1820

are so closely interwoven with the weal and wo of the British people, that it may be considered as one of the most serious periods in English history.

On the 15th of January, the Duke of Kent became indisposed with a severe cold. On the 17th of the same month, it was reported, "that his royal highness' illness had assumed most alarming symptoms;" and Sir David Dundas went off expressly to Sidmouth to attend his royal highness. The duke's disorder increased, and at half-past one, P. M., January 23rd, this prince was deprived of his mortal existence, in the fifty-third year of his age. But a few days before, his royal highness was in good health, and in the prime of life! The public will one day be made acquainted with the particulars of the REAL CAUSE of his death. At present, we shall only observe, that his royal highness was too virtuous to be allowed to live long in a vicious court!

The public journals dwelt with much force upon the kind attentions and tender offices performed by the duchess, which, if true, were only what every good wife ought to have done. Who can be nearer to a wife than her husband? and what lady of feeling

[[337]]and integrity would not blush to be negligent in the best services and the most unwearied attentions to the ordained partner of her life? Royalty, however, has so many and such peculiar privileges, that what is considered wonderous grace with them is merely thought common decency in the vulgar part of Adam's offspring.

About this time, the king's health was stated to be "very much on the decline," (hypocrisy!) and the journals announced "that George the Third expired without a struggle, on the 29th of January, in the eighty-second year of his age, and the sixtieth of his reign." But we have the gratification of setting history right in this particular. Of course, the letters and notices of this intelligence were immediately forwarded by the appointed messengers to the several foreign courts. It would be unnecessary for us here to offer any remark upon the character of George the Third, as we have previously noticed the origin of that unhappy disease which so lamentably afflicted him during the latter years of his truly unfortunate life. His majesty bequeathed a sum of money to each of his sons; but George the Fourth thought proper to withhold the Duke of Sussex's portion. This unjust act was the primary cause of the quarrel between these royal brothers, which lasted till the death of George the Fourth. But, as "kings can do no wrong," little was thought of his majesty's dishonesty. Monarchs are aware of their privileges, and have, therefore, in many instances, not scrupled to commit the most heinous crimes. His late

[[338]]majesty was one of this kind, and yet he was called "His most gracious, religious, and benevolent majesty!" What a profanation of terms were these!

As a necessary preliminary to a new reign, George the Fourth was proclaimed in London on the 31st of the same month.

In February, a pretended mysterious political plot was publicly adverted to, by the name of "The Cato-street Conspiracy." It was said that information having been received at Bow-street, that a meeting of armed persons was to be held at a house in Cato-street, Mary-la-bonne, and, as the magistrates feared something serious would be the result, they forwarded a formidable body of their officers to the place. On the arrival of these persons, they found the number of men amounted to thirty, armed with guns, swords, daggers, and other weapons, and appeared ready to leave the place, which was a hayloft at the top of the house. The officers demanded an entrance, which was refused. Captain Fitzclarence then arrived, with a party of the guards, and a scene of much violence ensued. Some of the party were taken to Bow-street, which was lined with soldiers. The result proved serious to a police officer, named Smythers, who was stabbed in the affray, which produced his death; and it was sworn, that Arthur Thistlewood inflicted the wound.

This heart-rending tragedy was generally thought to have been produced by government spies; indeed, several newspapers stated as much at the time. We, however, KNOW such to have been the case, and

[[339]]that the characters of "blood-hounds" were but too well performed. Our bosoms swell with indignation at the recollection of such monstrous plots against the lives and liberties of our countrymen, and we regret that the plotters did not fall into their own snares.

On the morning after this lamentable occurrence, a "Gazette Extraordinary" was issued, signed "Sidmouth," offering one thousand pounds for the detection of Arthur Thistlewood, who stood charged with the crime of high treason. The reward had the desired effect, as he was soon apprehended. Three of his companions were afterwards taken, and FIVE MARTYRS, in all, suffered as traitors on the 1st of May.

Let us not, in common with hirelings, talk of the "wisdom of ministers," and the "bravery of the guards," combined with the several loathsome execrations on artificers and agriculturists; but let us inquire, is there no resemblance to be observed between this conspiracy and the Manchester massacre? The intelligent reader will not find the similarity difficult to trace.

The queen's return to England being now expected, Mr. Canning resigned his place in the cabinet as president of the Board of Controul, and retired to the Continent. One of his biographers says, "His conduct on this occasion, according to universal consent, was marked by the most perfect correctness and delicacy of feeling." Perhaps it might be so considered by some people; but to us it does appear that a man of sound public principles, of high and

[[340]]honourable private feelings, had no middle course to take at this juncture. Either the Queen of England was GUILTY, or she was the MOST PERSECUTED AND AGGRIEVED OF WOMEN. Will any one say that, in the first instance, it was the duty of a minister of high station to desert the painful, but responsible, situation in which he stood, from any feeling of esteem or attachment to an individual so unworthy? In the other case, if Queen Caroline, as almost every body believed, and as Mr. Brougham solemnly swore he believed, was INNOCENT, was there any circumstance or consideration upon earth,—the wreck of ambition, the loss of fortune, or the fear of even death itself,—which should have induced an English gentleman, a man of honour, a man who had the feelings of a man, to leave a FEMALE, whom he called "FRIEND," beneath the weight of so awful an oppression? To us, we must confess, Mr. Canning's conduct on this occasion appears one of the greatest blots we are acquainted with upon his public and private character, the almost unequivocal proof of a mind unused to the habit of taking sound and elevated views of the human action. Mr. Canning had, during a long career,—a career continued through nearly thirty years,—been the forward and unflinching opponent of popular principles and concessions. He had never once shrunk from abridging the liberties of the subject; he had never once shown trepidation at any extraordinary powers demanded by the crown. With his arms folded, and his looks erect, he had sanctioned, without scruple,

[[341]]the severest laws against the press; he had advocated the arbitrary imprisonment of the free citizen; he had eulogized the forcible repression of public meetings; and he had constantly declared himself the determined enemy of parliamentary reform. The only subject on which he professed liberal opinions (the Catholic question) was precisely that subject to which the great bulk of the community was indisposed. Such had been the career, such was the character, of Mr. Canning up to the time of his cowardly desertion of the injured Caroline, Queen of England!

Her majesty was now daily expected to land upon our shores; and powerful as was the arm of tyranny, her arrival was much feared by her husband and his ministers.

We have before mentioned that the queen desired several times, most particularly, to see Mr. Brougham. It is true that various places for meeting had been appointed; but some apology or other was invariably made by the learned gentleman. Her majesty finally wrote that she should be at St. Omers on a certain day, on her way to England, in the metropolis of which she was resolved to arrive as soon as possible. Her majesty had previously appointed Mr. Brougham her attorney-general, desiring he would choose a solicitor to act with him, and he named Mr. Denman. One excuse for not attending to his appointment with the queen, Mr. Brougham ascribed to his electioneering business in Westmoreland; and another was, Mrs. Brougham's being in a

[[342]]situation too delicate for him to leave her. Such excuses ought not to have prevented Mr. Brougham's giving his attention to the important business of the queen; indeed, he was once within four leagues of her majesty's abode, with a CERTAIN LETTER in his pocket from the highest authorities; but Mr. Brougham did not venture to lay it before the queen, nor did he seek for an interview. The commission thus entrusted to this learned gentleman was the same which Lord Hutchinson undertook some time afterwards.

