1819,

insensible to all around him. Death was evidently making rapid strides, and yet the bulletins continued of the same general expression.

At this time, we had the honour of being personally

[[316]]acquainted with one of the king's sons, whose integrity has ever been considered unimpeachable, both in his public and private character. The information we received relative to the KING'S DEATH came directly from his royal highness.

It will be remembered, that much doubt prevailed upon the reality of the king's existence, and numerous bets were entered into upon the subject by persons in the higher circles. Notwithstanding this, on the 25th of January, the Earl of Liverpool introduced a motion to the House of Lords for the purpose of nominating the Duke of York to the office of "guardian to the king," as, in consequence of the demise of her majesty, that trust had become vacant. Much altercation ensued. The duke's former delinquencies had not been forgotten, and the country was tired with the subjection they then endured from the IMPOSING privileges of royalty. But, in despite of all opposition and remonstrance, the care of the king's person was committed to the Duke of York, for which his royal highness had the unblushing effrontery to receive TEN THOUSAND POUNDS A YEAR FOR VISITING HIS DYING FATHER TWICE A WEEK!!! What an unprecedented example of avarice and undutifulness was here manifested by a son to his parent, who would have travelled the same distance any time to have gratified his passions! Oh, Shame! where is thy blush? Oh, Infamy, art thou not now detected? A few weeks after this motion had received the approbation of the agents of corruption, the long-afflicted and disappointed

[[317]]George the Third DIED! but the event was carefully concealed from the public. Prayers were still read in churches for his recovery, though the bishops knew they were mocking heaven, by praying for the life of one who was already dead! Ye sticklers for upholding the present impious system of church government, what say ye to this? Could Infamy and Blasphemy go any farther? And yet those at the head of this system are still allowed to insult the country by proposing general fasts to people already starving, as well as impiously accusing the Almighty with spreading distress and pestilence over the land which they themselves have laid waste by their rapacity and worldly-mindedness! While the clergy were praying for the life of the deceased king to be preserved, the apartments formerly in the occupation of his majesty were kept in the same state as when the monarch was alive, and the royal body, after being embalmed, was placed in a leaden coffin of needful substance. Our royal informant went on to state, that these impositions were practised upon the public to give time for selecting proper persons to be despatched to Milan, or elsewhere, to gain intelligence what the Princess of Wales intended upon the demise of the king, as, in that event occurring, her royal highness would become queen consort.

Notwithstanding all this cunning and trickery, her royal highness was informed of the death of her father-in-law many months before it became publicly known. A junior branch of the royal family wrote

[[318]]to her, "The king is now dead, but this event will not be made known to the nation till certain arrangements are made, on behalf of the prince regent, to degrade you; and either keep you abroad for the remainder of your life, void of your title as Queen of England, and with other restrictions, or to obtain witnesses, and, giving you the form of a trial, insult and destroy you!" Her royal highness, however, was precluded from acting upon this information by her correspondent, who enjoined her to the strictest secrecy till the event should be made known to her by the ministers of the crown.

In the mean time, every opportunity to suppress unpleasant inquiries or investigations upon subjects connected with royalty and the time-serving ministry were carefully embraced. That unparalleled junto, Liverpool, Castlereagh, Sidmouth, and others of the same profession, not forgetting our dear venerable Lord Eldon and the pious bishops, were well aware of George the Third's death, at the time it happened. They had, indeed, been expecting it for some time; yet these were the persons who assisted to deceive the public mind, and prevent the straightforward acknowledgment of TRUTH! The evidence we have adduced of this fact is so palpable and strong, that he who can resist its force must be strangely void of perception, or else have made a previous resolve not to suffer himself to be the subject of conviction.

