II.—The Battle Fleet in Action
The “plot” made on the reports received between 5 and 6 P.M. from Commodore Goodenough, of the 2nd Light Cruiser Squadron, and the report at 4.45 P.M. from Sir David Beatty in the Lion giving the position of the enemy’s Battle Fleet, showed that we, of the Battle Fleet, might meet the High Sea Fleet approximately ahead and that the cruiser line ahead of the Battle Fleet would sight the enemy nearly ahead of the centre. Obviously, however, great reliance could not be placed on the positions given by the ships of the Battle Cruiser Fleet, which had been in action for two hours and frequently altering course. I realised this, but when contact actually took place it was found that the positions given were at least twelve miles in error when compared with the Iron Duke’s reckoning. The result was that the enemy’s Battle Fleet appeared on the starboard bow instead of ahead, as I had expected, and contact also took place earlier than was anticipated. There can be no doubt as to the accuracy of the reckoning on board the Iron Duke, as the movements of that ship could be “plotted” with accuracy after leaving Scapa Flow, there being no disturbing elements to deal with.
The first accurate information regarding the position of affairs was contained in a signal from the Black Prince, of the 1st Cruiser Squadron (the starboard wing ship of the cruiser screen), which was timed 5.40 P.M., but received by me considerably later, and in which it was reported that battle cruisers were in sight, bearing south, distant five miles. It was assumed by me that these were our own vessels.
Prior to this, in view of the rapid decrease in visibility, I had directed Captain Dreyer, my Flag-Captain, to cause the range-finder operators to take ranges of ships on bearings in every direction and to report the direction in which the visibility appeared to be the greatest. My object was to ascertain the most favourable bearing in which to engage the enemy should circumstances admit of a choice being exercised. Captain Dreyer reported that the visibility appeared to be best to the southward.
At 5.45 P.M. the Comus (Captain Hotham), of the 4th Light Cruiser Squadron, which was stationed three miles ahead of the Battle Fleet, reported heavy gunfire on a southerly bearing, i.e., three points from ahead, and shortly afterwards flashes of gunfire were visible bearing south-south-west although no ships could be seen.
At about 5.50 P.M. I received a wireless signal from Sir Robert Arbuthnot, of the 1st Cruiser Squadron, reporting having sighted ships in action bearing south-south-west and steering north-east. There was, however, no clue as to the identity of these ships. It was in my mind that they might be the opposing battle cruisers.
At 5.55 P.M. a signal was made by me to Admiral Sir Cecil Burney, leading the starboard wing division in the Marlborough, inquiring what he could see. The reply was: “Gun flashes and heavy gunfire on the starboard bow.” This reply was received at about 6.5 P.M.
The uncertainty which still prevailed as to the position of the enemy’s Battle Fleet and its formation caused me to continue in the Battle Fleet on the course south-east by south at a speed of 20 knots, in divisions line ahead disposed abeam to starboard, the Iron Duke at 6 P.M. being in Lat. 57.11 N., Long. 5.39 E.
H. M. S. “IRON DUKE” AND 3RD DIVISION OF THE BATTLE FLEET DEPLOYING AT THE BATTLE OF JUTLAND
The information so far received had not even been sufficient to justify me in altering the bearing of the guides of columns from the Iron Duke preparatory to deployment, and they were still, therefore, on the beam. The destroyers also were still disposed ahead in their screening formation, as it was very desirable to decide on the direction of deployment before stationing them for action.
At 5.56 P.M. Admiral Sir Cecil Burney reported strange vessels in sight bearing south-south-west and steering east, and at 6 P.M. he reported them as British battle cruisers three to four miles distant, the Lion being the leading ship.
This report was made by searchlight and consequently reached me shortly after 6 P.M., but as showing the interval that elapses between the intention to make a signal and the actual receipt of it (even under conditions where the urgency is apparent, no effort is spared to avoid delay, and the signal staff is efficient), it is to be noted that whereas the report gave the bearing of our vessels as south-south-west, notes taken on board the Colossus placed our battle cruisers one point on the starboard bow of that ship, that is, on a south-south-east bearing and distant two miles at 6.5 P.M.
Shortly after 6 P.M. we sighted strange vessels bearing south-west from the Iron Duke at a distance of about five miles. They were identified as our battle cruisers, steering east across the bows of the Battle Fleet. Owing to the mist it was not possible to make out the number of ships that were following the Lion.
At this stage there was still great uncertainty as to the position of the enemy’s Battle Fleet; flashes of gunfire were visible from ahead round to the starboard beam, and the noise was heavy and continuous. Our cruisers ahead seemed to be hotly engaged, but the fact that they were not closing the Battle Fleet indicated to me that their opponents could hardly be battleships.
In order to take ground to starboard, with a view to clearing up the situation without altering the formation of the Battle Fleet, a signal had been made to the Battle Fleet at 6.2 P.M. to alter course leaders together, the remainder in succession, to south (a turn of three points). Speed was at the same time reduced to 18 knots to allow of the ships closing up into station. Immediately afterwards it became apparent by the sound of the heavy firing that enemy’s heavy ships must be in close proximity, and the Lion, which was sighted at this moment, signalled at 6.6 P.M. that the enemy’s battle cruisers bore south-east. Meanwhile, at about 5.50 P.M., I had received a wireless report from Commodore Goodenough, commanding the 2nd Light Cruiser Squadron, to the effect that the enemy’s battle cruisers bore south-west from their Battle Fleet; in other words, that his Battle Fleet bore north-east from his battle cruisers.