The queen felt very indignant at Mr. Brougham's so repeatedly declining his engagements, and wrote to Lord Liverpool to request his lordship would send a frigate to convey her to England. Fearing, however, that this might be against the state projects then in contemplation, the queen, by the same post, wrote to her former friend and lady in waiting, Lady Anne Hamilton, to repair to her immediately at St. Omers, and attend her in her former capacity; and also, to Alderman Wood, that if Lord Liverpool refused or delayed to send a frigate, the Alderman would hire a vessel for the purpose of bringing her to this country immediately.

Little time was lost in obeying these commands of the Queen of England. In the mean time, Mr. Brougham wrote to her majesty, requesting leave to meet her at Calais; to which the queen replied, she should choose to see him at the inn at St. Omers. Shortly after the arrival of her majesty's lady in waiting and the alderman, Mr. Brougham was

[[343]]announced, and informed her majesty that he was accompanied by Lord Hutchinson, (now Lord Donoughmore) the KING'S PARTICULAR FRIEND, who was the bearer of a message to her majesty from the king, and asked leave when he might have the honour of introducing him to her majesty. "No, no, Mr. Brougham, (said the queen) no conversations for me; he must put it in writing, if you please; we are at war at present." "But, madam, it is impossible that so many scraps of different conversations can be properly arranged." "Then, I don't see Lord Hutchinson," said the queen. "Madam, if you insist upon it, it shall be done; and when will your majesty be pleased to receive it?" "To-morrow morning you may bring it me; and so good evening to you, as I suppose you are fatigued with your journey."

The next morning, Mr. Brougham arrived with Lord Hutchinson's letter, which the queen opened and read in Mr. Brougham's presence; in the conclusion of that letter, her majesty was earnestly entreated to wait the return of a courier from Paris. "Paris! Paris!" said the queen, "what have I to do with Paris?" Mr. Brougham, in much confusion, said, "Your majesty MUST HAVE MISTAKEN; it must mean Calais; my friend is too honourable to mean any thing of that kind, or to do any thing wrong." "No, no, Mr. Brougham; Paris, Paris! Look there!" pointing the sentence out to him. Then added the queen, "You will come and dine with me to-day." "May not I bring Lord Hutchinson with

[[344]]me, please your majesty?" "Certainly not." "But I hope you will see Lord Hutchinson?" "Yes; let him come directly." The queen then assembled her whole household, and received his lordship in the midst of a formal circle, talked upon indifferent subjects for about a quarter of an hour; then rose, and, gracefully courtesying, left the room. Most of the household followed; and Mr. Brougham, with his friend, Lord Hutchinson, did not remain long behind. Mr. Brougham afterwards returned; but appeared exceedingly disconcerted. Lady Hamilton was present, and tried to draw him into conversation upon various subjects; but he answered, rather abruptly, "You and the alderman are leading the queen to her destruction." The lady replied, that was a mistake; she did not interfere in political affairs. Mr. Brougham begged pardon, and the subject was ended by the queen entering the room to dinner. The dinner passed off very well; her majesty appeared in good spirits, as did Mr. Brougham. It was the queen's general practice not to sit long after dinner; she, therefore, soon retired with her lady; and the gentlemen adjourned to the drawing-room to await the serving of coffee. By her majesty's orders, her maids were waiting with her travelling dress, with the carriages all ready in the court-yard, in the first of which her majesty immediately seated herself, as also Lady Hamilton and Alderman Wood. The moment before her majesty drove out of the yard, she desired her maître d'hôtel to inform Mr. Brougham "that the queen would drink coffee with him in

[[345]]London;" yet five minutes had not elapsed from leaving the dinner-table to her driving out from the inn, as fast as four post-horses could convey her. This was the only time her majesty was ever known to show fear; but, at the appearance of any horseman, she became very much agitated from the supposition that she should be detained in France, under a PRETENCE of not having a correct passport, the want of horses, or some such trivial excuse. The queen was aware that the King of England had, not long before, placed Louis the Eighteenth upon the throne of France; therefore he could not object to any proposition her husband thought proper to require. Her majesty also KNEW that a courier had been despatched to Paris, and that that courier was one of Mr. Brougham's brothers! Mr. Brougham himself actually joined with Lord Hutchinson in trying to persuade her majesty to remain in France till the return of the courier. The queen's active and intelligent mind saw every thing at a glance, and she acted with the promptitude of her character. Alderman Wood proposed that her majesty should rest that night at D'Estaing's fine hotel at Calais, instead of sleeping on board a common packet, which would not sail till the morning. "No, no," said the queen, "drive straight to the shore;" and out she got like a girl of fifteen, and was in the packet before any one else. "There," said her majesty, "now I can breathe freely—now I am protected by English laws." The queen was hardly seated, when Alderman Wood presented her with a note from Mr.

[[346]]Brougham, entreating her majesty to return, if only for the night, to D'Estaing's, and promising that no harm should happen to her. "No, no," replied the queen, "I am safe here, and I WILL NOT TRUST HIM;" and then threw a mattress in the middle of her cabin, with some blankets, and slept there all night. In the morning, when her majesty was about to land at Dover, she seemed a little intimidated, in consequence of the dense multitude through which she had to pass. Her majesty's fears, however, were entirely groundless, as she soon found the hearts of Britons were friendly to her cause, though they exemplified it rather roughly; for her feet were never permitted to touch the ground from the time her majesty left the vessel till her arrival at the inn, which she availed herself of with feelings of the most gratifying description, at the sympathy manifested in the cause of persecuted virtue.

As soon as her majesty could procure horses, she set forward to Canterbury, where she was received with similar acclamations. The populace insisted upon drawing her majesty out of the town, and then would not suffer the horses to be put to without her personal entreaties. Thousands of blessings were poured on her head, without one dissenting voice; and in this manner did her majesty proceed all the way to London.

The queen took up her abode at 77, South Audley-street, until another more suitable residence could be provided for her. The family of Alderman Wood, who previously inhabited this house, left it

[[347]]immediately after receiving intelligence that her majesty would make a temporary use of it, and they occupied apartments at Flagdon's hotel.

On the ensuing day, several of the nobility and members of the House of Commons called to inquire after her majesty's health. On the ninth of this month, her majesty removed from South Audley-street to 32, Portman-square, the residence of the Right Honourable Lady Anne Hamilton, by whom the queen was attended. Her ladyship's servants were continued, and her majesty was much pleased with the respectful and generous attentions rendered.

On the 16th, the queen received an address from the common council of the city of London, to which she returned an answer, so feelingly expressed, as to excite the sympathy and admiration of all present.

On the afternoon of the sixth day of the queen's entry into London, a message was delivered from the king to both houses of parliament, communicating certain reports and papers respecting the queen's misconduct while abroad. On the following Thursday, a committee was appointed in the House of Lords; but the queen transmitted a communication to the House of Commons, protesting against the reference of her accusations to a SECRET TRIBUNAL, and soliciting an open investigation of her conduct.