In the early part of May, several persons were introduced at court, and received the royal smile, on

[[319]]being appointed to investigate the private conduct of the Princess of Wales. Their purses were also amply supplied by the royal command, and if further sums were found needful, they received letters of credit upon the principal banking houses named in the route they had to take. If any person in the common ranks of life gives away that which is not his to give, he renders himself liable to transportation; but it is said, a "king can do no wrong!" The most disreputable of society were solicited to give information against the Princess of Wales, either with regard to any public or private intelligence they might have received; the most liberal offers were also made to remunerate the persons so inquired of. After an immense expense, information, though of a doubtful character, against the princess was obtained, ONLY BY PURCHASE; and various were the despatches sent over to this country, and answered by the ministerial plotters, who exerted all their energies to bring the business to a consummation.

During such disreputable transactions, the princess knew the real cause of all the attempts to insult and degrade her character; and she, therefore, without delay, advised with her legal friends what steps were most proper to take. Alas! the princess was doomed only to receive fresh insults; delay followed delay; excuses of the most palliative description were used, instead of sound advice and positive opinion, and it appeared as if every hand were raised against her! Indeed, the perplexed and mortifying situation of the princess was attended with such

[[320]]dangerous consequences, that, had she not been a most courageous woman, and supported by her innocence, she must have sank under her fears. Driven into exile, abandoned by the ministry, deserted by her friends, through the bribery of her enemies, attacked by her nearest relations, the only resource she had left was in committing her person, her sceptre, her crown, and her honour, to the care of the representatives of the British people. For our own parts, we cannot forget that when she was accused before parliament on a former occasion, the whole nation was melted into tears, or inflamed with rage; and, except those princes and their minions, who should have felt for her the most, there was found but one heart, one will, and one voice, on the subject throughout the kingdoms! Nor can it have escaped the observation of our countrymen, that all those persons, originally employed in bringing to trial this illustrious and virtuous woman, have been munificently rewarded; while those who advocated her cause, and stood between her and the axe uplifted for her destruction, have experienced nothing but the blackest calumny and detraction.

Lord Moira, the author of the first investigation, was made Marquis of Hastings, and Governor-General of India. This individual, however, desired his right hand might be amputated immediately after his decease, as an expiatory judgment against himself, in having signed dishonourable deeds to injure the happiness of the princess. Conant, the poor Marlborough-street magistrate, who procured the attested

[[321]]evidence for impeachment, was created Sir Nathaniel, with an increase of a thousand pounds a year, as chief of all the police offices. The Douglases were all either elevated to wealth, office, or rank. The Jerseys stood in the sunshine of the court; and the Rev. Mr. Bates, then editor of the "Herald," and her bitterest enemy, was created a baronet, and promoted high in the church! Such was the fortune of her accusers; but how different was that of her supporters!

In June, the Chancellor of the Exchequer submitted his plan of finance. It proved that the revenue was reduced eighteen millions, to meet which, extra loans were proposed to be raised and new taxes enforced. In doing this, the Speaker of the House of Commons, in the address to the regent, said, "In adopting this course, his majesty's faithful Commons do not conceal from themselves that they are calling upon the nation for a great exertion; but, well knowing that honour, character, and independence have at all times been the first and dearest objects of the hearts of Englishmen, we feel assured that there is no difficulty that the country would not encounter, and no pressure to which it would not cheerfully submit, to enable us to maintain pure and unimpaired that which has never yet been shaken or sullied,—our public credit, and our national good faith." Now let us ask the reason why an extra immense burden of taxation was to be levied upon the people. The queen was acknowledged to be dead, and certainly could not be chargeable to the

[[322]]nation by her personal expenditure or allowance. The king was also dead, though his income was received as usual! as well as the Duke of York's ten thousand pounds for attending him!!! Royal and ministerial extravagance likewise caused the useless outlay of twenty thousand, five hundred pounds, for SNUFF-BOXES, besides twelve hundred guineas as presents to three German barons. The gift of an axe or a halter would have better accorded with the financial state of the empire!

The prince regent closed the session in person on the 13th of July; and, at the conclusion of his speech, adverted to the seditious spirit (what sensible man could feel surprised at it?) which was evident in the manufacturing districts, and avowed a firm determination to employ the powers provided by law for its suppression, instead of promising the people redress of grievances!

