CHAP. XIV.
We have already adverted to the state of confusion in which affairs were at Bengal when Lord Clive landed.
Never had an individual a more arduous task of reform; but he came to it with great local knowledge, with a full acquaintance with the characters of those by whom he was likely to be aided or thwarted, and with a mind determined at all hazards to execute the great work to which he had been called, almost by acclamation.
The public letters, papers, and minutes which were laid before Parliament, regarding the transactions in Bengal, during the years 1765 and 1766, illustrated as they are by the debates of 1772, gave a full and accurate history of those two years; but it is in his volumes of private letters, more than even in any public documents, that we must look for the motives of Clive's conduct, during this most eventful period of his life. These are so numerous, that it is difficult to select from them such as will best give, in his own language, a just idea of the difficulties which he had to combat, and of that unyielding firmness and determined resolution by which they were overcome.
He writes to his friend General Carnac, under date the 3d May, 1765:—
"I arrived here this morning to take possession of a government, which I find in a more distracted state, if possible, than I had reason to expect.
"The measures taken, with regard to the country government, have been at best precipitate; and the gentlemen here, knowing that the arrangement of all affairs was absolutely vested in the committee, might, I think, have avoided going the lengths they have, till my arrival. But I am determined not to be embarrassed by the errors of others, if in my power to remedy them. At least, I will struggle hard that the disinterested purpose of my voyage prove not ineffectual. Your resolution, my dear friend, and principles, almost unparalleled in these climes, will, I am sure, co-operate with me in every regulation for the public good. Verelst appears, as far as I can hitherto judge, to be a man of honour and integrity. Sykes may be thoroughly relied on, and Sumner must, for his own sake, be a friend to the Company. It is impossible, therefore, to doubt that we shall be able to settle every matter to the satisfaction of our employers. The young Nabob should be treated with respect, with dignity, and with that honour which ought to be characteristic of Englishmen in Asia as well as in Europe; but since we have experienced such a series of troubles from the mismanagement of Subahships, it is our duty to guard against future evils, by doing for ourselves what no Nabob will ever do for us; and never trust to the ambition of any Mussulman whatever, after what has happened. Peace upon a firm and lasting foundation must be established if possible. And to obtain this object, I conclude it will be necessary for me to march up to you at camp, not to continue long there, but to enter into some treaty with the King. Your long and extensive expedition I could wish had been avoidable; but of that and all other affairs I will speak more at large, when I have the pleasure of hearing from or seeing you. For the present, I can only say, that our views ought to be confined to Bengal and its departments, and so far I am sure may be gone with justice; nor do I doubt, that a committee of gentlemen, whose emulation is not excited by the distribution of loaves and fishes, may acquire at this juncture immortal honour to themselves, and lasting advantages to the Company. To-morrow morning I begin to read over the papers, and minutes of Council, that I may, by seeing what has been done, be able to form a clearer opinion of the plan we ought now to adopt. This business will, I suppose, employ my attention for two or three days, and then you shall hear from me."
In a letter to the same officer, under date the 6th May, Clive observes:—
"I shall now inform you of this day's proceedings. Having met in Council, after some debates, the field officers were established as follows:—General Carnac, Colonel Smith, and Sir R. Barker are Colonels of the first, second, and third regiments of Infantry; Sir R. Fletcher, Major Peach, and Major Chapman, Lieutenant-Colonels; Majors Champion and Stibbart, Majors. It was also proposed to fill up the other vacancy, which I objected to, until General Carnac's sentiments were known; a compliment I thought due to the commanding officer. You will therefore point out to me whom you would have the third Major, and he shall be appointed. I am informed you do not think Major Champion has had justice done him, when these appointments were made. Major Champion's merits were not known, or he would most certainly have stood next in rank to Colonel. However, Major Champion is satisfied with an assurance from me, that whatever the Directors shall order on that head shall be complied with.
"After this matter was settled, I desired the Board would order those paragraphs relative to the power of the committee to be transmitted to the chiefs and council of the subordinate settlements, to the Commander-in-chief of the army, and to the two presidencies of Madras and Bombay, that they might know what powers the committee were invested with. I then acquainted the Board, that the committee was determined to make use of the power invested in them, to its utmost extent; that the condition of the country, and the very being of the Company made such a step absolutely necessary. Mr. Leycester then seemed inclined to enter into a debate about the meaning and extent of those powers, but I cut him short, by informing the Board, that I would not suffer any one to enter into the least discussion about the meaning of those powers; but that the committee alone were absolutely determined to be the sole and only judges; but that they were at liberty to enter upon the face of the consultations any minutes they thought proper, but nothing more. Mr. Johnstone desired that some other paragraphs of the letter might be sent to the different subordinates, &c., as tending, I believe, in his opinion, to invalidate those orders. Upon which I asked him, whether he would dare to dispute our authority? Mr. Johnstone replied, that he never had the least intention of doing such a thing; upon which there was an appearance of very long and pale countenances, and not one of the council uttered another syllable. After despatching the current business, the Board broke up, and to-morrow we sit in committee, when, I make no doubt, of discovering such a scene as will be shocking to human nature. They have all received immense sums for this new appointment, and are so shameless, as to own it publicly. Hence we can account for the motive of paying so little respect to me and the committee; and, in short, every thing of benefit to themselves they have in this hasty manner concluded, leaving to the committee the getting the covenants signed, which they say, is of such consequence, that they cannot think of settling any thing final about them until Lord Clive's arrival.
"Alas! how is the English name sunk! I could not avoid paying the tribute of a few tears to the departed and lost fame of the British nation (irrecoverably so, I fear). However, I do declare, by that Great Being who is the searcher of all hearts, and to whom we must be accountable, if there must be an hereafter, that I am come out with a mind superior to all corruption, and that I am determined to destroy those great and growing evils, or perish in the attempt.
"I hope, when matters are a little settled, to set out for the army; bringing with me full power for you and me to settle every thing for the best."
His own situation and that of the country, at the period of his arrival, is forcibly depicted in a letter to Mr. Palk, Governor of Madras.[[244]]
"I wrote you a few lines last Saturday; since which matters do not go on so well as I could wish. Nasib Cawn, either through treachery or want of ammunition, has surrendered himself and army to the enemy; and Sir R. Fletcher, who was going to his assistance with one hundred Europeans, four battalions of sepoys, and four field-pieces, will find some difficulty to get back, as I understand the Rohillas, Mahrattas, and Sujah Dowla, intend to use their utmost efforts to prevent it. He has gained the banks of the Ganges, but I fear has no boats: however, as the General is marching to join him, I hope the enemy will not be able to make any impression before their junction, when I think there is not much to apprehend. Whether Sujah Dowla intends to try his fortune in another battle, or to harass and cut off our supplies, and detach into the Bahar province, we know not. However, we are providing against all accidents, by forming a second army from the reinforcements lately arrived, who are already upon their march for Patna, to cover that country or proceed further, as the situation of affairs may require. Thus circumstanced, you will see the necessity of reinforcing us upon all occasions when you can do it consistent with the safety of your own settlement.
"Mr. * * * * and all the council have been guilty of such barefaced corruption, that the committee have thought it absolutely necessary to make use of the power given them, in its utmost extent. You are addressed by this conveyance, and copy of the powers with which we are invested has been sent to you.