In view of the report from Sir Cecil Burney that our battle cruisers were steering east, and observing that Sir David Beatty reported at 6.6 P.M. that the enemy’s battle cruisers bore south-east, it appeared from Commodore Goodenough’s signal that the enemy’s Battle Fleet must be ahead of his battle cruisers. On the other hand, it seemed to me almost incredible that the Battle Fleet could have passed the battle cruisers. The conflicting reports added greatly to the perplexity of the situation, and I determined to hold on until matters became clearer.
The conviction was, however, forming in my mind that I should strike the enemy’s Battle Fleet on a bearing a little on the starboard bow, and in order to be prepared for deployment I turned the Fleet to a south-east course, leaders together and the remainder in succession, and the destroyer flotillas were directed by signal, at 6.8 P.M., to take up the destroyer position No. 1 for battle. This order disposed them as follows:
There was, however, a very short interval between this signal to the destroyers and the signal for deployment, and consequently the destroyers did not reach their positions before deployment. The subsequent alterations of course to the southward and westward added to their difficulties and delayed them greatly in gaining their stations at the van of the Fleet after deployment. The correct position for the two van flotillas on deployment was three miles ahead of the Fleet, but slightly on the engaged bow.
At 6.1 P.M., immediately on sighting the Lion, a signal had been made to Sir David Beatty inquiring the position of the enemy’s Battle Fleet. This signal was repeated at 6.10 P.M., and at 6.14 P.M. he signalled: “Have sighted the enemy’s Battle Fleet bearing south-south-west”; this report gave me the first information on which I could take effective action for deployment.
At 6.15 P.M. Rear-Admiral Hugh Evan-Thomas, in the Barham, commanding the 5th Battle Squadron, signalled by wireless that the enemy’s Battle Fleet was in sight, bearing south-south-east. The distance was not reported in either case, but in view of the low visibility, I concluded it could not be more than some five miles. Sir Cecil Burney had already reported the 5th Battle Squadron at 6.7 P.M. as in sight, bearing south-west from the Marlborough.
The first definite information received on board the Fleet-Flagship of the position of the enemy’s Battle Fleet did not, therefore, come in until 6.14 P.M., and the position given placed it thirty degrees before the starboard beam of the Iron Duke, or fifty-nine degrees before the starboard beam of the Marlborough, and apparently in close proximity. There was no time to lose, as there was evident danger of the starboard wing column of the Battle Fleet being engaged by the whole German Battle Fleet before deployment could be effected. So at 6.16 P.M. a signal was made to the Battle Fleet to form line of battle on the port wing column, on a course south-east by east, it being assumed that the course of the enemy was approximately the same as that of our battle cruisers.
Speed was at the same time reduced to 14 knots to admit of our battle cruisers passing ahead of the Battle Fleet, as there was danger of the fire of the Battle Fleet being blanketed by them.
During the short interval, crowded with events, that had elapsed since the first flashes and sound of gunfire had been noted on board the Iron Duke, the question of most urgent importance before me had been the direction and manner of deployment.
As the evidence accumulated that the enemy’s Battle Fleet was on our starboard side, but on a bearing well before the beam of the Iron Duke, the point for decision was whether to form line of battle on the starboard or on the port wing column. My first and natural impulse was to form on the starboard wing column in order to bring the Fleet into action at the earliest possible moment, but it became increasingly apparent, both from the sound of gunfire and the reports from the Lion and the Barham, that the High Sea Fleet was in such close proximity and on such a bearing as to create obvious disadvantages in such a movement. I assumed that the German destroyers would be ahead of their Battle Fleet, and it was clear that, owing to the mist, the operations of destroyers attacking from a commanding position in the van would be much facilitated; it would be suicidal to place the Battle Fleet in a position where it might be open to attack by destroyers during such a deployment, as such an event would throw the Fleet into confusion at a critical moment.
H. M. S. “IRON DUKE” OPENING FIRE AT THE BATTLE OF JUTLAND
H. M. S. “ROYAL OAK” AND “SUPERB” ASTERN, AND “THUNDERER” AHEAD
The further points that occurred to me were, that if the German ships were as close as seemed probable, there was considerable danger of the 1st Battle Squadron, and especially the Marlborough’s Division, being severely handled by the concentrated fire of the High Sea Fleet before the remaining divisions could get into line to assist. The 1st Battle Squadron was composed of many of our weakest ships, with only indifferent protection as compared with the German capital ships, and an interval of at least four minutes would elapse between each division coming into line astern of the sixth division and a further interval before the guns could be directed on to the ship selected and their fire become effective after so large a change of course.
The final disadvantage would be that it appeared, from the supposed position of the High Sea Fleet, that the van of the enemy would have a very considerable “overlap” if the deployment took place on the starboard wing division, whereas this would not be the case with deployment on the port wing column. The overlap would necessitate a large turn of the starboard wing division to port to prevent the “T” being crossed, and each successive division coming into line would have to make this turn, in addition to the 8-point turn required to form the line. I therefore decided to deploy on the first, the port wing, division.
The further knowledge which I gained of the actual state of affairs after the action confirmed my view that the course adopted was the best in the circumstances.
The reports from the ships of the starboard wing division show that the range of the van of the enemy’s Battle Fleet at the moment of deployment was about 13,000 yards. The fleets were converging rapidly, with the High Sea Fleet holding a position of advantage such as would enable it to engage effectively, first the unsupported starboard division, and subsequently succeeding divisions as they formed up astern. It is to be observed that it would take some twenty minutes to complete the formation of the line of battle.
The German gunnery was always good at the start, and their ships invariably found the range of a target with great rapidity, and it would have been very bad tactics to give them such an initial advantage, not only in regard to gunnery but also in respect of torpedo attack, both from ships and from destroyers.
