1821,

in which pains and penalties supplied the place of kindness, and the sword upheld the law! while men who opposed every liberal opinion hovered around the throne of this mighty empire. In the hardness of their hearts, they justified inhumanity, and delighted to hear the clank of the chains of slavery. They flattered but to deceive, and hid from their master the miseries of his subjects! This was base

[[383]]grovelling submission to the royal will, and not REAL LOYALTY; for loyalty does not consist in a slavish obedience to the will of a tyrannical chief magistrate, but in a firm and faithful adherence to the law and constitution of the community of which we are members. The disingenuity of Lord Liverpool and his coadjutors, however, who were impelled by high church and high tory principles, wished to limit this comprehensive principle, which takes in the whole of the constitution, and therefore tends to the conservation of it all in its full integrity, to the person of the king, because they knew he would favour their own purposes as well as the extension of power and prerogative,—the largesses of which they hoped to share in reward for their sycophantic zeal, and their mean, selfish, perfidious adulation. With such views, the king's ministers represented every spirited effort in favour of the people's rights as originating in disloyalty. The best friends to the English constitution, in its purity, were held up to the detestation of his majesty, as being disaffected to his person. Every stratagem was used to delude the unthinking part of the people into a belief that their only way of displaying loyalty was to display a most servile obsequiousness to the caprices of the reigning prince, and to oppose every popular measure. The ministers themselves approached him in the most unmanly language of submission, worthier to have been received by the Great Mogul or the Chinese emperor than the chief magistrate of a professedly free people. In short, George the Fourth only wished to be

[[384]]feared, not loved. The servile ministry fed this passion, though they would have done the same for a Stuart, had one been in power. It was not the man they worshipped, but the power he possessed to add to their own dignity and wealth! Let us not here be misunderstood. We are willing to award honour to the person of a man invested with kingly power, provided his deeds are in accordance with his duty, though not otherwise. A good king should be regarded with true and sincere affection; but we ought not to pay any man, reigning over a free country, so ill a compliment as to treat him like a despot, ruling over a land of slaves. We must, therefore, reprobate that false, selfish, adulatory loyalty, which, seeking nothing but its own base ends, and feeling no real attachment either to the person or the office of the king, contributes nevertheless, by its example, to diffuse a servile, abject temper, highly injurious to the spirit of freedom.

Though "the bill" was now ingloriously abandoned by Lord Liverpool, the queen received but little benefit. Her majesty was even refused means to discharge debts unavoidably contracted for the bare support of her table and her household. As a proof of the economical style of her living, we witnessed one evening a party of friends sitting down to supper with her majesty, when a chicken at the top and another at the bottom of the table were the only dishes set before the company. What a contrast this would have presented to the loaded tables, groaning under the luxurious display of provisions for

[[385]]gluttony, in the king's several residences, where variety succeeded variety, and where even the veriest menial lived more sumptuously than his master's consort!

On the 5th of May, the Emperor Napoleon Buonaparte expired at St. Helena, having endured captivity, under the most unfavourable circumstances, and with a constitutional disease, more than six years and a half. As we shall have occasion, in our second volume, to speak of this illustrious man and his cruel treatment by our government, it would be unnecessary to say more in this place than merely give an outline of his extraordinary career. Napoleon was born at Ajaccio, the capital of Corsica, August 15, 1769; and was, consequently, fifty-two years of age, wanting three months, when he died. He was the eldest son of a lawyer, of Italian descent, and his family had pretensions to ancestry of high birth and station in Italy. He was educated in the royal military school; and first attracted notice when, as an officer of engineers, he assisted in the bombardment of Toulon in 1793; next signalized himself by repressing an infuriated mob of Parisians in 1795, which caused his promotion to the command of the army of Italy; was made first consul in 1799; elected emperor in 1804; "exchanged" the sceptre of France and Italy for that of Elba (so it was expressed in the treaty of Fontainbleau) on the 11th of April, 1814; landed at Cannes, in Provence, on the 1st of March, 1815; entered Paris triumphantly, at the head of the French army, a few days afterwards; fought the last fatal battle of

[[386]]Waterloo on the 18th of June in the same year; abdicated in favour of his son; threw himself upon the generosity of the English, through promises made to him by Lord Castlereagh; was landed at St. Helena on the 18th of October, 1815; and died as before stated, a victim to the arbitrary treatment of our government, which we shall presently prove.

