ENDNOTES
CHAPTER I NOTES
[11.1] I am aware that there are exceptions to this principle, which I propose to consider in a future course; no single formula can ever sum up all the phenomena of a complex religion.
[14.1] Vide Langdon, in Transactions of Congress of the History of Religions, 1908, vol. i. p. 251.
[15.1] P. 382, C.
[15.2] Vide Petrie, in Transactions of Congress of the History of Religions, 1908, vol. i. p. 192.
[17.1] Archiv für Religionswissenschaft, 1904.
[17.2] Vide Jastrow, Religion Babyloniens u. Assyriens, vol. i. p. 545.
[20.1] Vide my Evolution of Religion, pp. 139-152.
[21.1] 1. 132.
[25.1] Transactions of Congress of History of Religions, 1908, vol. i. p. 192.
[25.2] Hibbert Journal, 1904, “Sacrificial Communion in Greek Religion.”
CHAPTER II NOTES
[31.1] Vide the critical remarks on such a view by Prof. Jastrow in Transactions of the Third International Congress of the History of Religions, vol. i. pp. 234-237.
[34.1] Vide Annual of the British School, 1909, 1910.
[35.1] Vide Zimmern, Die Keilinschriften und das alte Testament (K.A.T.)3, pp. 37-38.
CHAPTER III NOTES
[41.1] Westermarck maintains the view in his Origin and Development of Moral Ideas, pp. 663-664, that in many savage religions the gods have no concern with ordinary morality; but the statistics he gives need careful testing.
[42.1] Op. cit., p. 170; as far as I know, only one fact might be cited in support of Tiele’s view, a fact mentioned by Jastrow, op. cit., p. 52, that the ideogram of Enlil, the god of Nippur, signifies Lord-Daimon (Lil = Daimon); but we might equally well interpret it “Lord of Winds.”
[42.2] Vide Hüsing, Der Zagros und seine Völker, p. 16.
[43.1] Vide Plate in Winckler, “Die Gesetze Hammurabi,” in Der Alte Orient, 1906.
[43.2] Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’art, Assyrie, p. 109, fig. 29 (Roscher, Lexikon, ii. p. 2358).
[44.1] 3, 8.
[45.1] Messerschmidt, Die Hettiter, p. 9; Stanley Cook, Religion of Ancient Palestine, p. 73.
[45.2] So Cook, op. cit., p. 73, who interprets her as Astarte.
[45.3] Winckler, Tel-El-Amarna Letters, 17.
[46.1] Vide Winckler, Mittheil des deutsch. Orientgesellsch., 1907, No. 35.
[46.2] Winckler, Die Völker Vorderasiens, p. 21; Messerschmidt, op. cit., p. 5; Kennedy, Journ. Royal Asiat. Soc., 1909, p. 1110, declares that their language has been proved to belong to the Ural-Altaic group and to be akin to Vannic.
[46.3] Vide Messerschmidt, p. 25 (plate); Von Oppenheim, Der Tel-Halaf und die verschleierte Gottin, p. 17, publishes a somewhat similar figure holding a kind of club.
[47.1] Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’art, iv. p. 354 (fig.).
[47.2] Vide Garstang, The Land of the Hittites, pl. lxiii.-lxxi.; Messerschmidt, op. cit., pp. 26-27.
[48.1] e.g. Outlines of Greek Religion, by R. Karsten, p. 6.
[48.2] Vide supra, [p. 46]; cf. E. Meyer, Das erste Auftreten der Arier in der Geschichte in Sitzungsb. d. konigl. Preuss. Akad. Wissensch., 1908, pp. 14 seq.
CHAPTER IV NOTES
[52.3] Vide Roscher, Lexikon, vol. iii. p. 48, s.v. “Nebo.”
[52.4] Vide Roscher, op. cit., iii. p. 67 (Mitth. aus dem Orient. Sammlung. zu Berlin, Heft xi. p. 23).
[52.5] Monuments of Nineveh, i. p. 65 (Roscher, op. cit., ii. p. 2350).
[52.6] P. 43.
[52.7] Roscher, op. cit., vol. iv. p. 29.
[53.1] Roscher, op. cit., iii. p. 254-255.
[53.2] Schrader, Keil. Bibl., ii. p. 141.
[53.3] Frag. Hist. Graec., ii. p. 496. Frag. 1, 3.
[53.4] Nineveh and Babylon, pl. vi. (Roscher, op. cit., iii. p. 580).
[54.1] Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, fig. 2. Roscher, op. cit., iii. p. 580.
[54.2] In the Amer. Journ. Archael., 1887, pp. 59-60, Frothingham cites examples from Assyrian cylinders of birds on pillars or altar with worshippers approaching: one of these shows us a seated god in front of the bird (pl. vii. 1); on another, a warrior approaches a tabernacle, within which is a horse’s head on an altar, and near it a bird on a column (pl. vii. 2; cf. the boundary-stone of Nebuchadnezzar I., published by Miss Harrison, Trans. Congr. Hist. Rel., 1908, vol. ii. p. 158); we find also a winged genius adoring an altar on which is a cock. But cocks and other birds were sacrificial animals in Babylonian ritual, and might be interpreted in all these cases as mere temporary embodiments of the divinity’s power; the human-shaped divinity is once represented by the side of the bird, and might always have been imagined as present though unseen.
[55.1] Roscher, Lexikon, iii. p. 268.
[55.2] Vide [chapter i.] pp. [14]-[15].
[56.1] Langdon, Sumerian and Babylonian Psalms, p. 127.
[56.2] Schrader, Keilinsch. Bibl., ii. pp. 79, 83.
[56.3] Op. cit., p. xix.
[57.1] Langdon, op. cit., p. 159, n. 18. Compare with this the personification of abstract ideas; the children of Shamash are Justice (Kettu) and Law (Mésaru), and remain impersonal agencies, unlike the Greek Θέμις. A deified Righteousness (sedek) has been inferred from personal names that occur in the Amarna documents; vide Cook, Palestine, p. 93.
[57.2] Vide his article on “Eschmun-Asklepios,” in Orient. Stud. zu Th. Nöldeke am 70ten Geburtstag gewidmet: the proofs are doubtful, but snake-worship in Phoenicia is attested by Sanchuniathon, Eus. Praep. Ev., 1, 10, 46.
[57.3] Cook, Religion of Ancient Palestine, pp. 30-31.
[58.1] Praep. Ev., 1, 10, 31. Glaser, Mittheilungen uber einige Sabaeische Inschriften, p. 3-4, gives reasons for affirming the worship of black bulls in heathen Arabia; but it is not clear in what relation these stood to the high personal divinities.
[58.2] Op. cit., p. 545.
[59.1] Langdon, op. cit., p. 223.
[59.2] Zimmern, Babyl. Hymn. w. Gebete, p. 11.
[59.3] C. I. Sem., 250.
