Heortology

by K. A. Heinrich Kellner

FOOTNOTES

[1] The Greek word ἑορτή had become associated with the ideas of paganism and mere enjoyment. Christians called the week-days following on a Sunday feria secunda, etc. This use was already established in Tertullian’s time.

[2] J. Barth, Babel und das israel. Religionswesen, Berlin, 1902. See Schmid, Die Kirche und die Sonntagsruhe: Innsbr. Zeitschr. f. Kath. Theol., 1901, 436 et seq. Linzer, Theol. Quartalschrift, 1900, 12.

[3] Num. xxviii. 9, 10; Ezec. xlvi. 3, 4.

[4] See the article “Sonnabendfeier,” by Krüll, in Kraus’ Realenzyklopädie.

[5] Heb. iv. 9; Acts xiii. 27; xviii. 4.

[6] Apoc. i. 10; 1 Cor. xvi. 2.

[7] Euseb., De Mart. Pal. 1; see Baillet, IX. x.-xiv.

[8] Acts xx. 7 seq.; 1 Cor. xvi. 2.

[9] E.g., “Et facta oblatione fit missa” (c. 38, p. 68).

[10] Euseb., De Pasch., c. 7; see c. 12a. E. Montfaucon, Introduction to Eusebius’ Commentary on the Psalms, Paris, 1707. Migne, Patr. Gr., xxiii. 51.

[11] Tert., De Orat., 14. Socrates, Hist. Eccl., 6, 8. Duchesne, 218-22.

[12] Ovid, Fasti, i. 79. Leo M., Sermo, 41, 1. Migne, Patr. Lat., liv. 272; Binterim, v. 134.

[13] Barnabas, Epist., 15. Ignatius, Ad Magn., 9. Justin, Apol., i. 67.

[14] Peregr. Silviæ, 102, 71 cod.; ed. Geyer, c. 44, 2.

[15] Euseb., Vita Const., 4, 19, 20.

[16] Hist. Eccl., i. 18, towards the end: ἐνομοτέθησε, τῶν δικαστηρίων καὶ τὼν ἂλλων πραγμάτων σχολὴν ἂγειν.

[17] Cod. Theod., 2, 8, de feriis 1. Law of 321.

[18] Op. cit., 2, 8, 18; 8, 8, 3; 11, 7, 13. In these laws Sunday is still called “dies solis,” but with the addition, “quem dominicum rite dixere majores.”

[19] Op. cit. 15, 5, 5, de spectaculis.

[20] Chron., Pasch., ad a 467.

[21] For instances, see Baillet, ix. art. 1, c. 5 et seq.

[22] Vita Const., 4, 18.

[23] Constit. Apost., 2, 59; 5, 20; 7, 23 and 30; 8, 33. Tert., De Orat., 20.

[24] Laod. can., 29: εἴγε δύναιντο σχλάζειν. This Council was held between 343 and 381. For further particulars, see Binterim, v. 134-52.

[25] Euseb., Vita Const., 4, 19.

[26] Op. cit. 4, 23.

[27] Const. Apost., 2, 59; 8, 33.

[28] Op. cit. 7, 37.

[29] Thomassin, i. 2, c. 2, 176 seqq.

[30] Council of Rouen (650), Can. 15. Decr. Grat., Can. 1, dist. 3, de consecr.; Can. 10, de feriis, 3, 9. For the variations in the observance of the Sabbath, see Alt., 10 seqq.

[31] Lev. xxiii. 24.; 3 Kings viii. 65.; 2 Chr. xxix. 17.; xxx. 22.

[32] Ideler, Handbuch der Chronol., i., Berlin, 1825, 515.

[33] Bäumer, 325 et seq.

[34] Micrologus, 43. Migne, Patr. Lat., cli. 1010. There are, however, still exceptions to this rule, e.g., St Cornelius, St Silverius, etc. Moreover, the above regulation only took effect in the city of Rome.

[35] Bäumer, 314, 354.

[36] Op. cit. 325.

[37] Op. cit. 499.

[38] Appendix i.

[39] De Bapt., 19.

[40] C. Cels., 8, 22.

[41] Cod. Theod., 2, 8, 1, 19.

[42] Cod. Justin., 3, 12, No. 6.

[43] Op. cit. 3, 12, No. 7, compared with Cod. Theod. 2, 8, 19.

[44] Cod. Theod., 2, 8, 20.

[45] Op. cit. 15, 5, 2.

[46] Op. cit. 2, 8, Nos. 20, 21, 25.

[47] Op. cit. 15, 5, No. 5, compared with 2, 8, 24.

[48] Op. cit. 2, 8, 23.

[49] Constit. Apost., 5, 13-20; compare 8, 13. Chrys., Hom. 4 Pentec. Proclus, Or. 3, 1. Philastrius (De Hær., 141) enumerates eight festivals, because he adds the Wednesday in Holy Week.

[50] Gregor. Tur., Hist. Franc., 10, 5. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxi. 566.

[51] The 27th or 28th March was frequently regarded in the Gallic Church as the actual date of the resurrection of Christ, and the 25th March as the date of His death.

[52] Sonnatius, Statuta, c. 20. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxx. 446.

[53] Hartzheim, Conc. Germ., i. 73. Hard., iii. 1944. Mansi, xii. 383.

[54] Conc. Aquisgr., Can. 19. Migne, Patr. Lat., xcvii. 326. Binterim, Conc. ii. 331.

[55] Binterim, op. cit. 466. Hard., iv. 1241. Mansi, xiv. 393.

[56] Capit. Hettonis. Migne, Patr. Lat., cv. 763. Binterim, Denkw., v. 302.

[57] Hartzheim, Conc., l. 44. See also ii. 612, 692.

[58] Op. cit. iii. 221, Can. 6. Migne, Patr. Lat., cxxxviii. 832.

[59] Burchard, Decreta, 2, 77. Migne, Patr. Lat., cxl. 640. Ivon., Decret., 4, 14. Migne, Patr. Lat., cxli. 260.

[60] See [Appendix ii. (a)].

[61] Can. 1, dist. 3, de Consecr., taken from a Council of Lyons.

[62] Can. 5, x., de Feriis 2, 9. The feasts of Our Lady are the same as in Decretum Grat.

[63] See [Appendix ii. (b)].

[64] In the diocese of Lyons, for example, in 1577 there were no fewer than ninety-nine days of this kind, including Sundays, Easter and Pentecost being observed each for three days. See Migne’s Handbook, 347.

[65] Binterim, Conc., vi. 118 and 524; Denkw., v. 1, 303, etc. Binterim and Mooren, Die Erzdiözese Köln im Mittelalter, i., Köhn, 1892, 526. Hartzheim, Conc. Germ., v. 106; vi. 498. Further information is contained in the collections of Church Councils. See the Council of Szabolcs in Hungary, 1092 (i. cap. 37 and 38; Mansi, xx. 757); Oxford, 1222, can. 8; Toulouse, 1229, cap. 26; Worcester, 1240; the statutes of Le Mans (Mansi, xxiii. 764); the Councils of Liège, 1287; Würtzburg, 1298; Utrecht, 1347; Prague, 1355 (Hartzheim, iii. and iv.), and Bamberg, 1491 (tit. 36; Hartzheim, v. 619), which, with fifty-four holy days of obligation besides Sundays, represents the non plus ultra in this direction.

[66] See [Appendix ii. (c)].

[67] Printed by Seldenius, De Synedriis, iii., Amstel. 1679, c. 15, 204.

[68] Dist. 3, de Conscr., Can. 1 Conquestus, de Feriis. See also Matisconense, Can. 10.

[69] Thomassin, i. 131 seqq.

[70] Ferraris, Prompta Bibl., iii., art. Festa, §§ 2 and 3.

[71] De Novis Festivitatibus non Instituendis.

[72] Hospinianus, 18. Thomassin, i. c. 11; De la diminuation du nombre des fêtes.

[73] J. Fessler, Concerning the suppressed Holy Days, in the Archiv für Kirchenrecht, v. (1860) 194. Schüch-Grimmich, Handbuch der Pastoraltheol., 10th ed., 338 seqq.

[74] Bull. Rom. Contin., ix., Romæ, 1846, 120.

[75] These briefs of Clement XIV., Pius XI., and Leo XII., are printed in Dumont, Sammlung kirchl. Erlasse für d. Erzd. Köln, 2nd ed., 199 seqq.

[76] See [Appendix iii].

[77] Alt., 454.

[78] This Calendar contains twenty-six days in addition to the chief feasts. See the table in the Book of Common Prayer.

[79] Sermo 47, in Exod. In omnibus solemnitatibus Christianis non ignoramus paschale sacramentum esse præcipium.

[80] Sermo 48, c. 1.

[81] Beda, De rat. Temp., 1, 5.

[82] Exod. xii. 11; Num. xxviii. 16.

[83] Euseb., Hist. Eccl., 4, 33.

[84] De Orat., c. 18.

[85] By Pascha, Tertullian probably understands Holy Week and Easter Week together, as a time during which each day had its liturgical celebration, “collecta,” which was not the case generally. Similarly, Quinquagesima means the period from Easter to Whitsunday.

[86] Adv. Mar., 4, 12; De Jeiun., 14. Cf. De Bapt., 19; De Cor., 3.

[87] De Jeiun., 14.

[88] Adv. Marc., 5, 7.

[89] Philos., 8, 18.

[90] Can. Arab., 22.

[91] Mai, Nova Coll. Vet. Script., iv. 208; Migne, Patr. Gr. xxiv. 694.

[92] Vita Const., 3, 17, seqq.

[93] Exod. xii. 42.

[94] Exod. xii. 6-8.

[95] Lev. xxiii. 7, 8.

[96] Ibid. ver. 10 et seqq.

[97] Isa. liii. 7 et seq.

[98] Exod. xii. 46; St John xix. 36.

[99] 1 Cor. v. 7, 8.

[100] Col. ii. 16.

[101] Justin, Dial., c. 40, 111. Tert., Adv. Marc., 4, 40; 5, 7.

[102] The Greeks of the province of Asia, for example, voluntarily adopted the Julian Calendar under Augustus, according to an inscription discovered at Priene. Révue Archéol, 1900, 357. Mitteil. des kaiserl. archäol. Instits at Athens, 1899.

[103] Ideler, Handbuch der Chronol., i. 433.

[104] Op. cit. 142.

[105] Ideler, Handbuch der Chronol., i. 113, 117, 119.

[106] So Ideler, who is certainly an authority, Handbuch der Chronol., i. 570 et seq.

[107] Josephus, Ant., i. 1, 3: ἐν χρίῳ τοῦ ἡλίου χαθεοτῶτος. Ideler, op. cit. 401, 514, 570.

[108] Nilles (p. 286) expressly declares himself opposed to the feast of Easter being fixed on a stated Sunday in April. According to information given in the Kölnischen Volkszeitung for the 22nd May 1894, the Barnabite Cæsar Tondini is said to be at work upon a reform of the Calendar, the chief features of which are the giving a fixed date for Easter and the transferring of the extra day in leap year to the end of the year. He is of opinion that this reform will be acceptable to the Russians also.

[109] St Luke xix. 29 seqq.; St John xii. 1 seqq.

[110] Among the Fathers, St Ambrose, more especially, deals with the question of the day of the week and day of the month on which the Last Supper took place. Cf. Epist. 23, written in 386. He says the Last Supper was held on the 14th Nisan which was a Thursday, on the 15th, Christ was crucified, and, on the 17th, He rose again. The day of His death must be kept in sorrow and fasting. Therefore the two events cannot be commemorated on the same day, and Christ’s death cannot be commemorated on a Sunday. If the 15th Nisan falls on a Sunday, Easter must be postponed to the following week. When Johannes Philoponus, in the treatise De Paschate (ed. C. Walter, Leipzig, 1899) makes our Lord keep the Last Supper on the 13th Nisan and celebrate not the old, but a new mystical passover, and then says: Τῇ πρώτῃ τῶν ἀζύμων (St Mark xxvi. 17) means τῇ πρώτῃ πρὸ τῶν ἀζύμων.

Harnack and Shürer, Theol. Literaturztg., 1900, No. 4.

[111] Etymol., 6, 17, 10; Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxxii. 247.

[112] Euseb., Hist. Eccl., 4, 21; 5, 27.

[113] Twenty-first Festal Letter, for the year 349, in Larsow 33.

[114] Hist. Eccl., 5, 27.

[115] Adv. Hær., 70, c. 12: Μία γὰρ ἡμέρα παρ’ ἐκείνοις ζητεῖται, παρ’ ἡμῖν δὲ οὐ μία ἀλλὰ ἕξ, ἐβδομὰς πληρεστάτη, etc.

[116] loc. cit. c. 11.

[117] Ep. ad Januarium., 55, c. 1-3.

[118] Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxii. 47-51.

[119] De Ord. Fer. Migne, Patr. Lat., xc. 607.

[120] For a full account of the ceremonies, etc., belonging to this part of the Church’s year, see Lent and Holy Week, by H. Thurston, S.J., London, 1904. [Trans.]

[121] Matiscon, 2, 3.

[122] Cf. Ordo I., 7. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxviii. 954, 994 et seqq.

[123] Hefele, Konciliengesch., 2nd ed., Freiburg, 1877, iii., 36, 42, 577, 596.

[124] Peregrinatio Silviæ, c. 30, ed. Geyer, 67 cod., and Chrysost., Hom. 30 in Gen., 10 t. 4. fol. 29. Binterim (Denkw. v. 179) prefers to derive “Karwoche” from “carena,” which in the Romance languages has taken various forms (carême carenzia) and also in the old German is found as Karina, in reference to the strict fast then observed.

[125] Nor in the Antiphonarium Greg., to which Binterim (Denkw. v. 174) refers.

[126] Peregr. Silviæ, c. 30, 31, ed. Geyer, 64 cod. Since the pilgrim, in describing the size and strength of the Euphrates (c. 18, p. 61, 11), recalls the Rhone, it seems certain she belongs to Southern France. I use the expression, “Gallic pilgrim,” as her name may have been either Silvia or Egeria. She travelled in the East between 378 and 394.

[127] Hora decima. Peregr. Silviæ, ed. Geyer, c. 35.

[128] Peregr. Silviæ, ed. Geyer, c. 36-38, p. 67-69 cod.

[129] The name was usual in Spain. Mabillon, De Lit. Gal., 32. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxii. 186, quotes for it Isidor., De Off. Eccl., 1, 28.

[130] According to Migne (Handbuch, 671) in several dioceses of France it is not even yet the custom.

[131] I have arrived at the conclusion that in the missal in the cathedral library at Cologne (cod. 88), the benedictio palmarum has been added by another hand. In the Essen cod. D.I., it appears in the first part (fol. 45), but in neither of the other parts.

[132] De Off. Eccl., 1, 28. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxxiii. 763. Isidore makes no mention of carrying palm branches in the church, as Duchesne (p. 237) implies, but he does speak in this passage of the traditio symboli and of the capitilavium which in Spain were both performed on Palm Sunday.

[133] De Off. Eccl., 4, 10. Migne, Patr. Lat., cv. 1008.

[134] Isidor., De Off. Eccl., 1, 27.

[135] Mabillon, Lit. Gall. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxii. 265. Cf. Synod of Agde (506), can. 13.

[136] Ambrosius, Epist., 20, c. 4.

[137] Sacr. Geb., 1, 35, 36. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxiv. 1088.

[138] Augustin., Sermo, 58, c. 11. “Ideo die sabbati”: Sermo, 212, c. 1, 2.

[139] Avitus († 518), in Migne, Patr. Lat., lix. 302, 309, 321-326. Eligius († between 640 and 659), Hom., 10. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxxvii. 628.

[140] Kirchenlexikon, v., 2nd ed., 1309, art. Gründonnerstag by Punkes.

[141] Martène, iii., 237, 346, 352. Incipiat cantor cum cappa viridi missam, presbytero, diacono et subdiacono indutis ornamentis viridibus, etc. Also Wickham Legg, whose pamphlet on the History of the Liturgical Colours (London, 1882) is only concerned with the last three centuries, shows (p. 21) that green was used in many places, in Mainz among others.

[142] Cf. [App. iv].

[143] e.g. by Greg. of Tours, Hist. Franc., 8, 43; festa Dominicæ Cœnæ.

[144] Martène, De Ant. Eccl., iv. 22; ed. Antw. 1727, iii. p. 227 seqq., where the prayers over the penitents are given in full.

[145] An offerendum sit mane et rurus post cœnam ... an jeiunandum et post cœnam tantummodo offerendum, an etiam jeiunandum et post oblationem sicut facere solemus cœnandum. Augustin., Epist., 54 ad Januarium, c. 4; 11, 302.

[146] Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxiv. 1102.

[147] Muratori, ii. 55 and Ordo I. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxviii. 951.

[148] Pseudo-Alcuin. Migne, Patr. Lat., ci. 1205 et seq.

[149] Oleum in altari sanctificatum. Cyprian, Epist., 70, c. 2.

[150] So called from St John xiii. 34: mandatum novum do vobis. The washing of the feet preceded vespers. Each monk had to wash the feet of the poor, and, lastly, the abbot and prior washed the feet of the brethren. Consuet. Farf., 49. [Hence the English name for the day. Trans.]

[151] De Off. Eccl., 1, 29. Lit. Mozar. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxxv. 406.

[152] St Augustin., Conf., 8, 5; de loco eminentiori.

[153] Epist., 23, c. 12. Migne, Patr. Lat., xvi. 1030.

[154] Constit. Apost., 5, 18; ἡμέρα, γάρ εἰσι πένθους ἀλλ’ οὐχ ἑορτῆς.

[155] This is also the custom in the Russian Church. “The priests wear black vestments during the whole service on Good Friday, as a sign of grief for the death of the Redeemer.” (Maltzew, lxxxiv.) By the law of 2nd Sept. 1899, in Prussia, Good Friday was made a general public holiday.

[156] His dissertation is incorporated in the treatise, De Divinis Officiis of the pseudo-Alcuin (Migne, Patr. Lat., ci., 1211 et seqq.). He is also the author of the short treatise De Computo (Migne, cxxxvii. 18 seqq.). Trithemius wrongly locates him in the eleventh century.

[157] Epist. ad Decentium Eng., 25, c. 2: Constat apostolos biduo isto in mœrore fuisse et propter metum Judæorum occuluisse. Quod utique non dubium est, in tantum eos jeiunasse biduo memorato, ut traditio ecclesiæ habeat, isto biduo sacramenta penitus non celebrari. Sacramenta here means masses, as well as Sacramentarium Missale. It appears that the two last days of each week in Lent were without a celebration of the liturgy, for the Pope continues: Quæ utique forma per singulas tenenda est hebdomadas, etc.