Thus was commenced a prosecution in principle and object every way calculated to rouse the generous and constitutional feelings of the nation; and the effects were without a parallel in the history of all countries! Could a more outrageous insult

[[348]]possibly have been offered to her dignity, to the honour of her husband the king, or to the morality and decency of the community at large?

Up to this time, Prince Leopold had not tendered his respects to her majesty; yet he was the widowed husband of the queen's only and dearly-beloved daughter! His serene highness had been raised from a state of comparative poverty and obscurity to be honoured with the hand of England's favourite princess, from whose future reign was expected a revival of commerce and an addition of glory. Though this prince was enjoying an annual income of FIFTY THOUSAND POUNDS from the country; though he had town and country residences, of great extent and magnificent appearance; though he abounded with horses and carriages; yet not one offer did he make of any of these superfluous matters to the mother of his departed wife, by whose means he had become possessed of them all! Gratitude, however, is generally esteemed a virtue, and therefore a German prince could not be supposed to know any thing about it.

About this period, her majesty received numerous communications, tending to prove the infamous proceedings against her to have been adopted without reference to honour or principle, and to warn her from falling into the snares of her mercenary and vindictive enemies. We lay before our readers the following, as sufficient to establish this fact.

"An officer of the frigate which took her majesty

[[349]](when Princess of Wales) to the Continent averred, in the presence of three unimpeachable witnesses, that a very few days before her majesty's embarkation, Captain King, while sitting at breakfast in his cabin with the surgeon of the frigate, received a letter from a brother of the prince regent, which he read aloud, in the presence of the said surgeon, as follows:

"Dear King,

"You are going to be ordered to take the Princess of Wales to the Continent. If you don't commit adultery with her, you are a damned fool! You have my consent for it, and I can assure you that you have that of MY BROTHER, THE REGENT.

"Your's,

(Signed) ********.

"The officer who made the above statement and declaration is a most CREDITABLE PERSON, and the witnesses are all in this country."

"London, May 7th, 1820.

"Furnished to supply the queen with PROOF that the royal duke in question is leagued against her, in accordance with the WISHES OF THE KING!"

"Private Document.

"Captain King's agent is Mr. Stillwell, 22, Arundel-street, Strand, London; and the surgeon,

[[350]]who was present during the period the royal duke's letter was read, is James Hall. The witnesses were—Mr. Freshfield, 3, Tokenhouse-yard; Mr. Holmes, 3, Lyon's-inn; and Mr. Stokoe, 2, Lancaster-court; as also before Barry O'Meara.

(Signed) "Barry E. O'Meara."

On the 24th of June, a deputation of the House of Commons was appointed to wait upon her majesty with the resolutions adopted by the House on Thursday, the 22nd. They arrived at a quarter past one o'clock. Mr. Wilberforce and Mr. S. Wortley occupied the first carriage. At their appearance, strong symptoms of displeasure were indicated. They were then introduced to the queen, Mr. Brougham standing at her majesty's right hand, and Mr. Denman at her left. They severally knelt and kissed her majesty's hand. Mr. Wilberforce then read the resolutions, and her majesty replied to them. On their departure, Mr. Brougham accompanied the deputation to the door; and, after they had taken their seats in the carriages, Mr. Brougham returned to shake hands with them, although the multitudes assembled outside hissed them exceedingly.

Her majesty's answer to the before-mentioned resolutions was superior to the tricks of her enemies. In it the queen refused terms of conciliation, unless they accorded with her duty to her own character, to the king, and to the nation! "A sense of what is due to my character and sex," said the queen, "forbids me to refer minutely to the REAL CAUSE of

[[351]]our domestic differences!" Indeed, her majesty's reply was an appeal to those principles of public justice, which should be alike the safeguard of the highest and the humblest individuals. Mr. Wilberforce exposed himself to much censure upon the part he had taken in the House; and, as he so unhesitatingly hinted at the awful contents of the "Green Bag," he said, "by suppressing her own feelings, the queen would endear herself to the country." We suppose Mr. Wilberforce meant, that, by suppressing her own feelings of honour, she would gratify the honour of the country; and, by again quitting it, demonstrate her gratitude for its unshaken loyalty; but the queen was firm in her resolve to claim justice, whether it was given or withheld.

In considering these base endeavours to injure innocence, in order to raise the noble character of a voluptuous prince, we cannot help remarking that Power was the only weapon of the vitiated monarch, while Right and Justice formed the shield of the oppressed Queen of England! Indeed, every man, glowing with the sincere love of his country, and actuated by that honourable affection for its welfare, which takes a lively and zealous interest in passing events, must have considered such proceedings against her majesty fraught with inevitable evil. If her innocence, according to the prayers of millions of her subjects, should be made manifest, the public indignation would be sure to be roused, and probably prove resentful. The evidence was known to be of a description on which no magistrate would

[[352]]convict a common pickpocket, and therefore if the legislature should even be induced to consider her majesty guilty of the charges preferred against her, public opinion would certainly refuse to ratify the sentence, and turn with disgust from those promulgating it. In either case, those venerable tribunals, consecrated by our forefathers, must lose that beautiful, that honourable, that unbought, homage which a free people have ever been proud to pay them. No Englishman, we say, accustomed to reverence, with a prejudice almost sacred, the constitution of a parliament, majestic even in its errors and infirmities, could contemplate, without pain, the possibility,—nay, the almost certainty,—that the hour was not far distant when the whole nation would look with cold indifference, or gloomy distrust, on the acts of a senate, their generous obedience to which (though it had been accompanied with suffering, and followed by privation) had been "the admiration of the whole world."

On the 6th of July, Sir Thomas Tyrwhitt, usher, of the black rod, waited upon her majesty with a copy of the "Bill of Pains and Penalties" against her, presented the previous day to the House of Lords, and which was forwarded by order of their lordships. Her majesty went into the room where the deputation were waiting, and received a copy of this bill with great calmness. Upon an examination of the abominable instrument, her majesty said, "Yes, the queen who had a sufficient sense of honour and goodness to refuse the base offer of fifty thousand pounds a-year of the public money, to spend it

[[353]]when, where, how, and with whom she pleased, in banquetings, feastings, and excesses, providing it were in a foreign country, and not at home, has sufficient resolution to await the result of every investigation power can suggest." Like another Cleopatra, our insulted queen might have played "the wanton" with impunity; her imperial bark might have displayed its purple streamers, swelled with the softest Cyprian breezes. It might have sailed triumphantly down the Adriatic, to meet some highly-favoured lover! Yes, by desire of the king, her husband, the queen was requested to accept any terms beside those of a legitimate character. But her majesty preserved her usual firmness and serenity of mind during the unequalled proceedings instituted against her, and frequently repeated the unequivocal expression, "Time will furnish sufficient proof of my innocence."

On the 5th of August, the queen took possession of Brandenburgh House, formerly the residence of the Margravine of Anspatch, situated near the Thames, and in the parish of Hammersmith. Her majesty left Lady Hamilton's house at four o'clock, attended by her ladyship, and accompanied by Dr. Lushington, in an entirely new and elegant open carriage, drawn by four beautiful bay horses. They drove off amidst united shouts of applause from the assembled people.

