davidson lost no time in proceeding to the capital, and had the satisfaction of giving his brother an account of his progress in the following letter:—
“The Garden of Mulai Moussa, Morocco, 18th Jan. 1836.
“My dear Brother,—I fear from what has accidentally transpired, that it is the Emperor’s intention to detain me here for some time. I have little cause for regret, this not being the season for me to cross the chain of Atlas, and any hurry on my part would only lead to suspicion, which might prove highly injurious to my projects. According to the Sultan’s directions, I started from Tangier with my caid [káïd, or captain] and his ten soldiers, accompanied, [for] the first two hours, by thirty of the consular corps: the good wishes of all, I believe, I possess—Mr. John Hay, the Consul’s son, and M. Crusentolphe, the Swedish Vice-Consul, accompanying me on to Rabat,[133]—eight days’ journey. I found much benefit, and derived great pleasure from the company of these gentlemen, the former of whom is a perfect master of Arabic. I have been also most fortunate in procuring an excellent dragoman,[134] who holds the office of interpreter to the British Consulate at Tetuan, and who has obtained three months’ leave of absence, and is now my paid servant. He has twice attended the English medical men who have been sent for to attend the Sultán, with whom he is a great favourite. To Rabat, the country presents little worthy of observation; a fine fertile plain, rich valleys, with numerous streams, and a succession of mountain ranges reaching as far as the eye will carry one. A little circumstance had nearly deprived me of the great source of safety, and the main stay on which I have to rely. Crossing an arm of the sea, at the Coubba of Mulai Ben Absolam,[135] my mules got into a quicksand, and I was obliged to dismount my soldiers, who had to wade the ford, their horses accompanying the baggage, the ropes being passed round the mules’ necks and haunches to draw them out. Most of my clothes [were] spoiled, and many of my little luxuries destroyed. Our weather, fortunately, was fine, and this induced us to stop and dry our clothes, which keeping us too late to reach our place appointed for encampment, we sent on the Sultán’s letter to have a mona and house prepared at Mehidia.[136] The man mistook the road; and on our arrival, the Governor refused to give anything to either the soldiers, muleteers, or the animals. He had been told all his directions were in the letter, and his only verbal orders were to pay me every respect and hospitality. He took me and my party out to his gardens, got ready a part of his house, provided most amply for the three and my servants, but left both men and beasts starving, they not having had any food, this being Ramadan, for eighteen hours. Starting me in the morning, he gave me an additional escort of thirty men, to take me to Sallee,[137] opposite to Rabat. Arrived there, we were again without our letter; but the Emperor’s son had sent orders about me. I had to make some disturbance here; was detained two days, to wait for an escort of two hundred horse, to be relieved by other two hundred, owing to an insurrection which has just broken out amongst the Zaire, who, it appears, expecting I was coming richly laden, had determined to take me. They had plundered all the parties who had, for the last three days, passed their district. My letter arriving, the Governor altered his tone towards me. I had refused to pay him a second visit, because I was not treated with sufficient respect, and informed him I should appeal to the Sultán on my arrival at this place [Morocco]. He now comes to say my guard is ready, and he intends to accompany me the first two hours, when the Lieutenant-Governor is to take me on to the Commander of the Forces, who is posted at midway between this and the Douar at which I am to sleep. This sight was most beautiful: the variety of dress and arms, the beauty of the Barb horse, and the meeting of sixty of the Oudaia,[138] who, added to my first escort, swelled our party to above three hundred. We had a slight row on the road, [and] took one man, which had nearly set the escort at war. The poor fellow claimed the protection of the Oudaia by a sign which they must acknowledge, and these, with some of their comrades amongst the party who accompanied me from Rabat, separating from the main body, prepared their guns for action. I had some difficulty, with the assistance of my caid, who appealed to their conduct before the person they had to escort. One man [was] severely wounded, and many [were the] losses of turbans, caps, &c. At our halt, having been joined by a large caravan on the road, we covered a considerable space.
“I encamped in the centre: my marquee, my caid’s tent, two tents for my soldiers; Hassan, a sort of consular agent, going to Mazagan, with a little black tent between mine and the caid’s; our muleteers in the rear; our horses and mules in a circle, and surrounded by about sixty soldiers: outside of this, the camels and the rest of the party. We [were] disturbed in the night by a large wolf, who had prowled in amongst us. Of these and the wild boar [there are] many traces. [We were] off early, and at eleven experienced a hurricane, which obliged us all to stop. Our animals [were] unable to face it, and we obliged for safety to dismount. Here our guard left us. All drenched to the skin, [we] proceeded to Dar-el-Beida,[139] and had no sooner got our tents up, than I received a message from Mulai Abdrahman,[140] the Emperor’s second son, to say he had prepared a place for me in the court of the palace, and that it was too dangerous to sleep outside the walls. I went, praying to be excused the fatigue of striking the tents uselessly.
“On entering the town I was received by his guard, who galloping close to me, fired their guns so near my face that I was nearly blinded. [The Prince is] a poor, puny boy, but having a very intelligent, wary Mentor. He had the orders of his father to bid me welcome. From this to Azamor,[141] on the Omer Begh,[142] where I met with the best of all receptions; the Governor accompanied me to Morocco with sixty horse. We ascended the three steps to the plain of Morocco. On the last night, at a place called Swynia, I was robbed of your gold watch and part of Abou’s clothes. They have since been returned. On crossing a kantarah[143] over the Tensift, I was met by a party of soldiers commanded by a caid, to bid me welcome in the Emperor’s name, his Majesty being out reviewing his cavalry. They were to conduct me to the ruins I now inhabit. I was taken round the walls by Haha, the place of the lepers, who have not the privilege of entering the city. This added above six miles to my already long journey. I found this place greatly in ruins: it must have been splendid. My room, which is bed-room and parlour and all, is thirty-eight feet long, eighteen wide, twenty-six high, richly ornamented, but without the slightest article of furniture. This forms one room of a square, the other parts [being] occupied by my servants, the caid, his soldiers, &c. And I have this day an accession of fifty persons, with the Emperor’s father-in-law, who has come to pay his respects, this being the season of the feast after Ramadan.[144] The old Moor, Seedy Mulai Ben Alee Abdrahan, has paid me a visit, and has become a patient. This evening I had to see his ladies, all fancying they were ill, [and eager] to see the Christian after two days’ quiet (as they call it), that is, not travelling. I was ordered to be in readiness as soon as it became dark, to go and see the Minister. A person would come for me, and I was to put on a cloak, and follow with a dragoman. At seven, an old Moor, with two soldiers carrying lanthorns, came for me. I was surrounded, as soon as I was out of my gate, by soldiers, and taken, as well as I could judge, about two miles, through large masses of ruins, crowded bazaar,[145] (the people giving way,) and numerous narrow streets. Not a word; but at each gate my guard pronounced the word El Hadge, and we passed. Arrived at a low door-way, a black slave asked for the word—this was pronounced—and then my dragoman and I were ushered into a narrow passage in total darkness. Through the court-yard into which this opened we observed several persons pass out; when a small door opening behind us, the Minister (whom we had seen at the palace in the morning) was waiting to receive us. Tea was brought, and in the centre of this room stood a single chair, on which I was to sit. I was then bade welcome in the name of the Sultán, [and was told] that I was to consider myself his guest; that I had only to wish, and it should be granted; that his master was only waiting for the fast to terminate, when he would see me. A host of fulsome compliments!
“I was then shown the vegetable productions of the country used as medicines; requested to report upon them; and questioned as to the progress of medical science. I spoke of the countries I had visited, and was assured that I should find more to be pleased with in my reception here. I was then asked to feel the Minister’s pulse, and report on his health; then to know if I would examine his black ladies, two of whom were but so-so,—a pretty job! I played my part well. Orders were given that no one be admitted. I was then told that the Lieutenant-Governor of the Meshwar[146] would come in the morning, and take me to all the Sultan’s palaces and gardens, and that a guard would be at my command whenever I wished to go out. I shall describe all these to you when I get home. I am under a strict espionage, and worried to death with patients. I saw the Sultan whilst passing through his palace, and have received his orders to visit him on Friday. His favourite wife is ill, and the difficulty is how to let me see her. I have refused to prescribe for her, without. The court physician is here twice a-day, and I have assisted him in one or two cases, and he thinks there never was such a doctor. A Seidlitz powder astonished him beyond all belief. I go next week to Atlas to visit some strange cities inhabited by Jews. Of these I shall write to his Royal Highness. El Hadge is here again, to say the Sultán has sent him to say that five of his guard will be here in the morning to conduct me to the great markets, and after this to an inspection of the cavalry, and to ask if anything can be done to make me more comfortable.”
Notwithstanding his incessant and wearisome occupation as both physician and apothecary to the Maroquine Court, Mr. Davidson found leisure for scientific inquiries, not forgetting those to which his attention had been particularly directed by H. R. H. the President of the Royal Society, who with his well-known condescension had desired this enterprising traveller to correspond with him. The result of his first inquiries was communicated in these terms:—
“Morocco, 3d February, 1836.
“Sir,—I have deferred taking advantage of your Royal Highness’s condescension in permitting me to address you, hoping that I should ’ere this have made my excursion to the five villages in the valley of the Southern Atlas inhabited by Jews, who differ much from any I have yet met with. Hitherto I have been able to glean but little from the few who visit the city, which is principally supplied by them with charcoal; but having this day received the Sultan’s permission to proceed and to continue my journey to Wadnoon (from which place I hope to join a caravan now collecting, to proceed to Soudan), should I succeed in this, I should not have an opportunity of addressing your Royal Highness; an honour of which I shall ever feel most proud.