"At the first meeting, the gentlemen began to oppose and treat me in the manner they did Vansittart, by disputing our power, and the meaning of the paragraph in the Company's general letter. However, I cut that matter short, by telling them they should not be the judges of that power, nor would we allow them to enter into the least discussion about it; but that they might enter their dissents in writing, upon the face of the consultations. This brought matters to a conclusion, and spared us the necessity of making use of force, to put the Company's intentions into execution. We arrived on Tuesday, and effected this on Thursday. On Friday we held a committee; and on Monday was read before the council the following resolution from the committee book:—'Resolved, that it is the opinion of this committee, that the covenants be executed immediately by the rest of the council, and all the Company's servants.' After many idle and evasive arguments, and being given to understand they must either sign or be suspended the service, they executed the covenants upon the spot. From this you will see what I had the honour to inform you of, that I am determined upon an absolute reformation; but here we must act with caution, until a peace is established, which I do not despair of accomplishing during the rains.
"It gives me infinite concern to inform you that Mr. Spencer (of whom I had the highest opinion) is by no means the man of integrity or abilities that I took him to be; being deeper in the mire than the rest, and who appears to me to have been seduced and led astray by Johnstone and Leycester, having never had any will or opinion of his own, since he came to the chair. Indeed, the dignity of governor is sunk even beyond contempt itself; and the name of council only heard of in these parts. Would you believe that in his letters to the Nabob and others he has submitted to write, 'I and the council?'
"We are waiting the arrival of the Nabob and his ministry, to determine whether we shall suspend them the service, or represent matters in a general light leaving to the Directors to determine their state; though I am persuaded they will never wait such a decision, having all of them received large fortunes which they bare-facedly confess, for absolutely and precipitately concluding the late treaty with the young Nabob; not waiting for our approbation, or leaving it in our power to rectify the least tittle, without being guilty of a breach of faith.
"The large sums of money already received, and obligations given for the rest, on account of this treaty, are so very notorious through the whole town, and they themselves have taken such little pains to conceal them, that we cannot without forfeiting our honour and reputation possibly avoid a retrospection, as far back as the receipt of the covenants and Meer Jaffier's death. If we should call upon you hereafter for the assistance of Messrs. Broke, Russell, Kelsall, Floyer, and two or three more, we are persuaded your zeal for the service will not let you hesitate a moment about sending them by the first conveyance. However, you will keep the contents of this paragraph to yourself, till you hear from the committee or me upon the subject.
"I have employed Mr. Vansittart[[245]] as Persian interpreter, but cannot admit him to that share of confidence I wish to do, until those matters are ended entirely, out of a point of delicacy towards him."
Clive addressed a letter to Mr. Spencer at this period[[246]], which is singularly illustrative of that bold and open manner which led him to speak and write his sentiments with little if any of that reserve and discretion which are necessary to less vigorous minds to insure their unobstructed progress through life. Mr. Spencer was at this time still in Calcutta.
"I have read over all the consultations from the death of the late Nabob, Jaffier Ali Cawn, to the 4th April, 1765, in which it does not appear to me that you and the gentlemen have given any solid reasons for thus precipitately concluding a solemn treaty with the present young Nabob. There could have been no danger in declining an absolute conclusion of the treaty, until our arrival, which you know was expected every day. I am most sensibly affected at the treatment I have received from you and the gentlemen touching my jaghire. The instructing your deputies to apply to the Nabob for a sunnud to confirm the agreement made by the Company and me was officious, and contrary to the instructions of the Court of Directors, who more than once, in their last letter of the 1st of June, say, this matter is to be conducted by Lord Clive in conjunction with the council. Such a proceeding carries with it a reflection upon my integrity, as if it was doubted whether I should make use of the power I was invested with to perform what I had so solemnly engaged to perform. However, before I leave India, I will endeavour to convince this part of the world upon what principles I act."
Clive was at this period most anxious to make peace with the native states; and among other reasons that led him to seek this object, one of the principal was, to establish subordination[[247]] in the army, and to correct abuses in the civil administration, neither of which it was easy to effect while war existed. One of his first steps had been to establish the supremacy of the committee, which consisted only of five members, over the council which had sixteen, including the chiefs of all the principal factories. The members of council could not be expected to suffer patiently the execution of measures, which not only reduced their influence and power, but threatened investigation into their past conduct, and destroyed their golden prospects for the future. A party was soon formed against Clive, the head of which was Mr. Leycester.[[248]] But one of the most able and energetic of Clive's opponents was Mr. John Johnstone, who had distinguished himself for his zeal and activity when employed with Colonel Forde at the capture of Masulipatam, and in various other services. Mr. Johnstone was, as has been stated, one of the members of the committee who had been the instruments of placing the young Nabob on the throne, and who had received presents which they were not disposed to return. On the contrary, they pleaded the example which others, and especially Clive himself, had given, and refused to admit that there was any just ground for considering conduct as criminal in them which had been approved in their predecessors, placed under circumstances which, according to their statement, were not essentially dissimilar.
Clive[[249]], disregarding opposition, recorded his opinion that the treaty with the Nabob was formed with precipitation; and while he expressed in the most open and bold manner his opinion as to the motives which had influenced those by whom it had been concluded, he declared his determination to exercise his full powers to correct mal-administration, to enforce the signature, by the civil servants, of the covenant, as ordered by the Directors, which had hitherto been evaded[[250]]; and above all, to put a stop to the shameful abuses and wrongs which had arisen from Europeans in the civil service, and free merchants engaging in the inland trade.
He was quite aware of all the odium and hostility which the sudden and great reform he contemplated would bring upon him, both in India and England; but, from the whole tenor of his private letters of this date it is obvious, that the knowledge of this, so far from dispiriting, only encouraged him to the great efforts he made. The following is an extract of a letter to Mr. Sykes of the 29th June on the subject:—
"I fear the military as well as civil are so far gone in luxury and debauchery, that it will require the utmost exertion of an united committee to save the Company from destruction. However, let us always appeal to the rectitude of our intentions, and we shall be enabled to complete the arduous undertaking with great satisfaction and honour to ourselves. Remember me to Verelst in the kindest manner; tell him the Company and myself have no other dependence, but upon the justness of his and your principles."
Lord Clive's anxiety to conclude a peace, made him determine, immediately after his arrival, to proceed to Patna. He had also several arrangements to effect at Moorshedabad[[251]], where affairs had fallen into great confusion. His intention was to proceed, after settling affairs in Bengal, to Bahar; and his colleagues in the committee delegated to him their power to conclude a settlement with Sujah Dowla and the Emperor of Delhi, with or without the aid of Brigadier General Carnac.[[252]] Lord Clive had, however, left Calcutta but a short time, before he was embarrassed by the wavering conduct of Mr. Sumner, the senior member of the committee. His Lordship had proposed, for strong and obvious reasons, that the members of council should be reduced from sixteen to twelve, and that the chiefs of subordinate factories should not be included. Their being in council, he argued, gave them an increased local influence and power, that was often abused; and the council were slow and reluctant to censure or punish the acts, however much they disapproved of them, of members of their own body. Another evil arose out of this system. Rise to council was in fact by seniority; for when nothing appeared on record against an individual, his claim to that station was almost invariably admitted. Mr. Sumner was adverse to any change of this system. Clive, though annoyed at his conduct, which he thought too compromising, endeavoured by every argument he could use, to reclaim him to that decided course which he conceived it the duty of the committee to pursue, and from which it was important they should not be diverted, either by the opinions or remonstrances of the council: Mr. Sykes continued firmly to support the Governor, but he was called away to his duties at the court of the Nabob at Moorshedabad; and Mr. Verelst had been before nominated to the station of supervisor of Burdwan and Midnapore.
Placed under these circumstances, Lord Clive made every effort to convince Mr. Sumner of the necessity of giving him a decided support against the opposition raised by the council.