Will future generations believe the historian's tale, that a queen,—yes, a brave and virtuous Queen of England too!—was refused a house and a home by

[[354]]the sovereign, her husband? That she, who was lured from her princely home, arrived in the centre of England, and was denied a resting place by the king and his ministers! In consequence of which, she was necessitated to take up her abode in the mansion of a late lord mayor for the space of three days, and then to accept the use of the house of her lady in waiting for nearly two months; while there were palaces totally unoccupied, and even mouldering into decay for want of being inhabited! This statement will, doubtless, appear overdrawn to future generations; but there are thousands now living who can testify to its accuracy. Ministers, indeed, entered into compact with Deception, and so glaringly committed their sentiments and characters, that, to preserve their own pretended consistency, they would have even uncrowned the king himself! A feverish sensation now pervaded the whole public mind, and from the highest to the lowest, the case of the queen was one universal theme of conversation.

On the 6th of August, her royal highness the Duchess of York died. Up to a very late hour of the day on which this occurred, no official communication had been made to the queen; but, in consequence of the event, her majesty requested to postpone several addresses which she had previously appointed to receive.

On the 7th, the queen sent a letter to the king, but it was returned from Windsor unopened, with a communication that "Such a letter addressed to the king cannot be received by his majesty, unless it

[[355]]passes through the hands of his minister." Why, after the refusal to receive this letter, should the princess be blamed for permitting its contents to be published? If the king were under obligations of such a description as to incapacitate him from exercising his own judgment, and giving his own opinion, was he fit to administer the laws, or ought he to have sanctioned the appeal of miscreants who sought their own, and not their country's, good? Let us consider the delays attending this letter. It was sent to Windsor, directed expressly for the king, accompanied with a note, written by the queen, to Sir B. Bloomfield, desiring it might be immediately delivered into the king's hand. Sir B. Bloomfield was absent, and Sir W. Keppell, as the next in command, received it, and forwarded the same to Sir B. Bloomfield, at Carlton House, immediately, who returned the letter on the 8th to her majesty, saying, "I have received the king's commands and general instructions, that any communications which may be made should pass through the hands of his majesty's government." The queen immediately despatched a letter to Lord Liverpool, enclosing the one she had addressed to the king, by the hands of a messenger, in which her majesty desired the earl to present it. Lord Liverpool was then at Coombe Wood, and wrote in reply, that he would "lose no time in laying it before his majesty." Up to the 11th, no reply had been received; and the queen wrote to Lord Liverpool again, to know if further communication were needful. Lord Liverpool replied, that he had not

[[356]]received the king's commands upon the subject, and therefore could not give any positive answer relative to it. How does this strange and incomprehensible conduct appear to any unbiassed Englishman? Was the king, who ought to be the dispenser of the laws, to be free from imputation, when he thus exposed his unrelenting temper and unbending determination, wherever his private inclinations were concerned? We dare avow, if that letter could have been answered, it would; but its contents were unanswerable! "Aye," said the hireling Castlereagh, "it is no matter what the conduct of the Princess of Wales has been; it is the king's desire that he may no more be obliged to recognise her in her former character of Princess of Wales." Oh! most sapient speech of a most sapient lord; truly this was a bold doctrine to broach, that kings have a right divine to subdue, injure, oppress, and govern wrong!

We pass by the number of addresses presented to her majesty at this period, and also the not-to-be-mistaken expression of public opinion against the projector of her injuries. Were they not concocted by the authority of the monarch, her husband? Was it not by his divine decree that his consort's name was erased from the liturgy? Did he not send down to parliament that message which denounced his queen a criminal? Yet, after all this, Lord Liverpool said, "The king has no personal feeling upon the subject." Very true, his majesty could not have any personal feeling towards the queen; his royal feelings had always been confined to the libidinous

[[357]]and the most obnoxious of society! Had he been a worthy and upright plaintiff against the most unfortunate of defendants, would he have scrupled to have shewn himself in his regal chair upon the continued debates arising from this most important question; and would not a sense of greatness and virtue, had he possessed either, after hearing the infamous statements of false witnesses, have influenced him to decline further proceedings, though his pride might have withheld an acknowledgment of error? This line of honest conduct was not followed, and we are therefore obliged to brand him as one of the most despicable and mean of the human race!

During the disgraceful proceedings against the queen, such was the public feeling in her favour, that the peers actually feared for their personal safety in going to and returning from the House. This threatened danger was, as might be expected, properly guarded against by the military, who poured into London and its environs in vast numbers. The agitated state of the public mind probably was never more decidedly expressed than on the 19th of August, the day on which the trial commenced. At a very early hour in the morning, workmen were employed in forming double rows of strong timber from St. Margaret's church to the King's Bench office on the one side, and from the upper extremity of Abingdon-street on the other, so as to enclose the whole area in front of the House of Lords. This was done to form a passage to the House, which was devoted exclusively for the carriages of the peers, to and from the principal entrance. Within this extensive

[[358]]area, a large body of constables were stationed, under the controul of the high bailiff and high constable, who were in attendance before seven o'clock. A very strong body of foot-guards were also posted in the King's Bench office, the Record office, and in the other apartments, near or fronting the street. Westminster Hall was likewise appropriated to the accommodation of the military. All the leading passages from St. Margaret's church into Parliament-street were closed securely by strong partitions of timber. The police-hulk and the gun-boats defended the river side of Westminster, and the civil and military arrangements presented an effectual barrier on the opposite side. At nine o'clock, a troop of life-guards rode into the palace yard, and formed in line in front of the principal gate of Westminster Hall; they were shortly afterwards followed by a detachment of the foot-guards, who were formed under the piazzas of the House of Lords, where they piled their arms. Patrols of life-guards were then thrown forward, in the direction of Abingdon-street, who occasionally formed near the king's entrance, and at intervals paraded.

At half-past nine, a body of the Surrey horse-patrol rode over Westminster-bridge, and for a short time paraded Parliament-street, Whitehall, and Charing-cross; they afterwards drew up near the barrier at St. Margaret's church. The peers began to arrive shortly afterwards; the lord chancellor was in the House before eight o'clock. The other ministers were equally early in their attendance.

At a quarter before ten, an universal cheering from

[[359]]a countless multitude, in the direction of Charing-cross, announced to the anxious spectators that the queen was approaching. Her majesty, attended by Lady Anne Hamilton, had come early from Brandenburgh-house to the residence of Lady Francis, St. James' Square, and from thence they departed for the House of Lords, in a new state carriage, drawn by six bay horses. As they passed Carlton Palace, the Admiralty, and other such places, the sentinels presented arms; but, at the Treasury, this mark of honour was omitted.

When the queen arrived at the House, the military stationed in the front immediately presented arms. Her majesty was received at the door by Sir T. Tyrwhitt and Mr. Brougham; and the queen, with her lady in waiting, proceeded to an apartment prepared for their reception. Shortly afterwards, her majesty, accompanied as before, entered the House by the passage leading from the robing-room, which is situated on the right of the throne.

During this initiatory part of the trial, and until nearly four o'clock, her majesty was attended by Lord Archibald Hamilton and his sister Lady Anne, who stood close to the queen all the time.

Upon returning from the House in the same state in which her majesty arrived, she was greeted by the most enthusiastic acclamations and shouts of applause from every class of society, who were apparently desirous to outvie each other in testimonies of homage to their ill-fated and insulted queen.