Leopold now (in July) called upon her majesty, for the first time since her return to this country. His serene highness was announced and ushered into the presence of the mother of his late consort. The queen appeared exceedingly agitated, though her majesty did not urge one word of complaint or inquiry at the delay of the prince's visit. Previous to the departure of Leopold, the queen appeared much embarrassed and affected, and, addressing the prince, said, "Do you not think that the death of my Charlotte was too sudden to be naturally accounted for? and do you think it not very likely that she died unfairly?" The prince replied, "I also have my fears; but I do not possess any PROOF of it." He then said, "My suspicions were further excited by the EXCESSIVE JOY the royal family shewed at her death; for the Regent and the Duke of York got DRUNK upon the occasion." These, we pledge ourselves, were his highness' OWN WORDS, verbatim et literatim.

About this time, when the coronation was expected to take place in a few days, her majesty, in writing to one of her firmest friends, said,

"I do not foresee any happy result likely to ensue from my attempting to get into the Abbey; for

[[387]]my own part, I do not think it a prudent step. My enemies hold the reins of power, and most of my professed friends appear rather shy; so I fear the advice I have received upon the subject. Alderman Wood intends to go in his civic capacity, which, to me, is very unaccountable indeed; for certainly, if I ever required the assistance and presence of my real friends, it is most probable I shall need both at such a period. I can unbosom myself to you, for I know you to be my real friend; believe me, I do not assure myself that I have another in the whole world! To you alone can I speak freely upon the death of my child and her infant, and I dare tell you, I yet hope to see the guilty murderers brought to condign punishment. I say, with Shakespeare,

"'Blood will have blood!
Stones have been known to move, and trees to speak,
To bring forth the secret man of blood.'

"Such is my earnest hope; may it yet prove true in the case of my lovely departed daughter. While her remains are dwelling in the gloomy vault of death, her father and his associates are revelling in the most abominable debauchery, endeavouring to wash that,—THE FOUL STAIN, THE ETERNAL

[[388]]STAIN,—from their remembrance. Still I live in expectation that the dark deed will be avenged, and the perpetrators meet with their just reward.

"The deep-rolling tide of my enemies' success against me will find a mighty barrier, when all shall be explained, in the simple and unaffected language of truth. Weak and presumptuous as my Lord Liverpool is, I did not believe he would dare to promise one thing, and act the reverse before the world. I did think he was too anxious to retain A NAME for honour, if he merited it not; but I am deceived, and very probably not for the last time. You will sympathize with me; I labour under the pressure of many heavy misfortunes, and also under the provocation of great and accumulated injustice. Yes, and though so unfortunate, I am scarcely at liberty to lament my cruel destiny. These things frequently hang heavy, very heavy, upon my heart; and I sometimes reflect, with inexpressible astonishment, upon the nerve with which I still bear up under the trying burden. For more than fourteen years I have been a victim to perjury and conspiracy; my enemies were in ambush in the shade, but they aimed at me poisoned arrows; they watched, most eagerly watched, for the moment in which they might destroy me,

[[389]]without its being known who drew the bow, or who shot the shaft. You, my friend, know that I delight in disseminating happiness. My bliss is to diffuse bliss around me; I do not wish misery to be known within the circle of my influence. I covet not the glory arising from the carnage of battle, which fills the grave with untimely dead, or covers the earth with mutilated forms. I wish you distinctly to understand me upon these several subjects. I have not any personal feelings against the king, in my own case. I do assuredly pity his majesty, that he should allow himself to be a tool in the hands of a wicked ministry; but my cause for sorrow is, that he should leave this world without exposing the base schemes formed against the SUCCESSION and LIFE of his royal daughter. If his majesty will make restitution upon this point, my anxieties would be in some degree relieved, although nothing on this side the grave will ever make any atonement for the loss of such an amiable and well-formed mind. Well indeed may his majesty be afraid to be left alone; well may he discharge all persons from naming the departed child he ought to have protected; at this I do not wonder, for guilt produces terror and dismay.

[[390]]"I cannot conclude this without adverting again to the pecuniary difficulties I have to endure. For nearly eight years, I have given up fifteen thousand pounds per annum out of the annuity allowed me by parliament. This amounts now to above one hundred thousand pounds; yet, notwithstanding this, I am refused means to live in a respectable style, to say nothing of regal state. All the royal family have had their debts paid, and the Duke of Clarence received his arrears. The chancellor of the Exchequer promised I should receive an outfit, if the prosecution against me failed. It did fail; but I have received no outfit at all,—not even the value of one shilling,—so that, of necessity, I am involved in debt to the amount of thirty thousand pounds. How differently was the late Queen Charlotte situated; and, since her demise, more than twenty thousand pounds per annum have been paid in pensions to her numerous and already wealthy household! while I am incapable to acknowledge my real sentiments to those who have been generous to me, even at the expense of being unjust to themselves, unless I do it from borrowed resources.