“The Jews of Atlas are far superior, both physically and morally, to their brethren residing among the Moors. Their families are numerous, and each of these is under the immediate protection of a Berber (the aboriginal inhabitants of North Africa), patron, or master. They have, however, their own Sheik, a Jew, to whose jurisdiction all matters are referred. Differing from the Jews residing amongst the Moors, who are punished by the Mussulman laws, they are not in the same state of debasement or servitude; their case is one of patron and client, and all enjoy equal privileges, and the Berber is bound to take up the cause of the Jew upon all emergencies. They all carry arms, and serve by turns with their patrons. They state [that] they did not go to the Babylonish captivity; that they possess many writings; that they have a city cut out of the solid rock, with rooms above rooms, in which they dwelt upon [their] first coming to this country; and that there are some writings carved in these rocks which they attribute to some early Christians who came and drove them into the valley [which] they now inhabit. As I purpose making some few days’ stay amongst them, under the plea of searching for medicinal plants, I hope to be able to furnish your Royal Highness with some interesting particulars respecting these people, and to discover if these reports be true. I have received an invitation from their patriarch, who wishes to be informed the day before I visit them; it being his intention (having heard I had paid some attention to the sick Jews residing here) to come out to meet me. Your Royal Highness will scarcely credit the ignorance and debasement of the Jews of Morocco. The chief of the Millah, their quarter, was astonished to hear that the Bible used by the Christians contained the Psalms of David; and much more so, to hear that the Psalms were sung daily in our churches. I have endeavoured in vain to learn anything from them on your Royal Highness’s question as to the change of their time. I have been detained above a month in this city, owing to the indisposition of the Sultan, and the sickness of many of his favourites, and have been appointed court-physician. My stock of medicines is nearly exhausted, and having to see, upon an average, fifty patients a day, and compound the whole of the medicines myself, my own health has begun to suffer. Although I am fed from the royal table, I have no time to take my food; my patients coming at break of day, and remaining till dark; and I am seldom able to prepare the necessary medicines before midnight.
“I have a respite, if it may be so called, having to go to the Sultan every morning, but then all his ladies have something to ask for; and before I see his Highness I have to write from the mouths of the eunuchs all the ladies’ complaints, and bring them something the next day. This is unknown to his Highness, to whom I have respectfully refused to prescribe, unless I can [see] my patients. The head-physician has been ordered to spend two hours a-day in my room, to learn my treatment, and his son is to come in the evening, and see the mode of compounding medicines. The common Moorish doctors, who have but one remedy, firing, have been sent to perform their cures before me; I have had to make a report upon the state of medical science in all the countries I have visited, and to examine the few medicines they use, and state my opinions. Having accidentally stated [that] I believed many of their complaints arose from the manner of preparing their food, I have had to taste all the Sultan’s dishes, to mix simple drinks for him, and to look at the soil in which his vegetables are cultivated. But all to no purpose; they prefer their own plan to any recommendation of mine. I am happy, however, to inform your Royal Highness, that by strictly complying with their wishes, and having been more than [ordinarily] fortunate in my practice, I have made many friends, succeeded in removing suspicion, and obtained from the Sultán the promise of every assistance. He has presented me with a fine horse, given me a guard of ten soldiers, and promised me one hundred to escort me to Wadnoon, where his territory finishes. I am in treaty with the Sheik of Wadnoon, having offered him one thousand dollars if he will ensure my life to Timbuctoo; and the only difference now is between accident or climate. But as I well know that every accident will be construed into climate, I will not pay the sum till he places me in the city. I beg now most respectfully to present my humble duty to your Royal Highness, and with my fervent prayers that your Royal Highness’s health may be perfectly established,
“I have the honour to remain,
“Your Royal Highness’s very obedient, humble servant,
“John Davidson.”
Early in March, 1836, the Emperor’s health having been restored, his English physician was at length permitted to travel, not, as he wished, to the S.E., but to the S.W.; the route by Tâfilêlt being interdicted by the good-will or jealousy of the Sultán. Mr. Davidson, however, was prepared for this disappointment, and had already taken steps to secure a good reception among the Arabs of Wád Nún, on the north-western border of the Sahrá. On the 7th of March, 1836, he announced his arrival at Agadir, or Santa Cruz, in a letter to his brother, which has furnished the following extracts:—
“I was detained by the snow after leaving Morocco. . . . My reception and stay at court has surprised everybody. I have the most favourable promises of support and assistance, but do not believe quite all that is said, the Sultán having made me promise to return to his empire, and pass some months at Fez, or Mequinez, to instruct his people in the practice of medicine. Leaving Morocco, I attempted the ascent of Atlas, at Trasremoot, but at the elevation of five thousand feet was compelled by the snow to descend. This led me to visit a line of country as yet unseen by Europeans. I inspected more than one hundred villages of Jews and Berbers, was well treated, and orders had been given that at each principal place the governor should come out to meet me with his people under arms; that the principal towns should furnish three hundred fowls, ten sheep, and ten ducats for my maintenance, and provide barley for my horses and mules, and those of my soldiers. At the places where I only passed, the chief of the Jews were to come and make offerings of milk and wine; the former being changed from the primitive or patriarchal offering of bread. These I had to touch and pour a little of each on my horse’s mane. This done, food, both raw and dressed, was offered; and after a sort of song, I was suffered to proceed. At all the valleys they were desired to bring me the productions, and to show me any and all plants used as food or medicines; and on these I had to pronounce an opinion.
“My practice as a medical man has been so fortunate, and my distribution of medicines so general, that I have had work to answer even the questions. During my stay in Morocco, twelve hundred persons passed through my hands, and I had, at one time, the Sultán, several of his Ladies, the whole of the Ministry, the Cadi and Judicial Corps, the Commander of the Forces, and the Four Great Saints, Seedy Ben Abbas, Seedy Abdel Kader, Seedy Bush Eid, and Seedy Omberak,[147] under my care. The Zaire, of whom I wrote to you, and who intended to make me their prisoner, have broken into open warfare, and the people here are only waiting for the Sultán’s departure for the north to commence a disturbance. These people are all favourable to letting me pass, and the Suses and the Waled Abusebas,[148] whom I had been told to fear, have sent to beg of me to come on. My present difficulty is to get out of this empire. I have the Sultán’s order to remain at Terodant,[149] he having no power to protect me beyond this; but Sheik Beirock, of Wadnoon, informs he will; and had I not applied to the Sultán for a letter of protection, he would have taken me and passed me across the Desert, provided I would pay him a consideration.
“He will send me by a route used only by his couriers; but for this, at this season, I must take water and provision for two months, and send on some dromedaries, which will be posted about midway, where I have to halt; and by leaving my tired ones, and proceeding without a stop, I shall be able to pass before the Tuaricks have knowledge of my arrival. All this I feel I can do; but my companion, Abou, is, I am afraid, quite unequal to it. Sheik Beirock’s brother, who is with me, tells me Abou will be a safe passport for me, as soon as I arrive in Soudan: that one of his family is the present Sheik of Timbuctoo, and that his cousin, the son of Abou’s uncle, from whom he was stolen, is now the king of Houssa. He was fully acknowledged at Morocco, and my dragoman had orders from the palace to treat him with respect, as he was a Muley (prince). How we shall get on, I know not. I shall write one letter after I know the Sultán’s intention, but if you should not hear for some months, you may rest satisfied [that] I have passed Wadnoon. I feel that the same Providence which has hitherto preserved and protected me, will guard me through all the difficulties and dangers I am about to encounter. Should I not get on, I shall make a virtue of necessity, return to the Sultán at Fez, and make the best excuse to get to Tâfilêlt. I am, thank God, quite well, and have commenced training, taking two spare meals a-day, living principally on bread, rice, eggs, and weak tea; no wine, and very rarely meat; exposing myself much to the sun, and sleeping in the air.”
The Sultán had commanded Mr. Davidson to wait at Téródánt, the capital of Sús el aksá, about forty miles south-east of Santa Cruz, till he should be able to afford him a secure protection in his progress southwards: but a correspondence already established by the traveller with the Arab chief of Wád Nún, who is in name only subject to the emperor, and has the power of securing a passage across the desert, and impatience of further detention after so long a delay, made him anxiously entreat permission to advance as far as Wád Nún, and instead of remaining at Téródánt,[150] he repaired to Suweïrah or Mogador, about seventy miles due north of Santa Cruz, where he had the advantage of enjoying the society of Mr. Willshire, British Vice-Consul, on whose aid in promoting his views he knew he could rely. From that place he had again an opportunity of addressing the Duke of Sussex.
“Mogador, March 18th, 1836.
“Sir,—After a fruitless attempt to cross the western branch of Mount Atlas, owing to the unusual quantity of snow, I have been obliged to come to this place, which affords me another opportunity of taking advantage of your Royal Highness’s condescension in permitting me to address you. Having received the Sultán’s consent to cross the mountains for the purpose of visiting the Jews, I left Morocco for Mesfywa, and taking the route by Trasremoot, reached an elevation of 5,000 feet; but here the loose character of the snow, and the uncertainty of the track, obliged me to abandon my project. I was accompanied in this journey by a Rabbi, from the district of Coubba or Cobba, to which place it was my intention to have proceeded. From this man I received much curious information, and have yet great hopes of reaching the people of whom he spoke, and to whom he belongs, before I return to England. He informed me that in this place, nearly as extensive as that in which the city of Morocco is situated, there are not less than 3,000 or 4,000 Jews living in perfect freedom, and following every variety of occupation; that they have mines and quarries which they work, possess large gardens and extensive vineyards, and cultivate more corn than they can possibly consume; that they have a form of government, and have possessed this soil from the time of Solomon; in proof of which he stated [that] they possess a record bearing the signet and sign of Joab, who came to collect tribute from them in the time of the son of David; that the tradition of their arrival here runs thus:—‘Crossing the Great Sea to avoid the land of Egypt, they came to a head of land with a river; that here they landed, and following the course of this leading westward, but going toward the south, they came to a spot where they found twelve wells and seventy palm-trees. This at first led them to suppose that they had by some means got to Elim; but finding the mountains on the west, they were satisfied that they had reached a new country: finding a passage over the mountains, they crossed and took up their dwelling in this valley, first in caves, which exist in great numbers, then in others which they excavated, and after this began to build towns; that at a distant period, they were driven across the mountains by a people that would not acknowledge them, and that some remained at Diminet, Mesfywa, and other places on the western side of the range.’ Looking at the map, and following this man’s observations, it is perfectly easy to trace them. They must have reached the gulf of Tremesen, and taking the river Muluwia, or Mahala, have reached Tâfilêlt, where, to this day, are twelve wells planted round with seventy palm-trees, and which many of the Jews call Elim; and from this they [must] have taken the pass to which I attempted to get. Knowing the interest your Royal Highness takes in all that refers to the history of the Jews, I have offered this man fifty dollars to obtain a copy of the record upon a skin of the same size and pattern as that which contains it, and ten dollars for the copy of two tombstones to which the Jews make their pilgrimages, and these he promises to send to the Jew agent in Morocco in six months, provided I do not in the mean time visit Coubba. On asking him, if at any period they had a great accession to their number, or if he knew anything of the breaking off of the tribes, he seemed anxious to drop the subject, and told me that the more learned men whom I should see at Coubba could better inform me; that from time to time, Jews came to them, but that these tombs and the writings they possess contain all their history. This man returned with me. I was most anxious to know the meaning of the names of some of the towns: he told me what the Moors call Mesfywa is Oom Siwá, the Mother of Siwá,[151] one of their families which crossed [the mountains]; that Ourïka[152] of the Moors, distant thirty miles, was ’Rebka, founded by one of their daughters, and that most of these places had originally Hebrew names. At Ourïka he left me. I continued for eight days to visit the towns inhabited by the Jews, to the number of above one hundred, and I should say that on this side there are more Jews dwelling with the Berbers in the mountains than resident in Morocco. They have all the same account of Coubba, and have a great belief in the Cabāllists, who they say still exist, and who receive direct communication from Heaven. I here send your Royal Highness a few of the names of the principal towns, but having lost my Rabbi interpreter, cannot procure the meaning of them: Argum, Rōōsempt, Towra, Towright, Ai Tattab, Tamazert, Zowisiderhald, Tedēēli, Tisgin (very large, two hundred families), A Mismish (one hundred and fifty families), Sefélmal, to the town on the Wad el Fis.”