Each succeeding day of the pretended trial, her

[[360]]majesty met with a similar reception; and, during the whole period, addresses were lavishly poured in upon her, signed by so many persons, and testifying such ardent regard and devotion, that every moment of time was necessarily occupied with their reception and acknowledgment. Thus, though the queen was insulted by the king and the majority of the peers, it must have afforded great consolation to her wounded feelings, while witnessing the enthusiasm and devotion manifested in her cause by all the really honourable of the community. We say really honourable, because her persecutors were either actuated by "filthy lucre," or by a desire to recommend themselves, in some way or another, to the favour of the king and his ministers.

To justify these remarks, we here present our readers with a list of those time-serving creatures who voted against the queen, with the annual amounts they were then draining from the country:

The Duke of York,[360:A] with immense patronage, nearly 100,000l.; and the Duke of Clarence, 38,500l.; but we must not suppose her majesty's BROTHERS voted through interest; their virtuous minds could not tolerate her iniquities!!!

[[361]]Dukes.—Wellington, 65,741l., including the interest of 700,000l., which he received to purchase estates; Northumberland, possessing immense patronage and family interest; Newcastle, 19,700l.; Rutland, 3,500l.; Beaufort, 48,600l.; and Manchester, 16,380l.

Marquises.—Conyngham(!) 3,600l., but the exact sum his wife received, we have not been able to ascertain; Thomond, 13,400l.; Headfort, 4,200l.; Anglesea, 11,000l.; Northampton, 1,000l.; Camden, 4,150l.; Exeter, 6,900l.; Cornwallis, 15,813l.; Buckingham, 5,816l.; Lothian, 4,900l.; Queensberry, great family interest; and Winchester, 3,200l.

Earls.—Limerick, 2,500l.; Ross, governor of an Irish county; Donoughmore, 4,377l.; Belmore, 1,660l.; Mayo, 15,200l.; Longford, 7,369l.; Mount Cashel, 1,000l.; Kingston, 6,400l.; St. Germains, brother-in-law to Lord Hardwicke, who received 7,700l.; Brownlow, 4,400l.; Whitworth, 6,000l.; Verulam, 2,700l.; Cathcart, 27,600l.; Mulgrave, 11,051l.; Lonsdale, 14,352l.; Orford, 6,700l.; Manvers, 4,759l.; Nelson, 15,025l.; Powis, 700l.; Liverpool, 33,450l.; Digby, 6,700l.; Mount Edgecumbe, 400l.; Strange, 13,988l.; Abergavenny, 3,072l.; Aylesbury, 6,300l.; Bathurst, 15,423l.; Chatham, 13,550l.; Harcourt, 4,200l.; Warwick, 6,519l.; Portsmouth, non compos mentis; Macclesfield, 3,000l.; Aylesford, 6,450l.; Coventry, 700l.; Abingdon, 2,000l.; Shaftesbury, 6,421l.; Cardigan, 1,282l.; Balcarras, 46,050l.; Winchelsea, 6,000l.; Stamford, 4,500l.; Bridgewater, 13,700l.; Home, 2,800l.; and Huntingdon, 200l. We must not here omit Lord Eldon, whose vote would have been against her majesty if it had been required; his income amounted to 50,400l., with immense patronage.

Viscounts.—Exmouth, 10,450l.; Lake, 7,300l.; Sidmouth, 17,025l.; Melville, 18,776l.; Curzon, 2,400l.; Sydney, 11,426l.; Falmouth, 3,578l.; and Hereford, 1,200l.

Archbishops.—Canterbury, 41,800l.; Tuam, 28,000l.; both with immense patronage.

Bishops.—Cork, 6,400l., besides patronage; Llandaff, 1,540l., with twenty-six livings in his gift; Peterborough, 4,140l., with an archdeaconry, six prebends, and thirteen livings in his gift; he had also a pension granted him by the king's sign manual, in

[[362]]1804, of 514l.-4,654l.; Gloucester, 3,200l., twenty-four livings, besides other patronage, in his gift; Chester, 4,700l., with six prebends and thirty livings in his gift; he has also a son in the secret department in India, 2,000l., and another a collector in India, 2,500l., as well as sons in the church with benefices to the amount of 2,750l.-11,950l.; Ely, 21,340l., and the patronage of one hundred and eight livings; St. Asaph, 6,000l., his son has two livings in the church, 1000l., and he has ninety livings in his gift,—7,000l.; St. David's, 6,260l., besides one hundred livings, prebends, and precentorships in his gift; he has also a relation in the church, with two livings, 1,000l.-7,260l.; Worcester, 9,590l., besides the patronage of one archdeaconry and twenty-one livings; London, 10,200l., with ninety-five livings, twenty-eight prebends, and precentorships in his gift.

Lords.—Prudhoe, 700l.; Harris, 3,800l.; Meldrum, of the Gordon family, who annually devour about 30,000l.; Hill, 9,800l.; Combermere, 13,500l.; Hopetoun, 15,600l.; Gambier, 6,800l.; Manners, 21,500l.; Ailsa, expectant; Lauderdale, 36,600l.; Sheffield, 3,000l.; Redesdale, 5,500l.; St. Helens, 1,000l.; Northwick, 1,500l.; Bolton, 4,000l.; Bayning, 1,000l.; Carrington, 1,900l.; Dunstanville, 1,500l.; Rous, motive unknown; Courtown, 9,800l.; Galloway, 9,845l.; Stuart, 15,000; Douglas, 2,500l.; Grenville, 4,000l.; Suffield, brother-in-law to the notorious Castlereagh,—need we say more to point out his motive for voting against the queen? Montagu, 3,500l.; Gordon, 20,990l.; Somers, 2,000l.; Rodney, 6,123l.; Middleton, 700l.; Napier, 4,572l.; Gray, 200l., with great family interest; Colville, 4,600l.; Saltoun, 3,644l.; Forbes, 8,400l.; Lord Privy Seal, 3,000l.; and Lord President, 4,000.

Notwithstanding this phalanx of corruption being arrayed against one virtuous female, after an unexampled multiplication of abuse and perjury, on the fifty-first day of the proceedings, the infamous bill was LOST, and, with it, the pretensions to uprightness and manly feeling of every one who had voted for it! What was the dreadful, the overwhelming, responsibility of those who had ventured to prosecute,

[[363]]of all others, a great, a noble, a glorious woman, (we speak unhesitatingly, for we speak from the EVIDENCE OF HER OWN PUBLIC ACTS) by a "Bill of Pains and Penalties," which was so far from being a part of our common law, that that was necessarily sacrificed in order to give effect to this? The mock trial was supported by the evidence of witnesses who, day after day, perjured themselves for the sake of wealth, and by the ingratitude of discarded servants, treacherous domestics, and cowardly calumniators; evidence, not only stained with the infamy of their own perfidy to their generous benefactress, but polluted with the licentious and gross obscenity of their own debased instincts, for we cannot call their cunning by any other name. This, Englishmen! was the poison, this the vast and sweeping flood of iniquity, which was permitted by the government to disseminate itself into the minds of the young, and to inundate the morals of the whole country! A great moral evil was thus done; but the antidote luckily went with it. The same press, upon which the absurd, foolish, and dangerous imbecility of incompetent and unmanly ministers imposed the reluctant office of becoming the channel for the deluge of Italian evidence, also conducted the refreshing streams of national sympathy and public opinion! The public sustained their own honour in upholding that of Caroline, Queen of England! When that public beheld her intelligent eyes, beaming with mind and heroism; when they heard of her pure beneficence, holy in its principle, as it was unbounded in