A subsequent study of the reports and the signals received has admitted of the accompanying plans being drawn up.
The reports on being reviewed fit in very well, and show clearly how great would have been the objections to deploying to starboard. It will be seen that the bearings of the enemy Battle Fleet, as given by the Lion and the Barham at 6.14 and 6.15 respectively, give a fair “cut,” and the bearing on which the Marlborough opened fire enables the position of the Battle Fleet to be placed with considerable accuracy.
Assuming that the German Battle Fleet was steaming at 17 knots on an easterly course between 6.14 and 6.31, it will be observed that at the latter time it bore 21 degrees before the starboard beam of the Iron Duke at a range of 12,000 yards. The Iron Duke actually engaged the leading battleship at this time on a bearing 20 degrees before the starboard beam at a range of 12,000 yards. The accuracy of the “plot” is therefore confirmed, so far as confirmation is possible. It appears certain that between about 6.0 P.M. and 6.16 P.M. the German battle cruisers turned 16 points towards their Battle Fleet, and again turned 16 points to their original course. This is borne out by observations on board the Warrior, which ship was being engaged by the starboard guns of enemy vessels. The German account also shows such a turn at this period.
Rear-Admiral Evan-Thomas, commanding the 5th Battle Squadron, had sighted the Marlborough at 6.6 P.M. and the remainder of the 6th Division of the Battle Fleet a little later. Not seeing any other columns, he concluded that the Marlborough was leading the whole line, and decided to take station ahead of that ship. At 6.19 P.M., however, other battleships were sighted, and Admiral Evan-Thomas realised that the Fleet was deploying to port, the 6th Division being the starboard wing column. He then determined to make a large turn of his squadron to port, in order to form astern of the 6th Division, which by this time had also turned to port to form line of battle. During the turn, which was very well executed, the ships of the 5th Battle Squadron were under fire of the enemy’s leading battleships, but the shooting was not good, and our vessels received little injury.
Unfortunately, however, the helm of the Warspite jammed, and that ship, continuing her turn through sixteen points came under a very heavy fire and received considerable injury. The disabled Warrior happened to be in close proximity at this time, and the turn of the Warspite had the effect for the moment of diverting attention from the Warrior, so that the latter vessel got clear.
The Warspite was well extricated by Captain Phillpotts from an unpleasant position and was steered to the northward to make good damages, and eventually, in accordance with directions from Rear-Admiral Evan-Thomas, returned independently to Rosyth, considerably down by the stern owing to damage aft, but otherwise not much injured.
By 6.38 P.M. the remaining ships of the 5th Battle Squadron were in station astern of the Agincourt (1st Battle Squadron), the last ship of the line.
At 6.33 P.M., as soon as the battle cruisers had passed clear, the speed of the Battle Fleet was increased to 17 knots, and this speed was subsequently maintained. The reduction of speed to 14 knots during the deployment caused some “bunching” at the rear of the line as the signal did not get through quickly. The reduction had, however, to be maintained until the battle cruisers had formed ahead.
Experience at all Fleet exercises had shown the necessity for keeping a reserve of some three knots of speed in hand in the case of a long line of ships, in order to allow of station being kept in the line under conditions of action, when ships were making alterations of course to throw out enemy’s fire, to avoid torpedoes, or when other independent action on the part of single ships, or of divisions of ships, became necessary, as well as to avoid excessive smoke from the funnels; for this reason the Fleet speed during the action was fixed at 17 knots. The experience of the 1st Battle Squadron, in which some ships had at times to steam at 20 knots, is proof of the necessity for this reserve.
Plan 8
APPROXIMATE POSITIONS OF SHIPS OF THE
GRAND FLEET AT 6.45. P.M. ON
31st. MAY 1916.
![[(Hi-res)]](#991177522585507916_i_350-large.jpg.id-3509101197880280623.wrap-0.html.html){kind=link}
At 6.14 P.M. the enemy’s salvoes were falling near ships of the 1st Battle Squadron, and the Marlborough’s Division of the Battle Squadron became engaged with some ships of the enemy’s Battle Fleet at 6.17 P.M. immediately after turning for the deployment. At this time fire was opened by the Marlborough on a ship stated to be of the “Kaiser” class, at a range of 13,000 yards and on a bearing 20° abaft the starboard beam; this knowledge enables us to deduce the position of the van of the German Battle Fleet at this time.
Our rear ships were now able to make out the enemy’s Fleet steering to the eastward, the battle cruisers leading, followed by the Battle Fleet in single line, the order being, four ships of the “König” class in the van, followed by ships of the “Kaiser” and “Heligoland” classes, the rear of the line being invisible. A report that had reached me at 4.48 P.M. from the Commodore of the 2nd Light Cruiser Squadron indicated that ships of the “Kaiser” class were in the van of the Battle Fleet. The order of the Fleet may have been changed subsequent to this report, but there is no doubt that ships of the “König” class led during the Fleet action. The point is not, however, of importance.
At about 6.38 P.M. the 6th Division was in line and our deployment was complete.
Enemy shells had been falling close to the Colossus and her 5th Division since 6.18 P.M., and these ships opened fire at 6.30 P.M.; but the conditions of visibility made it difficult to distinguish the enemy’s battleships.
At 6.23 P.M. a three-funnelled enemy vessel had passed down the line, on the starboard, or engaged, side of our Fleet, apparently partly disabled. Her identity could not at the time he clearly established, but her German colours were flying and she was in a position for attacking the Battle Fleet by torpedoes; at 6.20 P.M. the Iron Duke fired a few turret salvoes at her; she was fired at with turret guns by other vessels and was seen to sink at the rear of the line.