In Glasgow, Leeds, Manchester, and Stockport, the meetings of the inhabitants now became very numerous, while all means were taken by the local authorities to provoke general confusion.

On the 16th of August, the MEMORABLE MEETING at Manchester took place, for the purpose of petitioning for a reform in the representation. The assembly consisted of from sixty to one hundred thousand persons, who conducted themselves in the most peaceable manner. The assembled multitude, however, were suddenly surprised by the arrival of the Manchester yeomanry cavalry; to which were afterwards added a regiment of the Cheshire yeomanry,

[[323]]and a regiment of huzzars,—the outlets being occupied by other military detachments. The unarmed thousands were now driven one upon another, and many were killed and wounded, while others were ridden over by the horses. The number ascertained to have been killed were eight men, two women, and one child; but the wounded were about six hundred! How well the words of a celebrated author apply to this diabolical proceeding: "A kingdom for a stage, princes to act, and to behold the grand effect; but at their heels, leashed in like hounds, may not sword, famine, fire, crouch for employment?" Numerous imprisonments followed, and many poor families were consequently deprived of support.

Historians are at issue whether or not the riot act was read before the scene of carnage commenced, as it is unconstitutional to send a military force to act before so doing. We, however, confidently assert IT WAS NOT READ in the hearing of any of the populace, neither was it at all likely that the soldiers could have come so suddenly and unexpectedly upon the multitudes, unless by previous order and arrangement. Further than this, an hour ought to have transpired after such reading before a soldier or civil officer could be authorised to interfere in dispersing the meeting. As a proof of the corresponding features of this unexampled and murderous business, a letter was written by the pious Lord Sidmouth, in the name of the regent, to the Earl of Derby, presenting thanks for the vigorous and able conduct of the magistracy and military of Manchester on the

[[324]]16th. Thus were the lives and liberties of the open-hearted population of these kingdoms allowed to be at the controul of an impotent and heartless statesman; for it appeared that the regent was not at hand to have given his assent to this unparalleled piece of barefaced audacity. Lord Sidmouth should have been more careful of dates, as the "royal dandy" was at that time taking a little pleasure near the Isle of Wight. But the following particulars will explain the systematic plan of this cold-blooded massacre:

Mr. H. N. Bell, before this period, was confidentially employed at the office of the secretary of state, in the capacity of genealogist, under the immediate controul of Lord Sidmouth. Some considerable period before the melancholy butchery, he was engaged to proceed to Manchester, in company with two other persons, for the avowed purpose of inflaming the public mind against the ministry. He went, and the result was as his patron and employer, Lord Sidmouth, desired it. Mr. Bell and his associates expressed to the people of Manchester, that they need not remain in their then starving condition, if, in an orderly and peaceable manner, they were to assemble on some convenient spot, and unanimously resolve to petition for a reform, so much needed, in the representation. These tools of the secretary of state told the famishing multitudes, that if they pleased to enjoy happiness and plenty, together with civil liberty, they had now an opportunity of accomplishing their most earnest wishes. Under their influence, clubs and unions were soon formed,

[[325]]and public notices were ultimately given, that a general meeting would take place on the 16th of August.

These preliminary arrangements being completed, the soldiery had instructions to be ready. The result was as before stated; and Mr. Bell and his accomplices returned to London as soon as their object was attained. The Duke of York acted a prominent part in this plot, from his military facilities; but the besotted prince was persuaded to get out of the way until the affair should be concluded.

Mr. Bell proved very useful in the office of the secretary, and as he had once forfeited his own good opinion, by lending himself to the diabolical plot just mentioned, he made no further scruple, but became a passive engine, directed in his actions by the command of ministers and state empirics. Lord Sidmouth was dissatisfied with the Manchester business; he had hoped that many more might have been brought to suffer the extreme penalty of the law, thereby affording an awful example to deter others from daring to question the excellency of the government under which they lived, and the generous disposition of the governors. We are aware that some people attributed this affair to the magistracy; but they would not have dared to interfere in such a manner as they did, unless sanctioned and supported by the higher powers. The cause of a selfish, cruel, and despotic ministry, required the assistance of corresponding heartless servants, and they obtained it. Lord Castlereagh, however, threw out many insinuations

[[326]]that the Manchester plot was a very bold and desperate undertaking; but the pious doctor "laid the flattering unction to his soul of its expediency," believing some such infamous procedure needful to rivet the iron sceptre of despotism. How well does the repentant language of a certain wicked king apply here!