[158] Maltzew, lxxxvi. et seqq.

[159] Missale Gothico-Gallic. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxii. 267.

[160] Amalarius, De Off. Eccl., 1, 15; Et inde communicet populus. De qua observatione interrogavi Romanum archidiaconum et ille respondit: In statione ubi apostolicus salutat crucem, nemo ibi communicat. Migne, Patr. Lat., cv. 1032. Ordo Rom. I. (Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxviii. 954) has the general communion (et communicant omnes cum silentio). Rabanus Maurus (De Cleric. Instit., 2, 37) mentions the other ceremonies (Migne, Patr. Lat., cvii. 349).

[161] Adnuntial diaconus ut supra. Sac. Gelas. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxiv. 1105.

[162] Liber Sacramentorum, ed. Menard. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxviii. 79, 86 et seq.

[163] Muratori, Lit. Rom. Vet., ii. 57.

[164] Vide [Appendix iv].

[165] Among the Greeks it is continued during Lent. Maltzew, lxxxvi.

[166] It first appears in Ordo Rom., xiv. n. 94 (13th cent.). Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxviii. 1218. Binterim, Denkw. v. 221.

[167] This view is maintained by Thomassin, 330 seq. Against this Binterim (Denkw., v. 214) rightly defends the opinion that the blessing of the new fire was unknown in Rome in the eighth century. This appears from the answer of Pope Zacharias to the inquiry of St Boniface on the point. It was only introduced at Rome by Leo IV. The ecclesiastical rite seems to have been moulded on the “Osterfeuer” in use among the Germans. The most ancient Roman sacramentaries know nothing of it.

[168] In the life of Zosimus († 418) it only says: “Per parrocia concessa licentia cereum benedici.” It is doubtful if these obscure words refer to the Paschal candle. Cf. Duchesne, Lib. Pont., i. 225.

[169] “Hoc autem die inclinante ad vesperam statuta celebratio noctis Dominicæ in ecclesia incipitur,” etc. (Rabanus Maurus, De Cleric. Instit., 2, 38; Migne, Patr. Lat., cvii. 350). “Post nonam (3 p.m.) vestiantur omnes qui ad sacram aliquid habuerint legendi,” etc. (Consuet. Farf., ed. Albers, 55). The Constit. Lanfranci give the same hour (Migne, Patr. Lat. cl. 466). According to Ordo Rom., x. App., No. 16, the ceremonies began at hora sexta (noon). The Greeks and Russians have their Mass after their evening service or Vespers. Maltzew, xciii.; Hefele, Beiträge, ii. 291.

[170] Cf. Augustin., Sermo 228 in die paschæ V.: “Post laborem noctis præteritæ ... diu vos tenere sermone non debeo.” In Africa the baptism took place in the night between Saturday and Sunday, Sermo 214, c. 1.

[171] Muratori, Lit. Rom. Vet., ii. 61-66.

[172] Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxii. 364-71.

[173] Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxii. 268-77.

[174] Migne, lviii. 90. Ordo Rom. I. (ib. 951 et seqq.) gives the later ritual directions for the three last days of Holy Week.

[175] Binterim (Denkw., v. 247) thinks it was not observed when the anniversary of the previous Easter fell on Lent.

[176] So Durandus, De Off. Eccl., 6, 88. In the Consuet. Farf. (ed. Albers), 58, a solemn procession of the monks in the monastery and in the church is also mentioned.

[177] Ordo Rom., xiv. c. 95; Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxviii. 1219. Some of the customs approached the dramatic, e.g., Martène, iii. 483, 506 et seq.

[178] Thalhofer, Liturgik, ii. 2, 551. For ancient and popular customs, see Migne, Handbuch, 662 et seqq.

[179] Peregr. Silviæ., ed. Geyer, c. 39 and 40. In many dioceses of France processions were made throughout the entire week (Martène, iii. 510).

[180] De Cleric. Instit., 2, 39; Knöpfler, 138.

[181] Muratori, Lit. Rom. Vet., ii. 67-75. The designation of the several days of Easter week differs only in form from that now in use. The ferias are called “feriæ in albis,” the Sunday after Easter, “Dominica post albas, scil. depositas.”

[182] This consisted in pouring out at the altar water drawn from the pool of Siloe (Winer, Bibl. Realw., ii. 8).

[183] Athanasius, translated by Larsow, 94, and for the whole subject, Nilles: Innsbr. Zeitschr. für kath. Theol., 1895, 169 seqq.

[184] The history of fasting, abstinence, and kindred subjects is excellently given by Baillet (ix. 37-130), according to the information at his disposal. Of more recent works, Funk, Die Entwicklung des Osterfastens in seinen kirchengeschichtlichen Abhandlungen, Paderborn, 1897, 241-70.

[185] Didaché, c. 8; Hermas, Simil., 5, 1; Tert., De Jej., c. 2, 10, 14.

[186] “Jejuno bis in sabbato” (St Luke xviii. 12); Duchesne, Orig., 218; Funk, Anm. zur Didaché, 8, 1.

[187] Strom., 7, 74, ed. Sylburg.

[188] Tertullian, op. cit. 2, 13, 14.

[189] Eus., Hist. Eccl., 5, 24, 11-18.

[190] Οἱ δὲ τεσσαράκοντα ὥρας ἡμερινάς τε καὶ νυκτερινὰς συμμετροῦσι τὴν ἡμέραν αὐτῶν (Euseb., op. cit.). Funk, op. cit. 242 et seq., defends the above interpretation of the passage against Probst.

[191] Origen cannot be quoted for the fast of forty days, for the evidence attributed to him is really that of his translator, Rufinus. Cf. Funk, op. cit.

[192] Ἀπονηστίζεσθαι δεῖ οὗ ἂν ἐμπέσῃ κυριακή. This passage is not quoted in the treatise of Funk already referred to. His conclusions must accordingly be modified.

[193] Larsow, Festbriefe deshl. Athanasius, 62.

[194] Op. cit. 69.

[195] Op. cit. 127.

[196] Larsow, Festbriefe deshl. Athanasius, 149.

[197] De Paschate, c. 4.

[198] Peregr. Silviæ., ed. Geyer, c. 27, 28 (60-62 cod.).

[199] De Elia., c. 10.

[200] Constit. Apost., 5, 13.

[201] Op. cit. 5, 18, 19.

[202] Op. cit. 5, 15, § 1.

[203] Leo M., Sermo 40, 5.

[204] Sermo 48, 1.

[205] Sermo 44, 2; 47, 1.

[206] Aurel. I., A.D. 511, can. 24; Aurel. IV., A.D. 541, can. 2.

[207] Augustin., Epist. ad Januarium, c. 4; Migne, Patr. Lat., ii. 202.

[208] Trull., 55.

[209] Hist. Eccl., 5, 22. Sozomen (7, 19) and Cassiodorus (Hist. Misc., 9, 38) have merely copied Socrates.

[210] Tert., De Jej., 2, 10, 13, 14, etc.

[211] Didaché, c. 8; Clemens Alex., Strom., 7, 12; Origen, C. Celso., 8, 21.

[212] Constit. Apost., 5, 15, 20; 7, 23; Can. Apost., 69 (68).

[213] Can. Arab., 20.

[214] Alt., 123.

[215] Augustin., Epist., 36, n. 8; Innoc. I., Epist., 25, 7; Migne, Patr. Lat., xx. 555; Prudent., Perist., 6, 52.

[216] Rahmani, Test. I. Chr., 1, 22, 33; 36, 71.

[217] Gregor. Tur., Hist. Franc., 10, 51; Amalarius, De Off. Eccl., 4, 37; Migne, Patr. Lat., cv. 1250.

[218] Binterim, Denkw., ii. 589.

[219] De Jej., c. 1, 2, 5, 9, 12, 17.

[220] Hieronymus, Epist. 27 ad Marcellam.

[221] Can. Arab., 22.

[222] Constit. Apost., 5, 18.

[223] Peregr. Silviæ, c. 28, 4.

[224] Hom. de Statius, 3, 4.

[225] Decr. ad Bulg. Epist. 97, c. 4; Migne, Patr. Lat., xcvii. 980. Binterim, Denkw. v. 2, 160 seqq. Dist. 3, de consecr. de esu carnium. Dist. 5, c. Quia dies.

[226] Ferrari, Prompta Bibl., art. Abstinentia, 1, 42.

[227] Since the fasts were very strictly observed in the Middle Ages, it was a custom to have an especially good meal in the day or evening before they began. Hence the German expression “Fastnacht.” Unfortunately the Fastnacht is not limited nowadays to one night, but lasts for three days, and even, where possible, right into Ash-Wednesday.

[228] The rubric, according to which Vespers, from the First Sunday in Lent onwards, are to be said ante comestionem, also belongs to the more primitive arrangement.

[229] Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxiv. 1065.

[230] Hom. I. 16 in Evang., c. 5; Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxvi. 1137.

[231] Sacram. Gelas.; Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxiv. 1076 et seqq.

[232] See, however, fer. iv. after Lætare: “Effundam super vos aquam mundam,” and the Saturday before Passion Sunday: “Sitientes venite ad aquas.”

[233] Lanfranc, Decreta, sectio 3; Migne, Patr. Lat., cl. 453; Rupert Tuit., De Div. Off., 4, 9; Honorius Aug., Gemma, 3, 46; Durandus, Rationale, 1, 3 (this last speaks of two such curtains—cortinæ). Heuser, Art. Fastentuch, in Kirchenlex., iv., 2nd ed., 1255; Schriver, Der Dom zu Osnabrück, etc., 1901; Maltzew, Triodion, vi.

[234] For the Transfiguration, see Baillet, v. 104; Bäumer, Gesch. des Breviers, 299, 355; Marzohl u. Schneller, iv. 653 seqq.

[235] Πανέορτος ἡμέρα: Euseb., De Sol. Pasch., c. 5; Migne, Patr. Gr., xxiv. 699; Socrates, Hist. Eccl., 7, 26: πάνδημος ἑορτή. On can. 43 of Elvira, cf. p. 110.

[236] Constit. Apost., 5, 18.

[237] Epist. ad Januarium, 54, c. 1; Sermo 261-65.

[238] Cyrill. Hieros., Catech., 14, c. 23.

[239] Peregr. Silviæ, 70 cod., ed. Geyer, c. 42.

[240] Adamnan., De Locis Sanctis., 1, 22; Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxxviii. 803.

[241] Chrysost., Sermo in Ascens., ed. Montfaucon, ii. 2, 420.

[242] St Luke xxiv. 60, where εἰς βηθανίαν means, in the direction of Bethania. Acts i. 12; Heb. vi. 14; ix. 24; Eph. iv. 9; Col. iii. 1.

[243] Cf. the commentary of Schanz, in loc.

[244] When Chrysostom (Hom. in Acta Apost., 3, 1) places our Lord’s Ascension on Saturday, it may be that he reckoned the interval after the Resurrection as consisting of forty full days. One is not justified in concluding, as some do, that in Antioch the Ascension was kept on Saturday.

[245] Tert., De Orat., c. 23; De Cor., 3.

[246] Peregr. Silviæ, ed. Geyer, b. 41 (69 cod.).

[247] The aim of the forty-third canon of Elvira seems to be the abolition of this custom. A later addition to the canon adds: “post pascha quinquagesima teneatur, non quadragesima.” The date of this addition is unknown. Hefele-Knöpfter, Konziliengesch. ii., 2nd ed., 174. Dr Herbst (ibid.) thought the reference was to the Montanists, but even if there were any Montanists in Spain at that period, their heresy could scarcely be called “Nova.”

[248] Cf. Muratori, ii. 750-58, and 873.

[249] Exod. xxxiv. 22; Deut. xvi. 10.

[250] 2 Mac. xii. 32; Acts ii. 1; Joseph., Antt., 3, 10, 6.

[251] Leo M., Sermo 75 in Pentec.; Augustin., Epist. 56, c. 16 Ad Disqu. Januarii, 2, 218.

[252] Tert., De Cor., 3, and De Bapt., 19, where probably “latissimum spatium,” and not “lætissimum,” is the correct reading.

[253] Tert., De Bapt., 19; De Idol., 14; Cassian., Coll., 21, 11, 19; Bened. Regula, 15.

[254] Tert., De Jej., 14.

[255] Tert., De Bapt., 19: “pentecoste qui est proprie dies festus.”

[256] Can. Arab., 22.

[257] Peregr. Silviæ, ed. Geyer, c. 43 [70] cod.; cf. 44, 2.

[258] Martène, De Ant. Eccl. Rit., iv. 28, 441-543.

[259] Augustin., Sermo 272 ad infantes.

[260] Martène, iv. 28, 441-543.

[261] According to the Consuet. Farf. (ed. Albers, 73), a Mass for the dead was to be celebrated in the forenoon; at mid-day the brethren were to rest, and then about 2 P.M. begin the lesser hours, which were followed by the High Mass. Afterwards came a meal.

[262] Constit. Apost., 5, 20, 7: Τὴν πεντεκοστὴν ἐορτάσατε μίαν ἑβδομάδα.

[263] De Off. Missæ, c. 3; Migne, Patr. Lat., cxlii. 1062.

[264] Conc. Mogunt., A.D. 818, can. 36.

[265] Muratori, ii. 95: Die dominica vacat; ii. 164: Dominica prima post pentecosten; ii. 321: Dominica octavæ pentecosten (sic). For the Gelasian Sac., cf. i. 606.

[266] C. 59 and 60; Migne, cli, 1019.

[267] Vid. the Præfatio of Froben to Alcuin 11 in Migne, cl. 440. Similar votive Masses for each day—Sunday, in honour of the Trinity, and on the week-days in honour of the angels, of the wisdom and of the love of the Holy Ghost, of the Holy Cross, and of our Blessed Lady—are found in the Liturgia Fontavellanensis (Migne, cli. 938).

[268] Binterim (Denkw., v. 270) rejects the view that Alcuin had anything to do with the matter, and considers that the festival was introduced not through him, but through a certain Catulfus at the court of Charlemagne. The well-meant but rather obscure letter of this Catulfus is printed in Migne, xcvi. 1363. Careful consideration of the passage in question shows he is speaking of the honour of the Trinity in general, and not of any festival of the Holy Trinity.

[269] Cf. the so-called Mass of Alcuin (Migne, Patr. Lat., cl. 445). The circumstance that the present preface of the Trinity appears in the Vatican MSS. used by Muratori, and is printed in his Liturgia Rom. Vetus (11, 285, and 321), can easily have given rise to mistakes.

[270] Potho of Prüm (1152) has an interesting remark to which Hospinian draws attention: “Miramur satis, quod visum fuerit hoc tempore quibusdam monasteriis mutare colorem optimum novas quasdam inducendo celebritates.... Quæ igitur ratio hæc festa celebrandi nobis induxcit, festum videlicet s. trinitatis et festum transfigurationis Domini? Additur his a quibusdam, quod magis absurdum videtur, festum conceptionis S. Mariæ” (De Statu Domus Dei lib.; De la Bigne, Magna Bibl. Vet. Patrum, ix. 588). One must make allowances for Potho’s standpoint. He set himself energetically against the monks having the cure of souls or any say in the administration of the Church, as detrimental to their vocation to the contemplative life. On the same grounds, he set himself against all alterations in the rule, and all innovations in the festivals of the Church’s year.

[271] Cap. 2, x. de feriis, 2, 9, § 3.

[272] Baillet (ix. 2, 158) considers this office was then a new one, though based upon one of the three ancient offices. Binterim, 265 seqq., and Bäumer, 298 (where, however, a few statements need correcting) take a different view.

[273] Vita S. Julianæ ab auctore coævo conscr., 1, c. 2, in Acta SS. Boll., April 1, 473-75, with its Prolegg., 442.

[274] The letter of this synod is printed in Binterim, Denkw., v. 1, 276 et seqq. For the original office so far as it is extant, cf. ibid. 284.

[275] The bull “Transiturus” is contained in the Constitution of Clement V. in 1311 (Clementini, 3, 16). It is also in Labbe’s Councils (xi. 1, 817). Cf. Bened. XIV., Institutiones Constit., v. 20, for the procession.

[276] Binterim has brought forth fresh evidence in favour of the fact, which many have questioned (op. cit. 282, and vii. 1, 77).

[277] Hartzheim, Conc. Germ., iii. 699.

[278] Lanfranci, Decreta, sec. 3; Migne, Patr. Lat., cl. 456 et seq. [Cf. Gasquet, Parish Life in Med. England, viii. 171.—Trans.]

[279] Binterim, Denkw., vii. 3, 367 et seqq.; J. Gretser, De Processionibus, 2, 19; Binterim, Geschichte der Konzilien, etc., v. 368. The synod of Cologne in 1452 forbade the Blessed Sacrament to be carried round the church in a monstrance on other days than Corpus Christi (op. cit. vii. 486).

[280] Acta Vetera Eccl. Rotom.; Migne, Patr. Lat., cxlvii. 123.

[281] P. Joerres, Beiträge zur Gesch. des Fronleichnamsfestes; Römische Quartalschrift, 1902, 170 et seq.; Sdralek, Die Strassburger Diözesansynoden, Strassb. theol. Studien, ii. 1, 121.

[282] Hoeynck, Gesch. d. K. Liturgie des Bist. Augsburg, 229 et seq.

[283] Maurel, Ablässe, Paderborn, 1874, 238.

[284] Hoeynck, op. cit. 231. For a description of the Roman use, cf. Migne, Handbuch, 304 et seqq.

[285] The oldest pictorial representation of the Corpus Christi procession is probably that contained in the chronicle of the Council of Constance, by Ulrich of Richental (49 et seqq.). The original MS. is in the Rosgarten Museum at Constance; it is reproduced in No. 158 of the Stuttgart Literar. Verein of 1882 (Photolitographie by H. Bach). It represents the procession as it took place during the council in the year 1415. The monstrance is carried by two ecclesiastics on a sort of small platform.

[286] Cf. Bened. XIV., Institutiones, 30, 206, and the article of P. Norbert, “Ord. Cap.,” in the Katholik for August 1898, 151.

[287] Nilles, De rationibus festorum SS. Cordis Jesu et Pur. Cordis Mariæ libri quattuor, 5th ed., Œniponte, 1885; Nix, art. “Herz Jesu und Mariä” in the Kirchenlexikon, v., 2nd ed., 1921 et seqq.; Bäumer, 525 et seq.

[288] Cassian, Coll. 10, c. 2: “Mos antiqua traditione servatus.”