At this time, owing to smoke and mist, it was most difficult to distinguish friend from foe, and quite impossible to form an opinion on board the Iron Duke, in her position towards the centre of the line, as to the formation of the enemy’s Fleet. The identity of ships in sight on the starboard beam was not even sufficiently clear for me to permit of fire being opened; but at 6.30 P.M. it became certain that our own battle cruisers had drawn ahead of the Battle Fleet and that the vessels then before the beam were battleships of the “König” class. The order was, therefore, given to open fire, and the Iron Duke engaged what appeared to be the leading battleship at a range of 12,000 yards on a bearing 20° before the starboard beam; other ships of the 3rd and 4th Divisions (the 4th Battle Squadron) opened fire at about the same time, and the van divisions (2nd Battle Squadron) very shortly afterwards; these latter ships reported engaging enemy battle cruisers as well as battleships. The fire of the Iron Duke, which came more directly under my personal observation, was seen to be immediately effective, the third and fourth salvoes fired registering several palpable hits. It appeared as if all the enemy ships at that time in sight from the Iron Duke (not more than three or four, owing to smoke and mist) were receiving heavy punishment, and the second battleship was seen to turn out of the line badly on fire, and settling by the stern. A large number of observers in the Thunderer, Benbow, Barham, Marne, Morning Star and Magic stated afterwards that they saw this ship blow up at 6.50 P.M.
The visibility was very variable and perhaps averaged about 12,000 yards to the southward, though much less on other bearings, but ranges could not at times be obtained from the range-finders of the Iron Duke at a greater distance than 9,000 yards, although at 7.15 P.M., in a temporary clear channel through the mist, good ranges of 15,000 yards were obtained of a battleship at which four salvoes were fired by the Iron Duke before she was again hidden by smoke and mist. The very baffling light was caused principally by low misty clouds, but partly also by the heavy smoke from the funnels and guns of the opposing Fleets. The direction of the wind was about west-south-west with a force 2, causing the enemy’s funnel smoke to drift towards our line, thus further obscuring our view of his Fleet.
The visibility at the rear of the battle line was apparently greater than in the centre at about 7 P.M., and the enemy’s fire, which was probably being concentrated on our rear ships, was more accurate at this period, but quite ineffective, only one ship, the Colossus, being hit by gunfire, although numerous projectiles were falling near the ships of the 1st and 5th Battle Squadrons.
Whilst observers in ships in the van and centre of the Battle Fleet could see only three or four enemy vessels at any one time, those in the ships of the rear division did occasionally see as many as eight, and were consequently better able to distinguish the formation and movements of the enemy’s Battle Fleet. It was not possible, owing to the small number of ships in sight, due to smoke and mist, to distribute the fire of the battleships by signal in the customary manner; the only course to adopt was for the captains to direct the fire of their guns on to any target which they could distinguish.
The course of the Fleet on deployment had been south-east by east, as already stated, but the van had hauled on to south-east without signal shortly after deployment in order to close the enemy, and at 6.50 P.M., as the range was apparently opening, the course was altered by signal to south “by divisions” in order to close the enemy. The King George V., leading the van of the Battle Fleet, had just anticipated this signal by turning to south. The alteration was made “by divisions” instead of “in succession” in order that the enemy should be closed more rapidly by the whole Battle Fleet.
This large turn (of four points) “by divisions” involved some small amount of “blanketing” of the rear ships of one division by the leading ships of that next astern, and at one time the Thunderer was firing over the bows of the Iron Duke, causing some slight inconvenience on the bridge of the latter ship; the “blanketing,” however, was unavoidable and the loss of fire involved was inappreciable.
At 6.45 P.M. one or two torpedoes crossed the track of the rear of our battle line, and the Marlborough altered course to avoid one. They were apparently fired, at long range, by enemy destroyers, which were barely visible to the ships in rear and quite invisible to those on board the Iron Duke. They might, however, have been fired by enemy battleships which were within torpedo range, or by a submarine, the Revenge reporting that it was thought that one had been rammed by that ship. The tracks of some of the torpedoes were seen by the observers stationed aloft, and were avoided by very skilful handling of the ships by their captains.
At 6.45 P.M., however, a heavy explosion occurred under the fore bridge of the Marlborough, abreast the starboard forward hydraulic engine-room. The ship took up a list of some seven degrees to starboard, but continued in action so effectively that she avoided three more torpedoes shortly afterwards, re-opened fire at 7.3 P.M., and at 7.12 P.M. fired fourteen rapid salvoes at a ship of the “König” class, hitting her so frequently that she was seen to turn out of line.
The signal from Sir Cecil Burney of the damage to his flagship stated that the vessel had been struck by a “mine or torpedo.” It was assumed by me that a torpedo had hit the ship, as so many vessels had passed over the same locality without injury from mine. This proved to be the case, the track of this torpedo not having been sufficiently visible to enable Captain Ross to avoid it.
The fact of the tracks of so many of the enemy’s torpedoes being visible was a matter of great surprise to me, and I think to other officers. Reports had been prevalent that the Germans had succeeded in producing a torpedo which left little or no track on the surface. The information as to the visibility of the tracks did not reach me until the return of the Fleet to harbour, as although one torpedo was reported by observers on board the destroyer Oak to have passed close ahead of the Iron Duke at about 7.35 P.M., finishing its run 2,000 yards beyond that ship, and a second was observed by the Benbow to pass apparently ahead of the Iron Duke at 8.30 P.M., neither of them was seen on board the flagship by the trained look-outs specially stationed for the purpose.