"My fault is past. But, O, what form of prayer
Can serve my turn? Forgive me my foul murder!—
That cannot be, since I am still possess'd
Of those effects for which I did the murder!
* * * * *
In the corrupted currents of this world,
Offence's gilded hand may shove by justice;
And oft 'tis seen, the wicked prize itself
Buys out the law!"

This has proved but too true, as well in the Manchester affair as in many other diabolical state proceedings. The little value, indeed, which the ministers of this period entertained for human life ought never to be pardoned. Property, if seized or lost, may be restored; or if not, man may enjoy a thousand delightful pleasures of existence without riches. The sun shines as warmly on the poor as on the rich; the gale of health breathes its balsam into the cottage casement on the heath no less sweetly and salubriously than in the portals of the palace. But can the lords of this world, who think so little of the lives of their inferiors in wealth, with all their boasted power, relume the light of the eye once dimmed by the shades of death? "Accursed despots!" as a talented author well observes, "shew the world your

[[327]]authority for taking away that which ye never gave, and cannot give; for undoing the work of God, and extinguishing the lamp of life which was illuminated with a ray from heaven! Where is your CHARTER TO PRIVILEGE MURDER?" All the gold of Ophir, all the gems of Golconda, cannot buy a single life, nor pay for its loss,—it is above all price. Yet when we take a view of the proceedings of Lord Sidmouth's junto, we are led to believe any thing of more value than human life. Crimes which had very little moral evil, if any, and which, therefore, could not incur the vengeance of a just and merciful God, were unceremoniously punished with death by this minister. Men, for instance, were liable to be shot for meeting peaceably together and making speeches, though proceeding from the purest and most virtuous principles, from the most enlarged benevolence, from wisdom and unaffected patriotism; or for such speeches as might proceed from mere warmth of temper, neither intending nor accomplishing any mischief. Was not such the case in that horrible affair which we have just related? But despots are ever frightened at their own shadows; they tremble and become offended at the least alarm, and nothing but the blood of the accused can expiate the offence. It is, however, from such savage acts of barbarity that the Goddess of Liberty is aroused; it is from the tyranny of her jailors that she eventually makes a progress irresistible, and carries with her fires destined to consume the throne of every despot that cannot bear the light! Various motions have been made

[[328]]since that accursed day to bring the surviving actors in the Manchester tragedy to condign punishment. Amongst the foremost in this laudable endeavour stands Mr. Hunt; but his efforts have hitherto proved unavailing. Although we disapprove of the general conduct of the member for Preston, the meed of praise ought not to be withheld from him for the admirable speech he delivered, relative to this subject, in March, 1832, as follows:

"Mr. Hunt said the grossest misrepresentations had been made in parliament respecting that occurrence; and he felt that it was a matter deeply to be regretted, that there was not in the House of Commons, at the time, some person who had witnessed the transaction, and who could put the House in possession of the real facts. There was a hope, however, that the present government would grant an inquiry for which he was about to apply, in conformity with the prayer of the petitions which he had just presented, and with the desire of his constituents. He proceeded to detail the circumstances under which the meeting of the Manchester reformers, at which he presided, took place. He described the horrible scene which ensued upon the dispersion of the meeting by an unprovoked and unresisted charge of the yeomanry cavalry. The House would have some notion of the violence and cruelty of the military from this fact, that when a number of men, women, and children had crowded into a small court, from which there was no thoroughfare, one of the yeomanry drove them out, whilst another struck at each of them with his sabre, as they came out. The number of persons killed on that day amounted to fifteen, while the maimed and wounded were no fewer than four hundred and twenty-four. It was true that it might be said that some of these did not suffer from the sabres of the yeomanry, but a very large proportion, he would take on himself to say, were wounded in that manner; and, at all events, it was quite certain, that no accident whatever would have occurred but for the outrageous attack that had been made on the peaceable multitude. Nor was it men alone that suffered. Women were cut down also. And were these men to be called soldiers? Was this their way of showing their high courage and their honour by cutting down