[[364]]its sphere; when they felt her glowing affection for a devoted people; when they observed her, scorning alike the weakness of her sex and the luxury of her station,—actuated solely by the mighty energies of her own masculine sense and powerful understanding,—braving fatigue and danger, traversing the plains and mountains of Asia, the sands and deserts of Africa; and contemplating the living tomb of ancient liberty in modern Greece; when they heard of this dauntless woman sailing over foreign seas with a soul of courage as buoyant and as mighty as the waves that bore her; but, above all, when they knew of her refusing the glittering trappings and the splendid price of infamous security, to face inveterate, persecuting, and inflexible enemies, even on their own ground, and surrounded by their own strength and power, they felt confident that such a woman must be at once a favourite of heaven, a great queen, and a blessing to the people, who fervently offered up their prayers for her safety and her triumph! It will readily be supposed, then, with what joy the result of this important and unprecedented investigation filled the hearts of thousands, which manifested itself by shouts of exultation from the centre of the metropolis, and was re-echoed from the remotest corners of the land, by the unbought voices of a brave and generous people, who considered the unjust proceedings alike "derogatory to the dignity of the crown and the best interests of the nation."

From the very commencement of the queen's

[[365]]persecution, her majesty's counsellors appeared more in the capacity of MEDIATORS in the cause of guilt than as stern, unbending, and uncompromising champions of honour and truth! In one of Mr. Brougham's speeches, he declared the queen had no intention to recriminate; but Mr. Brougham cannot, even at this distance of time, have forgotten that, when her majesty had an interview with him after this public assertion on his part, she declared herself INSULTED by such a remark, as her case demanded all the assistance it could possibly obtain from every legal quarter. Another peculiar trait of defection was conspicuously displayed during this extraordinary trial. The letter we gave a few pages back, written by an illustrious personage to the captain of the vessel in which the princess went in the memorable year 1814, offering him a reward to procure any evidence of improper conduct on the part of her royal highness, was submitted to Mr. Brougham, and shortly afterwards, at the supper table of the queen, he said aloud, that he HAD SHEWN THAT LETTER TO THE OPPOSITE SIDE OF THE COURT; and when remonstrated with for such extraordinary conduct, his only reply was, "Oh, it will do very well;" and soon after left the room. This and many other singular acts of the learned gentleman will seem surprising to his admirers. Such suspicious conduct, indeed, is hardly to be accounted for; but we could not dispute the evidence of our own senses!

At this period, a lady of her majesty's household received a note from a young person, stating the

[[366]]writer to be in possession of some papers of GREAT CONSEQUENCE TO THE QUEEN, which she wished to deliver to her majesty. A gentleman was sent to the writer of the note, and her information to him was, in substance, as follows:

That certain property, of a large amount, had been bequeathed to her; but that for many years she had been deprived of all interest arising from it. That Dr. Sir Richard Croft, accoucheur to her late royal highness, the Princess Charlotte, was an attendant witness to the will of her mother, by whom the property had been willed,—her father having engaged, upon his return from abroad, to put his daughter in possession of her rightful claims, proving her descent, &c. That, during her unprotected state, her guardian had caused her to sign bonds to an enormous amount; and, in consequence, she had been deprived of her liberty for nearly twelve months. As Dr. Sir Richard Croft was her principal witness and friend, she frequently consulted him on different points of her affairs, and also gave him several private letters for his inspection; but these letters not being returned to her when she applied for them, she reproached the doctor with his inattention to her interests. In consequence of this, Dr. Croft called upon her, and promised to send the letters back the next day. The doctor accordingly sent her a packet; but, upon examination, she found them to be, not the letters alluded to, but letters of VAST IMPORTANCE, from the HIGHEST PERSONAGES

[[367]]in the kingdom, and elucidating the most momentous subjects. Some time after, she sealed them up, and sent a servant back with them, giving him strict injunctions to deliver them ONLY into Sir Richard's hand. While the servant was gone, the doctor called upon her, and, IN GREAT AGITATION, inquired if she had received any other letters back besides her own. She replied she had, and said, "Doctor, what have you done?" He walked about the room for some time, and then said, abruptly, "I suppose you have read the letters?" She replied, "I have read enough to make me very uncomfortable." After some further remarks, he observed, "I am the most wretched man alive!" He then said he would communicate to her all the circumstances. Sir Richard commenced his observations by stating, that he was not the perpetrator of the deed, but had been made the instrument of others, which the letters proved. He then alluded, by name, to a NOBLEMAN; and said the circumstance was first discovered by the NURSE'S observing that a sediment was left at the bottom of the cup in which the Princess Charlotte took her last beverage, and that Mrs. Griffiths directly charged the doctor with being privy to the act. He examined the contents of the cup, and was struck with horror at finding that it was the SAME DESCRIPTION OF MEDICINE WHICH HAD BEEN OBTAINED FROM HIS HOUSE, A FEW DAYS PREVIOUS, BY THE NOBLEMAN BEFORE ALLUDED TO!!! However, he endeavoured to persuade the nurse that she was mistaken; "but,"

[[368]]said the doctor, "the more I endeavoured to persuade her, the more culpable, no doubt I appeared to her."

Sir Richard said he was farther strengthened in his suspicions of the said nobleman by a conversation he had had a few days before with his lordship, who said, "If any thing should happen to the princess,—IF SHE WERE TO DIE,—it would be a melancholy event; yet I consider it would, in some considerable degree, be productive of good to the nation at large." Dr. Croft asked him how he could say so. "Because," said the nobleman, "every body knows her disposition sufficiently to be convinced, that she will ever be blind to her mother's most unequalled conduct; and I think any man, burdened with such a wife, would be justified in using ANY MEANS in seeking to get rid of her! Were it my case, the friend who would be the means of, or assist in, releasing me from her shackles, I should consider would do no more than one man ought to do for another so circumstanced." Dr. Croft then said, he went to this nobleman directly after the death of the princess, and charged him with committing the crime. He at first denied it; but at length said, "It was better for one to suffer than that the whole country should be put into a state of confusion, which would have been the case if the princess had lived," and then alluded to the Princess of Wales coming into this country. The nobleman exonerated himself from the deed; but said "It was managed by persons immediately about the doctor's person."

[[369]]At this part of the narrative, the doctor became very much agitated, and the lady said, "Good God! who did do it?" To which question he replied, "The hand that wrote that letter without a name, in conjunction with one of the attendants on the nurse!" The lady further stated, that the doctor said, "Certain ladies are depending upon me for my services as accoucheur, and I will not extend life beyond my attendance upon them." This conversation took place just after the death of the Princess Charlotte.

Before Dr. Croft left the lady, she informed him of her anxiety to return the letters as soon as she discovered their importance, and mentioned that the servant was then gone with them. Sir Richard quickly exclaimed, "You bid him not leave them?" and inquired what directions had been given to the servant. Having been informed, he said, "Don't send them again; keep them until I come and fetch them, and that will be to-morrow, if possible." But the lady never saw him afterwards, and consequently retained the letters.