"You will not feel surprised at these remarks. Alas! I wish it were not in my power to make

[[391]]more serious ones; but I will await, with firmness, the coronation.

"Believe me ever,

"Your faithful and grateful friend,

"C. R."

Nearly at the same time, the following letter was forwarded to the same friend of the queen, by a professional gentleman, who had for some time been employed to arrange some of her majesty's affairs:

"You may indeed rest assured that no consideration shall induce me to give up 'The Documents' I hold, relative to the queen and her lost, though lamented, daughter, unless you require me to return them to her majesty, or to entrust them into your own care. For, as I obtained them from no other motive than to serve the queen, so I will certainly retain them and use them in this noble cause, without regard to any personal consideration, or convenience, until that object be fully accomplished; and feeling (as you do) the very great importance of such proofs, I will defy all the power of the enemy to dispute the matter with me. Yet, at the same time, I am very candid to acknowledge, that it is my confident opinion every effort will be used to

[[392]]suppress all testimony which may have a tendency to bring THE FAMILY into disgrace. With whom to trust this business, I am at a loss to determine, as it would no doubt be considered rather a ticklish affair. I have thought of Dr. Lushington; but, as you are better acquainted with this learned gentleman's sentiments and opinions upon her majesty's case than I am, I beg to submit the suggestion for your serious deliberation. No time ought to be lost; every thing that CAN be done OUGHT to be done, without delay. The queen is placed in the most serious situation. You ought not to forget, for one moment, that her enemy is her sovereign; and such is the utter absence of principle manifested to this illustrious lady since her left-handed marriage with the son of George the Third, that every person must fear for her safety, unless their hearts are hard as adamant, and themselves actors in the villanous tragedy.

"I give my opinion thus boldly, because I know your fidelity to the queen to be unshaken, even amidst all the rude and unmanly clamours raised against her friends by the agents of her tyrannical husband. This is, and ought to be, your satisfactory reflection,—that you have been faithful to this innocent and persecuted queen, from principle

[[393]]alone. 'Honourable minds will yield honourable meed,' and to such you are justly entitled. To-morrow evening, I intend to give you further intelligence, as I am now going out for the purpose of meeting an especial enemy of her majesty, by whose rancour I may judge the course intended.

"I have the honour to be,"

&c. &c. &c. ******.

Continuation from the same to the same, two days after the foregoing.

"I am sorry to say my fears were not groundless, as I learn, from the first authority, that the king has changed his opinion, and the queen will not be allowed to enter the Abbey. The seat provided is otherwise disposed of. If her majesty's attorney and solicitor generals would now, without any loss of time, press 'The Documents' upon the notice of the ministers, either by petition or remonstrance, I think the ceremony would be postponed, and justice be finally administered to the queen. But if they delay this, they may assure themselves the cause of their royal mistress will be lost for ever. Her majesty's proofs are too astounding to be passed over in silence; they

[[394]]would forcibly arouse the guilty, and SUCH FACTS at SUCH A TIME ought to be instantly published. I should not express myself with such ardour upon these solemn points, if I had not made myself most minutely acquainted with every bearing of the subject; and I give you my decisive legal opinion, that 'The Documents' in question contain a simple statement of facts, which no judge, however instructed, and no jury, however selected, or packed, could refute. If, however, fear should get the better of duty, I do not doubt sooner or later the country will have cause to repent the apathy of those individuals who were most competent to do, or cause justice to be done to this shamefully injured queen.

"I have not entered upon these opinions from interested views, and I am well convinced your motives do not savour of such baseness; but as disinterestedness is a scarce virtue, and so little cultivated in this boasted land of liberty, I warn you to avoid the ensnaring inquiries of those by whom you may most probably be assailed.

"I also must remind you that, at the present moment, her majesty is watched in all directions. Major Williams is employed by the government to be a spy upon all occasions, and drove his

[[395]]carriage with four grey horses to Epsom last races, and remained upon the ground until the queen drove away. At this time, he occupied an elegantly furnished house in Sackville-street. P. Macqueen, M. P., a protégé of Lord Liverpool's, was doubtless the person who arranged the business with the premier. If this be considered dubious information, I will forward you PROOFS which will set the matter at rest.

"I scarcely need tell you that the case of her majesty is one unprecedented in history, and unheard of in the world. The king and his ministers have resolved upon her destruction, and if the royal sufferer be not destroyed by the first plans of attempt, I indeed fear she will fall a victim to similar plans, which, I doubt not, are in a forward stage of preparation against her; and how can the queen escape from the grasp of such powerful and dishonourable assailants? All their former arrangements and stratagems, to which they subscribed, failed, decidedly failed; but the malignity which instigated those plans will, without any question, furnish materials for new charges, and supply the needful reserve to complete the destruction of a lady, whose talents are envied, whose knowledge of affairs in general is deemed

[[396]]too great, and whose information upon FAMILY SECRETS render her an enemy to be feared.