[[329]]inoffensive females? He would ask any man of humanity in that House, whether such disgraceful acts ought to be passed by unnoticed and unpunished, merely because it could be said that twelve years had elapsed since the transaction had taken place? But another excuse that perhaps might be made was, that the meeting was an illegal one. In answer to that, however, he would take on himself to say, that in his opinion, and in the opinion of those who constituted the meeting, they were as legally, aye, and as meritoriously assembled, as that House was assembled; and for as useful a purpose. No one was insulted—no tumult took place—no symptoms of riot were evinced; and yet was it for a moment to be said, that in such a country as this, where there was a continual boast of the omnipotence of justice, such things were to be passed over without notice and without censure? He could assure the House, that if this inquiry was not granted, there would be thousands of hearts rankling dissatisfied and discontented, and which could never be set at ease till justice was awarded. The petitioners, in whose name he was speaking, recollected that Earl Grey, and many of his colleagues, expressed, at the time of this outrage, a desire for an investigation into the matter. And how was that inquiry then resisted? First, by the production of official documents, emanating from the guilty party themselves; and next, by allusion to the trial at York; and the cry that the courts of justice were open to those who had any complaint to make. But the courts of justice were not open; for the relations of those that were killed had gone to those courts of justice, and even there all retribution had been denied them in the most cruel and indifferent manner! Nor was this all. All sorts of calumnious statements were allowed to be made in the House of Commons as to the conduct of the mob, by paid spies of the government. The general presumption was, that it was the intention of the Manchester meeting, had it not been interrupted, to pass resolutions similar to those passed at Smithfield, declaratory that without a reform in parliament, taxes ought not to be paid; and he believed that that presumption was the main reason why he had been found guilty. But now, what an alteration had taken place! It was only the other day that 150,000 persons had met at Birmingham, and actually made a declaration to the same effect; and yet they were not cut down—the yeomanry had not been called out to act against them. This motion for a select committee had, in a manner, become absolutely necessary; for when he had moved for the correspondence that had taken place between Lord Sidmouth (then the secretary of state) and the lord lieutenant of the county, that correspondence had been

[[330]]refused; and, therefore, he had no other course to pursue than to ask for a committee for general inquiry into the whole question. Some part of Lord Sidmouth's correspondence, however, was before the public; for he had in his hand that letter of his lordship's in which he, in the name of the prince regent, thanked the magistracy for the way in which they had acted—yes, actually thanked them for having directed the execution of these COLD-BLOODED MURDERS,—by which name he must call those deeds, and by which name they were ever designated in that part of the country where they had been committed. The consequence of this letter was, that the parties, so far from shrinking abashed as they ought, actually gloried in the share they had taken in the transaction; and, in particular, he might mention that an Irishman of the name of Meagher, who was the trumpeter on that occasion, had boasted, when he returned to Ireland, that he had in one day spilled more Saxon blood than had ever been spilled by any one of his countrymen before! The real truth of the matter was, in spite of the false colouring that interested parties had endeavoured to put on it, that the meeting at Manchester was neither more nor less than a reform meeting, that every thing was going on peaceably, that not even so much as a pane of glass was broken, and though the government took the trouble to send Messrs. Oliver and Castles among the people to corrupt them, they were not able to succeed in their virtuous endeavours. As to his own personal feeling on the subject, he was quite willing to remember that twelve years had elapsed, and in that recollection to drown the memory of all he had himself suffered in consequence of the transactions of that day. It was enough for him, when he recollected the object of that meeting, to see the noble lord introduce such a measure of reform as he had never expected to see any government in this country introduce; and which, though it did not go the length that he could have desired, fully admitted the allegation, that the present House of Commons was not chosen by the people,—the allegation on which he had all along built his own proposition of reform. This, he repeated, was quite enough to wipe away any personal resentment that he might ever have felt. But if not—if he still were vindictive—what revenge might he not find in the events that had since taken place! Who was the prime minister of that day? The Earl of Liverpool! And where was the Earl of Liverpool? Who were the principal officers of state of that day? Lord Sidmouth, Mr. Canning, and Lord Castlereagh! Of these, Lord Sidmouth alone remained; and where was Mr. Canning? Where Lord Castlereagh, and how did he go out of the world? A remarkable