The gentleman then received exact copies of all the letters before alluded to. We here present our readers with three of the most important, which will substantiate some of our former statements.

COPY OF A LETTER FROM SIR B. BLOOMFIELD
TO DR. SIR RICHARD CROFT.

"My dear Croft,

"I am commanded by his royal highness to convey

[[370]]to you his solicitude for your health and happiness; and I am to inform you, that the aid of so faithful a friend as yourself is indispensable. It is by her majesty's command I write this to you.

"We have intelligence by the 20th ult. that the Princess of Wales is to take a road favourable to the accomplishment of our long-desired wishes; that we may keep pace with her, there is no one upon whose fidelity we can more fully rely than you yourself.

"A few months relaxation from the duties of your profession will banish all gloomy ideas, and secure the favour of her majesty.

"Come, my boy, throw physic to the dogs, and be the bearer of the happy intelligence of a divorce, to render ourselves still more deserving the confidence of our beloved master, whose peace and happiness we are bound in duty to secure by every means in our power.

"Remember this: the road to fortune is short; and let me see you to-day at three o'clock, without fail, in my bureau.

"Yours faithfully,"

**********.

"Carlton House,
"Monday, 9th November, 1817."

[[371]]COPY OF A LETTER FROM DR. CROFT TO HIS ROYAL
HIGHNESS THE PRINCE REGENT.

"The gracious assurance of his royal highness for my happiness was this day conveyed to me, by the desire of her most gracious majesty.

"The many former favours and kindnesses bestowed by my royal benefactor is retained in my mind with the deepest sense of gratitude.

"That I regret, with heartfelt grief, the invisible power that determined my inevitable misery, and marks the hand that gave the blow to my eternal peace. Could no other arm inflict the wound than he who, in happier moments, indulged me with the most apparent unfeigned friendship? That I shall not, to my latest breath, cease to complain of such injustice, heaped upon me in the eyes of the world, and before the nation, who at my hands have lost their dearest hopes.

"My conscious innocence is the only right I plead to a just and Almighty God! That I consider this deed of so foul a nature as to stamp with ignominy, not only its perpetrators, but the throne itself, now to be obtained by the death of its own offspring, and that death enforced by the Queen of England, whose inveterate hatred is fully

[[372]]exemplified, by heaping wrongs upon the unfortunate partner of your once happy choice, who now only impedes your union to another.

"To remove now this only remaining obstacle, I am called upon by the ministers. With a view of tranquillizing my mind, every restitution is offered me. But, no doubt, many will be found amongst them, who can, without a pang, enjoy the reward of such services—as her majesty will most liberally recompense.

"It has ever been my highest ambition to fulfil the arduous duty of my situation; to be rewarded by upright encomiums; and to merit, as a subject and a servant, the approbation of my most gracious benefactor, as conveyed to me on the 9th of this month by Sir B. Bloomfield, would have been a sufficient recompense to me under any circumstances of life.

"I can, therefore, only assure his royal highness, with unfeigned sincerity, that I should feel happy upon any occasion to forfeit my life for his peace and happiness; nor can I more fully evince the same than by assuring his royal highness, that this melancholy circumstance shall be eternally buried in my mind.

(Signed) "Richard Croft."

"November 10th, 1817."

[[373]]COPY OF A LETTER FROM QUEEN CHARLOTTE TO
DR. CROFT.

"We are sensible how much it were to be desired that the obligations provided for could have been traced without the necessity of our writing. But we are yet more sensible how much it is our duty to promote the happiness of our most dear and most beloved son, who so justly deserves the efforts which we make for him. Whatever price will cost our tender love, we shall at least have the comfort, in the melancholy circumstance of this juncture, which our kingdom most justly laments with us, to give to our subjects a successor more worthy of the possession of our crown, either partly or wholly, than the detested daughter of our dearest brother, who, by her conduct, has brought disgrace upon our royal house, and whom now we will, for us, and our descendants, without difference of the substance of blood and quality, that she shall at all events be estranged from us and our line for ever. To this end, we believe the method concerted by our faithful friends at Trieste is the most effectual to ensure it, not by divorce; be it by whatever means which may seem effectual to our friends, to whom

[[374]]we grant full power in every thing, as if we ourselves were present, to obtain the conclusion we so much desire; and whosoever shall accomplish the same shall be placed in the immediate degree with any peer of our kingdom, with fifty thousand pounds, which we guarantee to our worthy friend, Sir Richard Croft, on whom we can rely in every thing,—his services being considered unavoidable on this occasion. And for the better security of all, we promise the bearer hereof, being in every part furnished with sufficient power to write, sign, and secure, by letter or any other obligation, in our name, and which is to be delivered to Sir Richard Croft before his departure from London,—reminding him of his own engagements to the secrecy of this also,—whereunto we put our name, this 12th day of November, 1817.

"Let him be faithful unto death.

(Signed) "C. R."

Who can peruse these letters, and the particulars with which they are accompanied, without being shocked at the dark and horrible crime proved to have been committed, as well as those deep-laid plans of persecution against an innocent woman, which they unblushingly state to have had their origin in the basest of motives,—to gratify the vindictive feelings

[[375]]of her heartless and abandoned husband! It must appear surprising to honourable minds that these atrocities did not find some one acquainted with them of sufficient virtue and nerve to drag their abettors to justice. But, alas! those who possessed the greatest facilities for this purpose were too fond of place, pension, or profit, to discharge such a duty. Queen Caroline, at this period, resolved to ask for a public investigation of the causes and attendant circumstances of the death of her daughter, and expressed her determination to do so in the presence of several noblemen. Her majesty considered these and other important letters to be amply sufficient to prove that the Princess Charlotte's death was premeditated, and procured unfairly. Her majesty also knew that, in 1817, a most respectable resident of Claremont publicly declared that the regent had said, "No heir of the Princess Charlotte shall ever sit upon the throne of England!" The queen was likewise personally assured of the truths contained in the letter signed "C. R." dated 12th of November; for the infamous Baron Ompteda, in conjunction with another similar character, had been watching all her movements for a length of time, and they were actually waiting her arrival at Trieste, at the time before named, while every one knew they had a coadjutor in England, in the person of Souza Count Funshall!!!

Her majesty was also well acquainted with the scheme of the king or his ministers, that the former or the latter, or both conjointly, had caused a work

[[376]]to be published in Paris, the object of which was "to set aside the succession of the Princess Charlotte and her heirs, (under the plea of the illegality of her father's marriage) and to supply the defect by the Duke of York!" Lord Moira offered very handsome terms to an author, of some celebrity, to write "Comments in favour of this book;" but he declined, and wrote explanatory of the crimes of the queen and her family. This work, however, was bought up by the English court for seven thousand pounds! In this book of comments was given a fair and impartial statement of the murder of Sellis, and, upon its appearance, a certain duke thought it "wisest and best" to go out of this country! Why the duke resolved to seek safety in flight is best known to himself and those in his immediate confidence; but to uninterested and impartial observers, such a step was not calculated to exonerate the duke's character. This took place at a very early period after the murder had been committed in the palace of St. James, and all the witnesses were then ready again to depose upon the subject, as well as those persons who had not been permitted to give their evidence at the inquest. Another examination of the body of Sellis might have been demanded, though doubtless in a more public manner than before, as it was not supposed to be past exhumation! The people reasoned sensibly, when they said, "The duke certainly knows something of this awful affair, or else he would cause the strictest inquiry, rather than suffer such a stain upon his royal name and

[[377]]character, which are materially injured in public opinion by the royal duke's refusal to do so, and his sudden determination to go abroad." The duke, however, did go abroad, and did not return until inquiry had, apparently, ceased.

