FOOTNOTES:
[1593] In the Translation, the text and arrangement of Gerlach have been principally followed. The few Fragments that have not been translated are omitted, either from their hopelessly corrupt state, their obscenity, or from their consisting of single, and those unimportant, words.
[1594] Clinton, in his new Epitome of Chronology (Oxford, 1851), says, Lucilius was about twenty years of age when serving at Numantia, B.C. 134.
[1595] But Clinton thinks that the war for which Messala triumphed was carried on B.C. 28, and that Tibullus was then about thirty. The war against the Salassi had been carried on B.C. 34. Heyne assigns his birth to B.C. 49. Voss, Passow, and Dissen, to B.C. 59. Lachman and Paldanus, to B.C. 54. He is called a "juvenis" at his death, B.C. 18. But Clinton says there is "no difficulty in this term, which may express forty years of age."
[1596] Cf. Niebuhr's Lectures, vol. i., p. 316. "Slow and gradual advancement, and a provision for officers in their old age, were things unknown to the Romans. No one could by law have a permanent appointment: every one had to give evidence of his ability. It was, moreover, not necessary to pass through a long series of subordinate offices. A young Roman noble served as eques, and the consul had in his cohort the most distinguished to act as his staff: there they learned enough, and in a few years, a young man, in the full vigor of life, became a tribune of the soldiers."
[1597] "Sæpe ex socero meo audivi, quum is diceret, socerum suum Lælium semper ferè cum Scipione solitum rusticari eosque incredibiliter repuerascere esse solitos quum rus ex urbe tanquam è vinculis evolavissent.... Solet narrare Scævola conchas eos et umbilicos ad Caietam et ad Laurentum legere consuêsse et ad omnem animi remissionem ludumque descendere." Cf. Val. Max., viii., 8, 1.
[1598] These additional authorities have been collected by Gerlach and Varges. Barth. ad Stat. Sylv., I., ii. 253. Markl. ad Stat. Sylv., 110. Drakenborch, ad Sil. Ital., i., 634. Eustath., p. 107, 14, on the word γέρων. Heyne's Homer, vol. iv., pp. 270, 606, 620.
BOOK I.[1599]
ARGUMENT.
To the first book there is said to have been annexed an Epistle to L. Ælius Stilo, the friend of the poet, to whom in all probability this book was dedicated. (Fr. 16.) We know from a note of Servius on the tenth book of the Æneid (l. 104), that the subject was a council of gods held to deliberate on the fortune of the Roman state; the result of the conference being that nothing but the death of certain obnoxious individuals could possibly rescue the city from plunging headlong to ruin. It is a kind of parody on the council of Celestials held in the first book of the Odyssey, to discuss the propriety of the return of Ulysses to Greece: and as Homer represents Neptune, the great enemy of Ulysses, to have been absent from the meeting, so here (Fr. 2) we find an allusion to some previous council, at which Jupiter, by the machinations of Juno (Fr. 15), was not present. Virgil, as Servius says, borrowed the idea of his discussion between Venus, Juno, and Jupiter from this book; only he translated the language of Lucilius into a type more suited to the dignity of Heroic verse. Lucilius's council begin with discussing the affairs of mankind at large, and then proceed to consider the best method of prolonging the Roman state (Fr. 5), which has no greater enemies than its own corrupt and licentious morals, and the wide-spreading evils of avarice and luxury. But amid the growing vices which undermined the state must especially be reckoned the study of a spurious kind of philosophy, of rhetoric, and logic, which not only was the cause of universal indolence and neglect of all serious duties, but also led men to lay snares to entrap their neighbors. (Fr. inc. 2.) A fair instance of these sophistical absurdities is given (Fr. inc. 12); and the doctrine of the Stoics, to which Horace alludes (i. Sat., iii., 124), is also ridiculed. (Fr. inc. 23.) The pernicious effects of gold are then described, as destructive of all honesty, good faith, and every religious principle (Fr. inc. 39-47); the result of which is, that the state is fast sinking into helpless ruin. (Fr. inc. 50.) Nor are the evils of luxury less baleful. (Fr. 19-21.)
All this discussion, in the previous conference, had been nugatory on account of the absence of Jupiter, and the divisions that had arisen among the gods themselves. In this debate Neptune had taken a very considerable part, since we hear that, discussing some very abstruse and difficult point, he said it could not be cleared up, even though Orcus were to permit Carneades himself to revisit earth. (Fr. 8.) Apollo also was probably one of the speakers, and expressed a particular dislike to his cognomen of "the Beautiful." (Fr. inc. 145.) Perhaps all the gods but Jove (Fr. 3) had been present; but as they could not agree, the whole matter was referred to Jupiter; who, expressing his vexation that he was not present at the first meeting, blames some and praises others. (Fr. 55, inc.)
The cause of his absence was probably the same as that described (Iliad, xiv., 307-327) by Homer: which passage Lucilius probably meant to ridicule. (Fr. 15.) The result of the deliberation is a determination on the part of the gods that the only way to save the Roman state is by requiring the expiatory sacrifice of the most flagitious and impious among the citizens: and the three fixed upon are P. Cornelius Lentulus Lupus, L. Papirius Carbo, and C. Hostilius Tubulus.
(To this book may perhaps also be referred Fr. inc. 2, 46, 61, 63.)
This book must have been published subsequently to the death of Carneades, which took place the same year as that of Scipio, B.C. 129, twenty-six years after his embassy to Rome.
1 ... held counsel about the affairs of men—
2 I could have wished, could it so have happened.... I could have wished, at that council of yours before which you mention, I could have wished, Celestials, to have been present at your previous council!
3 ... that there is none of us, but without exception is styled "Best Father of Gods," as Father Neptune, Liber, Saturn, Father Mars, Janus, Father Quirinus.[1600]
4 Had Tubulus, Lucius, Lupus, or Carbo, that son of Neptune, believed that there were gods, would he have been so perjured and impious?[1601]
5 ... in what way it might be possible to preserve longer the people and city of Rome.
6 ... though many months and days ... yet wicked men would not admire this age and time.
7 When he had spoken these words he paused—
8 Not even though Orcus should send back Carneades himself....[1602]
9 ... made ædile by a Satura; who from law may loose....[1603]
10 ... against whom, should the whole people conspire, they would be scarce a match for him—
11 ... they might, however, discharge their duty and defend the walls.
12 ... might put it off, if not longer, at least to this one lustrum.[1604]
13 I will bring them to supper; and first of all will give each of them, as they arrive, the bellies of thunny and heads of acharne.[1605]
14 ...
15 ... so that I could compare [the embraces] of Leda daughter of Thestius, and the spouse of Ixion.[1606]
16 These things we have sent, written to thee, Lucius Ælius![1607]
17 ... to creep on, as an evil gangrene, or ulcer, might.
18 A countenance too, like.... death, jaundice, poison.
19 ... to hate the infamous, vile, and disgraceful cook's shop.[1608]
20 prætextæ and tunics, and all that foul handiwork of the Lydians.[1609]
21 Velvets and double piles, soft with their thick naps.[1610]
22 ... that, like an angry cur, speaks plainer than a man.
23 ... the common herd stupidly look for a knot in a bulrush.[1611]
24 ... and legions serve for pay.
25 ... quote prodigies, elephants.
26 ... ladles and ewers.[1612]
27 Vulture.[1613]
28 ... like a fool, you came to dance among the Pathics.
29 Oh the cares of men! Oh how much vanity is there in human affairs![1614]