[[331]]fact it was, that two years afterwards, on the very anniversary of that fatal 16th of August, while he was lying in prison, the very first letter that he opened detailed to him the end of that minister. Who was the reigning prince of that day?—George the Fourth—where was he? They had all gone to answer for their deeds at a tribunal where no jury could be packed, where no evidence could be stifled, and where unerring justice would be meted out to them! To carry this further, if it needed it, he might mention that two of those very yeomanry committed suicide on the very anniversary of the 16th of August, and many were now to be seen walking about the streets of Manchester, objects of a horrid pity. He would not say that all this was a just judgment on these participators in the murders of Manchester: but one might almost fancy, that though a House of Commons could not be found to deal out impartial justice, there was still a wise Providence over all, which, by its interference, had taken care not to let the guilty escape; and, as a climax to the whole, he hoped to live to see the day when the noble lord who yet lived should be brought to the bar of justice for having sent Castles, and Edwards, and Oliver, as spies, for the purpose of instigating the peaceful people to revolt. Nor was this all. Other retribution had taken place; the government of that day and its friends had not only countenanced this destruction of the people for the sake of shewing their enmity to reform, but had actually undertaken a continental war with the same objects in view; and yet now those very persons saw a reform taking place in spite of themselves, and had even been condemned unsuccessfully to battle its progress night after night in that House. He would say this too, that if this committee of inquiry should be refused, and if he should live a few years longer, he did not doubt that he should see the day arrive when a much heavier retaliation, in another way, would take place. He himself desired no such thing; but was it in the character of human nature that persons who had been so deeply injured should sit down quiet and satisfied, when every thing in the shape of redress was denied them? But he trusted that the government would not refuse this motion for inquiry; should, however, such a refusal be given, he should feel it to be his duty to bring the question again and again before the country, as often as the forms of the House would allow. In making his proposition to the House, he had not provided himself with a seconder; but, after what had taken place, he would call on the noble Chancellor of the Exchequer to second the motion. The noble lord had, twelve years ago, pretty freely expressed his opinion as to the transaction; and, he presumed, that that opinion had not been

[[332]]altered by the lapse of time. The laws of England and of every country had always been unanimous in expressing their abhorrence of the crime of murder; and it was because he charged those parties with being guilty of a deliberate and cold-blooded murder that he demanded an inquiry, in the name of justice and retribution."

We offer no apology for introducing this eloquent and manly appeal in behalf of long-delayed justice. The popularity or unpopularity of Mr. Hunt forms no consideration in our minds; nay, even if the Duke of Cumberland himself (much as we loathe his character!) had been its author, it should still have found a place in our volume. How the ministers could reconcile it with their duty, both to God and man, to refuse the inquiry, we are at a loss to determine, particularly as each of them formerly expressed a desire for it! It is really astonishing with what different eyes men see things when in office and when toiling to get in!