[60.1] For references, vide my Cults of the Greek States, vol. ii., “Aphrodite,” R. 113a.
[60.2] Vide Head, Hist. Num., p. 586.
[61.1] Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’art, iv. fig. 329; cf. Garstang, op. cit., p. 256.
[61.3] Messerschmidt, op. cit., p. 23.
[61.4] Journ. Roy. Asiat. Soc., 1909, p. 971.
[62.1] Luschan, Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli, Heft iii. Taf. 42, 43; cf. Garstang, op. cit., p. 274.
[62.2] Vide Roscher, op. cit., iii., s.v. “Ramman.”
[62.3] Perrot et Chipiez, op. cit., iv. p. 549, fig. 276; cf. fig. 278.
[62.4] Op. cit., ii. pp. 642-644.
[63.1] Cumont, Voyage d’exploration dans le Pont, p. 139.
[64.1] Vide Perrot et Chipiez, op. cit., vol. iv. fig. 107; cf. the relief-figure of Cybele on a Phrygian rock-tomb, wearing on her head a polos, with two lions rampant raising their paws to her head, published by Ramsay, Hell. Journ., 1884, vol. v. p. 245; cf. Perrot et Chipiez, iv. fig. 110 (“little more than the earlier columnar form of the goddess slightly hewn,” Evans, Hell. Journ., 1901, p. 166).
[64.2] Vide “Mycenaean Stone and Pillar-cult,” Hell. Journ., 1901.
[65.1] Evans, “Report of Excavations,” Ann. Brit. School, 1902-1903, p. 92, fig. 63.
[65.2] Ann. Brit. School, 1900-1901, p. 29, fig. 9.
[65.3] Published by Evans in Hell. Journ., 1901, p. 170, fig. 48.
[65.4] Vide Paribeni’s publication in the Monumenti Antichi della Accademia dei Lincei, 1908 (xix.), pp. 6-86, pls. i.-iii.
[65.5] Cf. Ann. Brit. School, 1900-1901, p. 59, fig. 38; young god with shield and spear and lioness or mastiff by his side, on clay seal impression.
[69.1] Ann. Brit. School, 1901-1902, p. 29.
[70.1] Op. cit., p. 98, fig. 56.
[70.2] Trans. Cong. Hist. Relig., ii. p. 155.
[70.3] P. 65.
[71.1] Op. cit., i. p. 254.
[71.2] Ann. Brit. School, 1900-1901, p. 29, n. 3.
[71.3] Ib., p. 98.
[72.1] Lucian, De Dea Syr., 34; cf. Diod. Sic. 2, 5. Dove with “Astarte” on coins of Askalon, autonomous and imperial, Head, Hist. Num., p. 679.
[72.2] According to Aelian, certain sparrows were sacred to Asklepios, and the Athenians put a man to death for slaying one (Var. Hist., v. 17). Did Asklepios as an anthropomorphic divinity emerge from the sparrow? What, then, should we say of the sacred snake who might better claim to be his parent? Was Hermes as a god evolved from a sacred cock? Miss Harrison believes it (op. cit., ii. p. 161), because he is represented on a late Greek patera standing before a cock on a pillar. But the cock came into Europe perhaps one thousand years after Hermes had won to divine manhood in Arcadia. On the same evidence we might be forced to say that the goddess Leto came from the cock (vide Roscher’s Lexikon, ii. p. 1968, cock on gem in Vienna, with inscription Λητω Μυχια).
[73.1] Ann. Brit. School, 1900-1901, p. 30; cf. the paper by M. Salomon Reinach, “Anthropologie,” vi., “La sculpture en Europe avant les influences Gréco-Romaines,” p. 561.
[74.1] Evans in Hell. Journ., 1901, p. 169; Winter, Arch. Anz., 1890, p. 108.
[74.2] Hogarth, Hell. Journ., 1902, p. 92.
[74.3] Vide gem from Vapheio, published by Evans, Hell. Journ., 1901, p. 101, fig. 1; cf. p. 117, figs. 13, 14.
[75.1] Hogarth, op. cit., pp. 79, 91.
[75.2] Evans, Palace of Cnossus, p. 18, fig. 7a.
[76.1] Vide my Cults, iv. p. 115.
[77.1] Protrept., p. 34, P.
[77.2] Protrept., p. 34, P.; Aelian, Nat. An., xii. 5. Similarly, when Diodorus tells us that “the Syrians honoured doves as goddesses” (2, 5), the statement lets little light on the real religious feeling and religious practice of the people.
[77.3] Op. cit., pp. 129-152.
[78.1] See my Cults, v. pp. 165, 167, R. 79.
[78.2] Anthropological Essays presented to E. B. Tylor, p. 99.
[78.3] Cults, iv. p. 115.
[78.4] This view of the passage is more probable than that which I have taken in Cults, i. p. 37 (R. 8, p. 141).
[79.1] Commentary on Pausanias, vol. iii. p. 55.
[80.1] Bull. Corr. Hell., 1899, p. 635 (plate).
CHAPTER V NOTES
[82.1] Archiv. für Religionswissenschaft, 1904, “Sociologic hypotheses concerning the position of women in ancient religion.”
[83.2] Vide Jastrow, op. cit., i. p. 216.
[83.3] Zimmern, Bab. Hymn. u. Gebete, p. 20.
[83.4] Ib., p. 24.
[84.1] A. Jeremias in Roscher’s Lexikon, vol. iii. p. 62, s.v. “Nebo.”
[84.2] Zeitschr. f. Assyriologie, 1890, p. 72.
[84.3] Jastrow, op. cit., vol. i. p. 525; cf. the inscription of the last of the Babylonian kings, Nabuna’id, who prays to Ningal, the mother of the great gods, to plead for him before Sin (Keilinschr. Bibl., iii. p. 103).
[85.1] Der Alte Orient (1904), p. 20.
[85.2] Weber, op. cit., p. 19.
[85.3] C. I. Sem., 2, 1, n. 2, 113.
[85.4] Sanda, Der Alte Orient, “Die Aramäer,” p. 24.
[85.5] Lagrange, Études sur les religions sémitiques, p. 492.
[86.1] xxi. 29.
[86.2] Von Landau, Die phönizischen Inschriften, p. 13.
[86.3] C. I. Sem., 1, ii. ad init.
[86.4] Ib., 1, 7, p. 2.
[86.5] Von Landau, op. cit., p. 14.
[87.1] Adonis, Attis, Osiris, 2nd ed., p. 108; Garstang, op. cit., pl. lxv.
[87.2] Messerschmidt, Die Hettiter, pp. 27, 28.
[87.3] Perrot et Chipiez, op. cit., figs. 280, 281.
[87.4] Garstang, op. cit., pl. lxxiii. pp. 262-263, 267-268.
[88.1] Der Alte Orient, 1908; Der Tel-Halaf und die verschleierte Göttin, pp. 33, 36.