The remainder of this letter is taken up with an account of a singular physiological phenomenon, if Mr. Davidson was not misled by erroneous information. He says that he had been told hermaphrodites are found in great numbers in the empire of Morocco, that they are avoided as impure, and specially mentioned in the Muselman law; that the Sultán’s minister, Sídí Ibn Idrís, one of the best-informed persons in the empire, assured him that there are numbers of them at Fez. The only individual called a khunthá, or hermaphrodite, whom Mr. Davidson had an opportunity of examining, was one of those cases of imperfect formation which are occasionally met with in Europe.
At the close of the above letter he adds, “I am happy to inform your Royal Highness that I have the greatest support from Ben Dríss in favour of my proceeding to Soudan; and he hopes the Sultán will order my return by Tâfilêlt to Fez. I have completed my arrangements with the Sheik of Wád Nún, who undertakes, for a sum which I deposit in the hands of the consul here, Mr. Willshire, who has managed the matter with great judgment, to place me safely in Timbuctoo, provided the Sultán of Morocco does not object. I only wait the answer to the letters sent to make this request. My companion Abou’s family is still on the throne of Timbuctoo; Hamed Libboo, the present king, being one of his cousins, and Fehidier, king of Houssa, another of his relations, and Woled Munsor Enēēloo, king of Bambara, is well known to him.”
In the month of April, 1836, Mr. Willshire, H. B. Majesty’s vice-consul in the empire of Morocco, received the emperor’s royal passport for Davidson and his companion to proceed from Agadeer to Wád Nún, in consequence of which they immediately set out, and reached that place on the 22nd of April,[153] but as no caravan was then likely to be assembled, they were long detained in that sultry region. During this interval Mr. Davidson again addressed the Duke of Sussex.
“Tekínecou. Wadnoon, 3d July, 1836.
“Sir,—Presenting my humble duty to your Royal Highness, I beg leave to offer my most grateful thanks for the letter and its enclosures, and for which I shall ever feel indebted to your Royal Highness’s condescension. This, with other letters, found me returned to this place, after several ineffectual attempts to prevail upon any of the tribes to escort me across the Sahara,[154] on the confines of which I have been for the last three months, with the prospect of a further detention to the commencement of September. The objection of the Sultán of Morocco to my entering the district of Suse is owing, as he stated, to the dangerous and unsettled state of the country. The difficulties and delays with which I had to contend in passing through the numerous tribes now settled in the countries of Upper and Lower Suse, having no semblance of government and acknowledging no power, brought me to Wád Nún, too late for the spring Cafilas,[155] and at a period when the intense heat deterred even the Arabs from attempting the Sahara. Money, that all-powerful engine, prevailed upon five of the best of the Dummanees, who came with the van of the great Cafila from Soudan, to undertake with Sheiks Mohammed and Khiafee (who have each made the journey twenty times) to conduct me in safety to Timbuctoo, provided they were guaranteed a certain sum of money; but this only at the request of Sheik Beyrock, under whose protection I have been for the last three months, and for whose permission to pass I have already paid very heavily. All our arrangements were completed the 6th of June, the day appointed for starting. On the 4th of this month the Great Cafila, which was twenty days behind its time, reached the encampment from which I was to have started: this brought sad news. It had been attacked twice on the route; the last time only four days’ journey from this place, thirteen persons killed, much property taken, and many slaves set at liberty. The Dummanees had charge at this time, and were bound to avenge this. They attacked a large encampment of the tribe Erdghebat, the assailants of the Cafila, carried off one thousand camels, three hundred horses, and twenty-eight of the choicest slaves. This at once sounded the tocsin. All the tribes were in arms, each calling upon the other to take their parts. The Erdghebat attacked the town of Tajacanth, two days’ journey (forty-six miles) from this, but were repulsed by the Dummanees, in whose district the town is, with the loss of forty killed and one hundred wounded, most of whom have been brought to me for attendance, the Dummanees losing but four men, and having sixty wounded, many of whom also are here. Sheik Beyrock is almost the only person whose people are not involved in this quarrel. He is the great arbiter and the most powerful of them all. They have all sent deputations to him, which has afforded me an opportunity of seeing portions of most of the tribes. My position is far from enviable; the jealousy and amour propre of these people is beyond all belief. I am charged with favouring one whose large arm requires two splints to support the fractured bone, or looking down upon another as puny, because I give him but two pills, whilst others less daring than himself take three. I have, however, managed to keep pretty good friends with all of them. This place offers but little of interest on which to address your Royal Highness. I hope I shall be enabled during my stay to correct some trifling geographical errors, particularly as to the course of two rivers passing through the district, and the Wad Draha,[156] which finds its way to the sea. I have, however, the satisfaction of informing your Royal Highness that I have positively arranged my departure, under a heavy forfeiture and disgrace for non-compliance on the part of the Dummanees, for the 21st of Jumád Awwal, our 1st of September, to halt three days at Tajacanth, and to perform the journey to Timbuctoo within forty days: for this, however, I have to pay very heavily. The arrangement has been made since I commenced this letter, which I have the honour of addressing to your Royal Highness, discussing the matter two days; since when many of the chiefs of the tribes were here, by express order of Sheik Beyrock. I told them at once that I wanted to go to Soudan; they knew it, and had been sent for the purpose; that the two Sheiks, Mohammed and Ali, of the Dummanees, were to take me, and that I had already given Sheik Beyrock what he asked to ensure my safety, and now wanted to know what they would require for their camels and escort; the sum demanded was so exorbitant that I said at once I would give the matter up, go back to Fez, and request the Sultán to send me on. Upon this, the Deleïm[157] said, ‘You don’t go back without giving me five hundred dollars to pass my district.’ The Abousebah,[158] a day’s journey to the north of him, said, ‘If the Deleïm gets this, so will I.’ I appealed to the Sheik, who said he was as much astonished as I was. Seeing this, one of the party, who was the constant referee, said, ‘Christian, we are all pledged to protect your person: no one will harm a hair of your head; stop where you like; your person is safe; we all know your name—Ben Daoud.[159] We have promised this to Sheik Beyrock. One from each tribe will be with you, but pay you shall. We said nothing about your money; all we were asked was to protect your person, to swear none should harm you. Depend upon us; we keep our word, but go which way you will, you shall pay.’ The Sheik begged me to leave it in his hands: he admits he has drawn a great expense upon me, and has told me, under the circumstances, to write to the vice-consul at Mogador, who knows all these people, [in order to] get him to say what I ought to give, and he will make up the rest. Seeing my position, and recollecting the sibyl’s books, I offered one-half the amount asked to take me to Timbuctoo, which within the last hour has been accepted, and we have eaten some salt since.
“I find here still the Jews. The same precise account of their arrival and taking up their residence in the valleys of Atlas. One is here from Jerusalem begging alms, unusual amongst the Jews. He is advanced in years, quite blind, and has kept constant pace with me, taking advantage of my escorts from Tangier to this place: is anxious to get to Arowan,[160] where there is a very learned Rabbi. I cannot help him; my means will not allow me. They ask nearly as much for his passage as my own; having a greater fear of the Jews getting to Soudan than the Christians. I trust by this time your Royal Highness has recovered your perfect sight, hoping that about the period of this letter’s reaching England, your Royal Highness will have received the copies of the inscriptions from the tombs of the district of Mesfywa. I can hardly expect the copy of the record from Couba or Kobba will reach Morocco till the end of the autumn, when the Rabbi told me he should be returning, and would deliver it to the Consular Agent, the Jew Courkoss, to whom I have several times written. My companion begs most respectfully to present his duty, and hopes your Royal Highness will deign to receive the few lines from his pen, which he begs me to enclose. I am sorry to say I have great fears for his health; he cannot bear fatigue, and has been attacked with ophthalmia. The whole of the Soudan people know him, and tell me he will prove a certain passport; that he is a cousin of Hamed Libboo; and another of his cousins, Ali, called Koutouk, the warrior, is now king of Kong, and that many of his family are at Kong, all rich and in power.
“Hoping this will find your Royal Highness in the enjoyment of perfect health, and trusting shortly to have the honour of addressing your Royal Highness from Soudan,
“I have the honour to be, &c. &c.
“John Davidson.”