"I hope," he observes on one occasion, "my last letter will have convinced you of the insignificancy of the struggles of the gentlemen of council, as well as of their power, when compared with that of the committee. If you will but convince yourself that they have laid themselves under such a censure that nothing can excuse them at home, and that the committee's upright and spirited conduct must gain the universal applause, you will treat them with that contempt which they deserve, by never suffering them to give a vote on any subject whatever, when once it has fallen under consideration of the committee.
"But to convince you what opinion even Mr. Sulivan and our enemies must have of our conduct, I refer you to the two enclosed letters of Mr. Palk, who is Mr. Sulivan's oracle. Besides, I have seen a letter of his to Mr. George Vansittart, wherein he speaks in the highest terms of what we are about, and the absolute necessity of a reformation.
"The behaviour of the council is so shameless, abandoned, and ungrateful, that I know not whether I shall not produce fresh accusations against them, in that the subordinate chiefs, down to the writers, have laid all the zemindars under contribution, of which I shall soon be in possession of the most authentic proofs."
In almost all Clive's letters written at this period he dwells upon the same subjects, expresses his opinion that the covenants should be executed, and depicts the extent and enormity of the prevailing abuses and corruption in the interior of the country, particularly by the natives, whom men with local influence and power have employed as agents. These have (as he states), by their exactions and tyranny, rendered the English name odious.
The sentiments he entertained of his council are fully given in a letter to Mr. Sykes, under date the 10th August.
"The behaviour of the council has convinced me they are children and fools, as well as knaves, and I am not at all concerned, on the Company's account, that they have demeaned themselves in the manner you represent; for we may now, with great propriety, let the sentiments of humanity give way to justice. For my own part, I am determined, as one, to show them no more mercy; indeed it now becomes necessary, as well for our own vindication as for the advantage of the Company, to make an example of them, and represent them in their proper colours to the Court of Directors.
"I wish you would get ready the Dinagepoor Rajah's evidence, as well as the evidence of others, concerning Mr. Gray's conduct at Malda, against we assemble at Calcutta; and also what other evidences of other gentlemen whose conduct deserves our censure. I can't help thinking Leycester has been guilty of other misdemeanours at Dacca, &c. Burdett I am sure has."
In a letter[[253]] from Lord Clive to the Directors, he has the following observations upon this subject:—"Upon my arrival, I am sorry to say, I found your affairs in a condition so nearly desperate, as would have alarmed any set of men whose sense of honour and duty to their employers had not been estranged by the too eager pursuit of their own immediate advantages. The sudden, and, among many, the unwarrantable acquisition of riches, had introduced luxury in every shape, and in its most pernicious excess. These two enormous evils went hand in hand together through the whole presidency, infecting almost every member of each department. Every inferior seemed to have grasped at wealth, that he might be enabled to assume that spirit of profusion which was now the only distinction between him and his superior. Thus all distinction ceased; and every rank became, in a manner, upon an equality. Nor was this the end of the mischief; for a contest of such a nature among our servants necessarily destroyed all proportion between their wants and the honest means of satisfying them. In a country where money is plenty, where fear is the principle of government, and where your arms are ever victorious, it is no wonder that the lust of riches should readily embrace the proffered means of its gratification, or that the instruments of your power should avail themselves of their authority, and proceed even to extortion, in those cases where simple corruption could not keep pace with their rapacity. Examples of this sort, set by superiors, could not fail of being followed, in a proportionable degree, by inferiors. The evil was contagious, and spread among the civil and military, down to the writer, the ensign, and the free merchant."
In the answer from the Court of Directors to this letter[[254]] from Clive, they observe; "We have the strongest sense of the deplorable state to which our affairs were on the point of being reduced, from the corruption and rapacity of our servants, and the universal depravity of manners throughout the settlements. The general relaxation of all discipline and obedience, both military and civil, was hastily tending to a dissolution of all government. Our letter to the Select Committee expresses our sentiments of what has been obtained by way of donation; and to that we must add, that we think the vast fortunes acquired in the inland trade have been obtained by a scene of the most tyrannic and oppressive conduct that ever was known in any age or country."
In the letter of the same date as that of Lord Clive[[255]], from the Select Committee of Calcutta above referred to, they express themselves bound to lay open to the view of the Directors a series of transactions too notoriously known to be suppressed, and too deeply affecting their interest, the national character, and the existence of the Company in Bengal, to escape unnoticed and uncensured. "Transactions," they add, "which seem to demonstrate that every spring of this government was smeared with corruption, that principles of rapacity and oppression universally prevailed, and that every spark of sentiment and public spirit was lost and extinguished in the unbounded lust of unmerited wealth."
Lord Clive, in a letter to Mr. Sykes of the 20th August, informs him of the happy conclusion of his mission to Benares, and of his having obtained from the King the grant of the dewannee, or deed, for the administration of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa; an arrangement to which he very justly attaches the greatest value, and which may be viewed as having crowned his efforts as a hero and a statesman, in fixing firm the foundation of the British empire in India.[[256]] It is difficult, at the present day, to appreciate that wisdom which appeared to attach a value to the form, almost beyond the substance, of power. It is impossible to satisfy those who judge such questions by philosophic rules, or others who apply a European standard to Indian policy, of the weight of the reasons which led Clive to give the consequence he did to an act, that may appear to them as being more likely to augment, than to lessen, the numerous obstacles which already opposed the good government of our Eastern territories. It is not easy to convince such persons of the degree in which he was enabled, by this grant, to reconcile to the rule of strangers the various communities which formed the vast population of India; nor can we compute the amount of strength which it took away from princes, who had long been enemies to those Europeans whom they deemed invaders and usurpers, but who were, from the moment the grant was made, in the eyes of a great proportion of their subjects, if not in their own, sanctioned in the exercise of the power they had attained, by the authority of one who, however fallen, was still considered the legitimate source of all rank and authority over that empire of which he was hardly more than the nominal head.
Philosophers may smile at such impressions, may despise those who act on such grounds; but as the bulk of human beings, in every country, are swayed by impressions and prejudices more than by reason, wise and great statesmen will continue to establish authority, and preserve peace, by adapting their measures to the habits and feeling of the community, instead of acting on theories which, taken in the abstract, have an appearance of wisdom, but reduced to practice, by running counter to the character and condition of the great mass of men, for whose benefit they are intended, produce bitter fruits from fair but deceitful blossoms.
Previous to the conclusion of the negotiations at Patna, Mr. Verelst[[257]], acting under the instructions of Lord Clive, had succeeded in obtaining the acquiescence of the Nabob of Moorshedabad and his ministers, to an engagement, by which it is stipulated, that 50 lacs of rupees should be assigned for his support[[258]], and that of his family, while the remaining revenue was allotted to the payment of restitutions, expenses of the army, and allowance to the King.
Lord Clive, in a letter which announced to the Court of Directors his having made peace, and obtained rights and privileges that gave them resources which, well managed, were more than competent to maintain the East India Company in that political power which a rapid succession of events had forced upon them, entered fully upon the subject of the future administration of their affairs, and, above all, the necessity of a complete reform in their civil and military establishments, which, in Bengal, he describes to be in the worst possible state, owing to many causes, but to none more than the rise of youth to wealth and high station, before they had either prudence or judgment; a rise inevitably succeeded by their falling into a state of indolence and luxury, that led to the increase of the evils it was his anxious object, and that of the Select Committee, to remedy.