Some ten minutes after the alteration of course to south, a signal was made to the 2nd Battle Squadron to take station ahead of the Iron Duke and for the 1st Battle Squadron to form astern. This signal had, however, been already anticipated by the vessels ahead of the Iron Duke in accordance with the general battle orders giving discretionary powers to the commanders of squadrons, and the line had been partly reformed before the signal was made.
An incident occurred at about 6.47 P.M. which was an indication of the spirit prevailing in the Fleet, of which it is impossible to speak too highly. The destroyer Acasta, which had been badly hit aft during her attack on enemy light cruisers in company with the Shark and had her engines disabled, was passed by the Fleet. Her commanding officer, Lieut.-Commander J. O. Barron, signalled the condition of his ship to the Iron Duke as that ship passed, leaving the Acasta on her starboard or engaged side. The ship’s company was observed to be cheering each ship as they passed. It is satisfactory to relate that this destroyer and her gallant ship’s company were subsequently brought into Aberdeen, being assisted by the Nonsuch.
Shortly after 6.55 P.M. the Iron Duke passed the wreck of a ship with the bow and stern standing out of the water, the centre portion apparently resting on the bottom, with the destroyer Badger picking up survivors. It was thought at first that this was the remains of a German light cruiser, but inquiry of the Badger elicited the lamentable news that the wreck was that of the Invincible. It was assumed at the time that she had been sunk either by a mine or by a torpedo, and, in view of the safe passage of other ships in her vicinity, the latter appeared to be the more probable cause of her loss. Subsequent information, however, showed that she was destroyed by gunfire, causing her magazines to explode, as already recorded.
At 7 P.M. Sir David Beatty signalled reporting that the enemy was to the westward.
Our alteration of course to south had, meanwhile, brought the enemy’s line into view once more, and between 7.0 and 7.30 P.M. the Battle Fleet was again in action with battleships and also battle cruisers, as they could be distinguished in the haze, which at that period was very baffling. The range varied from as much as 15,000 yards at the van to as little as 8,000 in the rear, this difference in range indicating that the enemy’s Fleet was turning to the westward, as shown in the accompanying plan facing [page 358].
In spite of the difficult conditions the fire of many of our battleships was very effective at this period. Some instances may be given. At 7.15 P.M. the Iron Duke, as already mentioned, engaged a hostile battleship at 15,000 yards’ range and on a bearing 74 degrees from right ahead. At 7.20 she trained her guns on a battle cruiser of “Lutzow” type, abaft the beam, which hid herself by a destroyer smoke screen; at 7.17 P.M. the King George V. opened fire on a vessel, taken to be the leading ship in the enemy’s line at a range of about 13,000 yards; the Orion at a battleship[L]; the St. Vincent was “holding her target (a battleship) effectively till 7.26 P.M., the range being between 10,000 and 9,500 yards”; the Agincourt at 7.6 P.M. opened fire at 11,000 yards on one of four battleships that showed clearly out of the mist, and judged that at least four of her salvoes “straddled” the target; the Revenge was engaging what were taken to be battle cruisers, obtaining distinct hits on two of them; the Colossus from 7.12 to 7.20 P.M. was engaging a ship taken to be a battle cruiser, either the Derfflinger or Lutzow, at ranges between 10,000 and 8,000 yards, and observed several direct hits, two being on the water line; whilst the Marlborough, as already mentioned, “engaged a ship of the ‘König’ class.” Other vessels reported being in effective action during this period. The Royal Oak, the ship next astern of the Iron Duke, opened fire at 7.15 P.M. on the leading ship of three vessels taken to be battle cruisers, at a range of 14,000 yards; this ship was hit and turned away, and fire was shifted to the second ship which was lost to sight in the mist after a few rounds had been fired. It was difficult to be certain of the class of vessel on which fire was being directed, but one or more of the enemy’s battle cruisers had undoubtedly dropped astern by 7 P.M., as a result of the heavy punishment they had received from our battle cruisers and the 5th Battle Squadron, and were engaged by ships of the Battle Fleet.
[L] The Calliope reported at 7.1 P.M.: “Two enemy battleships, ‘König’ class, engaged by Orion’s division, observed to be heavily on fire.”
Both at this period and earlier in the action, the ships of the 1st Battle Squadron were afforded more opportunities for effective fire than the rest of the Battle Fleet, and the fullest use was made of the opportunities. This squadron, under the able command of Sir Cecil Burney, was known by me to be highly efficient, and very strong proof was furnished during the Jutland battle, if proof were needed, that his careful training had borne excellent results. The immunity of the ships of the squadron from the enemy’s fire, whilst they were inflicting on his vessels very severe punishment, bears very eloquent testimony to the offensive powers of the squadron.
APPROXIMATE POSITIONS OF SHIPS OF THE
GRAND FLEET
At 7. 15 P.M. 31st May 1916.
Probable approximate course of the German Battle Fleet, as evidenced by the positions of the ships engaged at the time, shown in Red.
![[(Hi-res)]](#991177522585507916_i_358-large.jpg.id-4372948171260700345.wrap-0.html.html){kind=link}
The Battle Cruisers and 3rd Light Cruiser Squadron, have crossed from the port to the starboard bow of the Battle Fleet.
Note. Their battle station is between 5 and 6 miles slightly on the engaged bow of the Van of the Battle Fleet.
The 2nd Battle Squadron is forming ahead of the Iron Duke.
The 1st Battle Squadron is forming astern of the Iron Duke.
The 4th Light Cruiser Squadron is getting into its battle-station on the Van of the Battle Fleet.
The 4th and 11th Flotillas are moving towards their battle stations.