In the territory of Wád Nún the traveller’s patience was severely put to the test. He was detained there from April till November. From Glamiz he wrote to his brother, on the 25th September, as follows:—
“Since my last letter, I have made three ineffectual attempts at getting on, although I now begin to feel somewhat confident that Sheik Beyrock, with whom I still am, never intended sending me till the end of this month, he being so fully pledged for my safety and due arrival, that fearing the heat and the unsettled, nay warring, state of the tribes, did not choose to run these double additional risks. On the 25th of this month there is, by mutual consent, a general cessation of hostilities, to enable the tribes to attend the great Socco[161] of El Shig, held at ten hours’ ride from this place, and at which the Arabs dispose of the produce of their flocks and tents, and lay in their provisions for the whole year. The armistice lasts for six days, to give time for going and returning, the market occurring on the 28th and 29th. Of this it is intended I should take advantage, and as my people do not purchase anything, but merely come as a cloak and take me off, we shall get full three days’ start, and be nearly out of the reach of danger. I am now going on in a very different style from that mentioned in my last, partly by taunting the Tajacanths as being cowards, and more perhaps by holding out to them the rich harvest they may gain by having the whole market for salt, purchased at Toudeyny, which supplies Soudan, to themselves. Paying, as I am, an enormous sum to go on, and advancing money for the purchase of salt, to be repaid on arrival at Timbuctoo, or, in the event of an accident, to be returned to Sheik Beyrock, who is to replace it in the hands of the Vice-Consul at Mogador, I now take the whole of this portion of the Tajacanths, to the number of two hundred men and six hundred camels. Our arrangement is as follows: On the 25th, when the Sheiks with two hundred camels and sixty men start, as if to visit the Socco, two hundred camels with corn and water will proceed direct to the Sahara; thirty camels will be detached from those accompanying the two Sheiks, and come here for my baggage, which by this, you will say, is no trifle, the presents I am obliged to carry and the money (the cowries), ten camel-loads of which does not amount to one hundred pounds sterling, being all bulky. After shewing themselves at the Socco, they will join me on the road; we shall proceed to the tents, where we shall arrive on the 28th. A second two hundred camels with sixty men will proceed immediately. We remain two days to pack up our tents and grind zimeta,[162] the food eaten on the road, and carrying nothing with us but my baggage, which will now be divided between fifty and sixty camels, and make all speed to overtake the two former divisions. We shall materially lessen the load of the first, by giving drink and food to our own beasts, and loading those who for three or four days have carried nothing; and in this way push on to the first division, making no stop, with but very short nights, till we arrive at Towdeyny; there all will be loaded with salt, and this will require from eight to ten days. I hope, however, to find Hamed Libboo’s nephew there, and who no sooner hears there will be no regular Cafilá this year than he will be off with the news. I shall join him, provided poor Abou, about whom I have great fears, as you shall presently hear, can bear the journey. All are in great spirits, the people here believing that I have suffered so much on my last trip, from which I returned four days ago, that I have abandoned the idea of going on, and am now only waiting till I see El Shig, and go back to Fez. This is all very good, and I keep up this story: ’tis a very unsavoury one for me, as I cannot make the least preparation in the way of food for the journey, and forty-five days’ hard travelling, and barley and dates ground up together and mixed with milk or water, is but poor food. Meat is given but twice, at Toudeyny and Arowan, at both which places the Cafilas rest. I have had a task of ten days’ hard work on dry bread, and that not the sweetest at the end of the time, and one piece of fish, but am better in health for it, but not much fattened by it. My two first excursions were productive of little information or amusement; not so my last, which was replete with incident, and afforded me both pleasure and information. We started from this place, accompanied by the Sheik, and about a dozen friends and house slaves, under the impression that we could have reached the tents of the Tajacanths, to which, if we got, my things were to have been immediately forwarded. The first day convinced us of the impossibility of this, and not wishing to appear foiled or disappointed, we proceeded to the river Draha,[163] passing a beautiful country as far as scenery, but wholly without drinkable water, and came to the sea where this river empties itself. I had not for some weeks past eaten any of the food cooked in the Sheik’s house, but had been living on some stuff furnished by the Jews residing here: they received orders to prepare a bag of bread for the Christians, with which we started, the Sheik carrying tea and sugar; after a ride of eight hours, we halted at a very powerful spring of water, but so salt, that neither the Sheik’s horse nor mine would drink, and by a sort of law here, horses are neither allowed food nor water for twelve hours before they commence a journey: four small loaves were divided among the party, and those who liked took a saline draught, not an effervescent one. We remained half an hour, and proceeded, crossing a fine chain of hills, starting many herds of gazelles, and after two hours arrived at a large encampment, where we slept. Tea was made, but of the same water we had passed, and the boiling had far from improved its saltness. The preparation for dinner was too disgusting, and I will spare it you. We started the following day before day-break: the heat being excessive, we were obliged to cover the stirrups, &c. with our haiks.[164] At one P.M., going S.E., the thermometer was 140°—112° in our tents at night. Reached the wells, and found much cattle, but water salt. Here we got plenty of camels’ milk. Rode till six; halted, and killed two large wolves and many snakes. Off early, and crossed the mountains of Ab-el-Assel,[165] at the foot of which we found Bahra, one of Sheik Beyrock’s sons-in-law, with 1,000 camels. Here I saw much of Arab life—the settlement of points of law, marriages, and divorces. Here the story-teller and the bard divided the night between them. The wild Arab girl danced and sung the praises of the Sheik, and the poor Christian had a ditty composed in his favour. Next day we turned towards the sea; killed some wild boars; at the sea, got some fish;—and turned homewards, taking a different route: but no water except salt. I was ten days on this journey, and travelled, on an average, ten hours a day. Before this reaches you I shall be on my way to Timbuctoo. An express will be sent on my arrival.
“Faithfully yours,
“John Davidson.”
On the 2d day of November, he says, in addressing Lord Palmerston,—
“Since my letter to your lordship I have visited Sheik Beyrock. The map is but an indifferent guide; there is no such river as the Akassa; it is the Assaka, running near to this place: between this and Glamiz there are two other rivers, not laid down at all, the Boukoukmar and Syad. The point at which Sheik Beyrock wishes to form his port is the mouth of the river Draha (from El Wad Draha),[166] which, according to my reckoning, is 32 miles S.W. of Cape Noon, and should occupy the place marked on the map Akassa.
“I fear Sheik Beyrock has far overstated his means, but not at all the capabilities of the country. I am confident much may be done, in a commercial point of view, with these people, but he wants a better port than the Wad Draha—shallow water, heavy surf, and many sand-banks: he has, however, shown much judgment in the selection of his position.
“The Wad Draha, rising a little S.W. of Tâfilêlt, runs through the productive districts of Draha and El Harib,[167] passing near to Tatta and Akka, skirting lower Suse, finds its way through the fertile country possessed by the tribes of Errub, Draha, Maraibait, Tajacanth, and Ergebat. These people can furnish large quantities of produce, and could, according to their own account, be great consumers, could they purchase goods on more reasonable terms. These people have in their hands the largest portion of the Soudan trade in gold, gum, ivory, and ostrich feathers; they rear large quantities of wool and skins, and in the districts N. and E. of this, immense quantities of oil, wax, hides, and almonds.”
On the 11th of that month, Mr. Vice-Consul Willshire informed the Secretary of the Royal Geographical Society that on the 3d Mr. Davidson, at whose patience and high courage he expresses his astonishment, wrote in spirits at the prospect of leaving a place where he had suffered so many annoyances, vexations, and disappointments:—
“‘Even now,’ he adds, ‘after waiting for the Cafila, which will be immense, near 400 men, and, they say, 2,000 camels, I am not even going with it. I should, by all accounts, as a Christian and a doctor, be worried to death. I go straight from this to Arowan, never touching the Cafila route at all; we shall not see a single tent. There are some wells, known only to two or three of the guides. We take five naggas (she camels) for milk, the five men, and Mohammed El Abd, some zimēta (barley meal). I take the biscuit for Abou and self; each carries a skin of water, to be touched only if the milk fails: thirty days to bring us to Arowan, and five more to Timbuctoo.’
“I have made the above extracts to assure you that the arrangements were made, and Mr. Davidson ready to start at a moment’s notice, and that in the course of two or three days I hope to have the pleasure to acquaint you of his having proceeded on his journey. Once away from Wád Nún, and I have every and the fullest confidence of his efforts being crowned with success.
“I have the honour to be, Sir,
“Your most obedient servant,
“Wm. Willshire.”
“P.S.—I open this letter to add, I have received a letter from Mr. Davidson, dated Saturday, the 5th inst., who appears in high spirits, and writes,—
“‘The start is to be on Monday, although I do not go on that day; everything is now packed up, and placed ready to be put on the camels, with which Abou starts at day-break on Monday. I am to be left here, as if having sent him on. Mohammed El Abd remains behind. On Wednesday or Thursday, according to the distance made by the camels on the first day, we start on horseback, accompanied by Beyrock and about six horsemen, and are to make Yeisst, if possible, in one day. Here I leave the district of Wadnoon. And to this place is three days’ journey for loaded camels. I here leave my horse and mount my camel, and we push on to the tents.’
“Mr. Davidson did not start on a sudden, on the 3d inst., as stated to me by a courier, who brought me a letter from him of that date, and which I reported in a letter I had the honour to address to his Majesty’s secretary of state, Viscount Palmerston, on the 8th inst., and which you will oblige me by correcting and making known to his lordship.
“Your most obedient servant,
“W. W.”
The following extracts from Mr. Willshire’s letters will give all the intelligence received respecting the sequel of Mr. Davidson’s expedition:—
“Mogadore, 13th Dec., 1836.
“Sir,—I had the pleasure on the 28th ultimo of announcing the departure of Mr. Davidson from Wadnoon, on his route to Timbuctoo, and I beg to acquaint you, I have since had the satisfaction to receive a letter from him, dated Yeisst, 15-16th ult., from whence he writes to me,—‘All is at length settled, and we start to-morrow morning at first-day. I believe also the Cafila will be allowed to proceed, although one mitcal a-head is to be paid by all who pass; we have here above fifty persons, and one hundred camels. I am unable to tell you for certain the route I take; this is to depend upon circumstances. But two persons besides Mohammed El Abd accompany us; so that after all the talk of Wadnoon, I am going in my original way, of a party of only five, including Abou and self.’
“Yeisst is three days’ journey south of Wadnoon, from Temzirst, (which place Mr. Davidson describes as a beautiful ride of eight hours, and speaks in high terms of the attentions and civilities of Sheik Hammo, who, with a party of twenty horse, accompanied him from Temzirst to Yeisst.) Mr. Davidson remarks,—‘Every step we have taken from Wadnoon we have found the people better, more liberal, more hospitable, and although somewhat savage, having yet a little mildness of character, of which there is none at Wadnoon.’
“At the date of the latest letters received from Sheik Beyrock, Mr. Davidson had been gone from Yeisst eighteen days, without there being any intelligence of him, which argues favourably for his safety: the greatest danger being upon the borders of the Desert, where there are many wandering and warlike tribes.
“I have reason to believe Mr. Davidson and party have pushed on as fast as possible: the journey was to be done in a very short time, as the camels were only to drink six times; and by not visiting the tents of the Tajacanths, nearly six days’ journey would be saved.