The measures he adopted to enforce obedience to the orders of the Directors, regarding certain classes of their servants discontinuing trade, were accompanied by a distribution among the seniors, of a proportion of the profits of the salt monopoly, in shares accordant with their rank. These shares, though large, were considered as nothing by men who were enjoying the enormous profits that resulted from the privileges which their influence and authority gave them as merchants. This arrangement, consequently, caused great discontent among those whose interests it affected; which was increased by his removal of civil servants from many minor stations in the provinces, and ordering all free merchants, except those that were specifically licensed, to return to the presidency. An effectual check was also put, at this period, to that system of violence with which the native gomastahs, or agents of civil servants and free merchants, continued to enforce the passing their goods, not only without paying duties, but without dustucks or passes[[259]], which were granted when it was deemed expedient or proper, on application. There is, in Clive's letter books, much correspondence upon this subject; the whole tenor of which proves, that the effort made by the committee to stop the inland trade, was one of the principal causes of that combination of civil servants, which rapidly increased in number and violence, when it was known, that Clive had requested that four of the senior and best qualified civil servants of Madras should be immediately sent to Bengal, in order to strengthen his administration of the latter presidency.
The conduct of Mr. Leycester, one of the council, who placed himself at the head of the discontented, forced the Select Committee to suspend him. Mr. Gray and Mr. Burdett, two other leaders, went home; and severe measures were taken with several juniors, who joined with their superiors in order to arrest reforms, which threatened to destroy those prospects of early and great wealth in which they so fondly indulged.
Clive heard, soon after his arrival, of Mr. Dudley being deputy-chairman; and we find a long private letter[[260]], written in 1765, to that gentleman. In this, after commenting with his usual freedom on the characters of persons connected with the conduct of Indian affairs, both at home and abroad, he particularly alludes to Mr. Sumner, his destined successor, who, however respectable, he was led to believe, from what he has seen and heard, would not be found to possess that energy and decision which were indispensable to carry into full effect the system which he had introduced.
He concludes this letter with some strong opinions, as to the measures that were necessary to insure the future welfare of Bengal:—
"If the Directors will empower me alone, or me in conjunction with the present committee, to regulate matters, I can be responsible for the consequences after my departure; if not, I much fear, things will fall into the old channel, and to the advantages arising from salt will be added every other that can be obtained.
"Remember the oath and penalty bond mentioned in my public letter.
"If you could, by increasing the Governor's salary, or ordering his proportion of salt to be greater, insert in the oath, that the Governor should not be allowed the liberty of private trade, but attend only to the affairs of the Company, leaving trade to the second, &c., I think the plan of government would be much more perfect, as it would be less liable to abuses from the head.
"With regard to the magnitude of our possessions, be not staggered. Assure yourself that the Company must either be what they are, or be annihilated. Hitherto, at least, one can see no alternative; for, in a moderate state, though the power might still be preserved, corruption and frequent revolutions, must in the end overset us. Never was there a time when affairs wore so strong an appearance of prosperity and stability as the present.
"Irruptions of the Mahrattas may now and then interrupt our trade, and impede the collection of our revenues; but I am persuaded that nothing can prove fatal but a renewal of licentiousness among your servants here, or intestine divisions among yourselves at home.
"I am sorry I cannot send the Directors, by this conveyance, a list of the revenues; but I am as much convinced as that I now exist, that when the revenues are all perfectly regulated, the Company will receive, clear of civil and military expenses, and without oppressing or overloading the inhabitants, a net income of 2,000,000l. sterling per annum.
"One arduous undertaking still remains behind; I mean, a thorough examination into all the civil and military offices. The difficulty is in the choice of men for a committee. We cannot easily find servants here endued with such strict principles of honour as to make them think it a duty they owe the Company to enter heartily into the scrutiny, and recommend such wholesome regulations as may in future prevent abuses.
"It is impossible for the Select Committee to go through the whole themselves, nor can they expect to see a thorough reformation take place, unless they are assisted with the zeal and assiduity of others. If the gentlemen of Madras whom I have recommended were here, I could be certain of having my plan soon completed. The Directors will, I am sure, be surprised when they see what a total inattention (to call it by no worse a name) there has been in the gentlemen of council, with regard to their employment, and what gross frauds have been committed by the natives acting under them.
"Still more will they be surprised, when they see the late military expenses, compared with the present; for there is now a system of economy, consistent with the true interest of the Company, and yet the allowances are not reduced below what they ought to be.
"Neither the general nor committee's letter is very full upon the subject of remittances. This year we shall probably draw upon you to the amount of treasure sent to China. There still remains 24 lacs of restitution money to be paid, 3 lacs of donation, 30 lacs of bonds and 10 or 12 lacs to be sent to Bombay; and if to this you add 20 lacs to be sent to China, the whole will amount to 87 or 89 lacs. Our treasury at present is low, as we have not yet received the benefit of our new grant; and large sums have been advanced for the investment, which will exceed 40 lacs this year.
"The trade of salt, betle, and tobacco is now become an object of the utmost importance, both to the Company and to individuals. If the profits should greatly exceed what they are stated at, as some are sanguine enough to imagine, you may be assured the Company shall receive the benefit; for, if the clear gain should exceed a certain sum, the indulgence will become too great. As matters are settled at present, the Company will receive one half of the advantages by allowing them a duty of 35 per cent. upon salt, which is the principal article. The proprietors pay 10 per cent. for the loan of money, and 5 per cent. may be allowed for the loss of boats and wastage."
The Court of Directors appear, from their general letters sent by Lord Clive, and those of subsequent date, to have been very anxious to put an end to the internal trade carried on by their servants and their native agents, which they considered as being alike oppressive to the inhabitants of the country, and injurious to the native governments. It constituted a great source of profit to individuals, but was, they stated, directly opposed to the interests of the Company, and from the mode in which it was carried on brought disgrace upon the English name. In the general letter of April 26th, 1765, the Court observes, with reference to the conduct of the civil servants who had charge of the government before the arrival of Lord Clive, and who pretended that their right to engage in the internal trade, and to have their goods passed free of duty, was founded on the Emperor's firman to the Company;—
"Treaties of commerce are understood to be for the mutual benefit of the contracting parties. Is it then possible to suppose that the court of Delhi, by conferring the privilege of trading free of customs, could mean an inland trade in the commodities of their own country, at that period unpractised and unthought of by the English, to the detriment of their revenues and the ruin of their own merchants? We do not find such a construction was ever heard of, until our own servants first invented it, and afterwards supported it by violence. Neither could it be claimed by the subsequent treaties with Meer Jaffier, or Cossim Ali, which were never understood to give one additional privilege of trade beyond what the firman expressed. In short, the specious arguments used by those who pretended to set up a right to it convince us they did not want judgment, but virtue to withstand the temptation of suddenly amassing a great fortune, although acquired by means incompatible with the peace of the country, and their duty to the Company.
"Equally blamable were they who, acknowledging they had no right to it, and sensible of the ill consequences resulting from assuming it, have, nevertheless, carried on this trade, and used the authority of the Company to obtain, by a treaty exacted by violence, a sanction for a trade to enrich themselves, without the least regard or advantage to the Company, whose forces they employed to protect them in it.
"Had this short question been put, which their duty ought first to have suggested, 'Is it for the interest of our employers?' they would not have hesitated one moment about it; but this criterion seems never once to have occurred.
"All barriers being thus broken down between the English and the country government, and every thing out of its proper channel, we are at a loss how to prescribe means to restore order from this confusion; and being deprived of that confidence which we hoped we might have placed in our servants, who appear to have been the actors in these strange scenes, we can only say, that we rely on the zeal and abilities of Lord Clive, and the gentlemen of the Select Committee, to remedy these evils. We hope they will restore our reputation among the country powers, and convince them of our abhorrence of oppression and rapaciousness."