"I see in this mysterious persecution against the queen, the intended annihilation of the rights and privileges of the nation at large; and I, therefore, protest against the innovation. I argue, that which was unconstitutional and unprincipled in William the Third is equally dangerous and unconstitutional in George the Fourth! If such unprecedented injustice be allowed in the case of her majesty, where must we look for an impartial administration of justice? and how may we reasonably expect that violence will not be offered, if other means fail, to accomplish the intended mischief? In case of indisposition, what may not occur! May not the life of her majesty be in the greatest jeopardy, and may not a few hours terminate her mortal existence? These are questions of vital importance; they do not only materially affect the queen, but, through the same medium, they most seriously relate to every individual of the community; and, if the constitution is not to be entirely destroyed, the queen must be honourably saved from the overpowering grasp of her relentless oppressors. Her majesty reminds me of the words of Seneca: 'She is

[[397]]struggling with the storms of Adversity, and rising superior to the frowns of Persecution; this is a spectacle that even the gods themselves may look down upon with envy.'

"I verily believe that bold and energetic measures might set this question at rest for ever, but time lost is lost for ever; and, in my opinion, retribution can only slumber for a short period. I beg and entreat you not to be subdued or deterred by the arrogance of inconsistent power. The nation is insulted, the independence of the country is insulted; its morality and patience have been outraged!

"What could I not add to this page of sorrow, this blot upon our land? But I have acted openly and honourably to you in this unparalleled case, and have, in so acting, only done my duty.

"Excuse haste, and allow me the honour to remain

"Your most obedient and respectful servant,

******.

"July 12th."

Such are the recorded sentiments of a professional gentleman, who volunteered his services to the queen at this period of anxious expectation. He

[[398]]hailed, or affected to hail, the appearance of the star of liberty, whose genial rays should dispel the gloom of the desolating power of her enemies. But, alas! how soon were such opinions changed by the gilded wand of ministerial power! Pension reconciled too many to silence upon these all-important subjects; even he, who wrote thus boldly in defence of an injured queen and her murdered daughter, shortly afterwards acted the very reverse of his duty for the sake of paltry gain! But, independent of the lavish means which ministers then possessed of bribing those who felt inclined to bring these criminal matters before a public tribunal, an unmanly fear of punishment, as well as an obsequiousness to the king and some of his particular friends, operated on the dastardly minds of pretended patriots and lovers of justice. There is also an habitual indolence which prevents many from concerning themselves with any thing but that which immediately affects their pecuniary interest. Such persons would not dare to inquire into the actions of a sovereign, however infamous they might be, for fear of suffering a fine or imprisonment for their temerity. The legal punishments attending the expression of discontent against the king are so severe, and the ill-grounded terrors of them so artfully disseminated, that, rather than incur the least danger, they would submit to the most unjust and tyrannical government. They would even be content to live under the Grand Seignior, so long as they might eat, drink, and sleep in peace! Had the lamented Princess

[[399]]Charlotte been the daughter of a cottager, the mysterious circumstances attending her death would have demanded the most public investigation. But, because a powerful prince had expressed his SATISFACTION at the treatment she received, it was deemed impertinent, if not treasonable, for any other individual to express a wish for further inquiry! Yet such is the effect of political artifice, under the management of court sycophants, that the middle ranks of people are taught to believe, that they ought not to trouble themselves with matters that occur in palaces; that a certain set of men come into the world like demigods, possessed of right, power, and intellectual abilities, to rule the earth without controul; and that free inquiry and manly remonstrance are the sin of sedition! Thus many people are actually terrified, through fear of losing their wealth, their liberty, or their life, into silence upon subjects which they ought, in duty to their God, under the principles of justice, fearlessly to expose. "Better pay our taxes patiently, and remain quiet about state crimes," say they, "than, by daring to investigate public measures, or the conduct of great men, risk a prison or a gibbet!" But let us hope that such disgraceful sentiments are not now to be found in the breast of any Englishman, however humble his condition. Our noble ancestors were famed for seeing justice administered, as well to the poor as to the rich. If, therefore, we suffer personal fear to conquer duty, we are traitors to posterity, as well as cowardly deserting a trust which they who

[[400]]confided it are prevented by death from guarding or withdrawing. We know that this justice has been lamentably neglected, though we do not yet despair of seeing it overtake the guilty, however lofty their station may be in society.