[88.2] Vide Cook, Religion of Ancient Palestine, p. 73; Winckler, Tel-el-Amarna Tablets; Garstang, op. cit., p. 348.
[88.3] Published by Ramsay, Cities of St. Paul, p. 134, fig. 7.
[88.4] Garstang, op. cit., pp. 175-176, interprets the figure as a priest.
[89.1] Vide my Cults, vol. ii., Artemis-References, R. 79m.
[89.2] Adonis, etc., 2nd ed., p. 129.
[89.3] Religion of the Semites, p. 52.
[89.4] In lecture delivered in Oxford on “Apollo,” and published 1909; cf. his article in Hermes, 1903, p. 575.
[90.1] Cults, vol. ii., “Artemis” Coin-Pl. B, n. 28.
[90.2] Pp. 651, 652, 665.
[91.1] The inscriptions throwing light on the cult at Panamara are contained in Bull. Corr. Hell., 11, 12, 15 (years 1887, 1888, 1891); cf. the article in Roscher’s Lexikon, vol. iii., s.v. “Panamaros.”
[91.2] Vide my Cults, vol. iv. p. 173; cf. ib., Apollo Geogr. Reg., s.v. “Phrygia,” p. 452, and R. 57.
[91.3] The type with many breasts might have been suggested by Babylonian symbolism, for the Goddess of Nineveh is spoken of as four-breasted (vide Jeremias in Roscher’s Lexikon, vol. ii., s.v. “Nebo”), but Dr. Hogarth’s excavations have shown that this form of the Ephesian idol is late.
[92.1] Hell. Journ., 1901, p. 168.
[93.1] Vide op. cit., p. 108, fig. 4, and p. 175, fig. 51.
[93.2] Cults, vol. i. pp. 36-38; vol. iii. pp. 294-296.
[93.3] Cf. those cited in note 1 above, and the shield-bearing figure painted on the tomb of Milato in Crete (ib. p. 174).
[94.1] Mutter Erde, 1905.
[94.2] Vide my Cults, v. pp. 345-365.
[95.1] The Celtic question is more difficult: Prof. Rhys in his excellent paper on Celtic religion, read as a Presidential address at the Congress of the History of Religions, 1908 (Transactions, ii. pp. 201-225), gives the impression that the goddess was more in evidence than the god in old Irish mythology, and doubts whether to attribute this to the non-Indogermanic strain in the population; he notices also certain “matriarchal” phenomena in the religion; cf. ib., p. 242.
[95.2] Herod., 1, 94; 4, 45 (note here the Thracian associations of Manes).
[96.1] The Romanised-Celtic cult of a vague group of “Sanctae Virgines,” attested by an inscription found near Lyons (Rhys, Hibbert Lectures, p. 102), counts very little against this induction.
[96.2] The warlike character of these Virgin Goddesses, Athena, Ishtar, might be explained on a sociologic hypothesis that would also account for Amazonism; in modern Albania the girl who refuses marriage is allowed to wear man’s dress and to bear arms, vide Journ. Anthrop. Inst., 1910, p. 460.
[96.3] But in a recent paper (Athenische Mittheilungen, 1911, p. 27) Frickenhaus and Müller give reasons for dating the earliest Heraeum to the eighth century. At any rate, the goddess-cult in this locality was vastly older.
CHAPTER VI NOTES
[100.1] Bab. Hym. u. Gebet., p. 11.
[100.2] Jastrow, op. cit., p. 230.
[100.3] In Roscher’s Lexikon, ii. 2371; cf. ib., 2367.
[101.1] Roscher, Lexikon, iii. p. 364.
[101.2] Jeremias, op. cit., iii. p. 250.
[101.3] Langdon, Sum. Babyl. Psalms, p. 83.
[101.4] Roscher, Lexikon, p. 252.
[102.1] Jastrow, op. cit., p. 484.
[102.2] Roscher, Lexikon, iii., s.v. “Nebo.”
[102.3] As Jeremias supposes, Roscher, op. cit., iii. p. 60.
[102.4] Vide Tiele, Histoire des anc. relig., p. 242.
[103.1] Vide Winckler, Himmels und Weltenbild der Babylonier, pp. 10-11. Jeremias, Roscher, Lexikon, iii. p. 58. But Jastrow, op. cit., p. 84, seems to believe in the planetary origin of Ishtar, and would explain her character as the planet Venus.
[103.2] Winckler, ib., p. 11.
[103.3] Roscher, Lexikon, iii. pp. 66-67.
[104.1] Langdon, Hymn xiii. p. 199.
[104.2] Ib., p. 221.
[104.3] Ib., p. 277.
[104.4] Ib., p. 223.
[104.5] Jastrow, op. cit., p. 55.
[104.6] Langdon, op. cit., p. 257.
[105.1] Pinches, Babylonian and Assyrian Religions, p. 104; cf. “Nidaba,” Jastrow, op. cit., p. 95, a goddess of agriculture.
[105.2] “Der Babylonische Gott Tamuz,” in Abh. König. Sächs. Gesell. Wiss., xxvii. (1909).
[105.3] Zimmern regards Dumuzi or Damuzi as shortened from Dumuzi-Abzu, but Jastrow (op. cit., p. 90) would keep the two names distinct, and interprets Dumuzi simply as “Son of Life.”
[105.4] Vide Zimmern in Sitzungsb. König. Sächs. Gesell. Wiss., 1907.
[105.5] Zimmern, ib., p. 208; cf. Langdon, op. cit., p. 307.
[106.1] Zimmern, Sitzungsb. König. Sächs. Gesell. Wiss., p. 220.
[106.2] Eus., Praep. Ev., 1, 9, 29.
[106.3] Ib., 1, 10, 6.
[107.1] Eus., Praep. Ev., 1, 10, 7.
[107.2] Rel. of Sem., pp. 96-100.
[107.3] Polyb., 7, 9 (the Carthaginian oath of alliance with Philip of Macedon).
[108.1] Garstang, op. cit., p. 348.
[108.3] Vide my Cults, vol. iii. pp. 295-300.
[109.1] Vide Ramsay, Hell. Journ., v. p. 261; my Cults, iii. p. 299.
[109.2] Ramsay, ib., p. 242.
[109.3] Cults, vol. v. p. 296 (Dionysos, R. 63d).
[109.4] The axe, the thunder-fetish, is attached to her at times, either because it was the prevalent religious symbol in Crete or because of her union with the Thunder-God.
[110.1] E.g. the “Tile-God,” the lord of foundations and tiles, mentioned in the inscription of Nabonid in Keilinschr. Bibl., iii. p. 101; but cf. Jastrow, op. cit., p. 176, who regards him as a special form of Ea.
[111.1] Vol. v. 417-420.