[289] Usener, i. 1, 320, has investigated the circumstances which attended the introduction of Christmas in different countries, and his conclusions have met with entire recognition from Harnack, Theol. Literaturztg., 1889, 199, et seqq., and from Dom Suitbert Bäumer, Katholik, 1890, i. 1-15. Exception was taken to certain points by Duchesne, Bull. Critique, 1890, No. 3. These circumstances have been already dealt with by Baillet, viii. 582 et seqq.

[290] Epiphanius, Adv. Hær., 2, 1; Hær., 51, c. 16 and 24.

[291] Cf. c. 26, ed. Geyer, 60; ed. Gamurrini, 84.

[292] C. 49, ed. Geyer; ed. Gamurrini, 109.

[293] Lamy, Ephræmi Syri hymni et sermones, i., Mechl., 1882, 10, on the Benedictus, 2, 415. This hymn is translated into German by Zingerle in the Kempten Bibl. d. Kirchenväter, ii. 27.

[294] Cf. Hefele, History of Councils, vi., 1st ed., 504, 575, etc.

[295] Gregor, Naz. Hom. 38 in Theophania; Migne, Patr. Gr., xxxvi.

[296] John, Bishop of Nicea, in Combefis, Hist. Hær. Monoth., Paris, 1648, 306. Baumstark (Oriens Christ., 1902, 441-446) is in favour of the date 398 to 400.

[297] Gregor, Nyss., Or. Fun.; Migne, Patr. Gr., xlvi. 789. Cf. ib., 701 and 725. Basil was dead before 1st January 379.

[298] The date 386 depends upon the order of the sermons referred to. Usener, who places them at unnecessary wide intervals, gives 388, Clinton 387, Combefis, Montfaucon, and Tillemont 386. The period from February to December is ample for the above sermons.

[299] Chrysost., Hom. in Nativ. I. Chr.; Montfaucon, ii. 352; Migne, Patr. Gr., x. 2, 351.

[300] Τὸ ταχέως οὔτω πανταχοῦ περιαγγελθῆναι. Ταχέως does not contradict ἄνωθεν, for Chrysostom distinguishes between the knowledge of the day of Christ’s birth and its solemn celebration. The former had been known for ages in Rome, but the celebration of the festival, on the contrary, had spread rapidly in all directions, and this rapid diffusion of the festival shows in its turn that the 25th December is really the day of Christ’s birth.

[301] Cod. Justin., 3, 12, 6.

[302] Cod. Theod., 2, 8, 27. Cf. the law of the year 425, ib., 15, 5, 5.

[303] Combefis, Hist. Hær. Monoth., 304: Ἐξ ἐκείνου δὲ ἔλαβεν ἀρχὴ ἡ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἐκκλησία τὴν ἡμὲραν τῶν γενεθλίων τοῦ σωτῆρος. Combefis was the first to discuss the question, and his disquisition is excellent, though now forgotten. Cf. Migne, viii. 964-968. Combefis has also collected all the material for the history of Christmas in his Bibl. Patrum Conc., 300 et seq.

[304] Combefis (Hist. Hær. Monoth., 302 and 314, A. 4) considered it suspicious.

[305] Roncalli, Chronica Vetustiora, Introd., xxix.

[306] Bucherius, in its Latinized form.

[307] Jos. Strzygowski, Die Kalenderbilder des Chronographen vom Jahre 354, with 30 plates, Berlin, 1888, published for the Archeological Institute. The rest is to be found in Mon. Germ. Hist. Auctores Antiquissimi, t. ix., vol. i., fasc. i., Berol., 1891. The Natales Cæsarum and the Calendar are printed in the Corp. Inscr. Lat.

[308] Mommsen, Abhandl. der Sächs. Akademie d. Wissensch., 1850, 1, 618. The figure XIII. signifies the Epact. This proves that the 1st January fell on a Saturday, and that B was the dominical letter.

[309] L’Art de vérifier les Dates dep. J. Chr., I. 111.

[310] [This refers to the ancient practice of dating the years of an emperor’s reign, not from the actual date of his accession, but from the New Year’s Day either preceding or following his accession. The years of the emperor’s reign were thus brought into artificial agreement with the calendar year. Numbering the years of the emperor’s reign from the actual date of his accession is, in Mommsen’s phrase, taking them as effektiv.—Trans.]

[311] I have attempted to show how this difference is to be explained in an article in the Innsbr. Zeitschr. für Kath. Theologie, xv. (1891), 519 et seqq.

[312] Vid. [Appendix vi].

[313] St Luke i. 5, 8.

[314] 1 Esdr. vi. 18.

[315] Antiq. vii. 14, 7.

[316] Antiq. vii. 11, 7, 1; 12, 6, 4; 7, 6. 1 Mach. i. 57; iv. 18.

[317] So Lamy (Apparatus Chronol. et Geogr., 61) referring to the Tractate Erachin and Taanit.

[318] Jos., Bell. Jud., 4, 8, 5; 4, 5. According to Ideler (i. 400, 433) Josephus employs the Syro-Macedonian names of the months, not with the intention of adjusting them to the Julian Calendar, but merely as Greek names for the Jewish months.

[319] The attempt to fix the time of Christ’s birth by the help of the course of Abia was undertaken by Scaliger, abandoned as useless by Petavius, resumed by B. Lamy. In modern times, it was resumed by Seyffarth (Chronol. Sacra, Leipsig, 1846, 97 et seqq.), Weigl (Theol. und Chronol. Abhandlungen über das wahre Geburts- und Sterbejahr Christi, Sulzbach, 1848), and Stavars (Tüb. Theol. Quartalschr., 1866, 201 et seq.).

[320] Hieron, Opera, ed. Migne, xi. 220. It is evident from St Jerome’s commentary on Ezechiel that his views on the subject were not those of the preacher of this sermon. The sermon for the 25th December, published by Morin (Anecdota Mareds., iii. 2, 392, et seqq.), agrees with the sermon quoted above.

[321] Clemens Alex., Strom., i., ed. Sylburg, 340.

[322] Cypriani, Opera, ed. Hartel, ii. 266.

[323] Augustin., Sermo 190, 1; 192, 3; 196, 1.

[324] Luke ix. 13 seqq.

[325] Ambr., De Virg., 3, 1; Migne, xvi. 219.

[326] Paulinus, Vita Ambr., c. 4, and his life in the Benedictine edition of his works, c. 7. The chronology of the youthful period of St Ambrose’s life is unfortunately obscure.

[327] Conc. Cathag., iii. can. 4; Bruns, i. 123.

[328] Usener (272 seqq.) starts with the preconceived opinion that Liberius delivered his address on the 6th Jan. 353, and so is of opinion that Christmas was celebrated for the first time in Rome on the 25th Dec. 353. On the other hand, Duchesne (Bull. Crit., 1890, No. 3, p. 41 seq.), having the circumstance in view that the Depositio Episcoporum begins the year with the 27th Dec. and the Depositio Martyrum with the 25th Dec., thinks he has proof for holding that the 27th Dec. for a long time already, indeed even from about 243, had been a marked day in the Church’s Calendar, and, accordingly, that the 25th Dec. had been kept as the Natalis Domini as early as the third century. We leave these points to the reader’s discretion. Christmas was kept in Rome certainly before 353.

[329] Mommsen, Röm. Gesch., v. 481.

[330] Marquardt-Mommsen, Röm. Altert., vi., 2nd. ed., 588.

[331] Hospinian (fol. iii.) and others held that the 25th December was chosen purposely in order to supplant the Saturnalia. But the Saturnalia did not last over the 25th, although Maximus of Turin seems to think it did.

[332] De Orat. Dom., 35.

[333] Sermo, 7, 1, 3; Migne, Patr. Lat., xvii. 614.

[334] Zeno Ver., Tract., 2, 9, 2, calls Christ “Sol noster, sol verus.” Gregor. I., Hom., 29 in Evang., c. 10: “Quis solis nomine nisi Christus designatur?” Prud., Cathem., 11, 1: “Quid est, quod arctum circulum sol jam recurrens deserit?” Gregor. Naz., Orat. in S. lumina, calls Christ the sun.

[335] On the Vigil: “Sidus refulget jam novum”; at Lauds: “Orietur sicut sol salvator mundi”: in the Preface: “Per incarnati Verbi mysterium nova mentis nostræ oculis lux tuæ claritatis infulsit”: on the octave: “Tu lumen et splendor Patris”; in the hymn: “In sole posuit tabernaculum suum”; in the antiphons: “Hodie descendit lux magna in terris. In sole posuit tabernaculum suum,” etc.

[336] Maximus Taur., Hom., 103; Migne, Patr. Lat., lvii. 491.

[337] Peregr. Silv., 82 (59 cod.), ed. Geyer, c. 25.

[338] Peregr. Silv., 84 (60), ed. Geyer, 77. In c. 49, No. 3, the chief festivals are Easter and Epiphany.

[339] In Ezech. 1, 3; Migne, Patr. Lat., xxv. 18, written about A.D. 411.

[340] Cosmas Indicopleustes, ed. Galland. Bibl., xi. 461; Migne, lxxxviii. 198.

[341] So Usener, who quotes a passage from a sermon of Basil of Seleucia. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxxv. 469.

[342] Cosmas, op. cit. 462.

[343] Evangeliarium Hierosol., 482, 494. See Usener, 323, 327.

[344] Combefis, Hist. Hær. Monoth., 314 A, 4.

[345] Peregr. Silv., 84 (60), ed. Geyer, 77.

[346] Gregor Tur., Microl., 1, 88; Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxi. 783.

[347] Combefis, op. cit. 302 E.

[348] Opera, Zenonis Ver., ed. Migne, Patr. Lat., xi. lib. 2, tract 7-9. Lib. i. tract 13 may be spurious.

[349] Sermo 10 de sanctis according to the old enumeration, sermo 220 inter suppos. according to the new.

[350] Peregr. Silv., 84 (60).

[351] See [Append. vii].

[352] Matiscon. 1, can. 9; Turon., 11, can. 27. Cf. Gregor. Tur., Hist. Franc., 10, 31.

[353] Synaxarium of Michael of Atriba, under 15th November.

[354] Gregor. M., Hom. in Evang., 1, 1, 6, 7, and 20. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxvi. 1078 et seqq. Cabrol (Révue Bénéd., 1905, 1, 1), thought he had discovered traces of Advent in the fifth or even in the fourth century. It is best to reserve judgment until clearer evidence is forthcoming.

[355] Muratori, Lit. Rom. Vet., ii. 133-135 and 342-346.

[356] Printed by Gerbert, Lit. Allem., 410-416, which also contains the Evangelarium of Spires, 8th Cent., 417-444, and Kalendarium of Fronteau, 155 et seq.

[357] Amalarius, De Eccl. Off., 3, 40; 4, 30. Abbo, Apolog. Migne, Patr. Lat., cxxxix. 472.

[358] Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxxv. 139. Binterim, Denkw., v. 167.

[359] Thus the Comes Pamelii in Ranke’s supplement and the old lectionaries of Cologne, Treves, and Münster. See Schue, Die bibl. Lesungen, etc., Treves, 1861, 129 et seqq.

[360] Since 1893, the third Sunday after Epiphany has also a special character owing to the Feast of the Holy Family falling on it.

[361] See the critical edition of C. A. Wilson (Oxford, 1894), p. 9.

[362] Augustin., Sermo 198, c. 1. “Vos quasi solemniter hodie convenire conspicimus.”

[363] Turon., 2, can. 17, 22; Antissiod., can. 1.

[364] Tolet., 4 (633), can. 11; Lex Visigoth., ii. tit. i. 12, and xii. 3, 6; Mon. Germ. Leges Sect. 1, tom. i. 1, 59 and 434. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxxi. 478.

[365] Migne, i. 212, col. 70-73 for the text. See Heuser, Kirchenlexikon, iv., 2nd ed., 1395 seqq. The so-called Feast of Asses, about which so much has been written, was a harmless affair. It took its name from semi-theatrical performances inspired by passages of Scripture which happen to mention an ass.

[366] In this document it is called “Natale S. Mariæ.”

[367] Wiegand, 27.

[368] Tractat., 1, 13.

[369] Leo I., Sermo 2 de Epiph. Fulgentius, Sermo. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxv. 732.

[370] Ammianus Marcell., 21, 2.

[371] Clemens Alex., Strom., i. 21, § 45; ed. Potter, 407; Sylburg, 340.

[372] In the edition of Bonwetsch and Achelis, Leipsig, 1897, No. 22, p. 255 et seq., Achelis and others regard it as spurious but without just reason. It is translated by Probst, Lehre und Gebet, 247. Although not a sermon, it was evidently an address delivered to certain individuals. Cf. c. 6 and 9 (ἀγαπητέ and ἄνθρωπε).

[373] Constit Apost., 8, 33; cf. 5, 13.

[374] Seldenius, De Synedriis, iii. 15, 204, 220.

[375] See Gregor. Naz., Orat., 39, c. 2.

[376] Synodus II. S. Patricii., can. 20.

[377] St Matthew ii. 10 seq.

[378] St Matthew ii. 1-12.

[379] Poema, 27; Natal, 9, v. 47 et seqq. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxi. 649.

[380] Sedatus, Hom. de Epiph. Migne, lxxii. 773. Maximus Taur., Hom. 7 in Epiph. Migne, lvii. 271. “Fuerunt enim hodie ... quid potissimum præsenti hoc factum sit die, noverit ipse, qui fecit.”

[381] Augustin., Sermo supposit., 136, c. 1, and the hymn “Illuminans Altissimus,” in Kayser, Hymnen, 2nd ed., 370. See also the article “Feste” by Funk and Krieg in Kraus’s Realenzyklopädie.

[382] This also appears from the fact that some, as Philastrius (De Hær., c. 140) informs us, omitted Epiphany and kept Christmas alone.

[383] Comm. in Ezech., i. 1.

[384] Chrysost., Hom. ad Pop. Ant. de Bapt. Chr., c. 2. Migne, Patr. Gr., xlix. 363 et seq. It appears from this sermon that the Antiochene Christians were in the habit of taking some of the baptismal water home with them, and keeping it for a year without its becoming corrupt.

[385] Augustin., Sermo 202, c. 2.

[386] Cæsaraug., A.D. 380, can. 3. Ammianus Marc., op. cit. Passio S. Philippi Heracleensis in Ruinart, Acta, 440, c. 2.

[387] Epiphanius (Hær., 51, c. 16 and 24), Ephrem, Cassian, etc. See above, [pp. 128 seqq.]

[388] Testam. D. N. Jesu Chr., ed. Rahmani (Mainz, 1899), i. 28; iv. 67, 101. The discussion of the date of this document cannot be entered into here from want of space.

[389] Cod. Theodos., 2, 8, 20, 25; 5, 2; Cod. Justin., 3, 12, 6.

[390] See [Appendix No. viii].

[391] Peregr. Silviæ, 60, ed. Geyer, c. 26: “Quadragesimæ de Epiphania valde cum summo honore hic celebrantur, etc.”

[392] Theophanes, Chronogr., ed. Bonn, 345 ad ann. 534.

[393] Nicephorus, Hist. Eccl., 17, 28: καὶ τὴν τοῦ σωτῆρος ὑπαπάντην ἄρτι πρώτως ἁπανταχοῦ τῆς γῆς ἑορτάζεσθαι τάττει. See Muralt, Chronogr. Byz., St Petersburg, 1855, i. 134.

[394] Sacr. Gelasianum, 2, 8, among the Natalitia Sanctorum. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxiv. 1158. There is no mention of a procession in the Gregorian sacramentary either.

[395] Morcelli, i. 86, 288.

[396] The statement was made by Baronius (ad ann. 534), repeated by Pagi, and, in recent times, by Wissowa (Röm. Staatsverwaltung, iii. 446) and by Usener (332), but rejected by Grisar (Gesch. Roms., i. 455).

[397] Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxviii.

[398] See [Appendix No. ix].

[399] Cabrol (Etude sur la Peregr. Silv., 167 et seqq.) gives a survey of the lections then in use.

[400] Printed by Bianchini, Opera Anast., i. Migne, Patr. Lat., cxxvii. 994. Duchesne, Lib. Pont., I. cxlvi.

[401] Binterim’s statement (Denkw., v. 2, 133-152) is out of date. The article “Fastenzeiten” by Heuser in the Kirchenlexikon, iv., 2nd ed., must be supplemented by the investigations of Dom G. Morin in the Révue Bénédictine, 1897, 336-347—“L’Origine des Quatre-Temps.”

[402] Leo M., Sermo, 19 (18), c. 2.: “Per totius anni circulum distributa sunt (jejunia), ut lex abstinentiæ omnibus sit adscripta temporibus. Siquidem jejunium vernum in quadragesima, æstivum in pentecoste, autumnale in mense septimo, hiemale in hoc qui est decimus celebretur.”

[403] Leo M., Sermo, 16 (15), c. 1, 2; Sermo, 12 (11), c. 3.

[404] Morin (op. cit. 345) quotes passages from the Leonine and Gelasian sacramentaries. See Migne, lv. 153 et seqq.

[405] Concerning the “feriæ conceptivæ” and “sementivæ” of the Romans, see Marquardt-Mommsen, Staatsverwaltung, iii. 198 seqq.

[406] Liber Pont., Callistus: “Hic constituit jejunium die sabbati ter in anno fieri, frumenti, vini et olei secundum prophetiam.” Ed. Duchesne, i. 141.

[407] Leo I., Sermo, 19, c. 2; Sacram. Leon., 101, No. xxvii. Migne, Patr. Lat., liv. 186; lv. 105.

[408] Epist. ad Episc. Luc., c. 11. Migne, lix. 47.

[409] Leo I., Epist. ad Dioscorum Al., c. i. Migne, Patr. Lat., liv. 626.

[410] Migne, cli. 978; c. 24-27.

[411] Morin, Révue Bénédictine, 1897, 338 seqq.

[412] Sermo 2 de Jejun. X. mensis: “Decimi mensis celebrandum esse jejunium, quo pro consummata perceptione omnium frugum dignissime largitori earum Deo continentiæ libamen offertur.”

[413] In Muratori, Lit. Rom. Vet., i. 511, 603; ii. 33, 94, 123, 136.

[414] H. Menard, Notæ et Observ. in Sacr. Greg., in Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxviii. 393.

[415] Sacr. Gelas. Migne, lxxiv. 1069, 1133, 1178 seqq.

[416] Sacr. Gregor. Migne, lxxviii. 59-61, 113-115, 140-142.

[417] Migne, Patr. Lat., xcvii. 124: “Ut jejunium quattuor temporum et ipsi sacerdotes observent et plebi denuntient observandum.” This shows that until then it had not been customary in the Frankish empire.