“Mr. Davidson, in the concluding paragraph of his letter, writes—‘I am happy to say I have picked up amazingly, and have now no fears about my health; and I beg to assure you I flatter myself with the hope, that the intrepid traveller may pass a merry new-year’s day at the famed city of Timbuctoo—which event I trust to have the high pleasure of announcing to you in about three months, Sheik Mohammed El Abd having promised to be the bearer of a letter, which he is to deliver for me, and say—There is a letter from Yahya Ben Daoud;[168] the Tajacanths have kept their word.’—God grant he may, is the hearty and sincere prayer of, Sir, your most obedient servant,
“Wm. Willshire.”
“To Capt. Maconochie, R.N.”
Translation of a letter from Sheik Beyrock, dated Wadnoon, 1st day of the month Dual Caada[169] (answering to the 7th instant), received at Mogadore 13th February, 1837.
“To our friend, Merchant Willshire, English Vice-Consul, salám,[170] &c.
“We received your letter by the courier, which we have read and understand, about the news of the Tibbib[171] John Davidson; his death is certain—the Harib met him—death is the lot of all. We had arranged with all the tribes of Arabs who are known to plunder and commit robberies on the road; we had ensured his safety with them. The Tibbib did not leave our house until we had previously received security from Eborria (of the tribe of Idowlet), that he might pass through his district of El Harib; we had no fear, because they are traders, and convey and pass the merchants of Tâfilêlt, and receive hire. El Harib did not go that route but to kill him (the Tibbib), and we have heard that the merchants of Tâfilêlt had given money to El Harib to murder him. Tâfilêlt is only distant one or two days’ journey from the usual place of abode of the tribe of El Harib. As to the property of the Tibbib, nothing has found its way to this quarter; but should it, I will send it to you. His property will get to Tâfilêlt, where it will be sold, and you had better write to the Sultan Mulai Abderrahman, to give orders to his Viceroy to seek after his books, writings, and property.
“We inform you we have sent a friend to the Tajacanths, ordering a person to be despatched to Timbuctoo, to bring us Abou, who is gone there; and have given the strictest orders for every information and news how it happened, to be sent us.
“As to the envy, like that of Wold Isheme[172] and others we have heard of, you know better than any one what money the Tibbib had. The truth of all the news will be known when the horsemen return from the Tajacanths. We will send it to you, and point out to you the spot or place where he (the Tibbib) was met, and the day he was murdered. His death would be first known at Tâfilêlt, from whence it would reach Fas, as many of the El Harib go to that city. We are far off, which is the cause of the intelligence being so long before it reached us. The station of the Tajacanths is twelve days’ journey from this place, and it is three months that no one has come to us from thence, except this news, which came from Yeisst. The money which he (the Tibbib) lent to Mohammed El Abd make yourself easy about it; the day the caravan returns, we will get repaid, and remit it to you.—Inshalla[173]—Salam.”
Translation of a letter from Sheik Beyrock, dated Wad Nún, 1st day of Dual Caada, (answering the 7th inst.), received at Mogadore, 13th February, 1837.
“To Sidi Hadge Abibe, salám,[174] &c.
“As to what you write about the Tibbib John Davidson, the party of the Harib found (or met) him and killed him, plundering him of all his property, and that of Mohammed El Abd,[175] which he had with him of long-cloths and hamburgas. On the day they killed the Tibbib they seized his companion Abou, and swore to him by the most solemn oath, if he did not show and tell of the property belonging to the Christian, they would take his life, upon which he discovered and told them of everything, which they took and went away with; and the reason why I did not write to you before now, I had doubts of the truth.
“How comes it that you listen to the words of Wold Isheme, who writes to the Jew his friend, and tells him the Tibbib had deposited with us the sum you mention in your letter? why did you not answer Willshire on the point, as you saw the money he delivered over to Mohammed El Abd? God be praised, we are known not to be traitors, like Wold Isheme: however, if his companion Abou comes, he will relate all the news with his own mouth.
“Be informed we have written to the heads of the Tajacanths, Sidi Mohammed Dumanee, Sidi Mohammed Ben Annish, and Hamed Moolud,[176] to send persons like themselves to bring to us his companion Abou, from wherever he can be found; at all events, if he be alive, you will see him, Inshalla, and if dead, God’s will be done.
“The words you report, that we had arranged with the Harib to betray him (the Tibbib), such doings are not our ways, nor could we degrade ourselves to do so; everyone God will reckon with for the words he utters.
“For four days we neither ate nor drank, and have sworn by all that is sacred to be revenged. Whenever the Harib are to be found, in their tents or on the road, our tribe shall plunder and kill them.
“As regards the property of the Tibbib, if any articles remain in the hands of the Tajacanths, they will reach you. God knows how much we have grieved about him, but, God be praised, we did not leave anything undone for the safety of the Tibbib. We did not think the Harib would turn traitors to any person sent by us. This has been done by the traders of Tâfilêlt, who had bribed the Harib to kill him. God’s will be done: the facts will be known when the two horsemen return, whom we have despatched to Tajacanth, and which will be sent to you.—Peace.”
“Mogadore, 14th February, 1837.
“Sir,—I had the melancholy duty, on the 1st instant, to make you acquainted with the distressing intelligence which had reached me regarding Mr. Davidson. I am grieved at heart to inform you that all the accounts I have received since confirm the melancholy tidings.
“The most circumstantial account I have heard, I derived from a Jew trader of the name of Jacob Ben Cohen, who arrived here from Draha on the 2d instant, and reported to me that Mr. Davidson had been robbed on the 29th or 30th of Shaban[177] (thirty-two or thirty-three days after Mr. Davidson started from Wadnoon), by the tribes of Idowlet and Ait Atta, in the district of Hameda, four days’ journey from Tatta, who, receiving from Mr. Davidson eight doubloons and one hundred dollars, and a loaded camel, allowed the party, consisting of eighteen persons, to proceed on their route towards Timbuctoo; Wold Hamdan[178] and Eborria, of Idowlet, and Wold Henna and Wold Aboo, of the tribe of Ait Atta,[179] he mentioned as the names of the robbers. My informant stated, that, eight or ten days after, a marauding party of 100 horsemen of the tribe of El Harib, who were returning from plundering a place called Bousbeyah,[180] met Mr. Davidson’s party a little to the south of Egueda, whom they immediately robbed, and shot Mr. Davidson, who received eight balls, and when dead, every one discharged their muskets at his body as a meritorious act. At El Mehamdee,[181] a town distant six days from Tatta,[182] where my informant was living, he saw in the possession of the Arabs and Jews various articles which had belonged to Mr. Davidson, which he described, and left no doubt on my mind as to his fate. Among the articles which he had seen, he named a silver watch, a pocket-compass, sword, three books, a box of medicines, Japan tea-caddy, beads, and cowries, all of which he must have seen, or he could not have described them so correctly as he did. My informant could not give a certain account of the fate of poor Abou, the companion of Mr. Davidson, but understood he had gone on with the caravan, in which he is partly borne out by the letter received from Sheik Beyrock yesterday.
“Other accounts state Mr. Davidson and party were travelling some distance in a parallel route, but rather behind the caravan, which was first met by the party of El Harib, who were disappointed not to find Mr. Davidson, for whom they inquired. The caravan was stopped; and afterwards Mr. Davidson came up, when he was instantly shot. Another report inclines me to believe the Harib at first appeared friendly, and afterwards seized an opportunity treacherously to murder him at a place called Sheh’ Keyah,[183] twenty days’ journey from Wadnoon, and about twenty-seven days distant from Timbuctoo.
“I have been much disappointed that the information received by the return of the courier I despatched to Wadnoon with letters to Sheik Beyrock is very meagre and inconclusive. In his letters no allusion is made to the robbery and murder of Mr. Davidson, as having occurred at different places, nor is the account of Jacob Ben Cohen supported in this point by any of the reports which have come to my knowledge, except the one received by my agent from his son at Morocco, which states that Mr. Davidson had been robbed, and afterwards allowed to proceed on his journey. I have no reason to suspect treachery on the part of Sheik Beyrock, although the reports set afloat by Wold Isheme are intended to create such a suspicion. The falsity of the report that Mr. Davidson had deposited a large sum of money with the Sheik is evident.
“Considering there was a great probability Abou might have been taken by the tribe of El Harib, and detained as a slave, I directed the Sheik to procure his release, and to send him to me. By the answer he has returned, he appears to believe that Abou had gone on with the caravan, in which case there is not much likelihood of the horsemen despatched from the station of the Tajacanths overtaking it.
“I beg to acquaint you I have not yet determined upon what steps to take to collect further information, having only yesterday received the letters from Sheik Beyrock. It is my wish to despatch a Moor to proceed to Draha, to recover if possible everything belonging to Mr. Davidson; the great difficulty is to select a person well acquainted with the country, and in whom every confidence can be placed. I attach considerable value to the notes Mr. Davidson may have made on the route from Wadnoon up to the moment he met his untimely fate. I have in view a Moorish trader who has travelled in many parts of the Desert, and if I can come to an arrangement with him, I shall despatch him to Draha, with directions to proceed to the very spot; and everything I can do towards elucidating this melancholy affair, be assured, will be done. I mourn for my friend.
| “I remain, &c. (Signed) | “W. Willshire.” |
“P.S.—I have omitted to state, that by the report of Jacob Ben Cohen, Mr. Davidson met his fate on the 8th day of Ramadan,[184] answering to the 17th or 18th of December last. Sheh Keya, near the southern confines of the district of Eguedee,[185] sixteen days from Tatta, and ten days from Toudeyny.
“E. W. A. Drummond Hay, Esq.”
“Mogadore, March 7, 1837.
“The answer I have been looking so many days for from Sheik Beyrock, in reply to a long letter I wrote to him, only reached me this morning. In it he gives rather a different version from former reports. At Eguedee, on the 18th day of Ramadan, Mr. Davidson and a party of Tajacanths, twelve in number, were at a watering-place, when a party of seventeen of the tribe of El Harib came up. It is stated, more as a surmise than on certain information, that some of Mr. Davidson’s party having gone to drink, leaving their muskets behind, some of the Harib cut off the party thus divided, when two of them immediately shot Mr. Davidson, and plundered the camels, tearing and destroying all his books and papers. The Tajacanths, who were plundered, and afterwards, with Abou, allowed to proceed on their journey, and are gone on to Timbuctoo, do not appear to have offered any resistance. The Sheik recalls the assertion made in a former letter, that the traders of Tâfilêlt had bribed the Harib to waylay and murder Mr. Davidson.
| (Signed) | “Wm. Willshire.” |
“E. W. A. Drummond Hay, Esq.”