Such were the remarks of Caroline, Queen of England, upon these serious subjects, of which she felt herself competent to say more than any other subject in the realm. The secret conduct of the government was not unknown to her majesty, and her sufferings, she was well aware, had their origin in STATE TRICK; while fawning courtiers, to keep their places, had sacrificed truth, justice, and honour. "Then," said the queen, "can I wonder at any plan or plans they may invent to accomplish the wish of my husband? No; I am aware of many, very many, foul attempts to insult, degrade, and destroy me! I cannot forget the embassy of Lord Stewart, the base conduct of that most unprincipled man, Colonel Brown, and other unworthy characters, who, to obtain the favour of the reigning prince, my husband, condescended to say and do any and every thing prejudicial to my character, and injurious to my dignity, as the legitimate princess of the British nation; and for what purpose is this extraordinary conduct pursued? Only to gratify revengeful inclinations, and prevent my full exposures of those odious crimes, by which the honour of the family is and will ever be attainted! But," added her majesty, "the untimely, unaccountable death of my Charlotte is, indeed, heavy upon my heart!

[[378]]I remember, as if it were only yesterday, her infant smile when first I pressed her to my bosom; and I must always feel unutterable anguish, when I reflect upon the hardships she was obliged to endure at our cruel separation! Was it not more than human nature was able to endure, first to be insulted and deceived by a husband, then to be deprived of an only and lovely child, whose fondness equalled her royal father's cruelty? Well may I say, my Charlotte's death ought to be explained, and the bloodthirsty aiders in the scheme punished as they really merit. Who are these proud, yet base, tyrants,—who, after destroying the child, still continue their plans to destroy her mother also? Are they not the sycophants of a voluptuous monarch, whose despotic influence has for a long period destroyed the liberties and subverted the rights of the people, over whom he has exercised such uncontrouled and unconstitutional power? And what is the MORAL character of these state hirelings, (continued the queen) who neither act with judgment, or speak with ability, but who go to court to bow, and cringe, and fawn? Alas! is it not disgraceful in the extreme?—are they not found debasing themselves in the most infamous and unnatural manner? From youth, have not even some of the late queen's sons been immoral and profane? Was not one of them invited to dinner, by a gentleman of the first rank, during his stay in the West Indies, and did he not so conduct himself before one of the gentleman's daughters, that his royal highness was under the necessity of

[[379]]making a precipitate retreat? Yet this outrage upon decency was only noticed by one fearless historian! And amongst the courtiers, where is morality to be found? Yet these individuals are the judges, as well as the jury, and are even empowered to assault, insult, and reproach the consort of the first magistrate, their sovereign the king! But he is in their power; guilt has deprived my lord and husband of all ability to set the perfidious parasites at defiance! If this were not the case, would his proud heart have allowed him to be insulted by my Lord Bloomfield, or Sir W. Knighton? No; the answer must be obvious. Yet such was actually the fact, as all the private friends of his majesty can testify. My honour is indeed insulted, and yet I am denied redress. I suspected what my fate would be when so much equivocation was resorted to during my journey to this country. I was not treated as any English subject, however poor and defenceless, ought to expect; far otherwise, indeed. I waited some months to see Mr. Brougham, and was disappointed from time to time, until I determined to return to England in despite of all obstacles. I reached St. Omers on the 1st of June; Mr. Brougham did not arrive until the evening of the 3rd; he was accompanied by his brother and Lord Hutchinson; and I judged from their conversation, that my only safety was to be found in the English capital. Propositions were made me, of the most infamous description; and, afterwards, Lord Hutchinson and Mr. Brougham said, 'they understood the outline of those propositions originated

[[380]]with myself.' How those gentlemen could indulge such an opinion for one moment, I leave the world to judge. If it had been my intention to receive fifty thousand pounds per annum to remain abroad, UNQUEENED, I should have reserved my several establishments and suite. I was requested to delay my journey until despatches could be received; but my impatience to set my foot once more on British ground prevented my acquiescence. I had been in England a very short time, when I was most credibly informed the cause for soliciting that delay; namely, that this government had required the French authorities to station the military in Calais, at the command of the English consul, for the express purpose of seizing my person, previous to my embarkation! What would not have been my fate, if I once had been in the grasp of the Holy Alliance!! This fact will satisfy the English people, that the most wicked plans were organized for my destruction. The inhabitants of Carlton House were all petrified upon my arrival, having been assured that I never should again see England, and that my legal adviser had supported the plan of my remaining abroad, and had expressed his opinion that I should accept the offer. It is also a solemn fact that, at that period, a PROCESS OF DIVORCE, in the Consistory Court in Hanover, was rapidly advancing, under the direction of Count Munster; and, as the king is there an arbitrary sovereign, the regal will would not have found any obstacle. When the day of retribution shall arrive, may God have mercy

[[381]]upon Lords Liverpool, Castlereagh, and their vile associates,—even as they wished to have compassion upon their insulted and basely-treated queen! Had I followed my first opinion after these unhandsome transactions, I should have changed my counsel; but I did not know where to apply for others, as I too soon found I was intended to be sacrificed, either privately or publicly. Devotion in public characters is seldom found to be unequivocally sincere in times of great trouble and disappointment! What is a defenceless woman, though a queen, opposed to a despotic and powerful king? Alas! but subject to the rude ebullition of pampered greatness, and a mark at which the finger of scorn may point. Well may I say—

"Would I had never trod the English earth,
Or felt the flatteries that grow upon it!
Ye have angels' faces; but heaven knows your hearts.
What will become of me now, wretched lady?
I am the most unhappy woman living.
No friend, no hope, no kindred, weep for me;
Almost no grave allowed me! Like the lily,
That once was mistress of the field, and flourished,
I'll hang my head, and perish!"

A very few weeks after making these remarks, her majesty, in correspondence with a friend, wrote as follows:

"I grow weary of my existence. I am annoyed upon every occasion. I am actually kept without means to discharge my honourable engagements. Lord Liverpool returns the most sarcastic replies (if

[[382]]such they may be called) to my notes of interrogation upon these unhandsome and unfair delays, as if I were an object of inferior grade to himself. I think I have sufficient perception to convince me what the point is to which the ministers are now lending their ready aid, which is nothing less than to FORCE ME TO RETURN ABROAD! This they never shall accomplish, so long as my life is at all safe; and in vain does Mr. Wilde press upon my notice the propriety of such a step."

Illuminations and other rejoicings were manifested by the people at the queen's acquittal; but the state of her majesty's affairs, as explained in the above extract, were such as to preclude her receiving that pleasure which her majesty had otherwise experienced at such testimonies of the affectionate loyalty of the British people.

We must now proceed to the year