[418] See Binterim, Gesch. d. d. Prov.- u. Diöz.-Konzilien, ii. 273 seqq.; iii. 517 seqq.

[419] The disagreement arose from the fact that the ancient missals (Sacramentorum libri), only mentioned the month without specifying the week when the Ember fasts were to be observed. See Berno of Reichenau (Migne, Patr. Lat., cxlii. 1097), whose small treatise, composed between 1020 and 1031, deals with the question.

[420] Micrologus, c. 24.

[421] Servius, Comm. on Virgil., Bucol. Eccl., 3, 77.

[422] See examples in Usener, 305 A. 22, 306-345.

[423] Obid., Fasti, 4, 905 seqq., and Fasti Prænest., Corp. Inser. Lat. i. 392. For the “Robigaliæ” see Marquardt-Mommsen, Staatsverwaltung, iii. 574.

[424] Vigilii, Epist. ad Simpl. i.; Migne, Patr. Lat., xiii. 550.

[425] Avitus, Hom. de Rogat. Migne, Patr. Lat., lix. 289. Gregor. Tur., Hist. Franc, 2, 34.

[426] This fact is mentioned by both the biographers of Gregory, Joan. Diac. i. 41-43, and Paul. Diac. c. 10, as well as by Amalarius 4, 24, and Beleth c. 122, etc., but all draw their information from Gregor. Tur., Hist. France, 10, 1. See Baillet ix, 2, 87-103, who also makes use of the designations “Litaniæ Gallicanæ” and “Litaniæ Romanæ.”

[427] These words come from a letter without an address in the appendix to the Register of Gregory the Great. Migne, lxxvii. 1329.

[428] Lib. Pont. ed., Bianchini, ii. 386.

[429] In Spain the litanies were on 10th Sept., 7th Nov., and 15th Dec., according to the lectionary of Silos.

[430] The Martyrium was erected on Golgotha, close to the site of the present Church of the Holy Sepulchre. The Anastasis, built by Constantine, was the larger of the two, and served as the usual place of assembly for the faithful in the fourth century. (Peregr. Silviæ, ed. Geyer, c. 27, 30, 39, 43).

[431] J. P. Kirch, Die Christl. Kultusgeände in Altertum, 34-40.

[432] St Gregory the Great ordered that the Anglo-Saxons should keep the dedication of churches and the natalitia martyrum in the same way as they had previously observed the festivals while they were yet heathen, that is to say by erecting huts of branches and by feasting. (Epist. ii. 76, of the year 601).

[433] For the East, see Johannes Eub., Orat. in Concep. B.M.V., c. 23. Migne, Patr. Gr., xcvi. 1499. For the West, see the Sermons of St Augustine on the “Dedicatio,” Sermo 336-338.

[434] Our informants are Euseb., Vita Constant, 4, 6; Sozomen, Hist. Eccl., 2, 26; 3, 5; Socrates, Hist. Eccl., 2, 6.

[435] Euseb., Hist. Eccl., 10, 3; Ambrose, Ad Marcellinam Epist., 22, 1 (Migne, Patr. Lat., xvi. 1019). Paulinus of Nola, Nat. S. Fel., 9; Poema, 27, 402 seqq. (Migne, lxi. 657); Peregr. Silviæ, as above.

[436] Missale Francorum in Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxii. 328.

[437] Dionys, De Hier. Eccl., 4, 12. See Rahmani, Testam. D.N.I. Chr., 156.

[438] Durandus (Rationale Div. Off. 1, 23; 7, 262) expressly follows the model of the Old Testament.

[439] Muratori, Lit. Rom. Vet. i. 308, 609, 613.

[440] Op. cit. ii. 467-489 and 186.

[441] Gregor., ix. c. 5, x. de feriis 2, 9. See Burchard of Worms, Decr. 2, 77; Ivo of Chartres, Decr., in Migne, Patr. Lat., clxi. 203.

[442] Liber Ordin. of Essen, 62 et seqq.

[443] Binterim (Denkw., v. 1, 303 et seqq.; Conc., v. 91) places this synod in 1308. Hartzheim, Conc. Germ., iv. 106; vi. 498.

[444] Amongst others, Naogeorgius (Kirchmair aus Straubing) poured contempt on the observance of these feasts and the abuses to which they gave rise. Hospinianus, 175.

[445] Dumont, Sammlung Kirchl. Erlasse für d. Erzd. Köhn, 2nd ed., 165, 167.

[446] Remigius, a monk of St Germain, a diligent exegete who lived at the end of the ninth century, attempted to give an allegorical interpretation to the rites observed at the consecration of a church. The custom of writing the letters of the alphabet in Greek and Latin on the floor of the church seems to have presented difficulties to him. He commences his explanation of this rite by the words: “Quæ res puerilis ludus videretur, nisi ab apostolius viris instituta crederetur.” He interprets it as meaning that the Church instructs the unlearned in the elements of faith. His tractate in seven chapters is in Migne, Patr. Lat., cxxxi. 846-866. G. Mercati, however (Studi et Testi, Roma, 1902, 9) attributes it to Ivo of Chartres.

[447] Literature: Lebrun, De Martyrum Natalitiis Diss. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxi. 519, seq. Sollerius, Præf. to the Mart. Usuardi. Migne, cxxiii. 459, seqq. Ruinart, Præf. to the Acta mart. sincera et genuina. Le Blant, Les Actes des Martyrs, in Mémoires de l’Institut, 1888, 57-336.

[448] Passio S. Pionii et Soc., c. 2 in Ruinart, 188.

[449] Digg., 48, tit. 24, No. 3: “Corpora animadversorum quibuslibet petentibus ad sepulturam danda sunt.”

[450] Lib. Pont., ed. Duchesne, i. 52, 128.

[451] Op. cit. 65, 148, Euseb., Hist. Eccl., 6, 45, § 11, also refers to the seven deacons and seven subdeacons of Rome in the third century.

[452] Lib. Pont., I. xcv. 147.

[453] Epist., 12, 2.

[454] Bullettino d. Comm. Arch. Communale di Roma, 1894, 240 seqq.

[455] Ruinart, Acta Sincera, 630, with his Admonitio.

[456] Gregor. Nyss., Vita Greg. Thaum. Migne, Patr. Gr., xlvi. 954.

[457] Sozom., Hist. Eccl., 5, 3.

[458] Maximus Taur., Hom. 81. Migne, Patr. Lat., lvii. 427.

[459] Lib. Pont., Symmachus, c. 9.

[460] [See The Legends of the Saints, Delehaye, translated by Mrs V. M. Crawford (London, 1907), especially chap. iv. Trans.]

[461] Bäumer, Gesch. des Breviers, 456; see also 429, 447.

[462] Regula ad Monachos, ed. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxviii. 396. See also N. Paulus, Martyrologium und Brevier als historische Quellen; Katholik, 1900, i. 355 seqq.

[463] De Gloria Martyrum, c. 48.

[464] Cf. Hist. Eccl., 8, 13.

[465] Muratori, in a valuable work, De Martyrum Natalibus, shows in opposition to Pagi that “natales martyrum” indicates the actual day of their death. The work is printed in Migne, Patr. Lat., lxi. 819-26; Dissert. 19.

[466] De Anima, 51.

[467] Augustin., Epist. 288. Gregor. Tur., De Gloria Conf., 104.

[468] See the fourth canon of the Council of Valentia in A.D. 524.

[469] Edited by Baluzius, Capitul. Reg. Franc., Appendix. Also in Migne, Patr. Lat., xcix. 633. Other formulæ of the Carolingian period are given in Migne, cxxxviii. 885-902.

[470] This branch of hagiography has been carefully dealt with by Baillet. The entire first volume of his great work, Les Vies des Saints, is devoted to Old Testament Saints, more than a hundred in number, and to the history of their cultus.

[471] E. A. Kneller, in order to explain the choice of the 24th for the 25th June, draws attention to the way in which the ancient Roman Calendars were written, i.e. viii. Kal. Jan. = 25th December; viii. Kal. Jul. = 24th July (Innsbr. Zeitschr. für kath. Theol., 1901, 527).

[472] Agath. Can. 31, 63.

[473] Ivo Carn., Decretum, 4, 14. Migne, Patr. Lat., clxi. 266.

[474] According to St Augustine (sermo 292, c. i.) it was “traditione majorum receptum.”

[475] Morcelli, Menol. Const., ii. 13 seq. No less than fifteen churches and chapels were dedicated to St John the Baptist in Constantinople.

[476] Josephus, Antt., 18, 5, 2.

[477] Tillemont, Mém., i. 44; vii. 163.

[478] Seldenius, De Synedriis, iii. 220-47.

[479] Dionysius Exiguus translated this account into Latin (Migne, Patr. Lat., lxvii. 418). See also Tillemont, Mém., i. 44; vii. 163. Morcelli, Menol. Const., i. 167; ii. 65, 222. Baillet, iv. 825 seqq.; vi. 291 seqq. Du Cange, Traité du Chef de S. J. B. (Paris, 1665), wrote against the trustworthiness of Marcellus. The chronology of the Paschal Chronicle was corrected by Du Cange and Pagi. See Rauschen, Jahrbücher d. Theol., 356 A.

[480] Nilles, i., 2nd ed., 111.

[481] Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxviii. 120, 394.

[482] Pseudo-Alcuin, De off. Eccl., c. 30.

[483] Ordo Rom. XI., c. 66. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxviii. 1050. There is not sufficient evidence to support Binterim’s view (Denkw., v. 379) that the procession to the Baptistry proves that solemn baptism was administered at Rome on the 24th June.

[484] Sermo 287-93. In Sermo 292, c. 1, appears the passage quoted on page.... “Hoc majorum traditione suscepimus, etc.”

[485] A town of Gamala was situated on the eastern shore of the Lake Genesareth, on a mountain. Josephus, Bello Jud., 4, 1, 1-7; Antt., 18, 1, 1, etc. Nothing is known of the village of Gamala near Jerusalem.

[486] For the fullest account of the particulars, see Hydatius, Chron. (Roncalli, ii. 99), “Honorio X. et Theodosio VI. Conss.” With this date agrees Marcellinus (op. cit., ii. 279), but not the Chron. Breve. (op. cit., ii. 259) or Theophanes, Chrongr., ed. Bonn, i. 133.

[487] Gennadius, De Script. Eccl., 46, 47. The writings relating to the “Inventio S. Stephani” are in Latin. The translation is printed in Migne, xli., Opera S. Augustini VII., 805-54.

[488] Augustin., Sermo, 316, 320-24; Civ. Dei, 22, c. 8.

[489] Theophanes, Chrongr., ad ann. 420.

[490] Muralt, Chron. Byz., i. 48.

[491] As, for example, to Antoninus. See Geyer, Itinera Hierosol., 176.

[492] Codinus, ii.

[493] The Syrian list of Abul Barakat gives for the date of St Stephen’s death the 12th Sept. A.D. 37, and for the date of the first discovery of his relics the 27th Dec. A.D. 40. Chr. IV. Caji. Baumstark, Oriens Christ., i. 266.

[494] Grisar, Gesch. Roms und der Päpste, i. 194 seqq.

[495] See the Calendars in Seldenius, op. cit.; also the Synaxaria in Mai, Bibl. Vet. Patr., iv.

[496] Usener, Der hl. Theodosius, Leipsig, 1890, 38, 144.

[497] Julian of Toledo in the Vita S. Ildephonsi Tol., c. 6. Migne, Patr. Lat., xcvi. 46.

[498] It is printed in Migne, Patr. Lat., cxxi. 798, from Pamelius Liturgica Lat., Col. Agr. 1571, tit. ii. 70. [See also an article in the Dublin Review, vol. cxv., on “The Earliest Roman Mass-book,” by Mr Edmund Bishop.—Tr.]

[499] Liber Pont., Sergius, No. 86.

[500] In the calendar of Sonnatius of Reims (quoted on [p. 21]), dating from ten or twenty years after Gregory the Great, these three feasts are already mentioned.

[501] There are, however, among the sermons of Peter Chrysologus, three (140, 142, and 143) entitled “de annuntiatione,” but of these No. 140 contains no allusion to a festival of our Blessed Lady, and the two others belong to Christmas.

[502] St Thomassin, 409. See Migne, Patr. Lat., cxxxv. 406. Fulbert, however, speaks of the feast as of recent institution. Sermo, 4. Migne, cxli. 320 seqq.

[503] Migne, Patr. Gr., xcvii. 806 seqq.

[504] So in the passage from the Liber Pontificalis quoted above and in the Kalend. Fronteau. Bede calls it the “Annuntiatio Dominica.” The Greek name for the feast is Εὐαγγελισμός τῆς ἁγίας θεοτόκου.

[505] Chron. Pasch. Olymp., 351, ed. Bonn, i. 713.

[506] Petrus Chrys., Sermo, 140, 142, ed. Migne, Patr. Lat., lii. Among the spurious sermons of Leo the Great is one which is believed to be a translation of a discourse of Proclus, Sermo 15. See the note of Ballerini in Migne, Patr Lat., liv. 508. Proclus, Orat. I. Migne, Patr. Gr., lxv. 679.

[507] Radulfus Glaber, Hist., 3, 3.

[508] Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxxv. 170, 734.

[509] Holweck, 292. When the 25th March falls on one of the three last days in Holy Week or Easter Week, it must be translated. Binterim (Denkw., v. 356) gives several historical references concerning this.

[510] Proclus, Oratio III., c. 2. When we find in collections of sermons (e.g. Combefis, Bibl. Conc.), some by the Fathers, such as Origen, St Ambrose, St Athanasius, etc., ascribed to the feasts of our Lady, we must not jump to the conclusion that these feasts were observed at the period when the authors of these sermons lived. These reputed sermons are only homilies on texts which suit the feast in question, and on this account have been inserted into the collection.

[511] Epiph., Hær., 79, c. 11: “I say not she did not die, yet I am not certain that she did die.”

[512] Vetter, Tüb. Theol. Quartalschr., 1887, 133 seqq. The letter is also given in the treatise by Nirschl, Das Grab der heiligen Jungfrau Maria, Mainz, 1896, 80 seqq.

[513] Transitus Mariæ in Tischendorf, Apocal. Apocr., Lips., 1866, 114.

[514] We have three sermons of John on the Assumption (Migne, Patr. Gr., xcvi.), one of Modestus, patriarch of Jerusalem (Migne, Patr. Gr., lxxxvi. pars 2), three of Andrew of Crete, who, before becoming bishop, was a monk in Palestine (Migne, Patr. Gr., xcvii., oratio 12-14), and three of Germanus (Migne, Patr. Gr., xcviii. 339-72).

[515] De Gloria Mart., i. 4.

[516] Nicephorus, Hist. Eccl., 17, 28.

[517] Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxii. 225. See also Mabillon’s note in the same col., 475.

[518] In the Martyr. Luccense of Fiorentini, on the 22nd January: “Depositio B. Mariæ Matris D. N. J. C.”

[519] Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxx. 446. In Harduin (iii. 2946) it is so named.

[520] H. Jürgens, Die kirchl. Uberlieferung von der leibl. Aufnahme Mariens in den Himmel: Innsbr. Zeitschr. für kath. Theol., 1880, 595-650.

[521] Wüstenfeld, Synaxarium of Bishop Michael of Atriba and Malidsch, 251. Mai, Script. Vet. Nova Collectio, iv. 1. 5. Seldenius, De Synedriis, iii. c. 15, 320 seqq.

[522] A form for the blessing of the fruits of the field appears in the Ritual of Augsburg, 1487. See Raich, Katkolik, 1901, ii. 144. Franz, Das Ritual von St Florian aus dem 12. Jahrhundert; Freiburg, 1904.

[523] Baillet (viii. 434-441) and Benedict XIV. (De festis, c. 184-210) collected materials for this purpose.

[524] The Emperor Leo VI., the Philosopher (896-903), spread the observance of the feast. Passaglia relied (iii. 1750) on a speech of his preserved in the Sforza library in Rome. It does not appear among the speeches of this Emperor printed in Migne, Patr. Gr., cvii.

[525] Εἰ καὶ μὴ παρὰ τοῖς πᾶσι γνωρίζεται, c. 23. Migne, Patr. Gr., xcvi. 1499. Observe the article with πᾶσιν. Οἱ παντες means all collectively, i.e. the whole community or church.

[526] For the so-called Typicum S. Sabæ, See [Appendix xi].

[527] It is the first among his sermons. Migne, Patr. Gr., c. 1353.

[528] The change from the 9th Dec., the date of the festival among the Greeks, to the 8th, is probably to be explained by the fact that in the Roman Calendar vi., Idus Dec. corresponds to the vi. Idus Sept., the date of our Lady’s Nativity, while the 9th Dec. is written v. Idus Dec.

[529] [The feast was, however, observed in England before the Norman Conquest. The evidence for this is given by Mr Edmund Bishop in his tract, On the Origins of the Feast of the Conception of the Bl. V. M., London, Burns & Oates, 1904. From this the following is taken: (1) Calendar contained in Cotton MS. Titus D., xxvii., has the entry in the original hand at 8th Dec: “Conceptio sancte Dei genitricis Mariæ.” This MS. was written in the New Minster, Winchester, under Abbot Aelfwin (1034-57). (2) Calendar of the Old Minster, Winchester (Cotton MS., Vitellius E., xviii.), has the same entry. The MS. is attributed by Hicks to or about 1030. (3) Add. MS., 28, 188, a pontifical and benedictional of the eleventh century probably written for Bp. Leofric (1046-72), and “distinctly pre-Norman.” In this, fol. 161, is a “Benedictio in Conceptione Sancte Mariæ.” (4) Harl. MS. 2892, also a pontifical and benedictional written for Canterbury in the first half of the eleventh century (to judge from the handwriting); a similar benediction occurs, ff. 189-90. (5) To these, in a letter to the translator, Mr Bishop adds: I. In the Leofric Missal, among the Masses added to the book by Bp. Leofric, is a Mass for the feast of the Conception (p. 268); II. In a Worcester Calendar of about 1064, and written therefore under St Wulstan and before the conquest, the feast of the Conception is entered at 8th Dec. Trans.]

[530] See [Appendix x].

[531] Two accounts of Elsinus are found among the spurious writings of St Anselm (Migne, Patr. Lat., clix. 319-326). Three others have recently been published by Thurston & Slater, Eadmeri Mon. Cant. Tractatus de Conceptione S. Mariæ, 88-98. Another by Lechler, Mittelalterl. Kirchenfeste, 92 et seq.