In the October of this year, the Princess of Wales removed to Marseilles, weary of the attempts to traduce and insult her character by hirelings from the English court. A friend of our's had the pleasure of enjoying her royal highness' confidence at this period, and, after her removal to Marseilles, the persecuted Caroline made the following observations: "What could I do, when I found such base attempts made to destroy my reputation by the most disreputable characters? I left Milan, and I have carefully preserved a journal of each day's history, which, upon perusal, will do much more than merely satisfy the nation, to which my heart so fondly clings." "I

[[333]]wished," added the princess, "very ardently to have gone to England in the early part of this year, and I had resolved to do so; but my legal advisers prevented me, expressing their opinion that they should see me first." It is a fact that the interview with Mr. Brougham, so much desired in April, 1819, was not granted until a later period in 1820! Might not an earlier arrangement than this very probably have put the enemy to flight? The princess was not ignorant of the demise of the king, as we have before stated; and the source from which her royal highness received that information was too worthy of reliance to be doubted. Yet, being bound in honour to conceal the information and informant, both were kept in profound silence. It was generally supposed, however, that this event had taken place, because no man, afflicted as his majesty was said to be, could possibly exist for any lengthened period. But in the then art of governing, there were frequently many circumstances which were highly necessary to be concealed from the knowledge of the people. That precious trio, Sidmouth, Castlereagh, and Canning, environed the throne, and their dictatorial will was soon converted into law. Under their auspices, the already enormous standing army was still increased; while, like the tyrannical son of Philip, when he reprimanded Aristotle for publishing his discoveries, they whispered to their myrmidons, "Let us diffuse darkness round the land. Let the people be kept in a brutal state. Let their conduct, when assembled, be riotous and irrational as ignorance and our spies

[[334]]can make it, that they may be brought into discredit, and deemed unfit for the management of their own affairs. Let power be rendered dangerous in their hands, that it may continue unmolested in our own. Let them not taste the fruit of the tree of knowledge, lest they become as wise as ourselves!" Such were the political sentiments of those at the head of affairs at this period;—how successfully they acted upon them is too well known.

The session opened in November, and never did ministers commit themselves more than by the speech then put into the mouth of the regent. It contained little else than vindictive sentiments, breathing vengeance on all who dared oppose the "powers that be," but seemed utterly forgetful of this good advice, "It is the sovereign's duty to ease with mercy's oil the sufferer's heart."

The infamous and notorious "Six Acts" were introduced this session by "the Oppressors," the principal object of which was to impose further restrictions on the freedom of the press. This plan was considered likely to be the most successful, as well as the most insidious, mode of abolishing the few liberties remaining to Englishmen. Ministers thus thought to leave the FORM of our dearest safeguard untouched, and so gradually annihilate its ESSENCE. The voracious worm eats out the kernel completely, while the husk continues fair to the eye, and apparently entire. The husbandman would crush the insect, if it commenced the attack on the external tegument; but it carries on the work of

[[335]]destruction with efficacy and safety, while it corrodes the unseen fruit, and spares the outside shell. At this despotic period, the press was erected as a battery by the people to defend the almost vanquished citadel of their liberty; but, by these acts, Castlereagh, instead of attacking this citadel, opened the dams, locks, and flood-gates, so that the waters might secretly undermine its foundation, when he hoped to see it fall ingloriously into the hands of its enemies. While these base deeds were being accomplished, no thoughts were bestowed upon the people's wretchedness, which stood in dread array against ministerial imbecility. Indeed, the servile papers in the pay of government not only stoutly denied that such distress existed, but made the grossest attempts to impose on the public credulity. Let any one read such papers of the period we are speaking, if the employment be not too nauseous, and they will there see KNOWN FACTS, if they militated against the credit of the voluptuous regent, or his government, either DOUBTED or DENIED; uncertain victories extolled beyond all resemblance to truth; and defeats, in the highest degree disgraceful and injurious, artfully extenuated. Notwithstanding all this effrontery and falsehood, the "Six Acts" were still thought necessary to gag that which corruption and bribery could not render quite inefficient in the cause of truth. While contemplating such acts of tyranny, we are led to exclaim with Cato, when seeking out the little barren spot of Utica, "Wherever there is a regard for LIBERTY, JUSTICE,

[[336]]and HUMANITY, there will we gladly take up our abode; for there we shall find a country and a home!"

The extraordinary events that occurred in the year