The 1st Light Cruiser Squadron is coming up from the rear of the Battle Fleet to join the Battle Cruisers.
The Minotaur and Cruisers are trying to get up to their battle stations ahead of the Battle Fleet.
At 7.5 P.M. the whole battle line was turned together three more points to starboard to close the range further; immediately afterwards two ships ahead of the Iron Duke reported a submarine a little on the port bow; at 7.10 P.M. a flotilla of enemy destroyers, supported by a cruiser, was observed to be approaching on a bearing S. 50 W. from the Iron Duke, and the Fleet was turned back to south in order to turn on to the submarine and bring the ships in line ahead ready, for any required manœuvre. A heavy fire was opened on the destroyers at ranges between 10,000 and 6,500 yards. At the latter range the destroyers turned and passed towards the rear of the line in a heavy smoke screen. One destroyer was seen by several observers to sink from the effects of the gunfire.
At a sufficient interval before it was considered that the torpedoes fired by the destroyers would cross our line, a signal was made to the Battle Fleet to turn two points to port by subdivisions. Some minutes later a report was made to me by Commander Bellairs (the officer on my Staff especially detailed for this duty and provided with an instrument for giving the necessary information) that this turn was insufficient to clear the torpedoes, as I had held on until the last moment; a further turn of two points was then made for a short time. As a result of this attack and another that followed immediately, some twenty or more torpedoes were observed to cross the track of the Battle Fleet, in spite of our turn, the large majority of them passing the ships of the 1st and 5th Battle Squadrons at the rear of the line. It was fortunate that, owing to the turn away of the Fleet, the torpedoes were apparently near the end of their run, and were consequently not running at high speed. They were all avoided by the very skilful handling of the ships by their captains, to whom the highest credit is due, not only for their skill in avoiding the torpedoes, but for the manner in which the ships, by neighbourly conduct towards each other, prevented risk of collision and kept their station in the line. The captains were most ably assisted by the admirable look-out kept by the organisation that existed for dealing with this danger.
The skill shown could not, however, have prevented several ships from being torpedoed had the range been less and the torpedoes consequently running at a higher speed. Frequent exercises carried out at Scapa Flow showed conclusively that the percentage of torpedoes that would hit ships in a line when fired from destroyers at ranges up to 8,000 yards was comparatively high, even if the tracks were seen and the ships were manœuvred to avoid them. One very good reason is that torpedoes are always a considerable but varying distance ahead of the line of bubbles marking their track, making it difficult to judge the position of the torpedo from its track. Many ships experienced escapes from this and other attacks; thus the Hercules reported that she “turned away six points to avoid the torpedoes, one of which passed along the starboard side and 40 yards across the bow, and the other passed close under the stern”; the Neptune reported that “the tracks of three torpedoes were seen from the fore-top, one of which passed very close and was avoided by the use of the helm”; in the Agincourt’s report, a statement occurred that “at 7.8 P.M. a torpedo just missed astern, it having been reported from aloft and course altered”; and again, “at 7.38 P.M. tracks of two torpedoes running parallel were observed approaching; course altered to avoid torpedoes which passed ahead; and at 8.25 P.M. torpedo track on starboard side, turned at full speed; torpedo broke surface at about 150 yards on the starboard bow”; the Revenge remarked, “at 7.35 P.M. altered course to port to avoid two torpedoes, one passed about ten yards ahead and the other about twenty yards astern, and at 7.43 P.M. altered course to avoid torpedoes, two passing astern”; the Colossus stated, “at 7.35 P.M. turned to port to avoid a torpedo coming from starboard side”; the Barham at this period reported that “at least four torpedoes passed through the line close to the Barham”; the Collingwood reported, “torpedo track was seen 20 degrees abaft the beam and coming straight at the ship; large helm was put on and the torpedo passed very close astern; at the same time another was seen to pass about thirty yards ahead.” The captain of the Collingwood, in remarking on the destroyer’s attack, added, “the great value of this form of attack on a line of ships is, to me, an outstanding feature of the Battle Fleet action.”
The first two-point turn was made at 7.23 P.M. and the Fleet was brought to a south by west course by 7.33 P.M. (that is, to a course one point to the westward of the course of the Fleet before the destroyer attack). The total amount by which the range was opened by the turns was about 1,750 yards.
The 4th Light Cruiser Squadron and the 4th and 11th Flotillas had been delayed in reaching their action station at the van until about 7.10 P.M., owing to the turns to the westward made by the Battle Fleet to close the enemy. In accordance with arrangements made previously to counter destroyer attacks, these vessels were ordered out to engage the enemy destroyers, which, according to the report of the Commodore Le Mesurier, commanding the 4th Light Cruiser Squadron, were steering towards the head of the division led by the King George V., the van ship of the Battle Fleet. Although not very well placed for the first attack for the reason given above, they were in a very favourable position to counter the second destroyer attack, which took place at 7.25 P.M. The enemy’s flotilla was sighted bearing 30 degrees before the starboard beam of the Iron Duke at a range of 9,000 yards and was heavily engaged by the light forces and the 4th, 1st, and 5th Battle Squadrons. During this attack three enemy destroyers were reported as sunk by the fire of the battleships, light cruisers and destroyers; one of them, bearing a Commodore’s pendant, being sunk at 7.50 P.M. by a division of the 12th Flotilla, consisting of the Obedient, Marvel, Mindful and Onslaught, which attacked them near the rear of our battle line. The Southampton and Dublin, of the 2nd Light Cruiser Squadron, attacked and sank a second destroyer at this period. At least six torpedoes were observed to pass ahead of, or through the track of, the 4th Light Cruiser Squadron during their attack on the German flotilla.