[532] E.g. in the Roman Breviary of 1473 (Univ. Bibl., Freiburg i. Br.), in the Breviary of Sitten of 1493, National Mus., Zurich, and in that of Constance of 1509.

[533] Gerberon in the introduction to Anselm’s works. Migne, Patr. Lat., clviii. 43 et seq.

[534] Osbert’s letters were first published along with those of Herbert de Losinga by Robt. Anstruther (Brussels, 1846), unfortunately very imperfectly. Lately they are given by Thurston and Slater, op. cit., 53 et seq.

[535] Osbert de Clara in Thurston and Slater, App. B. 60 et seq.

[536] [Mr Bishop, op. cit., 30, 31, says the Normans probably treated the celebration of this feast by the English with contempt, as “a product of insular simplicity and ignorance.” Its public celebration was discontinued most probably at Winchester and Canterbury, but “it did not die out of the hearts of individuals.”—Trans.]

[537] Osbert, Epist. i. op. cit. 55. “Et in hoc regno et in transmarinis partibus a nonnullis episcopis et abbatibus in ecclesiis Dei instituta est illius diei recordatio.” That the feast was introduced “in hoc regno,” i.e. England, by abbots but not by bishops, is clear from Osbert’s second letter, and from other evidence; and, therefore, his remark is true only of Normandy. Of the one English bishop whom he names as in favour of the feast, he can only say he was “de his sufficienter instructus” (op. cit. 58). Osbert has no knowledge of his having introduced the feast. By “transmarinæ partes,” British chroniclers of that period always mean Normandy and Brittany.

[538] Matthæus Paris. ad ann., 1228, Chron. maj. 3, 161.

[539] Wilhelm. Malmsbur., Gesta Reg. Angl. 4, 338. Migne, Patr. Lat., clxxix., 1290. Eadmer., Hist. Nov., Præf. et passim. Migne, clix. 347.

[540] This appears from a decree of Bishop Walter of Rouen in 1207, printed in the collection of Bigot in Migne, Patr. Lat., ccvii. 1179. Walter had withheld certain endowments which his predecessor Rotricus appointed for the metropolitan chapter on certain festivals. These he now restored. Vacandard (Les origines de la Fête d. C. Imm.: Révue des Questions Hist., 1897, 166) was unacquainted with this decree, else he would have arrived at a different conclusion. Moreover he himself brings forward proof that the feast was celebrated during the twelfth century in Jumièges and St Owen, but not until the thirteenth century at Fécamp.

[541] Syn. Rotom. of 1189, can. 1. Migne, Patr. Lat., ccvii. 1180.

[542] Henricus a Gandavo, Quæst. quodlib., 15 qu. 13 fol., 584 B.: “Normanni, in quorum territorio dicitur hujusmodi revelatio facta fuisse, præ ceteris populis illam conceptionem praccipue celebrant.” Again, fol. 385 A., it is twice called “festum quod a Normannis celebratur.” It would appear from this that the Normans before 1260 were still the only people who kept the feast.

[543] This legend must have enjoyed a wide circulation, since the Greek Breviary finds it necessary to attack it. See the edition of Constantinople, 1843, 77.

[544] Passaglia (De Imm. Conc., iii. 1755 seqq.) is not at all shaken in his opinion by the fact that Mabillion, as he himself admits, has shown the falsified life was not written by Ildefonsus, Acta Ord. S. Bened., ii. 521. The title “conceptio S.V.M. Genitricis Domini” refers to Christmas. It is an altogether absurd idea that the Jews in the seventh century joined in the celebration of the 8th December. Unfortunately Schwane (Dogmengesch., iii. 414) has copied Passaglia’s mistake.

[545] Leslæus, Miss. Mixtum. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxxv. 933 A.

[546] Passaglia (op. cit., iii. 1760) relies on a deed of gift of 1047, in which occurs the expression “Conceptio Immac.,” at that period unknown—a clear proof of falsification. The document comes from Antonio Dragoni, an industrious fabricator. See Sickel, Acta Regum, etc., i. 23.

[547] Sicardus, Mitrale, c. 43. Migne, Patr. Lat., ccxviii.

[548] Petrus Cell., ad Nicolaum Mon. Epist., 2, 171. Migne, Patr. Lat., ccii. 614.

[549] See Beleth, Rationale Div. Off., c. 146. Sicardus, Mitrale, c. 43. Durandus, Mim. Rationale, also does not know of the feast.

[550] Bernard., Epist., 171. Vacandard would like to place this letter before 1128, but this is out of the question.

[551] Bernard., Epist., 184.

[552] Mansi, Conc., xxiii. 764. Chevalier, Bibl. Lit., 7.

[553] Wadding, Annales Minorum.

[554] Thomas, S. Theol., 3 q. 27, art. 2.

[555] Schwane, Dogmengesch., iii. 418.

[556] Binterim, Konzil., vi. 536, A. I.

[557] Schaten, Annal. Pad., ad ann. 1343.

[558] Passaglia, De Imm. Conc., iii. 1767. Binterim, Denkw., v. 1, 302 seq.

[559] Binterim and Mooren, Die Erzdiözese Köln I., Düsseldorf, 1892, 538. Würdtwein, Diplomat Magunt., i., Mainz, 1788, 131, No. 69. Urkunde des Klosters Jechaburg in Thüringen, see Falk, Katholik, 1903, 1.

[560] The 2nd Canon of this synod of Canterbury runs:—“Venerabilis Anselmi, prædecessoris nostri, qui post alia quædam B.M.V. antiquiora sollemnia Conceptionis festum superaddere dignum duxit, vestigiis inhærentes, statuimus, etc.” On the one hand the synod does not say that Anselm had actually introduced the feast, and, on the other, the words are too plain to allow of us thinking, with some recent writers, that the synod confused the uncle and the nephew. One cannot charge it with ignorance of this kind. See Hardouin, Conc., vii. 1538; Labbe-Cossart, Conc., ix. 2478.

[561] Hardouin, Conc., viii. 1266. Schwane, Dogmengesch., iii. 427.

[562] Nat. Alexander., Hist. Eccl., 8, 546, ed. Paris, 1627. Labbe-Cossart, Conc., viii. 1403.

[563] The feast was kept with special devotion by the Carmelite nuns in their church in Rome. Under Innocent VIII. the order of the Conceptio B.M.V. for women was also instituted in Rome. Passaglia, De Imm. Conc., iii. 1776.

[564] Passaglia, op. cit., 1777, and, after him, Tappehorn, Predigtentwürfe, ii. 9, give the date incorrectly as 1476.

[565] Ferraris, Prompta Bibl., 3, 379.

[566] Passaglia, op. cit., iii. 1788; Constitution of 10th November 1644: “In his quæ per.”

[567] From 1477-1854 is scarcely four hundred years.

[568] Benedict XIV., De Festis., 2, 152.

[569] Eusebius, De Nom. Hebr. Migne, Patr. Gr., xxiii. 789.

[570] See the excellent article by J. B. Kraus in the first ed. of the Kirchenlexikons, with the additions of Schrod in the 2nd ed. For special treatises, see Benedict XIV., Commentarius de Festis B.M.V., and for a more modern work, Holweck, Fasti Mariani, Freiburg, 1892.

[571] Protoevangelium, 7. Evang. de Nativitate Mariæ, 6. See Tappehorn, Ausserbibl. Nachrichten oder die Apokryphen, 25.

[572] Morcelli, i. 287. The title runs, τὰ εἰς τὸν ναὸν εἰσοδὶα τῆς Θεομητέρος. J. B. Kraus (Kirchenlex., vi., 1st ed., 884) states it was observed in Constantinople in 730, on the authority of Simeon Metaphrastes, without giving the passages. Alt (p. 52) and others have copied from him, also without citing the passages. The statement is very improbable, for in 725 the Iconoclastic controversy had broken out, rendering its introduction unlikely. It might be considered probable if the homily of Tarasius, De Præsentatione B.M.V., were genuine. Morcelli (ii. 250) considers it spurious. The feast is also not included in the Menologium of Constantinople.

[573] “Depositio,” κατάθεσις, etc., is the actual name of the feast in the Calendars, and in the older menologies it is called “ἡ σορὸς τῶν βλαχένων Σορός.” Arca or loculus is the wooden coffin in which Mary is said to have been originally placed in Jerusalem, and which was brought to Constantinople under Marcian. Morcelli, ii. 151. Muralt, Chronogr. Byz., i. 83.

[574] Binterim, Denkw., v. 407.

[575] Constit. synodica Odonis Episc. Par. Mansi, Conc., xxii. 681, No. 10.

[576] Mansi, op. cit., 1108, i. 4. Binterim, Konzilien, iv. 480; Denkw., vii. 1, 98-129. Th. Esser, Gesch. des Engl. Grusses; Histor. Jahrbuch, 1884, 92. [For the use of the Angelic Salutation in England, see Fr. Bridgett, C. SS. R., “Our Lady’s Dowry,” chap. iv. Trans.]

[577] [For questions connected with the history of the rosary, see a series of articles in vols. 96 and 97 of The Month, by Fr. Herbert Thurston, S.J.; also, Unserer Lieben Frauen Rosenkrantz, by Fr. Th. Esser, O.P., Paderborn, 1889. Trans.]

[578] Holzapfel, S. Dominicus und der Rosenkranz, Munich, 1903.

[579] The originators of this form of prayer were Dominic of Prussia and Adolf of Essen, two monks of the Charterhouse in Treves in the fifteenth century. Th. Esser, Beitrag zur Gesch. des Rosenkranzes, Katholik, 1897, ii. 409 seqq., and 1904, ii. 98 seqq.

[580] There is historical proof for the existence of confraternities of the Holy Rosary in the second half of the fifteenth century. That founded in Cologne in 1474 by Prior Jacob Sprenger, O.P., was celebrated. Th. Esser, U.L. Fr. Rosenkranz, Paderborn, 1889, 289. It was confirmed by Sixtus IV. in 1478. Kirchenlexikon, x., 2nd ed. 1281.

[581] Kirchenlexikon, viii. 2nd ed. 818; Brev. Rom. Dom i., Oct. lectio 7-9. On the 5th August takes place the local feast of Our Lady of the Snows, “Maria ad Nives,” in the basilica of Sta. Maria Maggiore in Rome. As the office has been incorporated in the Breviary, a short account of it may be justified in this place. Pope Liberius erected a basilica on the Esquiline, on the site of Livia’s market, which was called after him “Liberiana.” In the next century, Sixtus III. restored the church and changed its title, dedicating it to the Mother of God (Lib. Pont., Liberius, No. 52, Xystus III., No. 63). From henceforth it was known as “Basilica S. Mariæ,” at the present day, Sta. Maria Maggiore. The miracle of the snow is not mentioned in any of the original documents, but only in mediæval writings. The 5th August may have been the day of the dedication of the basilica. See Grisar, Gesch. Roms., i. 153 A. 1. The legend of the translation of the Holy House of Loreto (10th Dec.) will not stand historical investigation. According to trustworthy accounts, pilgrims to Nazareth already in the eighth century found the holy house there no longer, but only a church on the site where it had stood. Adamnan, De Locis Sanctis, 2, 26; Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxxviii. 304. Antoninus Plac., Itinerarium, c. 5, in Geyser, Itinerarium Hieros., 161, 197; Nicephorus Call., (Hist. Eccl., 8, 30), names Helena as the foundress of the church built on the spot where the house of the Anunnciation had stood. See L. de Feis, La Santa Casa di Loreto ed il Santuario di Nazareth, Florence, 1904.

[For Our Lady’s feasts as observed in England, see Fr. Bridgett, op. cit., chap. vi. For what may be urged in favour of the Holy House of Loreto, see an article by the Rev. G. E. Phillips, S.J., in the Ushaw Magazine, March 1908. Trans.]

[582] Pfülf, Die Verehrung des hl. Joseph in der Geschichte, in Stimmen aus Maria-Laach, xxxviii (1890), 117, et seqq. Révue Bénédictine, xiv. 1897, 106 seqq., 145 seqq., 203 seqq. Le Développement Hist. du Culte de St Joseph.

[583] De Syn., iii. c. 15, 220 et seqq.

[584] Script. Vet. Nova Coll., iv. 15, et seqq.

[585] “In Antioch. natalis Josephi,” Codex Epternac.

[586] Printed in the Analecta Bolland., i. 19.

[587] Révue Bénédictine, xiv. (1897) iii. seqq. and 145 seqq.

[588] Ib., 145 seqq.

[589] Panvinius Vita Sixti IV., in the continuation to Platina.

[590] Grotefend, Handbuch der Chronol., ii. passim.

[591] Procopius, De Ædif., i. 3.

[592] De Hær., 79.

[593] Panvinius, op. cit.

[594] See the article “Anna” by Schegg, and “Joachim” by Jocham in the Kirchenlexikon, 2nd ed., i. and vi. Trithemius wrote a tract on the worship of St Anne in 1484.

[595] Baillet, v. 363.

[596] Migne, Patr. Lat., cxxix. 1023; Sermo de S. Matth., Acta SS. Boll., 3 Febr. 487.

[597] Opera S. Leonis I.; Migne, Patr. Lat., lv. 57; lxxiv. 1168 under No. 33.

[598] Beleth, Rationale Div. Off. c. 124; Migne, Patr. Lat., ccii. 131.

[599] Socr., Hist. Eccl., i. 16: μνήμη τῶν ἀποστόλων.

[600] Euseb., Vita Const., 4, 71.

[601] Theophanes, Nicephorus, etc. Muralt, Chron. Byz., i. 197.

[602] Edited in Greek by Usener in the Bonn Lektionskatalog for 1877.

[603] Duchesne, Origines, 255.

[604] Gregor, Nyss. Opera; Migne, Patr. Gr., xlvi. 725, 787.

[605] Ambros., De Virg. c. 19, No. 124: “Dies factus est Petrus, dies Paulus ideoque hodie natali eorum Spiritus Sanctus increpuit dicens, etc.” Migne, Patr. Lat., xvi. 299.

[606] Hom., 68-73 and Sermo, 66-69; Migne, Patr. Lat., lvii.

[607] Augustin., Sermo, 295, c. 8; 296, c. 1.

[608] See my article “Petrus und Paulus” in the Katholik, 1887, i. 11-39.

[609] Chrysostom, Opera, ed. Montfaucon, ii. 1.

[610] Prudentius, Perist., 12, 2: “Romam per omnem cursitant orantque;” v. 52: “Aspice per bifidas plebs Romula funditur plateas,” and especially v. 63: “Transtiberina prius solvit sacra pervigil sacerdos, Mox huc recurrit duplicatque vota.”

[611] Sermo, 84, al. 81 of Leo the Great is entitled: In Octavis SS. apostolorum. See Amalarius, De Off. Eccl., 3, 36.

[612] Hist. Eccl., 2, 16, ed. Vales, 518. Theophanes, ad an. 492.

[613] Among the Calendars published by Seldenius (De Synedriis III., c. 15) one contains it, another on 27th June has “Planctus Pauli” (see p. 212), and the third (p. 241) has another martyr called Basamon. Binterim is mistaken in thinking the feast is absent from no ancient Calendar (Denkw., v. 383).

[614] Eudocia lived as a widow at Jerusalem, 450-455, and died there. She had previously visited Jerusalem in 438. Muralt, Chron. Byz., i. 47, 68.

[615] A priest of this church, called Philip, was papal legate at the Council of Ephesus.

[616] De Rossi, Inscr. Chr., ii. 1, 110, 134, 164. Grisar, Gesch. Roms., i. 172, pt. I. Other witnesses for the existence of St Peter’s chain at Rome are Arator, Acta Apost., i. 1067; Justinian, Epist., in Labbe-Cossart, iv. 1416; Gregor M., Epist., i. 30, ix. 122, xi. 53, etc.

[617] Sigebert of Gemblours mentions the event ad ann. 969. Migne, Patr. Lat., clx. 191.

[618] It is not in the Kalendarium Gothicum, the Neapolitan Calendar, nor in that of Charlemagne belonging to 781 (ed. Piper), nor in the Greek menologies of Basil and Constantinople.

[619] Römische Quartalschrift, 1901, 244 seqq. Ranke is much mistaken in thinking that Bede celebrated the conversion of St Paul “in the ancient manner” on 30th June. See Beda, Martyrol., ed. Migne, Patr. Lat., xciv. 962.

[620] Hieron. De Vir. Ill., c. 7, Chron. Pasch. The Fasti Idat. and Theod. Lector (Hist. Eccl., 2, 61) agree in giving the 3rd March as the date.

[621] Edited by Usener from a Parisian MS. of the ninth to twelfth century, in Anal. Boll., xiii. 373-78. See the author’s art., “Zur Gesch. des Aposels Andreas,” in the Katholik, 1906, vol. iii.

[622] Printed by Mombritius & Surius in Latin only. C. Chr. Woog (Lips., 1749) published the Greek text. Morcelli, Menol. Const., i. 245, and Tischendorf, Acta Apost. Apocr., Lips., 1861, 105 seqq. The πράξεις τοῦ Ἀνδρέου καὶ Ματθεία (op. cit., 432 seqq.) are full of childish legends.

[623] Passio S. Artemii auctore Johanne mon., c. 16. Migne, Patr. Gr., xcvi., 1266. Paulinus Nol., Poema, 19, 33. See also the Enconium S. Lucæ, printed for the first time in the August number of the Jahrbuch für protest. Theologie for 1890, by Ph. Meyer, and Abu’l Barakat, Oriens Chr., Rome, 1902, 337, No. 6. Tüb. Quartalsch., 1905, 596 et seqq.

[624] See the Calendar in Seldenius, De Synedriis Hebr., and that given by Mai.

[625] Venantius Fort., Carmina, 8, 6. See Kirchenlexikon, iii., 2nd ed., 774, art. “Compostela,” by Hefele.

[626] Notker Balbulus, ad VIII. Kal. Aug., says: “Iussu Herodis regis decollatus est Hierosolymis.... Hujus ossa ad Hispanias translata.” Migne, Patr. Lat., cxxxi. 1125.

[627] Pope Innocent I. flatly denies that any apostle had founded the Church of Spain. Epist. ad Decentium, 25, c. 2: “Aut legant, si in his provinciis alius apostolorum invenitur, etc.” Migne, Patr. Lat., xx. 552.

[628] Edited by Duchesne in Acta SS. Nov., vol. ii., pars. 1, 96.

[629] [And also on the 25th May.—Trans.]

[630] Hieron., De Vir. Ill., c. 2.

[631] For the proof of this, see the Author’s art. in the Katholik, 1887, i. 23.

[632] Morcelli, i. 168. He can only produce as evidence the Calendars of Reichenau and Rheinau, but they are sufficient for his purpose.