[111.2] For Sun-worship indicated by Minoan monuments vide Evans, Hell. Journ., 1901, pp. 172-173; on a stone at Tenos we find a curious inscription, Ἡλιοσαρπήδονος (Cults, v. p. 451, R. 37), and Sarpedon is a Minoan-Rhodian figure.
[112.1] Vide Cults, v. pp. 450-453, for references.
[113.1] E.g. Plutarch, Vit. Agid., c. 11 (the Spartan ephors every nine years watch the sky, and if a star falls take it for a sign of some religious offence of one of the kings, who is suspended until the Delphic oracle determines about him).
[113.2] Cults, vol. i., “Zeus,” R. 30.
[113.3] Ib., vol. v. p. 452, R. 41.
[113.4] Ib., p. 450, R. 24.
[113.5] Lakonische Kulte, p. 316.
CHAPTER VII NOTES
[117.1] Müller, Frag. Hist. Gr., ii. 497.
[117.2] Vide Pinches, op. cit., p. 76.
[117.3] Jastrow, op. cit., p. 246.
[117.4] Id., p. 146.
[117.5] Id., p. 297.
[118.1] Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, p. 681.
[118.2] Vide Margoliouth, Life of Mahomet, pp. 7, 8.
[119.1] Keilinschr. Bibl., iii. 1, p. 87.
[119.2] King, Hammurabi, pl. 191, no. 97, col. ii.; Jeremias, in Roscher, Lexikon, iv. p. 29, s.v. “Ramman.”
[119.3] Jeremias, s.v. “Nebo,” in Roscher, op. cit., iii. p. 62.
[119.4] Zimmern, K.A.T.3, p. 379.
[120.1] Schiel in Rev. de l’histoire des religions, 1897, p. 207.
[120.2] Jeremias, Bab. Assyr. Vorstellungen von dem Leben nach dem Tode, p. 91.
[120.3] Zimmern, K.A.T.3, p. 430.
[120.4] Jastrow, op. cit., vol. i. p. 34.
[120.5] Johns, Babylonian and Assyrian Laws, etc., p. 27.
[121.1] Reproduced on title-page of Winckler, Die Gesetze Hammurabi.
[121.2] Winckler, op. cit., p. 10.
[121.3] Ib., p. 39.
[121.4] Keilinschr. Bibl., ii. p. 47.
[121.5] Vide Knudtzon, Assyrische Gebete an den Sonnengott, p. 241.
[121.6] Vide Langdon, Expositor, 1909, p. 149; cf. Jeremias, s.v. “Nebo,” Roscher, op. cit., iii. p. 55.
[122.1] Jeremias, Die Cultus-tafel von Sippar.
[122.2] See Jeremias, Roscher, Lexikon, iii. pp. 62-63.
[122.3] Op. cit., p. 170.
[122.4] Op. cit., p. 223.
[122.5] K.A.T.3, pp. 639-640.
[123.1] Vide Hilprecht in Babyl. Exped. Univ. Pennsylv., vol. v. series D, pp. 24-29.
[123.2] Vide Langdon, Transactions of Congress of History of Religions, vol. i. p. 251.
[123.3] Keilinschr. Bibl., iii. 1, p. 97.
[123.4] Vide Frazer’s paragraph on the divine character of Semitic kings in Adonis, Attis, Osiris2, pp. 12-13.
[123.5] Lagrange, Études sur les religions sémitiques, p. 492.
[123.6] Op. cit., p. 481.
[124.1] C. I. Sem. 1, 1, 1 (cf. “Die Phönizischen Inschriften,” by Freiherr von Landau, in Der Alte Orient, 1907, p. 13).
[124.2] Ezek. xxix. 2, 9; quoted by Frazer, supra.
[124.3] The same figure which I interpret as the priest-king occurs in other religious scenes of Hittite sculpture; the type might often have been used for the priest pure and simple, as Dr. Frazer would always interpret it (vide op. cit., pp. 103-108).
[125.1] Op. cit., pp. 57-58.
[125.2] Strab., p. 535.
[125.3] Vide Ramsay, Hell. Journ., x. p. 158; cf. Hyginus, 191 (Midas Rex Mydonius filius matris Deae).
[125.4] Chil., 1, 473; vide Cook in Class. Rev., 1903, p. 408.
[126.1] Vide my Cults, v. pp. 350-354; Frazer, Journ. Philol., xiv. “The Prytaneum, Temple of Vesta.”
[127.1] C. D. Gray, The Samas Religious Texts (Brit. Mus.), Hymn 1.
[127.2] Keilinschr. Bibl., ii. p. 131.
[127.3] Cook, Religions of Ancient Palestine, p. 109.
[127.4] Jeremias, Hölle u. Paradies, p. 17.
[128.1] Sterrett, Epigraphical Journey, No. 65.
[128.2] Vide Cults, vol. v. p. 19.
[128.3] Vide Frazer, Psyche’s Task, pp. 18-30.
[129.1] Vide Winckler’s “Die Gesetze Hammurabi” in Der Alte Orient, 1906; an English version of the code in Johns’ Babylonian and Assyrian Laws and Contracts.
[130.1] The son of the slain man could claim compensation for manslaughter. In an Assyrian document a slave-girl is handed over to the son at the grave of the slain man. This is interesting, for it seems to point to some consideration for the feelings of the ghost (vide Johns, op. cit., p. 116).
[132.1] Vide Johns, op. cit., p. 77.
[132.2] Op. cit., p. 83.
[132.3] Op. cit., p. 85.
[132.4] Op. cit., p. 86.
[132.5] Op. cit., p. 90.
[133.1] Translated by Scheil in Rev. de l’hist. des Religions, 1897, p. 205.
[133.2] Zimmern in K.A.T.3, p. 455; cf. his Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Babyl. Religion, ii. p. 147, “for the House-God, the House-Goddess, for the House-daimon thou shalt erect three altars.”
[134.1] For exceptions, vide infra, pp. [213], [217].
[134.2] Vide Johns, op. cit., p. 133; quoting from paper by Dr. Pinches in Proceedings of the Victoria Institute, 1892-93, “Notes on some recent Discoveries in the Realm of Assyriology.”
[134.3] Johns, op. cit., p. 154, etc., treats Babylonian adoption wholly as a secular business based on secular feelings.
[136.1] Il., 18, 505.
[137.1] Od., 3, 215.
[137.2] Vide Cults, iv. pp. 201-202.
[137.3] Ib., p. 202.
[137.4] Ib., pp. 104-106.
[138.1] Vide my Cults, iii. pp. 80-81.
[138.2] Ib., pp. 53-55.
[138.3] Vide supra, pp. [129]-[131].
[139.1] Vide my Cults, v. p. 345.
[139.2] Evolution of Religion, pp. 139-152.
CHAPTER VIII NOTES
[142.1] Zimmern, Babylonische Hymnen und Gebete, p. 20.
[142.2] Pinches, op. cit., p. 77.