In the general letter, under date the 19th February, 1766, recurring to the same subject, they write:—
"With respect to the treaty with Nudjum-ul-Dowla, it is proper here to insert, at length, the fifth article, which runs in these words:—'I do ratify and confirm to the English the privilege granted them by their firman, and several husbulhookums, of carrying on their trade, by means of their own dustucks, free from all duties, taxes, or impositions, in all parts of the country, except in the article of salt, on which the duty of two and a half per cent. is to be levied on the Rowana or Haughley market price.' This fifth article is totally repugnant to our own order, contained in our general letter, by the Kent and Lapwing, dated the 1st June, 1764; in which we not only expressed our abhorrence of an article in the treaty with Meer Jaffier, literally corresponding with the present fifth article, but in positive terms directed you, in concert with the Nabob, to form an equitable plan for carrying on the inland trade, and transmit the same to us, accompanied by such explanations and remarks as might enable us to give our sentiments and directions thereupon. We must remind you, too, that in our said general letter we expressly directed, that our orders, in our letter of the 8th February preceding, which were to put a final and effectual end to the inland trade in salt, betle-nut, and tobacco, and in all other articles produced and consumed in the country, should remain in force, until an equitable and satisfactory plan could be found and adopted. As, therefore, there is not the least latitude given you for concluding any treaty whatsoever respecting this inland trade, we must and do consider what you have done as an express breach and violation of our orders, and as a detrimental resolution to sacrifice the interest of the Company, and the peace of the country, to lucrative and selfish views.
"This unaccountable behaviour put an end to all confidence in those who made this treaty, and forces us to resolve on measures for the support of our authority, and the preservation of the Company. We do therefore pronounce, that every servant concerned in that trade stands guilty of a breach of his covenants with us and of our orders; and in consequence of this resolution, we positively direct, that if that treaty is now subsisting, you make a formal renunciation, by some solemn act to be entered on your records, of all right under the said treaty, or otherwise, to trade in salt, betle-nut, and tobacco; and that you transmit this renunciation of that part of the treaty, in form, to the Nabob, in the Persian language. Whatever government may be established, or whatever unforeseen occurrences may arise, it is our resolution to prohibit, and we do absolutely forbid, this trade of salt, betle-nut, and tobacco, and of all articles that are not for export and import, according to the spirit of the firman, which does not in the least give any latitude whatsoever for carrying on such an inland trade; and, moreover, we shall deem every European concerned therein, directly or indirectly, guilty of a breach of his covenants, and direct that he be forthwith sent to England, that we may proceed against him accordingly. And every native who shall avail himself of our protection to carry this trade on, without paying all the duties due to the government equally with the rest of the Nabob's subjects, shall forfeit that protection, and be banished the settlement; and we direct that these resolutions be signified publicly throughout the settlement."
These letters were meant to be in support of the measures Lord Clive was supposed to have adopted; but the opinions of the Court in regard to the salt trade differed essentially from those on which he had acted. This subject, however, will be noticed hereafter. In a subsequent letter, (May 17th, 1766,) after stating the earnest request they had made of Lord Clive to remain one more season in Bengal, and giving their sentiments on the importance of his services, they drew a strong and just contrast between the conduct of the Select Committee, of which he was president, and that of the Governor and Council, whose power it had superseded.
"The article in the treaty with Shuja Dowla, stipulating a trade duty-free, through his dominions, we direct to be confined solely to the Company's trade; and even in that sense of it, we mean only if his dominions produce any goods fit for the European markets, or if it can be made the means of extending our trade in the woollen manufactory, or any other European goods.
"We come now to consider the great and important affairs of the dewannee, on which we shall give our sentiments with every objection that occurs to us.
"When we consider that the barrier of the country government was entirely broken down, and every Englishman throughout the country armed with an authority that owned no superior, and exercising his power to the oppression of the helpless natives, who knew not whom to obey; at such a crisis, we cannot hesitate to approve your obtaining the dewannee for the Company.
"When we look back to the system that Lord Clive and the gentlemen of the Select Committee found established, it presents to us a subah disarmed, with a revenue of almost two millions sterling, (for so much seems to have been left, exclusive of our demands on him,) at the mercy of our servants, who had adopted an unheard-of ruinous principle, of an interest distinct from the Company. This principle showed itself in laying their hands upon every thing they did not deem the Company's property.
"In the province of Burdwan, the resident and his council took an annual stipend of near 80,000 rupees per annum from the Rajah, in addition to the Company's salary. This stands on the Burdwan accounts, and we fear was not the whole; for we apprehend it went further, and that they carried this pernicious principle even to the sharing with the Rajah of all he collected beyond the stipulated malguzary, or land revenue, overlooking the point of duty to the Company, to whom, properly, every thing belonged that was not necessary for the Rajah's support. It has been the principle, too, on which our servants have falsely endeavoured to gloss over the crime of their proceedings, on the accession of the present Subah; and we fear would have been soon extended to the grasping the greatest share of that part of the Nabob's revenues which was not allotted to the Company. In short, this principle was directly undermining the whole fabric; for whilst the Company were sinking under the burden of the war, our servants were enriching themselves from those very funds that ought to have supported the war. But to Lord Clive and our Select Committee we owe, that the Company are at last considered as principals in the advantages as well as dangers."
Clive had recommended, that the Governor of Bengal should have an adequate salary, and be restrained from trade. In one of his letters already quoted, he strongly urged that he should be vested with authority to take a resolution in cases of emergency entirely on himself. He subsequently not only pointed out the expediency of making Calcutta the chief seat of the government of India, but proposed, in any future arrangement, the nomination of a Governor-general, with the full powers he now enjoys. All these propositions have been adopted; but the most important were not carried into effect till thirty years of collision and confusion in the administration of the Indian Government, through the means of separate and independent presidencies, compelled the divided and jealous authorities in England to follow the wise counsel of one whose experience and foresight enabled him to predict the evils which must result from the weakness and distraction of their government abroad, and the necessity of forming one uniform system for the administration of our Indian territories, and placing them under one efficient general rule,—the individual at the head of which should be of a character that justified his being clothed with paramount power over the whole.
Such was the magnitude of the evils that now weighed down the government of Bengal. It was at this period of danger from external enemies aggravated by a system radically corrupt, and in the continuance of which the interests of almost the whole of the public servants, and of all the free traders, were involved, that Clive evinced all the energy of his extraordinary character. We trace that quality, however, more in his private than in his public letters; and some extracts from the former will exhibit, better than the most laboured detail, the nature of the obstacles he had to encounter, and the measures he took to surmount them, and to restore and fix, on a firmer foundation than ever, the interests of his country in India. He observes, in a letter to Mr. Palk, Governor of Madras, dated Calcutta, 4th May[[261]];—
"I have little more to say than that I arrived here yesterday, and that all affairs, civil and military, are in a state of confusion beyond what I had even reason to expect. I can see no end to the troubles in these parts. Suja Dowla has been joined by the Rohillas and Mahrattas, and he is marching down with them to make another effort to recover his dominions, which, at present, are entirely in our possession. Their apprehension seems to be, that our principal object is to support the King, and establish him at Delhi; and if this is the case, we may expect all India will go to war with us. Such a continued scene of fighting as this seems to open, will not, however, suit with us; and, in a very short time, I believe I must march up to camp, in order to settle measures, if possible, upon a pacific plan. I beg you will send us as many small arms, as well as men, as your settlement can spare, out of the next and succeeding ships."[[262]] * * * * *
In a letter to General Carnac, he describes the state of the Nabob of Moorshedabad and his ministers, and the recent events at that court, in the following terms[[263]]:—
"I cannot yet write you particulars; however, matters seem drawing to a conclusion. The Nabob and Mahommed Reza Cawn are arrived. The Seets and Roydulub will be here to-morrow, and I am determined to give an impartial audience to all of them, who are ready enough to disclose every transaction, and will prove to demonstration, upon what grounds and principles the gentlemen have been actuated, thus precipitately to conclude a treaty before our arrival.