[633] The Hieronymianum at least says so on the 27th December: “Adsumptio S. Johannis Evangelistæ apud Ephesum et ordinatio episcopatus S. Jacobi fratris Domini qui ab apostolis primus ex Judaeis Hierosolymis episcopus est ordinatus.”

[634] Theodosius (530 circ.), De Situ Terræ Sanctæ, ed. Vindob., 1898, 142, 174. Venantius Fort., Carmina, 8, 6.

[635] So the Chronographer of 354. The Hieronymianum in its oldest recension (Weissenburg) has the entry: “In Africa natalis S. Philippi Apostoli, Jacobi, Quintiani, etc.” The recensions of Echternach and Metz have: “Natalis SS. Apostolorum Philippi et Jacobi,” and the incorrect addition in Africa is transferred to another place.

[636] Liber Pont., ed. Duchesne, i. 303, 306, note 2.

[637] Morcelli, ii. 97, gives more particulars. The name Manna implies that the substance was white—probably the salt which gathers upon walls.

[638] Op. cit., i. 167 et seq.

[639] Baumstark, Röm. Quartalschrift., 1899, 314.

[640] There is no explanation of the entry on the 24th June, “VIII. Kal. Jul. Natalis dormitionis S. Joannis Apost. et Evang. in Epheso.” The view of those who ascribed the death of a martyr to St John on the grounds of St Mark x. 39 has never found much support. See Schanz, Kommentar zu Joh., 332.

[641] De Præser., c. 36.

[642] Abdias, De Historia Certaminis Apostolorum Libri X., Gutschmid (Kleine Schriften, ii. 364-372), considers the author of the Acta Simonis et Judæ contained in this history is familiar with Persian customs and lived in the ante-Nicene period. Gutschmid adds that both apostles preached in Armenia, A.D. 39-47, which was then subject to Persia, and fancies he can discover allusions to the civil war waged by the two Persian kings, Vardanes and Gotarzes. In the history Vardanes was favourable to Greek customs and had been visited by Apollonius of Tyana.

[643] Suana is mentioned by Claud. Ptolem., 5, 13, § 119, as situated in Greater Armenia. The Suani were a Caucasian tribe. See Muralt, Chron. Byz., i. 85, 150, 211, 218, 250.

[644] Chron. Pasch., ed. Bonn, 471; see also 432, and Cal. Calcasendi in Seldenius.

[645] Card. Rampolla, De Authentico Rom. Pontificis Magisterio, in La Papauté et les Peuples, ii., Paris, 1900, 8-48. Andries, Cathedra Romana, etc., Mainz, 1872. Kellner, Verfassung Lehramt u. Unfehlbarkeit d. Kirche, Kempten, 1873.

[646] Benedict XIV. (Opera ined. Heiner, 65-67) deals with the question whether the feast commemorates St Peter’s ordination, or the day of his arrival in Rome, or the foundation of the Roman Church, etc. His history of the feast is based upon antiquated material, and the greater part of the treatise is occupied with the proof that St Peter had visited Rome.

[647] Marquardt Mommsen, Röm. Staatsverwaltung, iii., 2nd ed., 311 seqq.

[648] Such exclamations as “Bene vos! Bene te patriæ pater, Optime Cæsar!” were common. Ovid, Fasti, 2, 616-638. Valerius Max., 2, 1, 8. Martial., 9, 54. Bonghi, Die römischen Feste, translated by Ruhemunn, Vienna, 1892, 41.

[649] Tertullian., De Idol., c. 10.

[650] Augustin., Sermo, 190, 191; Opera, v.

[651] See the second Council of Tours, A.D. 567, can. 22.

[652] Rationale div. off., c. 83. Migne, Patr. Lat., ccii. 87.

[653] Greg. I., Epist. ad Mellitum, 11, 76 al.; 9, 71. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxvii. 1215. Statements to the same effect are found in Augustin., Epist., 47; Theodoret, De Græc. aff. cur., 8; Sidonius Ap., Epist., 4, 15.

[654] Edited by Henschen, Acta SS. Boll. Junii VII.; Migne, Patr. Lat., xiii.; and recently by Mommsen in the Corpus Inscr. Lat., tit. i.

[655] The bishops of Sedunum attended the Councils of Maçon, and belonged, at a later date, to the province of the Tarantaise. Wiltsch, Kirchl. Geographie u. Statistik, i. 323, 355.

[656] Mabillon, De Lit. Gall., ii. 23. Migne, lxxii. 182; see also 472, and Duchesne, Origines du Culte Chrétien, 266 et seq.

[657] Spicilegium, t. ii.; see infra, [p. 401].

[658] Ranke, VI. xxx.

[659] According to the edition of De Rossi and Duchesne in the Acta SS. Boll., we find on the 20th Jan., XV. Kal. Febr., in the Weissenburg Codex: “Dedicatio Cathedra (sic) S. Petri Apostoli, qua primo Romæ Petrus Apostolus sedit.” Epternach Codex: “Depositio S. Mariæ et Cathedra Petri in Roma.” The Bern Codex is imperfect here. On the 22nd February, VIII. Kal. Mart., the Weissenburg Codex has: “Natale S. Petri Apostoli Cathedra quam sedit apud Antiochia” (sic). The Epternach has: “Cathedra Petri in Antioc. et Romæ.” The Bern Codex: “Cathedra S. Petri Apostoli quam sedit apud Antiochiam.”

[660] Binterim & Mooren, Die Erzdiözese Köln im Mittelalter, i., 2nd ed., 528.

[661] Bullarium, ed. Lux., i. 832.

[662] See Bäumer, 510.

[663] Clementis Rom., Recogn., 10, 70. For a different opinion, see Fr. X. Kraus, in the third appendix to his Roma Sott., and Marucchi, who wrongly considers the feast of the 22nd February commemorated the Vatican chair of St Peter and that of the 18th January his chair at the Ostrian Cemetery. Unfortunately the latter feast was unknown in Rome before the 16th century.

[664] Concerning this point, see Schanz, Kommentar zu Matthäus, 504; Markus, 417; Lukas, 251.

[665] Clementis Rom., Recogn., 3, 68.

[666] According to Duchesne, it is the work of a student of Magdalen College, Oxford, called Rabanus, and belongs to the year 1456. Rietsch, 10. The work is printed in Migne, Patr. Gr., i. 112.

[667] Muralt, Chron. Byz., i. 468, 477.

[668] Morcelli, i. 101, 288 note. Baumstark communicated to the Röm. Quartalschrift, 1900, 310, a Syrian text independent of the Byzantine tradition, which mentioned Citium as the place of Lazarus’ burial.

[669] Ebner, Inter Ital., Freiburg, 1896, 292, 5, 14, 104, etc.

[670] Gregor. Tur., De Gloria Mart., c. 30. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxi. 731. Modestus in Photius, Bibl., cod. 275; ed. Bekker, § 11. Anonymus, in Vita Willibaldi, c. 5. Mabillon, Vitæ SS. Ord. Bened., iii., 2, 384. Tillemont, Hist. Eccl., i. 4.

[671] Glycas, Ann., 4, 198; ed. Bonn, 554. Zonaras, 16, 12, § 11, op. cit.

[672] See Sdralek, art. “Translation” in Kraus’ Realenzykl., and Achelis, Die Martyrologien, 74-76. The editors of the Monumenta Germaniæ are fully alive to the value of incidents of this kind for the history of any period.

[673] Jaffé (Reg. R.P.) is doubtful as to its authenticity.

[674] Synodus S. Symmacho, 499. Thiel., Ep. Rom. Pont., 653. Lib. Pontif., ed. Duchesne, i. 305, 307. Venantius Fort., Miscellanea, i. 20; 8, 6.

[675] Paschalis I., Epist., i. Migne, Patr. Lat., cii. 1086.

[676] Printed in Ruinart, Acta Mart., 633. The Calendar of Münsterbilsen in Binterim is mentioned further on, page 411.

[677] Pope Symmacus is called “papa urbis” by Avitus in the inscription of one of his letters. Thiel, Epistolæ Romanorum Pontificum, 730. In an inscription in the catacombs the pope describes himself as: “Ego, Damasus, urbis Romæ Episcopus.”

[678] Grisar, art. “Liberius” in the Kirchenlexikon, vii., 2nd ed., 1945, and J. Wittig, Papst Damasus: Röm. Quartalschrift, 1902, 77-86.

[679] Dessau and Von Rohden, Prosographia Imperii Rom., iii., Berlin, 1897, 349.

[680] See Noris, Cenotaphia Pisana, Venet. 1781, 431 et seq., and Muratori, Dissertatio, i. and ii., in the Opera S. Paulini Nol. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxi. 779 et seqq.

[681] Paulinus Nol., Poema, 21; v. 60-80, 210-215, 285-290, refer to the father; v. 314-324, to the son Turcius Asterius. See Muratori, op. cit.

[682] Cf. my articles in the Tüb. Quartalschr., 1902, 237 seqq.; 1903, 321 seqq.; 1905, 258 seqq. Fr. Hippolyte Delahaye, in the Analecta Bollandiana (xxii. 1903, 86 seq.), when reviewing my articles, characterised my statements as “trop ingenieuses” and “fragiles,” without, however, being able to adduce any arguments on the other side. My first opponent, Dr Kirsch, was at least sufficiently fortunate as to ferret out a misprint. The sole attempt to overthrow my conclusions reduces itself to the remark that the “Depositio Martyrum” is not an exhaustive catalogue of all the Roman martyrs who had suffered previously to its compilation. I never said it was. But did it not contain all the martyres recogniti in Rome at the commencement of the fourth century (cf. below, page 350, for Mommsen’s remarks on this point), it would be a worthless piece of paper from which nothing could be gathered. Fr. Delahaye seems not to understand that, in dealing with material of this kind, it is of the utmost importance to start with what is actually known of the Roman officials and governments of the period. When he scornfully criticises my work as “trop ingenieux,” I must say that on my part I have found nothing in his obscure ex cathedra assertions to upset the date given above to the martyrdom of St Cecilia. [See Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers, pt. ii. vol. i. 516-522, for a discussion on St Cecilia’s martyrdom.—Trans.]

[683] Nilles (Kalendarium), who usually pays no regard to his reader’s desire for information on disputed questions, is entirely silent concerning St Catherine. On the other hand, Kaulen has been satisfied with following the much criticised article by Pfülf (Kirchenlexikon, vii². 335), an imperfect piece of work.

[684] Carmina, 22-24, ed. Ughelli, Ital. S., 10, 47. Migne, Patr. Lat., cxlvii. 1240 seqq.

[685] See Petrus Dam., Epist., 8, 5. Migne, Patr. Lat., cxliv. 471.

[686] Ἐγκώμιον ἐις τοὺς ἁγίους πάντας ἐν ὅλῳ τῷ κόσμῳ μαρτυρήσαντες Migne, Patr. Gr., l. 706-712.

[687] Liber Pont., ed. Duchesne, i. 317: “Fecit ecclesiam B. Mariæ semper virginis et omnium martyrum.” See Bede, Hist. Angl., 2, 4; Paulus Diac., Hist. Long., 4, 37; Rorbacher-Rump, Kirchengesch., x. 107 seqq.

[688] Liber Pont., ed. Duchesne, i. 417.

[689] Id. op., i. 419. Bianchini, 200.

[690] Beleth, Rationale, 127. Migne, Patr. Lat., ccii. Probst (Kirchenlexikon, i., 2nd ed., art. “Allerheiligen”) is incorrect in some of his statements concerning the parts played by Gregory III. and Gregory IV.

[691] Ado, Martyrol., Kal. Nov.: “In Galiis monente s. record. Gregorio pontifice piissimus Ludovicus imperator omnibus regni et imperii sui episcopis consentientibus statuit, ut solemniter festivitas omnium sanctorum in prædicta die annuatim perpetuo ageretur.” Migne, Patr. Lat., cxxiii. 387. Sigebert Gembl. gives the year of its introduction: “Monente Gregorio papa et omnibus episcopis assentientibus Ludovicus imp. statuit, ut in Gallia et Germania festivitas omnium sanctorum in Kal. Nov. celebraretur, quam Romani ex institutione Bonifatii papæ celebrant.” Chron., ad ann. 835. Migne, Patr. Lat., clx. 159.

[692] Nat. Alexander, Hist. Eccl., 8, 23; ed. Paris, 1699.

[693] See Isidori, Reg. Mon., c. 24, No. 2. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxxiii. 894. A mass for the dead was to be celebrated for all the departed on the day after Pentecost.

[694] Printed in Migne, Patr. Lat., cxlii. 1038, from the Bibl. Cluniac., 338.

[695] Consuet. Farf.; ed. Albers, 124 (where it is enjoined that the masses be applied for all souls). Consuet. of the Carthusians, by Guigo († 1137), c. 11. Migne, Patr. Lat., clii. 655.

[696] Binterim, Denkw., v. 494.

[697] Binterim and Mooren, Die Erzdiözese Köln, i., 2nd ed., 536. The archivium of St Peter’s in Aix-la-Chapelle possesses a martyrology belonging to the monastery of the “Kreuzherren,” formerly existing there. It dates from 1382, and is preceded by a calendar. In this All Souls’ Day does not appear, neither do St Peter’s Chair on the 18th January, nor St Gereon and his companions; the eleven thousand virgins are mentioned, but without St Ursula.

[698] Beroldus, 222 seqq. (ed. Magistretti). Magistretti is plainly mistaken when he says the Church of Milan was the first to follow the example of St Odilo.

[699] Sozomenus, Hist. Eccl., 2, 3. Theophanes, Chronogr., 18, ed. Bonn, 33. Procop., De Acclif., i. 9. Nicephorus, Hist. Eccl., 7, 50.

[700] Morcelli, i. 219, and Acta SS. Boll., loc. cit., 57.

[701] Epiphanius, Hær., 21, and Theodoret on Col. ii. 18, speak of the heresy in question. See Thomassin, 440.

[702] Ambrosius, Epist., 21 (11). Hilarius, Hom. in Matth. xxviii., and on Psalms 119 and 137. See Baillet, vi. 2, 404-413.

[703] Sacram. Leon. Migne, Patr. Lat., lv. 103.

[704] This addition is also found in a missal at Padua belonging to the ninth century. See Ebner, Iter Ital., 127.

[705] Lib. Pont., ed. Duchesne, i. 262: “intra civitatem,” and the note.

[706] Acta SS. Boll., Sept. tit. viii. Ado, Mart., 29th Sept. It stood, according to Ado, in summitate circi, according to Baronius: circuli molis Hadriani, i.e. on the terrace of the Castle of St Angelo.

[707] Cf. Lectionary of Silos.

[708] Spelman, Conc., i. 520.

[709] As, for example, in the ninth century Calendars of Stablo and Cologne. Notker Balbulus is ignorant of the church on the Via Salaria, but gives the story of Monte Gargano on the 29th September. Migne, Patr. Lat., cxxxi. 1154.

[710] It is the same with the missals of Ivrea and Florence in Ebner, Iter Ital., 28 and 52.

[711] See Schrod., art. “Schutzengelfest” in the Kirchenlexikon, x., 2nd ed., 2015. The Spanish calendars printed in Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxxv. and lxxxvi., have not the Festival of the Guardian Angels.

[712] Marzohl and Schneller, iv. 707 note.

[713] Tillemont, Hist. des Emp., iv., art. ix. 251 et seq. Also 93, art. lxii.

[714] Niceph. Call., Hist. Eccl., 8, 31. Tillemont, Mém., vii., art. viii. 8.

[715] Theophanes, Chronogr., ed. Bonn, i. 37-40.

[716] Ambrosius, De Obitu Theod., c. 40. Migne, Patr. Lat., xvi. 1399. Paulinus Nol., Epist. ad Severum. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxi. 326. Theodoret, Hist. Eccl., i. 18.

[717] Migne, Patr. Lat., cxxiv. 374: “Via Lavicana S. Helenæ, matris Constantini imperatoris.” The place of her first burial was the present Torre Pignattara.

[718] [She appears, however, in the supplement to both the Breviary and Missal. Trans.]

[719] Marucchi, Nuovo Bull. di Arch. Christ., iv. 163, takes the opposite view.

[720] Vita Constant., 3, 25.

[721] Op. cit., cc. 26-28.

[722] Op. cit., cc. 33-40.

[723] Op. cit., cc. 42, 43.

[724] In this he says that wonderful things have taken place at the Lord’s sepulchre during his own life-time. In Constantine’s letter to Macarius also the references are expressed in general terms.

[725] Socrates, Hist. Eccl., i. 17. Sozomenus, 2, 1. Theodoret, i. 18. Theophanes, Chronogr., i., ad ann. m. 5817, Chr. 317. Chrysostom., In Joann., 84. Rufin., Hist. Eccl., i. 8. Sulpicius Sev., 2, 34.

[726] Epist. ad Severum, 21, 5.

[727] Excerpta Lat. Barbari, ed. Frick, 359. Theophanes gives a still earlier date, i.e. 5817 of the world = 317 A.D. He also places the death of Macarius and Helena in the same year as the discovery of the cross. In the Excerpta Barbari we find the words πρὸ ἡ καλανδῶν Δεκεμβρίων, but this must be an error, for immediately afterwards follows ὅ ἐστι Θώθ ιζ’. Thoth coincides with September, not with December. See Schoene, Euseb. Chron., i. 234. The Liber Pontificalis, “Vita Euseb.,” i. 167, places the finding of the cross on the 3rd May 310; but this is obviously a mistake.

[728] Duchesne, Lib. Pont., i., preface, cviii.

[729] Peregr. Silviæ, c. 48, ed. Geyer, 74 cod.

[730] Geyer, Itin. Hierosol., 149.

[731] Arculf in Adamnanus, De Locis Sanctis, 3, 3; ib. 287.

[732] Muralt, Chronogr. Byz., i., 272, 286. Theophanes, ed. Bonn, i. 504, ad ann. 6120. Chron. Pasch., ed. Bonn, i. 704, ad ann. 6122, relates only the carrying away of the cross, and then concludes.

[733] The Menologium Constantinopolitarium has an “Adoratio Pretiosæ Crucis” on 31st July, the meaning of which is not stated. Morcelli, i. 63.

[734] Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxii. 285, 511.

[735] See the new edition by Wilson.

[736] The text of De Rossi and Duchesne in Act. SS. (54). A better word would have been “recuperatio.”

[737] Ebner, Quellen und Forschungen zur Gesch. des Missale, etc., Freiburg, 1896, 123. In addition to these two festivals in honour of the Holy Cross, the Egyptians and Abyssinians celebrate one on the 6th March, “Manifestatio S. Crucis per Heraclium Imp.,” instead of the 3rd May. See the Synaxaria in Seldenius and Mai.