[142.3] Vide Jeremias, Bab. Assyr. Vorstellungen vom Leben nach dem Tode, p. 68.
[142.4] Zimmern, K.A.T.3, pp. 433-434.
[143.1] Zimmern, op. cit., pp. 412, 587.
[143.2] Langdon, op. cit., p. 83.
[143.3] Roscher, Lexikon, vi. p. 47, s.v. “Ramman.”
[144.1] Certain other minor powers or daimones, such as the corn-deity, the Lord of Watercourses (Shuqamunu), may have remained purely “functional,” and have acquired no moral attributes beyond the beneficent exercises of their special function. But the habitual Babylonian tendency is to moralise all the gods and goddesses.
[145.1] Ἀφροδίτη ἀνδροφόνος or ἀνόσιος, Cults, ii. p. 665, and Διόνυσος ἀνθρωπορραίστης, ib., v. p. 156.
[146.1] Zimmern, K.A.T.3, pp. 416-418; Jastrow, op. cit., pp. 297, 487.
[148.1] Weber, Dämonenbeschwörung bei den Babyloniern und Assyrern, p. 8.
[148.2] Il., 9, 312.
[150.1] Od., 22, 334.
[150.2] Il., 9, 63.
[150.3] Il., 15, 204.
[150.4] Od., 11, 280.
[151.1] Weber, op. cit., p. 8.
[152.1] Gray, Samaš Religious Texts (British Museum), Hymn 1.
[152.2] Zimmern, Babylonische Hymnen u. Gebete, p. 18.
[153.1] Weber, op. cit., p. 9.
[153.2] Zimmern, op. cit., p. 23.
[154.1] “I have sinned and am therefore ill,” is the conventional formula in the confessional exorcism (Zimmern, op. cit., p. 26).
[154.2] Zimmern, op. cit., pp. 23-24.
[155.1] Op. cit., pp. 28-30.
[157.1] Vide my Evolution of Religion, p. 128.
[159.1] Roscher, Lexikon, iii. p. 49.
[159.2] Langdon, op. cit., p. 269.
[159.3] Jastrow, op. cit., p. 536. For the idea of the goddess as the pleader for man before the high god, cf. the prayer of Ashurbanapal to Ninlil (Jastrow, p. 525).
[159.4] Zimmern, op. cit., p. 15; ib., p. 11.
[159.5] Jastrow, op. cit., p. 200.
[160.1] Il., 9, 497; cf. my Cults, i. pp. 72-73, 75-77.
[160.2] Vide Jeremias in Roscher’s Lexikon, ii. p. 2355.
[160.3] Langdon, op. cit., p. 225.
[160.4] Jastrow, op. cit., p. 490.
[160.5] Ib., p. 529.
[160.6] Langdon, op. cit., p. 3.
[161.1] Langdon, op. cit., p. 319.
[161.2] Cults, iii. p. 33.
CHAPTER IX NOTES
[163.1] Roscher, Lexikon, ii. p. 2354.
[163.2] Vide Jeremias, Die Cultus-Tafel von Sippar, p. 29.
[165.1] Langdon, op. cit., p. 191.
[165.2] Ib., p. 193.
[165.3] Ib., p. 289.
[165.4] Ib., p. 3.
[165.5] Tabl. 9, 1, 11.
[165.6] Choix des textes religieux Assyriens Babyloniens, p. 270.
[165.7] Vide Zimmern, K.A.T.3, p. 423; but cf. his Beiträge zur Kenntniss d. Babyl. Relig., ii. p. 179, “trefflich ist die grosse Buhle die herrliche Istar.”
[166.1] E.g. by Dhorme, op. cit.
[166.2] Keilinschr. Bibl., ii. p. 47.
[166.3] Langdon, op. cit., p. 11.
[166.4] Ib., p. 289.
[166.5] Jastrow, op. cit., 460.
[168.1] Only a late Greek inscription from Berytos designates Baal as the pure God θεῷ ἁγίῳ (Dittenberger, Orient. Graec. Inscr., 590).
[168.2] Lagrange, Études sur les religions sémitiques, p. 482.
[168.3] Vide Weber, Arabien vor dem Islam, p. 18.
[168.4] Epiphanius, Panarium, 51; cf. my Cults, ii. 629.
[168.5] C. I. Sem., 1, 1, 195.
[169.1] De Civ. Dei, 2, 4; cf. Roscher, Lexikon, i., s.v. “Caelestis.” C.I.L., 8, 9796.
[169.2] Perrot et Chipiez, op. cit., iv. fig. 280.
[169.3] Year 1909.
[170.1] Vide Cults, iii. pp. 305-306; Sir William Ramsay, in Amer. Journ. Arch., 1887, p. 348, expressed his belief in the prevalence of the cult of an Anatolian goddess in the later period, regarded as a virgin-mother and named Artemis-Leto; the fact is merely that the goddess Anaitis was usually identified with Artemis, but occasionally with Leto; but we nowhere find Artemis explicitly identified with Leto, and the interpretation which he gives to the Messapian inscription (Artamihi Latho, vide Rhein. Mus., 1887, p. 232, Deeke) appears to me unconvincing.
[170.2] The fact that a part of her temple at Kyzikos was called Παρθενών does not indicate a virgin-goddess. M. Reinach is, in my opinion, right in explaining it as “the apartment of the maidens” where the maiden priestesses assembled (Bull. Corr. Hell., 1908, p. 499).
[171.1] Cults, vol. i., “Athena,” R. 66.
[171.2] A different view of the whole question might be presented if I was dealing here with the evidence gleaned from the period just before Christianity.
[172.1] Cults, iii. p. 206.
[172.2] 8, 44, 5.
CHAPTER X NOTES
[173.1] Langdon, op. cit., pp. 1, 7.
[174.1] Vide Langdon, op. cit., p. 225.
[174.2] Vide Roscher, Lexikon, ii. p. 2348.
[174.3] Vide Zimmern, K.A.T.3, p. 401.
[175.1] Even the Pythian Apollo, in our earliest record of his oracle, is only the voice of “the counsels of God” (cf. Hom. Od., 8, 79).
[176.1] Weber, Dämonenbeschwörung bei den Babyloniern und Assyrern, p. 7.
[176.2] Roscher, Lexikon, ii. p. 2355, quoting Hymn iv. R. 29, 1.
[176.3] Dhorme, Choix, etc., p. 25, l. 39.
[176.4] E.g. Langdon, op. cit., pp. 39-41; cf. p. xix.
[176.5] Zimmern, Babyl. Hymne u. Gebete, p. 8.
[177.1] Dhorme, Choix, etc., p. 343.
[177.2] Roscher, Lexikon, ii. p. 2367 (iv. R. 26, n. 4).
[177.3] Langdon, op. cit., pp. 39, 99.
[177.4] Vide my essays in Evolution of Religion, pp. 184-192.