"Although Nundcomar may not prove guilty of the crimes laid to his charge, yet, believe me, my dear General, he will do no honour, either to the Nabob or to the Company, in any great or eminent post, which he never was formed or designed for; and I can give you unanswerable reasons against his being the principal person about the Nabob, when I have the pleasure of seeing you. I am as fully averse to Reza Ali Cawn's remaining in the great post of Naib Subah. His being a Mussulman, acute, and clever, are reasons of themselves, if there were no others, against trusting that man with too much power; and yet the young man must have men about him capable of directing and governing him; for besides his youth, he is really very simple, and always receives his impressions from those who are last about him. It is really shocking to see what a set of miserable and mean wretches Nundcomar has placed about him, men that the other day were horsekeepers. I proposed that three or four of the principal families in Bengal shall assist him in his government; and make no doubt of obtaining his own consent for adopting such a plan as may make him perfectly easy in his own mind, and do the English nation honour.
"I hope fifteen or twenty days will enable me to put affairs in such a channel, that the gentlemen may go on with the reformation during my absence; and upon my arrival we must heartily set about a peace: for the expense is now become so enormous, (no less than 10 lacs per mensem, civil and military,) that the Company must be inevitably undone, if the Mahrattas, or any other powers, should invade Bahar and Bengal; for it will then be impossible to raise money sufficient to continue the war. This is a very serious consideration with me, and will, I make no doubt, strike you in the same light."
Treating the same subject in a subsequent letter, Clive observes[[264]]:—
"Strange discoveries have been made, which prove your conjectures about revolutions to be true. The enclosed will give you an idea of what is intended. The more I see of the Nabob, the more I am convinced of his incapacity for business: whether it proceeds from want of natural abilities, or want of education, time will discover; certain it is, the most difficult task we have is to act in such a manner as not to put too great a restraint upon the Nabob's inclinations, and yet, at the same time, influence him to do what is for his own honour, and the good of the Company. There is no submitting to be dictated to by every plaguy fellow about him."
And again[[265]]:—
"There seems to me to have been a combination between the blacks and whites, to divide all the revenues of the Company between them, for the Nabob knows nothing about the matter. Large sums have been taken out of both treasuries, by Mahommed Reza Cawn at Muxadabad, and by Nundcomar at Calcutta. Every day convinces me, that so long as that man with his instruments continue about him we shall never have that influence which appears to me absolutely necessary, as well for his own reputation as to prevent the revenues being dissipated on a set of plaguy rascals."
The evidence which Clive about this time obtained from the officers of the Nabob, of the sums paid to the different public servants on the conclusion of the treaty, are stated in a letter to General Carnac[[266]], with some severe remarks on the conduct of those who, on that occasion, sacrificed the interest and honour of the public for venal objects. This subject would, in its details, lead us too far. Suffice it to say, that the strong measures which the discovery he made led him to adopt, particularly that of suspending several of the older civil officers from the service, added to the number of his enemies in a degree that made them more powerful in England than in India, and was the chief cause of that parliamentary inquiry into his conduct which took place on his return to his native country. Meanwhile, however, the honest course of investigation which he pursued, though fatiguing and painful to his mind, and severe on his spirits, left him resolute and composed in his sense of duty. He had a great object in view, the salvation of an empire, through the repression of wrong, and the amendment of the public character and morals. "Let me but have health sufficient to go through with the reformation we intend," says he, in writing to his friend Carnac, "and I shall die with satisfaction and in peace." The same feeling, which seems at this period to have deeply penetrated his mind, he expresses to many of his friends.
Clive, it appears from several letters to other friends, had been, at this period, seriously hurt at the long, and, as he thought, the mysterious silence of General Carnac. He was at last relieved by a letter, which satisfactorily accounted for the apparent neglect of a friend for whom he cherished so sincere an esteem. The following extract from Clive's reply is singularly illustrative of his feelings, and of the principles on which he acted:—
"The receipt of your letter[[267]], number eight, gave me as much pleasure as your long silence gave me real concern. Indeed, I had resolved to write no more, being convinced that, from some cause or other, the friendship which had so long subsisted between us was drawing towards a conclusion, since you had declined even giving me your sentiments upon a subject or subjects in which I conjectured we may have differed in opinion. But surely that could be no reason for not writing at all; neither ought a difference of opinion, where both are actuated by principles of honour and justice, in the least diminish that cordial affection which hitherto hath subsisted, and I trust will subsist to the day of our deaths.
"I was not ignorant, when a general Court of Proprietors prevailed upon me to resume this government, what an odious as well as arduous task I had undertaken. Foreseeing, in a manner, every thing at the time which has since happened, I was determined, if possible, to answer the expectations of the Proprietors, who did me the honour to think me the only person who could, by my power and influence (and example, I hope,) put a stop to that universal corruption (some few instances excepted) which seems to have spread itself over all Bengal.
"Although a reformation both in the civil and military department appears to me absolutely necessary, yet if there be any thing which can occasion you the least uneasiness, for God's sake let the whole weight fall upon my shoulders. I can go through every thing with pleasure, so long as I can, with truth, and without vanity, apply to myself these beautiful lines of Horace:—
'Justum et tenacem propositi virum,'" &c.
Clive, in the following letter to his friend Walsh, dated 30th September, 1765, gives full scope to his feelings, both as to public transactions, and those connected with them:—
"Our friendship and connection have been of so many years' standing, and I have always observed in you so much real warmth of heart and zeal for my interest and honour, that I think of these marks of your affection in this distant part of the globe with the greatest satisfaction.
"To you, and to you only, I shall communicate every transaction of consequence which has passed since our arrival, because I know you have judgment and discretion to make a proper use of them.
"It will be needless to expatiate on the very great things we have done for the Company, since the several papers which accompany this will make you a perfect master of the whole of our proceedings.
"I have referred many of my friends to you for information; but you will communicate to them what you think proper, Mr. Grenville excepted, to whom I have been very explicit, having inclosed him a copy of my letter to the Court of Directors, translation of the treaty of peace, and a map of Bengal, with some marginal explanations.
"You will therefore lay before him, without reserve, all papers of a public nature; such as relate to individuals, and are not made public, you may not think proper to reveal to any one. There is only one paper which I could not send you, viz. the letter from the Select Committee to the Court of Directors, being bound by oath not to make any of our proceedings public until laid before council, or communicated to the Court of Directors; neither of which being yet done, with respect to the committee's letter, is the reason I cannot send you a copy; but you will, undoubtedly, obtain a sight of it from Scrafton.
"Had I known Mr. Sumner as well as I do at present, I would never have consented to his being appointed my successor, let the consequences be what they would. I did, indeed, entertain hopes, that my example and instructions might furnish that gentleman with a plan of conduct and political knowledge, which would have enabled him to fill the chair with honour, and me to leave it with satisfaction to myself. But I am sorry to inform you, that I had been but a short time on board the Kent, before I discovered him to be a man no ways fit to be my successor. His ideas of government differ widely indeed from mine; add to this, his judgment is weak, timid, and unsound, and resolution he has none.