[738] Magistretti, op. cit., 141.

[739] Duchesne, Origines, 113-137.

[740] Ebner (Iter. Italicum, 381) proves against Probst that the letter deals not with an antiquated rite, but with the rite then actually in use in Rome.

[741] Epist. Hadr., 49; Cod. Carol., 72. Migne, Patr. Lat., xcviii. 435. The oldest of the numerous existing MSS. is the Codex Ottobonianus 313 (ninth century), originally belonging to Paris. The codex in the library of the seminary at Mainz is of the middle of the ninth century. In the Cathedral Library at Cologne are two codices, No. 137 belonging to the end of the ninth century, and No. 88 somewhat more recent.

[742] Printed together in Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxii., from the edition of Mabillon. [See E. Bishop’s art. on the “Earliest Roman Mass-book,” Dublin Review, Oct. 1894. Trans.]

[743] Binterim, Denkw., v. 18 et seq. Hontheim, Prodromus, i. 358.

[744] See the author’s article in the Tüb. Quartalschrift, 1905, 590-608.

[745] E.g., the Ordinarium of the diocese of Rouen, etc., in Migne, Patr. Lat., cxlvii. 157; the Consuetudines Avellanenses, ib. cli.

[746] See [Appendix xi].

[747] Regula ad monachos. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxviii. 396.

[748] “Ut ad capitulum primitus martyrologium legatur et dicatur versus, deinde regula aut homilia quælibet legatur, deinde a ‘Tu autem’ dicatur” (Hardouin, Conc., iv. 1232).

[749] Leo Allatius, De Libris Eccl. Græcorum, Romæ, 1645, 78, 82, 91. Daniel, Cod. Lit., iv. 320 et seq.

[750] With regard to the Chronograph of 354, Leipzig, 1850, 581, the title runs: Hic continentur dies nataliciorum martyrum et depositiones episcoporum, quos ecclesia Carthaginis anniversaria celebrat.

[751] The statement in Teuffel (Gesch. der Röm. Literatur, iv. 118) that everything savouring of heathen superstition is omitted, is incorrect.

[752] W. Wright, in Journal of Sacred Literature, October 1865 and January 1866. A better edition is given by Duchesne, Acta SS. Boll., Nov. II. 1, lii.-lxv., under the title: Breviarium Syriacum. [It is perhaps only fair to add that all scholars are not agreed upon the Arian character of this document. Trans.]

[753] Philostorgius, Hist. Eccl., 4, 7, passim.

[754] Le Quien, Oriens Christ., ii. 718.

[755] Op. cit., ii. 1107 and 1237.

[756] Sozomenus, Hist. Eccl., 2, 13, 14.

[757] Le Quien, Oriens Christ., ii. 1102. Nestle, Theol. Literaturztg., 1894, No. 2, 43.

[758] Samuel Anian., ed. Mai, 43.

[759] See H. Achelis, Die Martyrologien, ihre Geschichte und ihr Wert, Berlin, 1900, 61.

[760] The Bononia mentioned on the 30th December is not Bologna, but Bononia in Mœsia, now Widdin, to which, according to other documents, the martyr Hermes also belonged. The town of Tomi, now Kustendsche, was called Constantia at the end of the fourth century, but in this document and in Peutinger’s table it appears under its old name. Constantinople (11th May) and Byzantium (19th May) appear side by side, which marks the date when this document was drawn up. Babiduna is a slip for Noviodunum in Mœsia, now Isaktscha.

[761] See Achelis, op. cit., 33 et seq., for the connection between the Arian martyrology and the Hieronymianum.

[762] Duchesne, Acta SS. Boll., Nov. II., lviii. It is better to say from the 8th to the 30th than from the 6th to the 30th; for Tirinus and his sixteen companions are not to be found in the Hieronymianum, and, instead of Arius on 6th June, the Bern Codex has: In Alexandria Arthoci; the Epternach has Artotis; and the Weissenburg, Ari-thoti. It is impossible to say whether these names are intended for Arius or not.

[763] See Tillemont, Mém., vi. 8, art. xxv.

[764] According to the view of Duchesne and Achelis, the 6th July was the day of his death. In this case the year would be 335.

[765] The name Eusebius occurs very frequently in this calendar, both with and without distinguishing additions.

[766] Chrys., Hom., i. 291.

[767] Hist. Eccl., 6, 39, 4.

[768] It is printed in Migne, Patr. Lat., xviii. 878.

[769] Nos autem pæne omnium martyrum distinctis per dies singulos passionibus collecta in uno codice nomina habemus atque cotidianis diebus in eorum veneratione missarum solemnia agimus. Non tamen in eodem volumine quis qualiter sit passus indicatur, sed tantummodo nomen, locus et dies passionis ponitur. Unde fit, ut multi ex diversis terris atque provinciis per dies, ut prædixi, singulos cognoscantur martyrio coronati.—Greg. M., Registrum, 8, 29.

[770] The passage is capable of receiving various interpretations. See Duchesne, Prolegg. ad Mart. Hieron. in Acta SS., Nov. II. xi., xlvii. The words are as follows: “Passiones martyrum legite constanter, quas inter alia in epistola S. Hieronymi ad Chromatium et Heliodorum destinta procul dubio reperietis, qui per totum orbem terrarum floruere, ut sancta invitatio vos provocans ad cœlestia regna perducat.” Cassiodor., Instit. Div. Lit., 32. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxx. 1147.

[771] Beda, Liber Retractionis in Acta Ap., c. i. Migne, Patr. Lat., xcii. 997: Liber martyrologii, qui B. Hieronymi nomine ac præfatione intitulatur, quamvis Hieronymus illius libri non auctor sed interpres, Eusebius autem auctor exstitisse videatur.

[772] Hilduin., Epist. ad Ludov. Pium. Migne, Patr. Lat., cvi. 19.

[773] [Since the appearance of the second edition of Dr Kellner’s Heortologie, a work of the first importance on the Roman martyrology has been published, Les martyrologes historiques du moyen âge, par Don. Henri Quentin, bénédictin de Solesmes, Paris, 1908, Lecoffre. Trans.]

[774] B. Krusch (Neues Archiv für ältere deutsche Gesch., xx. [1895] 437-440 and xxvi. [1901] 349-389) is in favour of Autun as the place of its origin. But what is gained?

[775] Grisar (Gesch. Roms., 291) thinks it may belong to the time of Xystus III. (433-446).

[776] Aug. Urbain has attempted to reconstruct the original Martyrologium Romanum, as it was at the end of the fifth century from the Hieronymianum Harnack: Texte und Unters., vi. 3, Leipzig, 1901.

[777] Martyrs of the name of Felix, number 118, Saturniuus 86, Januarius 68, Donatus 64, Cajus 40, Alexander 42, Lucian 28, etc. Similarly the common feminine names and Thecla. Afra occurs four times. Strange sounding names are found everywhere: e.g. Piperion, Prunimus, Tipecirus, Herifilius, Manira, Itercola, Eunuculus, and Eununculus, Barbalabia, etc. We are, however, ignorant of the names which the wealthy Romans were wont to give to their slaves.

[778] See Gregor. Turon., Mirac., i. 63. Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxi. 762.

[779] Achelis sees in the phrase “in Africa” a reference to the massacres of Christians by the Vandals. See 101, seqq.

[780] Achelis gives examples, 209, 242, etc.

[781] Achelis, 115-118, has collected together 68 instances, which he has analysed critically and historically as far as possible.

[782] The entries respecting St Gereon and his companions may serve as an example. St Ursula and Palmatius with the “innumerabiles trevirenses” have no existence in the Hieronymianum. viii. Id. Oct. (8th October):—

BERNE	EPTERNACH	WEISSENBURG
Nothing.	Agrippin. sct. Gereon et aliorum cccxcii. mart.	Nothing.
vii. Id. Oct. Gereon cum sociis suis trecentorum decim et vii martirum quorum nomina Deus scit.	Et alibi Cassi, eusebi, florenti, jocundi; Agrippinæ depos. scor. mart. mart. maurorum cum alis cccxxx.	Coloniæ Agrippine nat. sctorum cccxvii. quorum nomina Deus scit.
vi. Id. Oct. Et alibi Cassi, eusebi, florenti, victoris, Agrippinæ mallusi cum aliis trecentos xxx.	Nothing.	Et alibi ... Heracli, cassi, eusebi, florenti victoris, Agrippinæ mallus cum aliis cccxxx.

[783] Achelis, 91 seqq.

[784] If this be the case, and it is not free from doubt, still the name of Arius was not read out “at the altar,” as Achelis states (87 and 98), for the martyrologies were not read at the altar but in the choir, and it would have happened only were the Weissenburg Codex in use, for other codices have different readings. The reading of the martyrology—not of the “Passions” of the martyrs—at the choir office dates back, as far as the evidence exists, to the ninth century. Bishop Gregorius of Corduba, whom Achelis (98, note 4) places at a very early period, is not an historical personage; he exists only in the list of bishops contained in the letters ascribed to St Jerome.

[785] In Codex 2171 nov. acqu. of the Nat. Libr., Paris, ed. by G. Morin in Anecdota Maredsolana, vol. i. 1893. Cf. præf., ii., viii., xiii., etc. [See also Le Liber ordinum de l’Eglise d’Espagne du Vᵉ au XIᵉ siècle, published by Dom. M. Férotin, 1904. Trans.]

[786] Joh. Seldenius, De Synedriis et Præf. Jurid. Vet. Ebreorum., Amstelod., 1679, lib. 3, c. 15, 204-247.

[787] F. Wüstenfeld, Synaxarium, Gotha 1879. Introduction.

[788] Le Quien, Oriens Christ., ii. 453.

[789] Muralt, Chronogr. Byz., i. 286.

[790] Le Quien, op. cit., 452, 476.

[791] A. Mai, Nova Collectio Veterum Script., iv. 15-34.

[792] Wüstenfeld, Synaxarium, 10, Hatur. The Patriarchs mentioned above are also omitted.

[793] Le Quien, op. cit., ii. 479 and 445-466.

[794] When the name of St John Chrysostom occurs more than once in the Byzantine, Egyptian, and Syrian calendars, it commemorates certain events connected with him besides the day of his death (14th September). Such dates are the 7th May and the 13th November, the 27th January is the day of his return to Constantinople, i.e. his translation by Proclus under Theodosius II., in 448, and is celebrated by the Greeks and Syrians. The meaning of the other two days is unknown; See Morcelli, i. 223; ii. 41.

[795] A. Mai, Nova Collectio Veterum Script., iv. 92-122.

[796] Wüstenfeld, Synaxarium, etc., 97.

[797] Op. cit., 120 seqq.

[798] Morcelli, Calend. Eccl. Const. i., 227.

[799] Morcelli (op. cit., i. 15), declares it is the oldest, and older than the Menologium Sirleti in particular.

[800] Muralt, Chronogr. Byz., i. 475.

[801] Both appear in the Calendar of the Syrian Church: Jacobus Zebedæi on the 30th April, Jacobus Alphæi on the 9th October, and Jacobus frater Domini on the 23rd October and 28th December.

[802] Printed in Morcelli, i. 69-105.

[803] Gams, Series Epp., 904.

[804] Nova Collectio Script. Vet., v., Romæ, 1821, 58-65.

[805] E.g. in Aurelian of Arles, † 553 (Migne, Patr. Lat., lxviii., 596): “In martyrum festivitatibus, etc.”

[806] Migne, Patr. Lat., cxxxviii., 881. Mone, Lat. und. Griech. Messen aus dem 2-6 Jahrhundert, Frankfurt, 1850.

[807] Projectus, deacon of Bishop Evasius of Asti, appears to belong to the Lombard period, and his veneration dates from about the time of Luitprand (713-743).

[808] Calendarium Romanum nongentis annis antiquius, ed. F. Joh. Fronto, Parisiis, 1652. The title Calendarium is not well chosen.

[809] Liber Pontif., ed. Duchesne, i. 420.

[810] Op. cit., 402, Vita Gregorii, ii.

[811] Introduction, 98.

[812] [Much light has recently been thrown upon these calendars and their relation to one another by Dom. Henri Quentin, op. cit. Trans.]

[813] Beda, Hist. Eccl. iii., 24. Migne, Patr. Lat., xcv. 290.

[814] Printed in the Acta SS. Boll., March, vol. ii. Both recensions are placed side by side in Migne, Patr. Lat., xciv. A “Kalendarium Anglicanum” is in the same vol., 1147 et seqq. Bede’s words under the 7th Feb. are remarkable: “Britaniis in Augusta natale Augusti Episcopi et martyris.” The feast of All Saints is given on the 1st Nov. as well as the feast on the 13th May, whose transference to the 1st Nov. only took place later under Gregory IV. (827-844). No explanation has been given of Andrew with 2597 companions on the 19th August.

[815] Wandelbert, ed. Migne, Patr. Lat., cxxi. 577. See also cxix. 10, 11.

[816] And the same is true of the other works mentioned: e.g., Florus has admitted Gereon and 315 companions on the 10th October, who are omitted by Bede, but he knows nothing of Ursula. Wandelbert mentions on the 21st October flocks of virgins amounting to some thousands murdered by the tyrant in Cologne, whose trophies adorn the banks of the Rhine. Gereon has Cassius, Florentius, and Victor as his companions (Migne, Patr., Lat., xciv. 1067, 1078; cxxi. 614).

[817] Edited with an introduction, English translation, and notes by Whitley Stokes in the Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy, i., Dublin, 1880.

[818] Edited by the same under the title, Felire hui i Gorman: The Martyrology of Gorman, among the publications of the Bradshaw Society, London, 1895. See also Analecta Boll., xiii. 193. Bellesheim, Gesch. der kathol., Kirche in Irland, i. 239 seqq.

[819] Dümmler (Das Martyrologium Notkers, etc., in the Forschungen z. deutsch. Gesch., xxv. 201), incorrectly dates it from between 860-870.

[820] Migne, Patr. Lat., cxxiii. 146-178.

[821] Ib., 182-202.

[822] Ib., 292-419.

[823] Ib., 143, 144. Mosander, before Rosweyde, had edited the larger Ado by itself without the smaller.

[824] “Quod ego diligenti cura transscriptum ... in capite hujus libri ponendum putavi.” Transscriptum cannot be understood of mere copying (describere) but of re-editing. The Roman Calendar makes no mention of Old Testament names, Jeremias, Moses, etc., nor of Alban, Servatius, etc. Accordingly this Mart. Rom. Parvum has not the importance which Achelis (p. 112) attributes to it.

[825] Bäumer, 474.

[826] H. Læmmer, De Martyrol. Rom., 19.

[827] Bœhmer-Will, Regesta Archiep. Mogunt., i. 67, 68. The martyrology of Rabanus is printed in Migne, Patr. Lat., cx.

[828] Migne, Patr. Lat., cxxxi. 1070. See also Binterim, Denkw., v. 62. “Cujas causæ nos utpote barbari et in extremis mundi climate positi sumus ignari.”

[829] Læmmer, op. cit., 10-17.

[830] Benedict, xiv., De Servorum Die Beatificatione, i. 43, and iv. 2, 17. N. Paulus, Martyrolog. u Brevier als histor. Quellen, Katholik, 1900, i. 355.

[831] [The reader will find much information bearing upon English heortology in the following works:—A Menology of England and Wales, by R. Stanton, 1887, London, Burns & Oates; Die Heiligen Englands, by F. Liebermann, 1889, Hannover, Hahn; The Bosworth Psalter, ed. by Gasquet and Bishop, 1908, London, Bell & Sons. Trans.]

[832] Edited by Ferd. Piper, Berlin, 1858.

[833] Lanfranc, i. 9. Migne, Patr. Lat., cl. 472-478.

[834] Hartzheim, iv. 106, for A.D. 1307. The correct date, according to Binterim, is 1307. Conc., vi. 118, note 1, 1308. Joerres regards the sixth canon as not authentic, Röm. Quart. Schr., 1902.

[835] Hartzheim, vi. 498.

[836] J. Braun (Innsbr. Zeitschr. für Kath. Theol., 1901, i. 155 seqq.) contends that white was not the only liturgical colour in antiquity, and rests his contention on some representation (not miniatures) of the fifth to the ninth centuries in which yellow, brown and other colours appear. But “white” is not to be taken as meaning always “snow-white,” and the natural colour of silk and wool would border on yellow. The representations may have grown darker through age, or been painted over at a later date. At any rate the proofs on which he relies are not sufficiently strong to overthrow the received view which is based on many statements in original sources.

[837] Sicardus, Mitrale, 2, 5 (Migne, Patr. Lat., ccxiii. 77): In colore pro qualitate temporis alternatur, albo utimur in resurrectione ... rubeo in pentecoste. The passage in Johannes Abrinc., De Off. Eccl. (Migne, Patr. Lat., cxlvii., 62) is defective and obscure. It seems only to refer to the high priest of the Old Testament.

[838] Durandus, Rationale Div. Off., 3, 18. The Ordo Rom. xiv., c. 49 seqq. of the thirteenth century mentions five colours: white, red, green, violet and black.

[839] Innocent III., De S. Alt. Myst., i. 65; Migne, Patr. Lat., ccxvii., 799-802.

[840] For the history of liturgical vestments, see J. Braun, S.J., Die Priesterlichen Gewänder des Abendlandes, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1897, and a larger and more recent work by the same author, Die Liturgische Gewandlung im Occident u. Orient, etc., Freiburg im Breisgau, 1907. [Also J. Wilpert, Die Gewandlung der Christen in den ersten Jahrhunderten, Cologne, Bachem, 1898. Trans.]

[841] See Thalhofer, Liturgik, ii. 82, who points out this meaning in Micrologus.

[842] “Sacramenta” is found, amongst others, in Innocent I., Epist., 17, c. 5, 12; 25, c. 4.

[843] Tertull., De Exhort. Cast., 11; Apol., 2; Ad uxor., 2, 8; De Præscr., 4; De Virg. Vel., 13; De Corona, 2; De Carne Christi, 2, etc. Tertullian uses “sacrificium,” De Cultu Fem., 2, 11, etc. Cyprian, Epist., 12, 2; 15, 1; Ad Cæc., 9 and 17, etc. Ambrosius, De Obitu Valent., 2, 113; In Psalm., 38, c. 25; 118, c. 48; Epist., 39, 4.

[844] De Civ. Dei, 10, 6-20; Cont. Faustum, 20, 18; Enarr. in Psalm., 33, c. 6; 106, c. 13; Epist., 54, 4; 149, 15; 159; Sermo, 137, 8; 310, 30; 311, 18; 345, 4, etc.