[177.5] Langdon, op. cit., p. 129.
[177.6] Dhorme, op. cit., p. 5, l. 7.
[177.7] Jeremias, Hölle und Paradies, p. 12; Roscher, Lexikon, s.v. “Ninib,” iii. p. 368.
[178.1] Vide infra, pp. [291]-[293].
[179.1] Evolution of Religion, pp. 186, 187.
[179.2] Zimmern, K.A.T.3, pp. 490, 491, 497.
[180.1] Pp. 52-100; cf. Pinches, Religion of Babylonia and Assyria, p. 30, etc.; Zimmern, op. cit., 488-506.
[180.2] Il., 14, 246, 302.
[180.3] E.g., vide A. Lang, Myth Ritual and Religion, pp. 182, 198, 203; cf. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, pp. 13, 14; Golther, Handbuch der German. Mythologie, pp. 512-514.
[182.1] Macdonell, op. cit., pp. 12, 13.
[182.2] Zimmern, K.A.T.3, p. 497.
[182.3] Vide A. Lang, Myth Ritual and Religion, ii. pp. 29, 30.
[183.1] Zimmern, K.A.T.3, p. 498; cf. King, op. cit., pp. 84-86.
[183.2] Vide Strab., p. 626; others placed it in the volcanic region of Lydia (ib., p. 579).
[183.3] Cf. King, op. cit., pp. 101, 102 (plate); and Zimmern, K.A.T.3, pp. 502, 503, n. 2.
[184.1] Zimmern, K.A.T.3, p. 497.
[184.2] King, op. cit., pp. 88-91; Zimmern, op. cit., p. 498 (b).
[185.1] Ad Ov. Metam., 1, 34 (the authenticity of the Lactantius passage is doubted; vide Bapp in Roscher’s Lexikon, iii. p. 3044).
[185.2] The first is specially Babylonian, the second in Esarhaddon’s inscriptions (vide Jastrow, op. cit., pp. 248, 249).
[185.3] “La Trinité Carthaginoise” in Gazette Archéol., 1879-1880.
[185.4] Evans, in Hell. Journ., 1901, p. 140.
[186.1] Vide, however, Zimmern, K.A.T.3, p. 419, who tries to derive the Christian Trinity ultimately from Babylon.
[186.2] Vide Roscher, Lexikon, iii. p. 67, s.v. “Nebo.”
[187.1] Vide Cults, v. p. 431.
[187.2] Vide op. cit., vol. iii. pp. 284-285.
[187.3] Vide op. cit., vol. i. pp. 84, 85.
[187.4] Made by Weber in Arabien vor dem Islam, p. 19.
[188.1] Vide Pinches, op. cit., p. 118; Jastrow, op. cit., p. 203, n. 1.
[188.2] Quoted by Jeremias in his article on “Nebo” in Roscher, Lexikon, iii. p. 49.
[189.1] It is interesting to note the cult of the supreme god under the title of Μέγιστος in the remote district and city of Boulis, which excited the attention of Pausanias. Yet the men of Boulis were no monotheists, for they had temples of Artemis and Dionysos (Paus., 10, 37, 3; cf. my article in Anthropological Essays presented to E. B. Tylor, 1907, p. 92).
CHAPTER XI NOTES
[192.1] Vide Langdon, Transactions of Congress of Rel., 1908, i. p. 254.
[192.2] Zimmern, Babylon. Hymn. u. Gebete, p. 27.
[192.3] Langdon, Sumerian and Babylonian Psalms, p. 269.
[192.4] Keilinschr. Bibl. (Schrader), vol. ii. pt. ii. p. 69.
[192.5] iv. R. 3, 5; quoted by Jeremias in Bab. Assyr. Vorstell. vom Leben nach dem Tode.
[192.6] Keilinschr. Bibl., iii. 2, p. 11.
[193.1] In Aesch. Agam., l. 70, the words οὔτε δακρύων are spurious, as I have argued in Class. Review, 1897, p. 293.
[193.2] We might perhaps infer their recognition from the occasional use of the word δεισιδαίμων in a partly good sense, e.g. Aristot. Pol., 5, 11, 25; Xen. Ages., 11, 8; but its bad sense is more emphasised by Theophrastos in his “Characters.”
[193.3] Nebukadnezar (of all people) calls himself more than once “the humble, the submissive,” e.g. Keilinschr. Bibl., iii. p. 63.
[193.4] We find the phrase δοῦλος ὑμέτερος also in the Greek magic papyri, but these are charged with the Oriental spirit; Kenyon, Greek Pap., i. p. 108, ll. 745-6.
[194.1] C. I. Sem., 1, No. 122.
[194.2] These facts are collected and exposed in a valuable article by Perdrizet in Archiv. für Relig. Wissensch., 1911, pp. 54-129; cf. Revue des Études anciennes, 1910, pp. 236-237; Hell. Journ., 1888, pl. vi.
[195.1] Vide O. Weber, Arabien vor dem Islam, p. 21.
[196.1] Dittenberg, Orient. Graec. Inscr., 619 (= Lebas-Waddington, Inscr., iii. 2393); the reading here is Θεὸν Αὐμόν, probably a mistake for Αὐμοῦ; cf. Lebas-Wadd., 2395 and 2455.
[196.2] Vide Roscher’s Lexikon, ii. p. 2752.
[196.3] Vide ib., iii. p. 1496.
[196.4] Cults, vol. i., “Athena,” R. 96b (Paus., 1, 42, 4); as regards “Apollo Sarpedonios” we are uncertain whether the title was not merely local-geographical.
[197.1] Langdon, op. cit., pp. 309, 321; cf. the lines in the hymn, p. 335: “I am the child who upon the flood was cast out—Damu, who on the flood was cast out, the anointed one who on the flood was cast out.”
[197.2] Bergk’s Lyr. Graec., iii. p. 654.
[199.1] Pp. 222-223.
[199.3] Keilinschr. Bibl., ii. p. 191.
[200.1] Keil. Bibl., ii. p. 11.
[200.2] Ib., p. 69.
[200.3] Ib., p. 257.
[201.1] Keil. Bibl., ii. pp. 133-134.
[201.2] Ib., pp. 203, 207.
[201.3] Ib., p. 205.
[202.1] We note the indication of a cruel human sacrifice—consecration of a child to a god or goddess by fire—as a legal punishment for reopening adjudicated causes (Johns, Babylonian and Assyrian Laws, etc., p. 95).
CHAPTER XII NOTES
[205.1] Vide Dr. Langdon’s paper on “Babylonian Eschatology;” in Essays in Modern Theology (papers offered to Professor Briggs, 1911), p. 139.