"Nor was my opinion of him changed on our arrival here; for I was frequently mortified with instances of his conduct, which made me look forward with regret to the day on which he was to be intrusted with the government of Bengal.
"When affairs of the utmost consequence to the Company were transacting by me, at the distance of seven hundred miles from the presidency, Mr. Sumner, governor for the time being, would have yielded up some of the most material privileges of the committee to Mr. Leycester, Gray, and Burdett, the most factious among the counsellors; and, if I had not written to him very severely on the subject, and prevailed on Mr. Verelst to hasten down from Burdwan to remonstrate to him on the weakness of his conduct, I verily believe he would have joined with those gentlemen in endeavouring to abolish the power of the committee.
"Whether his behaviour arose merely from timidity of temper, or from a consideration that his actions formerly, in the Burdwan country, could not bear a scrutiny, if the resentment of those whom he had been obliged to join in condemning should prompt them to retaliate, I cannot say; but it is certain that his attention to those gentlemen, guilty as they had been of the most notorious acts of oppression, was mean and absurd. His conduct, upon the whole, convinces me, that had he been in council during the late transactions he would have stood next to Mr. Johnstone in the donation list, which I almost wish he had, since the Company and I should, by that means, have been freed from the apprehensions we now labour under, on account of his succeeding me in the government.
"Imagine not that I have exceeded the bounds of truth in this description. A due regard to my own honour, as well as to the advantage of the Company, obliges me to be thus plain; but it is not my intention to impress you with ideas so far to the disadvantage of Mr. Sumner, as that he may be set aside from the government. I think I cannot go such lengths without hurting my own reputation. I must make a point of his succeeding me according to his appointment; and I hope affairs will go on very well, as long as he has a good committee or council to watch him.
"If you can prevail upon the Court of Directors to empower me alone, or me in conjunction with the Select Committee, to regulate matters, I will be responsible for his good behavior: if not, I much fear things will fall into the old channel; and to the advantages arising from salt will be added every other that can be grasped at.
"Remember the oath and penalty bond mentioned in my public letter. If by increasing the Governor's salary, or ordering his proportion of salt to be greater, there was a particular oath for the Governor, whereby he should not be allowed the liberty of private trade at all, but obliged to attend to the affairs of the Company only, leaving trade to the second, &c., I think the plan of government would be much more perfect, as it would be less liable to abuses from the head.
"I have hinted to Dudley only my sentiments of Mr. Sumner, and he knows from me that I have explained myself to you. Consult, therefore, together about the matter; settle it, if possible, in such a manner that I may not be taxed with breach of promise to Mr. Sumner, and I may at the same time resign the government without apprehension for the consequences.
"It would be endless for me to send you the particulars of every act of extortion and corruption. I had prepared a great many, under the hands and seals of the several zemindars and phousdars, in order to make it impossible for such men to succeed in any of their future designs; but the total overthrow of Sulivan and his party makes such authentic proofs unnecessary, especially as we have sent home sufficient to convince every impartial Director of the general corruption and profligacy of their servants in Bengal.
"Among other papers, you will find a letter from the King to the Governor and Council, in favour of General Carnac. The 2 lacs of rupees he has given him is lodged in the public funds, until the pleasure of the Directors is known. I shall only say that Carnac has acted with such moderation and honour in the service of the Company, and with such good deference and attention towards his Majesty the Great Mogul, that the Directors must be the most ungrateful of men, if they do not, by the return of this ship, or the first conveyance, order him this money, with a due encomium upon his services, disinterestedness, and modesty. I am sure your interest will not be wanting to push this matter to the utmost, if it be possible that such an order from the Court should meet with the least resistance.
"I have determined to remain in this country until I receive an answer to our proceedings. No consideration on earth shall prevail upon me to stay beyond the month of December, 1766; and my friends may be assured, if no accident happens to me, of hearing of me from Europe in April or May, 1767. In the mean time I shall dedicate every day of my life to the service of the Company; a thorough reformation shall take place; every department, both civil and military, shall be examined, and regulated by a disinterested committee, upon oath; and the Directors will be surprised indeed at the extravagancy, inattention, and frauds of their servants, both civil and military, at the same time that they must be greatly pleased at the reduction of their exorbitant expenses.
"Can you believe me, that the civil and military charges at the time of my arrival, amounted to between 11 and 12 lacs per month?
"I have dropt all thoughts of what I mentioned to you from Rio Janeiro, concerning my jaghire, and am resolved to let it rest as it is.
"That you may assist with confidence the justice of my cause, I do declare, by that God who made me, it is my absolute determination to refuse every present of consequence, and that I will not return to England with one rupee more than what arises from my jaghire. My profits arising from salt shall be divided among those friends who have endangered their lives and constitutions in attending me; the congratulatory nuzzurs shall be set opposite to my extraordinary expenses, and, if aught remains, it shall go to Poplar or some other hospital."
Clive, the same day, wrote the following letter[[268]] to Mr. Grenville, with whom, throughout this period, he appears to have kept up a constant correspondence:—
"Give me leave to call to your remembrance some discourse we had together about the Company's affairs (in which the honour and interest of our nation was so much concerned), and to inform you, I have now the particular satisfaction of seeing the great object of my wishes nearly accomplished.
"The enclosed copy of my letter to the Court of Directors, and a map of Bengal, with some marginal explanations, will open to you a full view of the present great and flourishing condition of our East India Company, and show how near it was to destruction, from corruption, extortion, and luxury. If you have leisure and inclination to be further acquainted with our transactions, Mr. Walsh has orders from me to lay before you our proceedings. May what we are about, in times of distress and necessity, contribute towards lessening the debt of the nation. If you imagine the King can find amusement in perusing any of these papers, or some particular friends whom you can trust, I shall have no objection.
"I hope by this year's conveyance to send you a particular account of the revenues of these provinces, which, put under proper management, cannot fall far short of 4,000,000l. per annum.
"I return you many thanks for Mr. Strachey: I have found him in every respect deserving your good opinion; and I must not forget to express how thankful I am for the assistance you have given Mr. Nevil Maskelyne, to obtain the Regius professorship.
"My best wishes attend Mrs. Grenville and all your family."
Clive observes, in a letter to Lord Halifax, of the same date,—
"I will not attempt entering into a detail of affairs in this part of the world, especially as I have enabled Mr. Grenville to give your Lordship a very explicit account of the prosperous and flourishing condition of the East India Company: too prosperous, without they have better heads and hearts to manage such grand and extensive concerns than heretofore."
In the following letter[[269]] from Lord Clive to Sir Matthew Featherstonhaugh he states,—
"We have just concluded a very honourable and advantageous peace with Sujah-u-Dowlah. To convince him, as well as the Mogul empire, of our moderation, we have restored to him all his dominions, upon condition of paying to the Company 50 lacs of rupees, or 600,000l. (the half down, and security for the other half.) This he very readily consented to, and has exactly complied with his engagements; so that Bengal, by such a powerful alliance, will in all probability enjoy tranquillity and peace for some time.
"Was I to paint to you the anarchy and confusion which reigned in these rich provinces upon my arrival, you would be much surprised. Indeed, the Company's affairs were at their last gasp, not from our enemies, but from that universal licentiousness which had overrun the whole settlement of Calcutta. Extortion and corruption were practised openly and at noonday. The three kingdoms of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, whose revenues amount to 4,000,000l. sterling per annum, had been put up to sale, and the profits divided among the civil and military; the Company's interests have been most scandalously sacrificed; but on this subject let me refer you to Mr. Walsh, who will give you such proofs of the venality, corruption, and extortions of the Company's servants, as must give you great pain, from the consideration of the national honour being so much prostituted.