[845] Baronius, Annales, ad an. 34, c. 59.

[846] Epist. I. ad Gundobadum, c. i., and Epist., 3.

[847] Test. De Anima, c. 9.

[848] The formula in question runs: Ἀπολύεσθε ἐν εἰρήνῃ, i.e. “Depart in peace,” or, Πορεύεσθε ἐν εἰρήνῃ, or, Ἐν εἰρήνῃ προελθῶμεν. Daniel, Cod. Lit., iv. 79, 131, 370, 449. “Ite missa est” literally means: Go, it is the dismissal.

[849] Peregr. Silviæ, ed. Geyer, c. 24 seqq.

[850] “Missa autem quæ fit ... hoc est oblatio”; the passage seems to have been corrected. The other passage adduced by Professor Funk (Tüb. Theol. Quartalschr., 1904, 56) to prove the contrary—“fit oblatio in Anastase maturius, ita ut fiat missa ante solem”—ought to be translated: “the Mass took place earlier, so that its conclusion came before sunrise.” Missa here = the dismissal at the end of Mass.

[851] Cassian, De Cœnobiorum Institutis, 2, 7, 13 and 15; 3, 7; 11, 15.

[852] See Leo I., Sermo, 41, c. 3; Epist., 156, c. 5. Once, in Epist., 9, c. 8, we find “missa.” But the general employment of the term cannot be inferred from its use in one isolated instance.

[853] “Missa catechumenorum” meant originally not that part of the Mass at which the catechumens assisted, but the dismissal of the catechumens.

[854] For missæ in the sense of the canonical hours, we may cite Gregor. M., Epist., 2, 12; 3, 63; 11, 64; Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxvii. 1187; in the sense of the Mass: Epist., 4, 39; Hom., 50, 8; as a general term for both, Epist., 3, 63; 4, 18, etc. As regards St Benedict’s usage, Fr. Lindenbauer, O.S.B., draws our attention to Mattins. It means dismissal at the hours: Regula, c. 17 (Migne, lxvi. 460), but Mass, ib. c. 35, 60.

[855] Acta S. Ludgeri, c. 20. Migne, Patr. Lat., xcix. 779.

[856] Agathense 506, can. 30: “missæ vespertinæ.”

[857] E.g., Braccarense, ii., can. 64; Agath., can. 47.

[858] Epist., 1, 20, c. 3-5.

[859] As by Prof. Funk, Tüb. Theol. Quartalschr., 1904, No. 1.

[860] It was published by B. Georgiades from a MS. discovered in the Monastery of Chalki (Constantinople, 1885-86), then by Bratke, Bonn, 1891, and by Bonwetsch, Hippolyts Werke, vol. i., Leipsig, 1897.

[861] In Cyril of Scythopolis, the Arabian bishop, George of Horta (before 724), and Photius, Bibl. cod., 222, 163 b, ed. Bekker, and perhaps also in Germanus. The passages are collected in Bonwetsch, op. cit., xv. seqq., and partially in Gallandi, Bibl. Vet. Patr., II. Such minute indications of time in so ancient a writer were too precious to be passed over.

[862] The Liber Generationis (Migne, Patr. Lat., iii. 651 seqq., Corp. Inscr. Lat., and Frick, Chron. Min., i. 1-77) is certainly a part of the Chronicle of Hippolytus, as Mommsen has conclusively proved (Abhandl. der Sächs. Akademie d. Wissensch., 1850, i. 586 seqq.).

[863] That interpolations of this kind were formerly made by unskilful hands is shown by the addition to the MS. belonging to Mount Athos, by the Slav translation: Καὶ Γάϊου Καῖσαρος τὸ τέταρτον καὶ Γαίου Κεστίου (instead of Sentii) Σατορνῖνου, the consuls for the year 41 A.D., which Bonwetsch has placed in the text, although within brackets.

[864] Leo Allatius, De Dominicis et Hebdom. Recent. Græcorum, Cologne, 1648, 1400 quoted by Daniel, Cod. Lit., iv. 212 seqq. Alt., 181-221. Nilles, II. xvii.-xxi.

[865] The adjective is formed after the analogy of ἄκερως.

[866] Anselm speaks of him, Epist., 3, 43 and 77; 4, 114. Migne, Patr. Lat., clviii. Eadmer refers to him, Hist. Novorum., 5, 492 and 497. Migne, clix.

[867] It is found in MSS. among the works of the elder Anselm, to whom it was at first ascribed. Fr. de Buck and others set it down to the nephew, but in the earliest codex at Canterbury, belonging to the twelfth century, it is expressly described as a work of Eadmer’s. See Thurston et Slater, Eadmeri Mon. Cant. Tractatus de Conceptione S. Mariæ, Frib. Brisg., 1904.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE
GIVING THE CHIEF EVENTS RELATING TO THE LITURGY AND FESTIVALS OF THE CHURCH

1st cent. Reference to Easter by St Paul (1 Cor. v. 7 et seqq.). Pascha nostrum immolatus est Christus. Itaque epulemur, non in fermento veteri ... sed in azymis sinceritatis et veritatis.

2nd cent. The 6th Jan. observed as Christ’s birthday in Alexandria by a section of the Christians.

3rd cent. The Festivals of Easter and Pentecost mentioned by Tertullian (De Bapt., 19) and Origen (C. Cels., 8, 22).

304. Evidence for the Feast of the Epiphany in Thrace.

320. Discovery of the Holy Cross by St Helena. Excerpta lat. Barbari.

321. Constantine the Great, by the law of 3 July, forbids law courts to sit on Sunday (Cod. Theod., 2, 8 de feriis i.).

325. The Ascension mentioned by Eusebius.

326. Death of St Helena at the age of 80, foundress of the churches at Bethlehem and on the Mount of Olives.

335. Consecration of the church built by Constantine in Jerusalem on 14th Sept. It was named Martyrium or Anastasis (Euseb., Vita Constant., 3, 25, and 35). The same day is also the Feast ὑψώσεως τοῦ τιμίου σταυροῦ.

340. Observance in Egypt of the fast of forty days mentioned by St Athanasius.

337-352. Under Pope Julius I., 25th Dec. kept at Rome as Festival of Christ’s Nativity.

354. In Rome, 22nd Feb. kept as Natale Petri de Cathedra, and 29th June as day of the Apostles’ death.

356. Translation of St Timothy’s relics to Constantinople on 1st July (Fasti Idat., Hieron. Chron.).

357. 3rd March, translation of relics of St Andrew and St Luke to the basilica of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople (Fasti Idat., Chron. Pasch. Hieron., catal. 7).

360. The Festival of the Epiphany in Gaul mentioned by Ammianus Marcellinus.

379. 25th Dec. celebrated for the first time as Christmas in Constantinople by St Gregory Naz.

380. Evidence for Epiphany in Spain (Syn. Sarag., c. 3). Theodosius the Great publishes a law on 27th March forbidding the sittings of law courts during the forty days of Lent.

385-387 (circ.). The Presentation of Christ in the Temple mentioned by the pilgrim from Gaul in Jerusalem; also the feast of the 14th Sept.

370-380 (circ.). Compilation of an Arian Calendar on Martyrology.

386. The Nativity of Christ celebrated for the first time in Antioch on 25th Dec. By a law of 26th Feb., Theodosius forbids unauthorised translations of the bodies of the saints, the dividing into parts of the remains of the martyrs, and all traffic in relics.

386. By the law of 26th Feb., judges of arbitration were forbidden to exercise their functions on Sunday. 20th May games in the circus and theatrical representations were forbidden.

389. Theodosius I. and Valentinian II. publish a law forbidding the law courts to sit for seven days before and seven days after Easter.

394. The relics of the Apostle St Thomas translated to the great church in Edessa (Socrates, Hist. Eccl., 4, 18; Chron. Edess., ed. Assemani).

395. Christmas definitely established in Constantinople.

398. St John Chrysostom chosen patriarch of Constantinople, 26th Feb.

399. Honorius and Arcadius forbid races on Sunday (Cod. Theod., 2, 8, 23).

400. The same emperors forbid games in the circus on Christmas, Epiphany, and during Eastertide.

402. Discovery of the relics of St Stephen, Gamaliel, and Nicodemus by the priest Lucian of Jerusalem at Caphargamala. Some writers date this 5th Dec. 415.

405. The day of the death of SS. Peter and Paul mentioned as an ecclesiastical festival in Rome by Prudentius (Perist., 12).

425. Theodosius extends prohibition of games to Whit-week.

431. Bishop Paul of Emesa mentions that Christmas had been introduced in Alexandria.

348. The patriarch Proclus has the relics of St John Chrysostom brought to Constantinople on 27th Jan.

439. The Empress Eudocia translates the relics of St Stephen from Jerusalem to Constantinople and lays them in the basilica of St Lawrence, 21st Sept.

440 (circ.). St Leo refers to the Ember fasts in Rome.

448 (circ.). The Calendar of Bishop Polemius Silvius of Sion for Southern Gaul.

452. Discovery of the head of John the Baptist, and its translation to Constantinople on 24th Feb.

470 (circ.). Rogation procession introduced by Mamertus of Vienne.

491. Perpetuus, Bishop of Tours, orders the Advent fast. The two Festivals of the Nativity and Beheading of the Baptist celebrated in Tours.

492. The Festival of SS. Peter and Paul on 29th June adopted in Constantinople.

492-496. Pope Gelasius appoints the ordination of priests to take place at the Embertides.

500 (circ.). The monks of Palestine keep the annual commemoration of the Holy Mother of God (μνημὴ τῆς θεοτόκου) in their monasteries.

504. The Emperor Anastasius has the relics of the Apostle Bartholomew brought to the city of Daras, on the borders of Mesopotamia, which he had fortified.

506. The Council of Agde (canon 63) includes the Nativity of St John Baptist among the festivals of obligation.

534. Justinian I. renews the prohibition against the sittings of the law courts on 25th Dec. and 6th Jan.

542. Candlemas celebrated for the first time in Constantinople on 2nd Feb., and ordered to be observed throughout the empire by Justinian. The patriarch Menas translates the relics of SS. Andrew, Luke, and Timothy to the recently completed basilica of the Apostles in Constantinople.

Before 565. Justinian I. builds a church of St Anne in the second region of Constantinople.

582-602. The three Festivals of Our Lady’s Nativity, Annunciation, and Purification said to have been introduced by the Emperor Maurice.

Sixth cent. The Sundays in Advent to the number of five appear in the Gelasianum.

592-600. Composition of the so-called Martyrologium Hieronymianum.

Before 604. Pope Gregory the Great increases the solemnity of the Litania Major in Rome.

609 or 610. The Emperor Phocas grants the Pantheon to Pope Boniface IV., who adapts it as a church, and dedicates it to our Lady and all the Holy Martyrs, on 13th May. Since then it has been called Maria ad Martyres.

629. King Siroes of Persia restores to the Emperor Heraclius the part of the Holy Cross which had been taken from Jerusalem.

650 (circ.). Evidence for the Feast of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross for Spain in the Lectionary of Silos.

687-701. Pope Sergius I. orders processions (litaniæ) in Rome on the Feasts of the Annunciatio Domini, Dormitio, and Nativitas B.V.M.

731. The Ven. Bede composes his martyrologium.

747. The Embertides legally established in England.

769. The same in Germany.

781 (circ.). The Octava Domini (1st Jan.) appears as the Festum Circumcisionis in the Calendar of Charlemagne.

Between 784 and 791. Under Adrian I., the Sacramentarium Gregorianum sent to the Frankish Empire, and introduced there.

Between 786 and 797. Paul the deacon compiles a Homilarium at the command of Charlemagne.

787. The second Council of Nicæa re-establishes the worship of images.

800 (circ.). Compilation of the Menologium of Constantinople.

Between 827 and 835. Gregory IV. changes the Feast of All the Martyrs (13th May) into a Feast of All Saints, and places it on the 1st Nov.

835. The Emperor Louis the Pious introduces the Feast of All Saints into the Frankish Empire.

Between 902 and 920. The first Sunday after Pentecost kept as a Festival of the Holy Trinity in Liège by Bishop Stephen.

993. The first papal canonisation—that of St Ulrich by Pope John XV.

998. Abbot Odilo of Cluny introduces the Commemoratio Omnium Fidelium Defunctorum (2nd Nov.) in his Order.

10th cent. The Festum Conceptionis B.V.M (8th Dec.) appears in several calendars (e.g. the Neapolitan).

1000-1025. Composition of the Menologium Basilianum.

1068-1071. Adoption of the Roman rite in Aragon under King Sancho Ramirez.

1078. Adoption of the Roman rite in Castile.

1080 (circ.). Gregory VII. fixes the number of Sundays in Advent at four, and suppresses deviations from the Roman custom of observing Advent.

Between 1093-1109. The Festum Conceptionis B.V.M. introduced into England by St Anselm of Canterbury.

1128-29. The Feast of Our Lady’s Conception introduced into some English monasteries.

1140. The same feast introduced at Lyons.

1166. The Emperor Manuel Comnenus puts out an order concerning festivals.

1198. Innocent III. enjoins the Bishop of Worms to celebrate the Festum Conversionis S. Pauli Ap. in his diocese as it is in Rome (Reg., i. 44). In the statutes of the synod held by Bishop Odo of Paris it is enjoined to say the Ave Maria.

Before 1216. Innocent III. regulates the use of liturgical colours.

1247. Corpus Christi celebrated for the first time in Liège.

1260. The Conversion of St Paul adopted in Cologne by Archbishop Conrad von Hochstaden.

1263. The General Chapter of the Franciscans at Pisa enjoins the Feast of Our Lady’s Conception for the whole Order.

1264. The Feast of Our Lady’s Visitation prescribed for the whole Church by Urban IV.

1298. Boniface VIII. raises all festivals of Apostles to the rank of Festa duplicia.

1311. Clement V. at the Synod of Vienne repeats the injunction to celebrate Corpus Christi throughout the Church.

1316. John XXII. repeats and confirms the bull of Urban IV. with regard to Corpus Christi.

1328. The Synod of London appoints the Conceptio B.V.M. as a holy day of obligation for the province.

1334. The Festum SS. Trinitatis enjoined by John XXII. to be kept throughout the Church.

1354. Innocent VI., at the request of the Emperor Charles IV., appoints the Festum Lanceæ et Clavorum.

1371. Gregory XI. institutes the Festum Præsentationis B.V.M.

1389. Urban VI. makes the Festum Visitationis B.V.M. a universal feast for the whole Church.

1408. Chancellor John Gerson finds fault with the number of festivals.

1416. Publication of the book of Nicholas of Clemangis against the increase of holy days.

1423. The Festum VII. Dolorum B.V.M. adopted in Cologne.

1452. The Feast of the Seven Dolors approved by the provincial Synod of Cologne.

1456. Calixtus III., following the precedent of the Greeks, orders the Feast of Our Lord’s Transfiguration to be celebrated on 6th Aug.

1464. The Festival of Our Lady’s Presentation introduced into the Duchy of Saxony, and, in 1468, into the province of Mainz.

1474. Sixtus IV. gives his approval to the public veneration of St Joseph and St Anne.

1477. Sixtus IV. inserts the Conceptio Immaculatæ Virg. Mariæ into the Roman Breviary.

1523. Publication of Luther’s little work on baptism in German.

1536. Cardinal Quiñones, O.S.F., puts out his edition of the Breviary for the use of the secular clergy. It was approved by Clement VII. and Paul III., and widely used, but withdrawn under Pius V. in 1568.

1536-37. The Devotion of the Forty Hours introduced in Milan.

1563. The Council of Trent in its session (xxv.) of 5th Dec. commits to the Pope the final arrangements concerning the details of the Breviary and Missal.

1568. The revised Roman Breviary published.

1570. The revised Roman Missal published.

1582. Reform of the Calendar by Gregory XIII. takes effect on 15th Oct.

1584. Publication by papal bull of 14th Jan. of the official Martyrologium Romanum prepared by Baronius.

1588. Sixtus V. institutes the Congregatio Rituum by the bull Immensa Æterni.

1596. Publication of the Pontificale Romanum.

1602. Clement VIII. takes steps for a revision of the Roman Breviary, and, in 1604, of the Roman Missal.

1608. Paul V. institutes the Feast of the Guardian Angels.

1614. Paul V. publishes the Ritual prepared by the Cardinal of San Severino.

1621. Gregory XV. appoints the 19th March as a Festival of St Joseph for the universal Church.

1631. Urban VIII. proposes a fresh revision of the Breviary.

1634. Revision of the Roman Missal by Urban VIII.

1642. Urban VIII. reduces the number of festivals (in foro) by the bull Universa per orbem.

1644. The Conceptio B.V.M. made a holy day of obligation for Spain.

1666. Archbishop Harduin of Paris suppresses the festivals of three Apostles and St Michael. These feasts were restored by his successor, de Harlay, in 1673.

1668. Publication of Thiers’ book “De Festorum Dierum Imminutione” at Lyons. Commencement of the public worship of the Sacred Heart of Jesus.

1669. Clement IX. institutes the Congregatio Indulgentiarum et SS. Reliquarum.

1683. Innocent XI., at the request of the Emperor Leopold, establishes the Festival of the Name of Mary in commemoration of the relief of Vienna.

1708. The Conceptio B.V.M. appointed a feast in choro of the universal Church.

1721. Pope Innocent XIII., at the request of the Emperor Charles VI., appoints the Feast of the Name of Jesus to be celebrated on the second Sunday after Epiphany.

1727. Benedict XIII. proposes a further reduction of feast days for Spain.

1741-1747. Commission in Rome, under the presidency of Cardinal Gonzaga, for the improvement of the Breviary. The legends were severely criticised, and much valuable material was collected for future use.

1747. Muratori speaks in favour of the reduction of feast days in his work “Della Regolata Divozione de’ Cristiani.”

1765. Clement XIII. appoints the Feast of the Sacred Heart. M. Gerbert writes his “De Dierum Festorum Numero Minuendo, Celebratione Amplianda. S. Blasian.” Benedict XIV. discusses the same subject (Diss. de Festorum de Præcepto Imminutione. Cf. De Serv. D. Beatif., 4, 2).

1772. New regulations for feast days in Prussia.

1788. Decrease of Catholic festivals in Prussia by Pius VI. This arrangement forms the basis of that now in use.

1802. Concordat with France, by which the feasts falling on week days were reduced to four.

1828. Convention of Leo XII. with Prussia concerning feast days.

1854. Definition of the Conceptio Immaculata and extension of the feast to the whole Church.