[205.2] Vide Jeremias, Hölle und Paradies, p. 30; cf. King, Bab. Rel., p. 46—formula for laying a troubled and dangerous ghost—“let him depart into the west; to Nedu, the Chief Porter of the Underworld, I consign him.” The west was suggested to the Hellene because of the natural associations of the setting sun; to the Babylonian, perhaps, according to Jeremias, op. cit., p. 19, because the desert west of Babylon was associated with death and demons.
[205.3] The “waters of death” figure in the Epic of Gilgamesh, e.g. King, op. cit., p. 169.
[205.4] Vide inscr. of Sargon II. in Keil. Bibl., ii. 2, pp. 75-77, 79: “Ea, Sin, Shamash, Nabu, Ramman, Ninib, and their benign spouses, who were rightfully born on Iharsaggalkurkurra, the Mountain of the Underworld.”
[206.1] Passage in “The Descent of Ishtar,” Jeremias, op. cit., p. 20.
[206.2] King, op. cit., pp. 45-46.
[208.1] Vide Langdon, op. cit.
[209.1] Cook, Religion of Ancient Palestine, p. 36.
[209.2] Vide Langdon, op. cit.
[209.3] Vide Prof. Margoliouth’s article on “Ancestor-worship” in Hastings’ Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics.
[210.1] King’s translation in Babyl. Relig., pp. 48-49. Cf. Jeremias, Hölle u. Paradies, p. 12.
[211.1] Cook, The Religion of Ancient Palestine, p. 35.
[211.2] E.g. Eur. Troad., 1085, σὺ μὲν φθίμενος ἀλαίνεις ἄθαπτος, ἄνυδρος.
[212.1] Langdon, op. cit.
[212.2] King, op. cit., p. 176.
[212.3] Thureau-Dangin, Les cylindres de Goudéa, p. 57: Les héros morts leur bouche auprès d’une fontaine il plaça.
[212.4] Winckler, op. cit., p. 41.
[212.5] Jeremias, op. cit., p. 15.
[213.1] E.g. Peiser, Sketch of Babylonian Society, in the Smithsonian Institute, 1898, p. 586, speaks as if it was ancestor-worship that held the Babylonian family together.
[213.2] Vide my article on “Hero-worship” in Hibbert Journal, 1909, p. 417.
[214.1] V. Landau, Phönizische Inschr., p. 15.
[214.2] Jeremias, Hölle u. Paradies, p. 37.
[215.1] It would be idle for my purpose to distinguish between the so-called “Achaean” and “Pelasgian” elements in the Homeric Νέκυια; even if the latter ethnic term was of any present value for Greek religion.
[215.2] Hesiod, Ἔργ. 110-170 (the men of the golden and the silver ages and the heroes).
[216.1] Vide Zimmern in K.A.T.3, pp. 636-639; Jeremias, Hölle u. Paradies, p. 25; cf. his Die Babyl. Assyr. Vorstellungen rom. Leben nach dem Tode.
[216.3] Zimmern, op. cit., p. 520; King, op. cit., p. 188.
[217.1] King, op. cit., p. 138.
[217.2] Lagrange, Études sur les religions sémitiques, p. 493.
[218.1] Cf. Keil. Bibl., ii. 109; Jeremias, Hölle u. Paradies, pp. 13-14.
[219.1] Jastrow, op. cit., pp. 472-473.
[219.2] Ib., p. 473.
[219.3] Ib., p. 472.
[219.4] Zimmern in Sitzungsber. d. Kön. Sächs. Gesell. Wiss. 1907, “Sumerisch-Babylonische Tanzlieder,” p. 220.
[219.5] Vide Jeremias in his article on “Nergal” in Roscher’s Lexikon, iii. p. 251.
[219.6] It is doubtful if any argument can be based on the name Ningzu, occasionally found as the name of the consort of Ereshkigal (Zimmern, K.A.T.3, p. 637) and said to mean “Lord of Healing,” in reference, probably, to the waters of life.
[219.7] Only in the story of Adapa he appears as one of the warders of the gates of heaven (Zimmern, K.A.T.3, p. 521).
[220.1] The story of Aphrodite descending into Hades to seek Adonis is much later than the period with which we are dealing. Nergal’s descent to satisfy the wrath of Allatu and his subsequent marriage with her (Jeremias, Hölle und Paradies, p. 22) is a story of entirely different motive to the Rape of Kore.
CHAPTER XIII NOTES
[223.1] Cook, The Religion of Ancient Palestine, p. 17.
[223.2] Researches in Sinai, p. 72, etc., 186: he would carry back the foundation to the fourth millennium B.C.
[223.3] Vide Arch. Anzeig., 1909, p. 498.
[223.4] Vide Cults, iii. p. 299.
[224.1] Vide Hogarth’s evidence for the date of the earliest Artemision, Excavations at Ephesus, p. 244.
[224.2] Il., i. 38.
[224.3] Ib., vi. 269, 299-300.
[224.4] Ib., ii. 550.
[224.5] Ib., ix. 405.
[224.6] Vide Stengel, Griechische Sacral-Altertümer, p. 17.
[224.7] Vide Athen. Mittheil., 1911, pp. 27, 192.
[225.1] Vide Jeremias in Roscher, Lexikon, ii. p. 2347, s.v. “Marduk.”
[225.2] Something near to it would be found in the cult-phrase Ζεὺς Νᾶος of Dodona, which is a form commoner in the inscriptions than Ζεὺς Νάϊος, if, with M. Reinach (Rev. Archéol., 1905, p. 97), we regarded this as the original title and interpreted it as “Zeus-Temple.” But the interpretation is hazardous.
[225.3] A disk on the top of a pole, vide Jastrow, Rel. Bab. Assyr., vol. i. p. 203.
[226.1] Cook, op. cit., p. 28.
[226.2] Religion of the Semites, pp. 185-195; “Mycenaean Tree and Pillar Cult,” Hell. Journ., 1901. It is interesting to note that Baitylos, a name derived from the Semitic description of the sacred stone as the “House of God,” is given as the name of a divine king in the cosmogony of Philo Byblius, Müller, Frag. Hist. Graec., iii. p. 567; cf. the baitylos with human head found at Tegea inscribed Διὸς Στορπάω (fifth century B.C.), “Zeus of the lightning” (Eph. Arch., 1906, p. 64).
[227.1] Vide Evans, op. cit., and Annual of British School, 1908, 1909.
[227.2] Vide my Cults, i. pp. 13-18, 102; ii. pp. 520, 670; iv. pp. 4, 149, 307; v. pp. 7, 240, 444.
[227.3] For the evidence of a pillar-cult of Apollo Agyieus and Karneios coming from the north, vide Cults, vol. iv. pp. 307-308.
[227.4] The pillars known as “Kudurru,” with emblems of the various divinities upon them, served merely as boundary-stones (vide Jastrow, op. cit., i. p. 191; Hilprecht in Babylonian Expedition of University of Pennsylvania, vol. iv.).
[228.1] 6, 269.