"We are making use of the power given the committee to check these great and growing evils, and have made great progress already. Our vigorous proceedings towards retrieving the national honour, and obtaining for the Company those great and glorious advantages, which they are so justly entitled to, will, I make no doubt, create us many enemies; however, conscious rectitude will enable us to go through our undertakings with pleasure. With regard to myself, I do declare, upon the word of a gentleman, and upon my honour, that, although history can scarce furnish an instance of any subject who hath had such opportunities of acquiring an immense fortune, it is my determined resolution to return to my native country not one farthing richer than when I left it.
"The very great attention you have always paid to my interest, and the favourable opinion you have always entertained of my abilities and zeal for the Company, bind me to you by ties of the strongest gratitude.
"The Company, in consequence of a grant from the Great Mogul, and with the Nabob's approbation, are in possession of a clear revenue of 2,000,000l. sterling; and all our expenses, both civil and military, can never exceed the half of that sum in time of war, and in time of peace, not more than 600,000l. per annum: so that, at the worst of times, there will be a clear gain of 1,000,000l. sterling per annum to the Company. Neither are these revenues chimerical or precarious: the rents are regularly paid; and we have established such a force, that all the powers of Hindustan cannot deprive us of our possessions for many years. Let me refer you to Mr. Walsh for further particulars, who, I am persuaded, will explain these matters much to your satisfaction.
"Although I find I cannot, as formerly, struggle with the inclemency of this hot climate, yet I am determined to wait for an answer to our despatches by this ship: my duty to my family will not permit me to stay longer. I hope to kiss your hand in April or May, 1767.
"The Duke of Devonshire's death has given me inexpressible concern: the nation has lost a nobleman who was an honour to it, and we the best and sincerest of friends. I could with pleasure have attached myself to him for the remainder of my days."
The following letter[[270]] to his friend Scrafton exhibits a short view of the prosperous state of the finances, and closes with a postscript written on Clive's hearing of his friend's election to the office of Director:—
"You must not expect a long letter from me, because I know you will have many particulars from other friends, and because the public business will really not allow me time for that purpose.
"Revolution upon revolution, rapacity, extortion, and corruption, have at last reduced us to the necessity of doing the only thing which could be done, to save the whole fabric from being ruined. The King hath granted to the Company the dewannee of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, and expresses himself in this manner:—'In consideration of the great services rendered me by the English Company, and on the condition of their paying me the annual tribute of 26 lacs, and allowing sufficient for the support of the dignity of the Nizamut, whatever remains of the revenues of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, I give to the English Company as a free gift, for ever and ever.'
"The Nabob's allowances are 53 lacs, which he signed and agreed to; so that there will remain little short of 200 lacs to the Company, clear of all expenses in collections. What think you of the stocks? We shall draw bills for about 16 lacs this year, and, in future, I believe, there will be an end to bills of exchange. Our investment this year will exceed 40 lacs, and we shall send 15 lacs to China. We have 24 lacs of restitution money to pay, and 30 lacs of bonds to discharge, or we should not have drawn at all, even this year.
"We have concluded a firm and lasting peace with Sujah-u-Dowlah, by giving him up all his country, for which he pays 50 lacs to the Company: 25 down, and security for the rest in twelve months. I have not leisure to entertain you with an account of our proceedings with regard to the gentlemen of council: the upshot is, as you have expressed yourself in one of your letters, 'There are not five men of principle in the whole settlement.' I believe this is the first instance of such a paper appearing upon record as we have sent home.
"There is an account in our committee and consultation proceedings, as large as a general return, with as many columns, specifying the sums of money received, and to be received, by whom, and to whom, and on whose houses drawn; in short, the Directors, when they first see these papers, will imagine it to be an account of increase of revenues. If you can get John Walsh into a humour of entertaining you upon these matters, he is qualified to do it better than any man in England. My time and paper grow short.
"I am, dear Scrafton,
"Yours, &c.
"Clive
"May it please your Honour,
"I did not know at the time I wrote the above, that your Honour would have been one of my masters, as I might have saved myself the trouble of writing so much, or referring you to Walsh. Believe me, there is an absolute necessity of getting some of the Madras servants here, or we shall never bring about a reformation. The gentry here will do nothing with a good will.
"I am
"Your Honour's most obedient servant,
"Clive."
Clive, in answering a letter[[271]] from Mr. Fowke, a Director, observes,—
"I have received your letter of the 13th November, 1764, from the contents of which I can easily perceive our affairs in Leadenhall Street are not likely to be upon a solid foundation for some time: indeed, Rous, though a very honest man, is the most unfit of all men living to preside and govern a Court of Directors. I am now convinced, a man of lighter principles, with more abilities, and a certain degree of resolution, will manage both private and public concerns to more advantage than Mr. Rous. My only hopes are, that the next year's election will produce one or two men well versed in the politics of India, and then Mr. Sulivan may be entirely excluded.
"I am not at all surprised at your disappointment; nothing less could have been expected from such a divided and distracted Direction; nor should I be much surprised if something of a disagreeable nature, touching my powers, should find its way to India. If the Directors dare take such a step, woe be to them, for I am pursuing measures so manifestly to the nation's honour, and the Company's advantage, that envy and malice themselves will not dare to enter the lists against us.
"Was I to enter into a detail of all our transactions in these parts, volumes would not suffice. To Mr. Walsh, therefore, I refer you, who will be perfectly informed of the great and glorious things we have already done for this Company; too great, indeed, for such a Company. I shall only say, that such a scene of anarchy, confusion, bribery, corruption, and extortion was never seen or heard of in any country but Bengal; nor such and so many fortunes acquired in so unjust and rapacious a manner. The three provinces of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, producing a clear revenue of 3,000,000l. sterling, have been under the absolute management of the Company's servants, ever since Meer Jaffier's restoration to the subaship; and they have, both civil and military, exacted and levied contributions from every man of power and consequence, from the Nabob down to the lowest zemindar.
"The trade has been carried on by free merchants, acting as gomastahs to the Company's servants, who, under the sanction of their names, have committed actions which make the name of the English stink in the nostrils of a Gentoo or a Mussulman; and the Company's servants themselves have interfered with the revenues of the Nabob, turned out and put in the officers of the government at pleasure, and made every one pay for their preferment."
It may be questioned whether any of Clive's many and great achievements called forth more of that active energy and calm firmness for which he was distinguished, than was evinced in effecting the reform of the civil service of Bengal. It created a host of enemies in India, several of whom were men of talent, and possessed both of wealth and reputation. These, when they returned to England, gave vent to their indignation against one whom they represented as an arbitrary tyrant, who, having made his own immense fortune in a rapid manner, now desired to obtain fame by depriving others of the same advantages. They found, among the Directors and the House of Commons, many who listened eagerly to their grievances, and to accusations against a man whose fame and fortune made him an object of envy and of calumny; and who, besides the numbers he had rendered his enemies, by detecting and exposing their nefarious conduct, had deeply offended others, of whose character and principles he had a better opinion, by his impatience at their weak or undecided conduct. Born, it may be said, to command, clear in his views of what was right, and devoted to the public service, he was not only uncompromising, but impatient of check or hinderance in the pursuit of objects he deemed essential for the good name or interests of his country. This impatience led him too often to evince indignation or contempt of those who opposed him, or whose minds could not keep pace with his own, but whose conduct and character merited more justice and consideration.
But we must close this chapter, the events detailed in which occurred within a twelvemonth of Clive's arrival in Bengal. The second year afforded him a still greater opportunity of displaying his wisdom and courage.