“Mogadore, March 14, 1837.
“Sir,—A trader of Wadnoon, named Sidi Ali Wold Ifkee, with whom Mr. Davidson was on intimate terms during his stay at that place, arrived two days from thence yesterday, called and gave me the following relation of the melancholy fate of that gentleman, which I believe can be depended upon, and is deserving of more credit than any other. The substance is as follows:—
“Mr. Davidson and party were first met by some of the tribes of Ilowbet and Ait Atta, who took from him some money, and allowed the party to proceed. The party reached Swekeya,[186] where they rested to wait for the caravan to come up. On the third day, a party of fifteen, or more, of the tribe of El Harib arrived at the resting-place, and after the usual salutations, inquired of Mohammed El Abd who he was travelling with? when he replied, a shereef, who was going to Gualata[187] on business. After some little conversation, the head of the party of El Harib requested Mohammed El Abd to show him the watering-place, who, leaving his musket behind, and the rest of the Harib sitting down, accompanied him over the sand-hills, and when out of sight, hearing a report of a musket, Mohammed El Abd asked what had been done, when the Harib replied, his party had shot the Christian; he complained bitterly, and said he would rather they had murdered him. It is stated, that when Mohammed El Abd went away, one of the Harib pretended to examine his gun, and seized the opportunity to take aim, and shot Mr. Davidson, who was sitting on the ground a short distance from the party, who immediately began to plunder and seize everything belonging to Mr. Davidson, allowing Mohammed El Abd to keep possession of what property belonged to him, obliging him first to make oath on the Koran. That the caravan was not met by the Harib, but has gone on to Timbuctoo, with which Abou, the companion of Mr. Davidson, travelled.
“Sidi Ali added, that he had reason to believe that the first robbers gave intelligence of Mr. Davidson’s route to the tribe of El Harib; and that had not Mr. Davidson stopped, he would have reached Toudeyny before they could have overtaken him.
“I am most sorry to observe, that I do not entertain a hope of receiving further or more correct particulars regarding the fate of Mr. Davidson than what I have communicated. He was aware of the perils and dangers of the journey; nothing could shake his determination, and his valuable life has paid the forfeit; but his name will be handed down to posterity, as one of the many victims who have nobly fallen in the cause of science.
| “I am, &c. | ||
| (Signed) | “Wm. Willshire.” |
“E. W. A. Drummond Hay, Esq.”
[Extracted from the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London:—
pp. 100—110. Vol. 6th.]
“My name is Abú Bekr es siddík: my birth place is Tumbut. I was educated in the town of Jenneh (Genneh), and fully instructed in reading and construing the Koran,—but in the interpretation of it by the help of commentaries. This was [done] in the city of Ghónah, where there are many learned men [’ulemá], who are not natives of one place, but each of them, having quitted his own country, has come and settled there. The names of these sayyids who dwelt in the city of Ghónah were as follows:—’Abd-Allah ibn-al Hájj; Mohammed Wataráwí; Mohammed al Mustafá; Fatík, the white [man] [al abyad]; Sheïkh ’Abdäl-kádir, Sankarí, from the land of Fútah Jálló; Ibráhim ibn Yúsuf, from the land of Fútah Tóró; Ibráhím ibn Abí-l Hásan, from Sillá by descent, but born at Járrah. These men used to meet together to hear the instructions of ’Abd-Allah ibn-al Hájji Mohammed Tafsír.
“My father’s name was Karah Músá, the Sherif,[188] Weteráwí, Tassír, i.e. of the royal family.[189] His brothers were named Idrís [Enoch], ’Abdu-r-rahmán, Mahmúd, and Abú Bekr. Their father’s name was Már,[190] al Káïd, O’mar ibn Sháhidu-l-muluk [son of the King’s witness or chief law officer] in the cities of Tumbut and Jenneh. He[191] was also called Ibn Abú Ibrahím (may his grave be visited!) was of this country. He was their father’s first-born, and for that reason my name was called by the name of his brother Bekr.
“After their father’s death, there was a dissention between them and their families, and they separated, and went into different countries of the blacks.[192] Idrís went to Járrah, and married a daughter of Már, al-káïd Abú Bekr: her name was Ummuyu,—and he dwelt there. ’Abdu-r-rahmán travelled as far as Kong. He married the daughter of Abú Thaúmá ’Alí, lord of that country, and dwelt there. The name of his wife was Sárah. Mahmúd [travelled] to the city of Ghónah, and settled there. His wife’s name was Zuhrá. Abú Bekr remained at Tumbut with the rest of the family.[193] He was not married at the time I left our country.
“Before all these things happened my father used to travel about [continually.] He went into the land of Kashinah and Bernú. There he married my mother, and then returned to Tumbut, to which place my mother followed him. It came to pass after this, that he remembered his brethren, repented on account of them, and wept bitterly. He then ordered his slaves to make ready for their departure with him [on a journey] to visit his brethren, [and see] whether they were in [good] health or not. They, therefore, obeyed their master’s orders, and did so; and went to the town of Jenneh, and from thence to Kong, and afterwards to Ghónah. There they abode and continued to serve their master, collecting much gold for him there. In that country much gold is found in the plains, banks of rivers, rocks, and stones. They break the stones, and grind them, and reduce them to dust. This is then put into vessels, and washed with water till the gold is all collected under the water in the vessels, and the dust lies above it. They then pour out this mud upon the ground, and the gold remains in the vessels; and they spread it out to dry. After that, they try it [on a touchstone], and make such things as they are able. For money or exchange they use shells, called al woda’,[194] gold and silver; they also barter goods for goods, according to the measure of their value.
“My father collected much gold in that country, and sent much to his father-in-law; together with horses, asses, mules, and very valuable silk garments brought from Misr, with much wealth, as a present to him. He was my mother’s father; his name was Al Háij Mohammed Tafsír, of the countries of Bernú and Kashínah, both inhabited by his family.
“After this my father fell ill of a fever, and died in the city of Ghónah. He was buried there, and his brothers went and made a great lamentation for him. At that time I was a child; I knew nothing of this, but all these things were told me by some of our old men. They [my father’s brothers] returned afterwards to their own dwellings, and Mahmúd [alone] was left in the city of Ghónah.
“My mother’s name was Nághódí, that is, in the Haúsá tongue; but her real name was Hafsah.[195] Her brothers were named ’Abd-allah Tafsír, As-sifá, Ya’kúb, Yahyà, Sa’ad, Hámid Bábá, Múmin, ’Othmán, and ’Abdu-lkerim. Her sisters were Habíbah, Fátimah, Maryam, and Maïmúnah. Their father was named Al Hájji Mohammed Tafsír, of the cities of Kashínah and Bernú. With respect to my mother, she was born in the city of Bernú. Her father, when he went to perform the pilgrimage [to Mecca], left her mother suckling her, on which account her name was called Nághódí.
“My brothers were named ’Omar, Sálih, Sa’íd, Músá Bábà, Múmin, ’Abd-allah, Suleïmán, Mustafá, Yúsuf, and ’Abdu-r-rahmán; but my mother’s side, Sálih only. My sisters were ’A’yishah, Aminah, Selímah, Hawái [Eve], and Keltum; but Aminah only on my mother’s side. These men and these women issued, all of them, from the stock of the Sheïkh ’Abdu-l-kádir, the sheríf, and their family name is Mór.
“About five years after my father’s death, I asked my instructor, who taught me the Koran, to go with me to the city of Ghónah to visit my father’s grave. He answered, ‘Yea, Abú Bekr assiddík, if it please God, I will do that thou dost desire.’ He then prepared himself, and sought for provision for the road; and he was followed by a large company of his disciples,[196] who bewailed him. We reached the city of Kong, and afterwards went on to the city of Ghónah; and abode there a long time, reckoning that country as our own. We found protection[197] in that country. Two years after our arrival in Ghónah, it entered into my teacher’s heart to set out on the pilgrimage; and while he was making diligent enquiries from people who were going to perform the pilgrimage, some men told him of the business of Mohammed Keshín and his brother ’Omar, and Adam, of the land of Buntukhú. He then began to make inquiries of the people of Buntukkú, and they told him that Omar and Mohammed Keshín had departed, and had left Adam behind; that he was not [now] going, but wished to go. My master made haste to seek for him in some of the towns, and left me in the city of Ghónah with my uncle Mahmúd.
“At this time we heard the news of the business of Adingharah, Sultán of Buntukkú, after the Sultán of Bandah, or Inkoransá, who was named Afwá, had been killed. They say Adinkarah wished to kill Kujóh, governor of Kolongzhwí, a town belonging to the Sultán of Ghónah. He wished to kill him, because of what happened between him and Dikkì, his deputy [who had been killed by Kujóh]. Adinkarah, therefore wished to put the latter to death by way of retaliation. Adinkarah, Sultán of Buntukkú, sent to Kujóh, requiring him to pay a great deal of gold as a ransom for his life,[198] and Kujóh sent what he required; but he refused to accept it, and said to Kujóh’s messenger, ‘Return to thy master, and say to him, “Unless thou increase it by 200 times as much, I will not accept it; but my sword shall take his head from off his neck; thou shalt die a swift death.” When this messenger came to his master, and told him these words, Kujóh stretched out his hand, took back the gold, and kept it; and likewise sent a messenger to the Sultán of Ghónah to tell him what had happened.
“Then was Adinkarah very wroth; and he ordered all his captains to gather all their soldiers together, and follow him to make war against Kujóh, and to kill him, that they might avenge the death of his servant Dikkí. When the Sultán of Ghónah heard that Adinkarah, Sultán to Buntukkú, and his army, had come against them to kill them, he and all his host, together with Kujóh, rose up to meet them, and marched against them as far as the town of Bolóh, choosing to attack them there; and there they fought from mid-day till evening. Then they separated, and returned to their own places. Seven days afterwards, they again gathered themselves together, and engaged in battle, at the town of Amvighóh. It was a hard fought battle, and many souls perished on that day. Thus did Adinkarah overcome the King of Ghónah, and take the town of Amvighóh. The people of Ghónah fled, and some of them passed on [as far as] to the city of Kong.
“On that day was I made a slave. They tore off my cloths, bound me with ropes, laid on me a heavy burden, and carried me to the town of Buntukkú, and from thence to the town of Kumásí, the King of Ashantí’s town. From thence through Askumá and Ajimmakúh, in the land of Fantí, to Daghóh, near the salt sea.