The destroyer attacks were combined with a retiring movement on the part of the enemy’s Battle Fleet, the movement being covered with the aid of a heavy smoke screen. Although this retirement was not visible from the Iron Duke owing to the smoke and mist, and was, therefore, not known to me until after the action, it was clearly seen from the rear of our line, as is indicated by the following citations:
The Captain of the Valiant stated in his report: “At 7.23 P.M. enemy’s Battle Fleet now altered course together away from us and broke off the action, sending out a low cloud of smoke which effectually covered their retreat and obscured them from further view.”
The Captain of the Malaya reported, referring to this period: “This was the last of the enemy seen in daylight, owing to their Battle Fleet having turned away.”
Sir Cecil Burney stated in regard to this period: “As the destroyer attack developed, the enemy’s Battle Fleet in sight were observed to turn at least eight points until their sterns were towards our line. They ceased fire, declined further action, and disappeared into the mist.”
The Captain of the St. Vincent said: “The target was held closely until 7.26 P.M. (32 minutes in all), when the enemy had turned eight or ten points away, disappearing into the mist and with a smoke screen made by destroyers to cover them as well.”
Rear-Admiral Evan-Thomas remarked: “After joining the Battle Fleet the 5th Battle Squadron conformed to the movements of the Commander-in-Chief, engaging the rear ships of the enemy’s battle line, until they turned away and went out of sight, all ships apparently covering themselves with artificial smoke.”
The Captain of the Revenge recorded: “A flotilla of destroyers passed through the line and made a most efficient smoke screen. At this period the enemy’s fleet turned eight points to starboard and rapidly drew out of sight.”
In the German account of the action at this stage, it is stated, in more than one passage, that the British Fleet during this action between the Battle Fleets was to the northward of the High Seas Fleet. This is correct of the earlier stages. The account refers to the attacks on our line by the German destroyer flotillas, and states finally that in the last attack the destroyers did not sight the heavy ships, but only light cruisers and destroyers to the north-eastward. The accuracy of this statement is doubtful, since the destroyers were clearly in sight from our heavy ships. But the account then proceeds to state that “the German Commander-in-Chief turns his battle line to a southerly and south-westerly course on which the enemy was last seen, but he is no longer to be found.”
This is illuminating. It is first stated that our ships bore north and north-east from the enemy and then that the enemy turned to south and south-west, that is, directly away from the British Fleet. Thus the fact that the German Fleet turned directly away is confirmed by Germans.
No report of this movement of the German Fleet reached me, and at first it was thought that his temporary disappearance was due to the thickening mist, especially as firing could be heard from the battleships in rear, but at 7.41 P.M., the enemy Battle Fleet being no longer in sight from the Iron Duke, course was altered “by divisions” three points more to starboard (namely, to south-west) to close the enemy, and single line ahead was again formed on the Iron Duke on that course.
At this period the rear of our battle line was still in action at intervals with one or two ships of the enemy’s fleet, which were probably some that had dropped astern partially disabled, but by 7.55 P.M. fire had practically ceased.
At about 7.40 P.M. I received a report from Sir David Beatty stating that the enemy bore north-west by west from the Lion, distant 10 to 11 miles, and that the Lion’s course was south-west. Although the battle cruisers were not in sight from the Iron Duke, I assumed the Lion to be five or six miles ahead of the van of the Battle Fleet, but it appeared later from a report received in reply to directions signalled by me at 8.10 P.M. to the King George V. to follow the battle cruisers, that they were not in sight from that ship either.
At this time the enemy’s Battle Fleet seems to have become divided, for whilst Sir David Beatty reported the presence of battleships north-west by west from the Lion, other enemy battleships were observed to the westward (that is, on the starboard bow of the Iron Duke), and the course of the Fleet was at once altered “by divisions” to west in order to close the enemy; this alteration was made at 7.59 P.M.
It will be observed that all the large alterations of course of the Battle Fleet during the engagement were made “by divisions” instead of “in succession from the van, or together.” The reason was that in this way the whole Fleet could be brought closer to the enemy with far greater rapidity, and in a more ordered formation, than if the movement had been carried out by the line “in succession.”
The objection to altering by turning all ships together was the inevitable confusion that would have ensued as the result of such a manœuvre carried out with a very large Fleet under action conditions in misty weather, particularly if the ships were thus kept on a line of bearing for a long period.
The battleships sighted at 7.59 P.M. opened fire on the ships of the 4th Light Cruiser Squadron, which had moved out to starboard of the battle line to engage a flotilla of enemy destroyers which were steering to attack the Battle Fleet. The Calliope, the flagship of Commodore Le Mesurier, was hit by a heavy shell and received some damage, but retained her fighting efficiency, and fired a torpedo at the leading battleship at a range of 6,500 yards; an explosion was noticed on board a ship of the “Kaiser” class by the Calliope.[M] The ships sighted turned away and touch could not be regained, although sounds of gunfire could be heard from ahead at 8.25 P.M., probably from our battle cruisers, which obtained touch with and engaged some of the enemy’s ships very effectively between 8.22 and 8.25 P.M. The Falmouth was the last ship of the Battle Cruiser Fleet to be in touch with the enemy, at 8.38 P.M.; the ships then in sight turned eight points together away from the Falmouth.
[M] All our battle cruisers felt this heavy explosion which was clearly concussion under water, and may have been caused by the Calliope’s torpedo obtaining a hit.
At 8.30 P.M. the light was failing and the Fleet was turned “by divisions” to a south-west course, thus reforming single line again.
During the proceedings of the Battle Fleet described above, the battle cruisers were in action ahead as mentioned in Sir David Beatty’s report in the Appendix.