“There they sold me to the Christians, and I was bought by a certain captain of a ship of that town. He sent me to a boat, and delivered me to the people of the ship. We continued on board ship, at sea, for three months, and then came on shore in the land of Jamaica. This was the beginning of my slavery until this day. I tasted the bitterness of slavery from them,[199] and its oppressiveness; but praise be to God, under whose power are all things, He doth whatsoever he willeth! No one can turn aside that which he hath ordained, nor can any one withhold that which He hath given! As God Almighty himself hath said:—Nothing can befal us unless it be written for us (in his book)! He is our master: in God, therefore, let all the faithful put their trust!
“The faith of our families is the faith of Islám. They circumcise the foreskin; say the five prayers;[200] fast every year in the month of Ramadán; give alms as ordained in the law; marry [only] four free women—a fifth is forbidden to them except she be their slave; they fight for the faith of God; perform the pilgrimage [to Mecca]—i.e. such as are able so to do; eat the flesh of no beast but what they have slain for themselves; drink no wine—for whatever intoxicates is forbidden unto them; they do not keep company with those whose faith is contrary to theirs,—such as worshippers of idols, men who swear falsely by the name of the Lord, who dishonour their parents, commit murder or robbery, bear false witness, are covetous, proud, insolent, hypocrites, unclean in their discourse, or do any thing that is forbidden: they teach their children to read, and [instruct them in] the different parts of knowledge; their minds are perfect and blameless according to the measure of their faith.
“Verily I have erred and done wickedly, but I entreat God to guide my heart in the right path, for he knoweth what is in my heart, and whatever [can be pleaded] in my behalf.
“Finished in the month of August, on the 29th day, in the year of the Messiah
1834 [1835].”
From this narrative we collect that the writer of it was born at Tumbuktú, about the year 1794; that his grandfather ’Omar was an al-káïd, or magistrate, in that city and in Jenneh on the Jálibá or Niger, and son of the king’s witness, one of the principal law-officers of the state. Kong, where his uncle Abdu-r-rahmán settled, is the place in the chain of mountains running parallel with the southern coast of Africa, the position of which was pointed out to Mungo Park. Its distance and bearing with respect to Jenneh, as far as Abú Bekr could give any notion of them, appear to agree nearly with the position assigned to it in Mr. J. Arrowsmith’s Map of Africa. Ghónah, the residence of Mahmúd, another of Abú Bekr’s uncles, is about eight days’ journey east or south-east of Kong. That place he believed to be mid-way between Jenneh and Ashantí. But as the distance between Ghónah and Ashantí is twelve days’ journey, that capital, the position of which is known, must be about twenty days’ journey distant from Kong, and forty from Jenneh. Abúr Bekr was two months on his way from Jenneh to Kong, but he thought the journey might be completed in fifteen days; twenty days, therefore, gives a fair mean, and confirms his supposition that Kong is just midway between the Jálibá and Ashantí.
When only two years old, his father removed to Jenneh from Tumbuktú, or, as Abú Bekr generally called it, Tumbuttú, or Tumbut;[201] of that place, therefore, he had no recollection. When only four years old he lost his father; and five years afterwards, when he was in the tenth year, he went to Ghónah to visit his father’s burial-place, stopping one year at Kong on the way. On the supposition, therefore, that he remained three years at Ghónah, he was in his fourteenth year when he fell into the hands of the Ashantís, and was sent as a slave to the West Indies either in 1807 or 1808. Amvíkoh, the place where he was seized by the people of Buntukkú, is fifteen or twenty miles to the south of Ghónah, and nine days’ journey south of Kumásí, the capital of Ashantí. Daghó, the place on the coast where he was put on board ship, is mentioned by Protten, the Danish missionary, as not far from Winnebá, one of the British forts. (Adelung, Mithrid., iii. 188.) From Daghó, or rather Cape Coast, Abú Bekr was carried to Jamaica, in which island he passed about twenty-seven years of his life, first as the slave of a stone-mason named Donellan, subsequently on the estate of Mr. Haynes, and finally as the property of Mr. Anderson. Donellan was a very kind master, and when he told his slaves, about a year after Abú Bekr was purchased by him, that, as his mother wished to see him, he must return to England, after selling his property in Jamaica, they all shed tears. Mr. Haynes, it appears, was not himself resident on the island; and it was by his order that Abú Bekr, and the rest of the slaves on his estate, were baptised. In what manner they were prepared for baptism, it was difficult to ascertain; certain it is, as we learn from Dr. Madden, that the Mohammedans still retained their faith in the divine mission of Mahomet. It was at his baptism that Abú Bekr was named Edward Donellan. Mr. Haynes’s benevolent intentions cannot be doubted; but, as is too often the case where the planters are not residing on their property, his overseers and agents did not faithfully execute his orders, for “it was then,” says Abú Bekr, in a paper written on his voyage home, “that I tasted all the bitterness of slavery.” On the 6th of September, 1823, Mr. Haynes’s property was sold, and Abú Bekr was purchased by Mr. Anderson, who, having discovered his steadiness and honesty, employed him to take an account of all that came or was issued from his slave yard. He put down everything in negro English and in the Arabic character, (for he never had an opportunity of learning to read or write English,) and read it off to the overseer in the evening. His cyphers they perhaps could read themselves, and therefore prove his sums; but as he is well acquainted with the first rules of arithmetic, and very careful, they were probably satisfied with the sum total that he gave in. After his liberation he continued in the same employment, but his condition could hardly be said to be improved, as his employer merely gave him his board, and appears to have withdrawn most of the former indulgences, without substituting wages in their stead. Nor, but for the kind and determined assistance of Capt. Oldrey, would he have been suffered to come to this country, or indeed to leave Jamaica.
Of the kindness of his present master he speaks in terms of the warmest gratitude; and Mr. Davidson, on his part, fully appreciates his merits. Should that enterprising traveller be so fortunate as to reach Tumbuktú in safety, he will find—independently of the rank which, it seems, Abú Bekr’s relations there hold—that so faithful, affectionate, and intelligent an interpreter is a treasure, the value of which cannot be too highly estimated.
As the veracity of Abú Bekr’s narrative has received an unexpected corroboration from the testimony of persons whom Mr. Davidson saw in Morocco, it may appear superfluous to enlarge upon the circumstances which justify our reliance on the truth of his statements; but a brief mention of a few will perhaps be considered as an appropriate conclusion to this paper.
We may say, then, that his general good character, his years as indicated by his face, and the cessation of the slave-trade in March, 1808, are all so many evidences in favour of his statements respecting the age at which he was carried to the West Indies. His knowledge of the Arabic language is another very cogent proof of the truth of his statements. Though far from being able to write it with strict grammatical accuracy, or possessing the command of an abundant stock of words and phrases, his power of expressing himself in that copious and difficult tongue, and the clearness and facility with which he writes its characters, are truly surprising when his peculiar circumstances are taken into account. He could scarcely have completed his fifteenth year when taken away from Africa; was two years in the West Indies before he could obtain the use of pen, ink, and paper; and, with the exception of two or three negroes,—one fortunately on board the slaver which carried him off,—had no means of reviving his remembrance of what he had learned, till a very late period.
Some time before he left Jamaica, a benevolent stranger, who found that he could read Arabic, sent him, from England, a copy of the New Testament in that language; and he had also read parts of the Old Testament with attention, as is evident from some texts quoted in the narrative written on his voyage from New York to England. On seeing the plates in Mr. Bowdich’s Travels, he immediately recognised a street in Kumásí, and the magical ceremonies of the Ashantí soothsayers; in Mr. Dupuis’s book also the passage of the Basomprá. He mentioned many of the names of king’s and chiefs, of whom those writers speak. At the British Museum, instantly he recognized many old acquaintances; particularly the hippopotamus, who, he said, always came out of the water at certain hours, and did a great deal of mischief. With the plants and seeds he seemed equally well acquainted; particularly the nittah, a species of acacia, and the palms,—most of which he could never have seen in the West Indies. His acquaintance with the Korán was no less remarkable. “What became of that wicked king, Fróna?” said he, to one of his friends from whom he had already received some information.—“I never heard of Fróna,” said his friend.—“Oh, yes,” replied Abú Bekr, “you know him,—he is spoken of in the Bible; he was King of Misr,—he is mentioned in many places in the Kóran.”—“Write down his name, then,” returned his friend; and he wrote “Fir’aum,” i.e. Pharaoh, very correctly spelt. It was too late to look for the Korán that night; but the next morning, he in a few minutes found out almost all the places where Pharaoh is mentioned—scattered, as need hardly be said, all over the book. In the summer, he chaunted the call to prayer—given by the Muedhdhins from the minarets of the mosque—with the exact pronunciation, intonation, and rhythm, that is used from Cairo to Constantinople, and from Belgrade to Dehlí.
The Kóran he must have known almost by heart, as he declared he had never seen a copy of it from the time he left Ghónah till one was put into his hand by the writer of this paper. He was not old enough, he said, when captured, to enter on a course of logic and rhetoric, or to study the commentaries on the Korán; but he knew the names of the most celebrated commentators. This is a plain proof of the superior civilization of the negroes in the interior over those near the coast; and, however incredible at first sight, it is confirmed by Burckhardt’s account of the Shaïkìyah Arabs in Meroë, and the well-written Arabic despatches from Bello’s court, now in the records of the Foreign Office.
In justice to Mr. E. Drummond Hay, the British Consul at Tangiers, to whom Mr. Davidson once felt disposed to attribute the difficulties thrown in his way and his protracted stay at Gibraltar, it has been thought fit to put in the Appendix the letters following:—
“Gibraltar, Sept. 16, 1835.
“My Dear Sir,—The advice I thought it my duty to give you was undoubtedly dictated by political reasons, which, although they may not in European States interfere with projects purely scientific, such as that of your gallant enterprize, appear to be of a widely different kind in Marocco.
“I gave the advice after mature consideration, and with an ardent desire for the success of your undertaking, in which I take a peculiar interest.
“I told you, I believe—but if not, I may now assure you—that I should probably save myself considerable trouble by taking immediately the step you wish, notwithstanding my advice and the reasons for it which I laid open to you in unreserved confidence, which I considered due to you as the bearer of a letter from his Majesty in furtherance of your object. I felt also the full weight of the responsibility I took upon myself in proposing some delay previous to your setting out upon the journey, and I was well aware how much I should expose myself to the obloquy of society in general, and to the injurious criticism in particular of the literary world, of which, although I can hardly presume to consider myself a member, there is not an individual more zealous than I am, and ever have been, in the cause of geographical enquiry. I felt that it is impossible, and would remain for a long time impossible, to exculpate myself, by publishing reasons that I am not at liberty to divulge, and which cannot, without going into long and difficult details, be rendered intelligible, except to the very few intimately acquainted with all the circumstances of my official position, the relations of our government with that of Marocco, and the peculiar character of the latter.
“But since you tell me that you are still decided in your own views of the matter, not only after duly considering the advice I gave, and the conversation you had with his Excellency the Governor, but after what you heard from Mr. Judah Benoliel, the agent for the Sultán of Marocco; and as you give me the distinct assurance that you take all the responsibility of failure upon your own shoulders, I shall not lose a day in complying with your request for me to write to the Court of Marocco, for permission to present in person to the Sultán the royal letter, of which you are the bearer, when and where his Imperial Majesty shall think fit to appoint.
“I leave Gibraltar, if the wind is fair, the day after to-morrow, and would go sooner if I could; and before I have been twenty-four hours in Tangier, I hope to have a letter dispatched to the effect you suggest.
“I beg to repeat, my dear sir, that you will be a welcome guest in my house at any time; and whenever you do come, nothing shall be wanting on my part to promote your brave purpose, as far as my sense of what is politic may allow.
“I may get an answer within a fortnight from the date of my letter to the court; three weeks may, however, elapse before I receive a reply. On the very day it comes to hand I will, if you wish it, dispatch a boat express, in case there are no other means of communicating the answer, which will be sent to you in the original Arabic.
“With renewed assurances of my admiration for your enterprize, and of cordial wishes for its success,
“I remain, dear sir, your’s faithfully,
“E. D. Hay.”
“P.S.—Before I seal this letter I shall read it to his Excellency Sir Alexander Woodford and Mr. Judah Benoliel.”
To the preceding Mr. Davidson gave the reply following:—
“Gibraltar, Sept. 16, 1835.
“My Dear Sir,—Pray accept my best thanks for your letter, which I have just had the honor of receiving, and allow me to assure you that I shall ever most gratefully appreciate the kindness with which it teems.
“I presume you are aware that a Mr. Hodgson, who leaves this place to-morrow, is on his way to Morocco on a mission from the United States. He has kindly offered, should I obtain the wished-for permission, to wait a few days here ere he proceeds. I think it right, and I hope you will not think it intrusive on my part to inform you, that Mr. Hodgson was three years at Constantinople, has visited Egypt, and published a biographical sketch of Mehemet Ali; he is well versed in Arabic, and has a great knowledge of the Mussulman character. Once again offering you my thanks for your kindness, and assuring you of my respect, believe me,
“My dear sir, your truly obliged,
“John Davidson.”
As a specimen of the style in which a correspondence is kept up by the Court of Morocco with strangers, the letters from and to Mr. Hay relating to Mr. Davidson’s entrance into the Sultan’s dominions, and his obtaining a personal interview with the Prince, are herewith subjoined.
“To the Noble Prince, exalted by the Lord, Mulai Abd Errachnan ben Hussein, whom God protect.
“An English gentleman having arrived at Gibraltar within a few days past, as bearer of a letter, which he is charged to deliver to his Imperial Majesty, from the King my most gracious sovereign, may it please your Imperial Majesty to deign to cause me to be informed when and where it may be convenient for your Imperial Majesty to receive the bearer of the royal letter.
“Peace—this 20th day of September, in the year of Christ 1835 (26th Joomad the 1st, 1251).
“Edw. Drummond Hay,
“H. B. M.’s Agent and Consul-General in Morocco.”
“In the name of the merciful God, and there is no power or strength but in God the high and excellent.
“To the faithful employed Drummond Hay, Consul for the English nation—this premised—
“Your letter has reached our presence, exalted of God, regarding the gentleman who arrived at Gibraltar with a letter from the Pre-eminent of your nation; in consequence whereof, if he please to deliver the letter to our employed, the kaid ............[202] Essedy, for the purpose of being forwarded to our presence, exalted of God, he may do so; but if he wish to bear it himself, he is to proceed to Swerrah by sea, and thence he may come to our high presence, since the voyage by sea is more convenient than that by land, and the journey from the said port to our presence is short.
“Peace—11th Joomad the 2d, 1251 (4th October, 1835).
THE END.
LONDON:
Printed by J. L. Cox and Sons, 75, Great Queen Street,
Lincoln’s-Inn Fields.
FOOTNOTES:
[127]For the notes at the foot of the page, the Foreign Secretary is answerable.
[128]Vol. vi. p. 102, and which is reprinted at page 208 of this volume.
[129]Tanjah.
[130]Adwár, plural of dár, a circular tent.
[131]Autád plural of Watad, a peg or stake. Autád is corruptly pronounced Útséd or Útsét.
[132]Wádí Nun, or Núl, the valley or river of Noon or Nool.
[133]Rabát, i.e. Resting-place, Caravan-seraï; but here the name of a town.—F. S.
[134]Terjumán, or Tarjumán, interpreter, a word of the same origin as the Chaldee, ‘Targum.’
[135]The Kubbah (sepulchral chapel) of a saint named Múláï (Doctor) Ibn ’Abdes-salám.
[136]Mehedíyah (the city of Mehed).
[137]Salá.
[138]Wedáyá (valley-man.)
[139]Dár el beïdá, the white house.
[140]Múlaï Abd-er-rahmán, Duke or Prince Abd-er-rahmán.
[141]Azamúr.
[142]Umm-er-rabí, i.e. the mother of spring.
[143]Kantarah, i.e. bridge.
[144]Baïrám, or ’Id ed Dohá.
[145]Aswák, plural of Sók, or Súk, the Arab word for market—bazár in Persian.
[146]Meshwár, Council.
[147]Sídí Ibn ’Abbás, ’Abd el kádir, Abú Sheĭb, Mubàrek.
[148]Aulád Abú Sebá, the tribe of Father Lion.
[149]Tárúdánt, capital of Sús.
[150]May we be allowed to lament the impetuosity of our lamented traveller’s zeal. At Téródánt he would, for a considerable time, have had ample occupation for every leisure moment. In a country known only by name, abounding with vegetables and fossils never yet examined, and in the midst of the Berbers, whose history and habits so few have been able to study, supported also by the favour of the Court, how largely might Mr. Davidson have increased our stores of knowledge, had he been willing to yield to the Sultán’s precautions!
[151]This is doubtless a mistake, unless the Jews call the place Umm-Síwah. The man did not understand the meaning of the name, and therefore said this to screen his ignorance.
[152]This is Aghmát Waríkah of the Arabs, so named from a Berber tribe, to distinguish it from Aghmát Aïlán.—F. S.
[153]Mr. Davidson’s Letter, Journ. of Geogr. Soc., vol. vi. p. 430.
[154]Sahrá is a large level area, a plain, but applied peculiarly to the Great African Desert.
[155]Káfilah, the Arab word answering to the Persian Kár-raván.
[156]Dar’ah, pronounced Dr’ah.
[157]Delím, or the diminutive, Duleïm.
[158]Abú-s-seba, i.e. Father Lion.
[159]Ibn or Bin Dáúd, David’s Son.
[160]A’ra-wán.
[161]Sók, or súk, i.e. market or fair.
[162]Ziweïtah or zumeïtah, a kind of paste made of millet (dhurrah).
[163]Dar’ah.
[164]Háyik, i.e. white woollen wrapper.
[165]Abú-l’asel, i.e. Father Honey.
[166]El Wád Dar’ah, the Vale of Dar’ah.
[167]El Gharib, pronounced by the Berbers El ’Aríb.
[168]Yahyá ibn Dávid, John the son of David.
[169]Dhú-l-Ka’dah, the 11th Mohammedan month.
[170]Salám, salutation.
[171]Tebíb, physician.
[172]Aulád Hishém, children of Hishám, a large Arab tribe.
[173]In-sha-llah, “if it please God!”
[174]To Sídí Haj Habíb; salám: To my Lord, the Pilgrim; Habíb (or the beloved Pilgrim); salutation.
[175]Mohammed el ’Abd. Mahomet the Slave or Servant [of God].
[176]Ah’med Moulúd.
[177]Sha’ban, the eighth month; A.H. 1252, 29 Sha’bán = 8 December, 1836.
[178]Wold or Aulád Hamdán, an Arab tribe.
[179]Aït-Ata.
[180]Bú Sebá-iyah (a place) belonging to the tribe of Abú Seba. M. D’Avezac writes Búzebayat, following probably Ibnu-ddén: an unsafe guide.
[181]El Mohammedí, the Mahometan.
[182]The situation of Tátá has been determined with great probability by M. D’Avezac, in his Etudes de Géographie sur l’Afrique Septentrionale. See also Bullétin de la Société de Géographie, vii. 112.
[183]Afterwards Swekeya, which is probably more correct.
[184]Ramadán, the Mohammedan Lent, is the ninth month; A.H. 1252, 8 Ramadán = A.D. 1836, 17th Dec.
[185]I’gidí. Mármol, iii. 19.
[186]Before Shehkeya.
[187]Walátah of the Arabs, Aï-weláten (Aít Walâtah?) of Ibn Batútah.
[188]That is, “Descended from Mohammed.”
[189]“Kabílah,” which properly signifies “tribe,” but appears to be used by Abú Bekr in the sense of “family.”
[190]The same as Emír.
[191]That is, Abú Bekr’s father, as appears from the sequel.
[192]Al-súdán for Bilád-as-súdán—the countries of the blacks.
[193]Literally “with the other tribes.” It probably means “with the other families of the same tribe.”
[194]That is, kárúis, or blackmoor’s teeth, the Cypræa Moneta of Linnæus.
[195]He means her name as a Mohammedan; by her countrymen of Haúsá she was called Nághódí, a significant word in their language.
[196]Ghilmán means “young men,” but it also means “slaves;” however, Abú Bekr seems to have used it in the sense here given.
[197]Sultánán may mean ‘a sultán;’ but the power of living securely is probably what is here meant.
[198]The price of blood, or fine for having taken away a man’s life.
[199]This is—the people of Buntukkú, Ashantí, and Fantí. This is more distinctly expressed in another paper written by him.
[200]That is—pray five times a day.
[201]Nearly resembling the Tombutto of Leo Africanus, (p. 642,) and clearly an abbreviation of the Tungubutú of De Barros, (Asia, i. 220.)
[202]The word in the original cannot be decyphered.