At first, touch with the enemy was lost owing to the large alterations of course carried out by the High Sea Fleet, but it was regained at 7.12 P.M., the battle cruisers opening fire at 7.14 P.M., though only for two and a half minutes, and increasing speed to 22 knots. At this period the battle cruisers were steering south-west by south to south-west, and this course took them from the port to the starboard bow of the Battle Fleet by 7.12 P.M. The movements of our battle cruisers, which were at this time between four and five miles ahead of the van of the Battle Fleet, could not be distinguished, owing, partly, to the funnel and cordite smoke from the battle cruisers themselves, but even more to the funnel smoke from the numerous cruisers, light cruisers and destroyers which were attempting to gain their positions ahead of the van.
The movements of the enemy’s fleet could not be distinguished from our Battle Fleet owing again to their own funnel and cordite smoke, and, also, to the smoke screens which ships and destroyers were making to conceal their movements.
It will be realised that these conditions, which particularly affected the Battle Fleet, did not apply to the same extent to our ships ahead of our Battle Fleet. They had little but the smoke of the enemy’s leading ships to obscure the view. Farther to the rear, the Battle Fleet had the smoke of all our craft ahead of it as well as that of the enemy’s long line of ships.
H. M. S. “SUPERB” OPENING FIRE AT THE BATTLE OF JUTLAND
H. M. S. “CANADA” ASTERN OF “SUPERB”
Conditions which were perhaps difficult ahead of the Battle Fleet were very much accentuated in the Battle Fleet. Vice-Admiral Sir Martyn Jerram, in his report, remarked on this point: “As leading ship, in addition to the hazy atmosphere, I was much hampered by what I imagine must have been cordite fumes from the battle cruisers after they had passed us, and from other cruisers engaged on the bow, also by funnel gases from small craft ahead, and for a considerable time by dense smoke from the Duke of Edinburgh, which was unable to draw clear.”
The general position at 6.45 P.M. and again at 7.15 P.M. is shown in plans 8 and 9.
At 7.10 P.M., according to remarks from the Minotaur, flagship of Rear-Admiral W. L. Heath, commanding the 2nd Cruiser Squadron, the position as seen from that ship was as follows: “The 2nd Cruiser Squadron was in single line ahead three to four miles on the port side of the King George V., gaining on her slightly, but with all the destroyers and light craft between her and the King George V. The battle cruisers were about four miles distant on the starboard bow of the Minotaur; owing to their higher speed, the battle cruisers rapidly increased their distance from the Battle Fleet to some eight miles.”[N]
[N] Judged by reports from other cruisers the positions here described should be timed at about 6.50 to 7 P.M., and the diagrams show this accordingly.
At 7.5 P.M. according to a report from the Shannon, of the 2nd Cruiser Squadron, the Shannon’s course was S. 10 W., “the 2nd Cruiser Squadron endeavouring to take station on the engaged bow of the Battle Fleet; the Battle Fleet still engaged, the battle cruisers not engaged and turned slightly to port.” And again at 7.22 P.M. a report says: “The Duke of Edinburgh had now taken station astern of the Shannon, the battle cruisers were engaged and had wheeled to starboard. Leading ships of the 2nd Cruiser Squadron were starting to cross the bows of the Battle Fleet from port to starboard. Battle cruisers firing intermittently, light cruisers making their way through the destroyer flotillas to attack the enemy light cruisers.” Rear-Admiral Heath stated: “At 7.11 P.M. I proceeded with the squadron at 20 knots to take up station astern of the Battle Cruiser Fleet, which was then engaged with the enemy.” He added: “One salvo fell short on the starboard bow of the Minotaur and some others in close proximity”; and later says, “even when the salvo referred to in the preceding paragraph fell, no more than the flashes of the enemy’s guns could be seen.”
Further remarks from the Shannon, at a later stage, were: “At 8 P.M. Battle Fleet altered course to starboard to close the enemy, and by 8.15 was lost to sight, bearing about north by east.”
“At 8.15 P.M. Battle Fleet, out of sight from Shannon, was heard to be in action.”
“At 8.30 P.M. the visibility of grey ships was about 9,000 yards.” “At 8.45 P.M. King George V. again sighted, bearing north-north-east. Visibility had again improved, and her range was estimated at about 10,000 yards. Conformed to her course S. 75 W. to close enemy.”
At 7.20 P.M. the ships engaged by our battle cruisers turned away and were lost to sight. They were located for a moment at 8.20 P.M. with the aid of the 1st and 3rd Light Cruiser Squadrons, and, although they disappeared again at once, they were once more located and effectively engaged between 8.22 and 8.28 P.M. at about 10,000 yards range. They turned away once more and were finally lost to sight by the 3rd Light Cruiser Squadron (the last ships to keep in touch) at 8.38 P.M., steaming to the westward.
This was the last opportunity which the battle cruisers had of putting the finishing touch upon a fine afternoon’s work. They had, under the very able and gallant leadership of Sir David Beatty, assisted by the splendid squadron so well commanded by Admiral Evan-Thomas, gone far to crush out of existence the opposing Battle Cruiser Squadron.
It will be seen from the above account that our battle cruisers experienced great difficulty in locating and holding the enemy after 7.20 P.M., even when far ahead of the Battle Fleet, with its small craft, and therefore in a position of freedom from the smoke of our own vessels and the enemy’s line. After this time, 7.20 P.M., the battle cruisers were only engaged for some six minutes. The enemy turned away on each occasion when he was located and showed no disposition to fight.
The visibility by this time had become very bad; the light was failing, and it became necessary to decide on the disposition for the night.