[228.2] Cults, ii. 445.
[228.3] Op. cit., vol. v. p. 8.
[229.1] Arnob. Adv. Gent., 5, 19 (in the mysteries of the Cyprian Venus), “referunt phallos propitii numinis signa donatos.”
[229.2] Cook, Religion of Ancient Palestine, p. 28; cf. Corp. Inscr. Sem., i. 11. 6, inscription found in cave, dedicated perhaps by the hierodulai, “pudenda muliebria” carved on the wall.
[229.3] Rel. of Sem., pp. 437-438.
[229.4] De Dea Syria, c. 16 and c. 28.
[229.5] Histoire de l’Art, iv. pl. viii, D.
[230.1] Jeremias, in his articles on “Izdubar” and “Nebo” in Roscher’s Lexikon, ii. p. 792 and iii. p. 65, concludes that a phallic emblem was employed in the ritual of Ishtar; but he bases his view on the translation of the word ibattu in the Gilgamesh Epic, which is differently rendered by King, Babylonian Religion, p. 163, and Zimmern, K.A.T.3, p. 572.
[230.2] Thureau-Dangin, Les Cylindres de Goudéa, p. 69.
[231.1] This may explain the double phrase, used concerning the institution and endowment of temple-rites in an inscription of the time of Tiglath-Pileser III., which Zimmern translates by “Opfer-Mahlzeiten,” Keil. Bibl., iv. p. 103; cf. especially K.B., iii. p. 179 (inscr. of ninth century); Zimmern, Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Babyl. Relig., ii. p. 99 (sacred loaves offered before consultation of divinity).
[231.2] Vide Robertson Smith, op. cit., p. 200.
[231.3] Vide Cults, i. p. 88; v. p. 199.
[232.1] Judges ix. 13; cf. Robertson Smith, op. cit., p. 203.
[232.2] Lagrange, Études sur les religions sémitiques, p. 506. This seems to agree with the statement in Diodorus (19, 94) that the Nabataeans tabooed wine; yet Dusares, the Arabian counterpart of Dionysos, was a Nabataean god.
[232.3] Gray, Shamash Religious Texts, p. 21.
[232.4] Dhorme, Choix, etc., p. 41, l. 136.
[232.5] Vide Cults, iii. p. 390, R. 57h.
[232.6] Ib., ii. p. 646.
[234.1] Robertson Smith, op. cit., pp. 272-273.
[234.2] Athenae. 376a (Cults, i. p. 141).
[234.3] Cults, ii. pp. 646-647.
[234.4] O. Weber, Dämonenbeschwörung, p. 29; his note on the passage “that the unclean beast is offered as a substitute for an unclean man” is not supported by any evidence.
[234.5] Zimmern, K.A.T.3, pp. 409-410.
[235.1] Robertson Smith’s theory that the gift-sacrifice was a later degeneracy from the communion-type is unconvincing; vide specially an article by Ada Thomsen, “Der Trug von Prometheus,” Arch. Relig. Wissensch., 1909, p. 460.
[236.1] “Sacrificial Communion in Greek Religion,” in Hibbert Journal, 1904.
[236.2] E.g. Il., 1, 457-474; Od., 3, 1-41; 14, 426.
[236.3] Cf. Schol. Od., 3, 441 (who defines οὐλοχύται as barley and salt mixed with water or wine… καὶ ἔθυον αὐτὰ πρὸ τοῦ ἱερείου… κριθὰς δὲ ἐνέβαλον τοῖς θύμασι χάριν εὐφορίας); Schol. Arist. Equ., 1167, τοῖς θύμασιν ἐπιβαλλόμεναι [κριφαί]. Vide Fritz. Hermes, 32, 235; for another theory, vide Stoll, “Alte Taufgebraüche,” in Arch. Relig. Wissensch., 1905, Beiheft, p. 33.
[237.1] Vide Evans, “Mycenaean Tree and Pillar Cult,” Hell. Journ., 1901, pp. 114-115.
[237.2] Od., 14, 426; cf. the custom reported from Arabia of mingling hair from the head of a worshipper with the paste from which an idol is made.
[237.3] Aristoph. Pax., 956.
[237.4] Athenae, p. 419, B.
[237.5] Vide Arch. Rel. Wiss., 1909, p. 467; Thomsen there explains it wholly from the idea of tabu.
[237.6] The common meal of the thiasotaï is often represented on later reliefs, vide Perdriyet, “Reliefs Mysiens,” Bull. Corr. Hell., 1899, p. 592.
[238.1] Vide Cults, i. pp. 56-58, 88-92.
[239.1] In my article on “Sacrificial Communion in Greek Religion,” Hibbert Journal, 1904, p. 320, I have been myself guilty of this, in quoting the story told by Polynaenus (Strategem. 8, 43), about the devouring of the mad bull with golden horns by the Erythraean host, as containing an example of a true sacrament.
[239.2] Vide Cults, vol. i. p. 145.
[239.3] See Crusius’ article in Roscher’s Lexikon, s.v. “Harpalyke.”
[240.1] Vide Cults, v. pp. 161-172.
[240.2] Ib., v. p. 165.
[241.1] K.A.T.3, p. 596.
[241.2] Jeremias, Die Cultus-Tafel von Sippar, p. 26.
[241.3] Zimmern, Beiträge zur Kennt. Bab. Rel., p. 15.
[242.1] Vide Frazer, Adonis-Attis-Osiris, p. 189; cf. “Communion in Greek Religion,” Hibbert Journ., 1904, p. 317.
[242.2] Jeremias, Die Cultus-Tafel von Sippar, p. 28.
[243.1] Weber, Dämonenbeschwörung, etc., p. 29.
[243.2] iv. R2, pl. 26, No. 6; this is the inscription quoted by Prof. Sayce (vide infra, [p. 182], n.) as a document proving human sacrifice. I owe the above translation to the kindness of Dr. Langdon; it differs very slightly from Zimmern’s in K.A.T.3, p. 597.
[243.3] Jeremias, op. cit., p. 29.
[243.4] Renan’s thesis (C. I. Sem., i. p. 229) that the idea of sin, so dominant in the Hebrew and Phoenician sacrifice, was entirely lacking in the Hellenic, cannot be maintained; he quotes Porph. De Abstin., 1, 2, 24, a passage which contains an incomplete theory of Greek sacrifice. The sin-offering is indicated by Homer, and is recognised frequently in Greek literature and legend; only no technical term was invented to distinguish it from the ordinary cheerful sacrifice.
[244.1] Cults, ii. p. 441.
[244.2] Vide K.A.T.3, pp. 434, 599, where Zimmern refers to the monuments published by Ménant, Pierres gravées, i. figs. 94, 95, 97, as possibly showing a scene of human sacrifice. But Ménant’s interpretation of them is wrong; vide Langdon, Babyloniaca, Tome iii. p. 236, “two Babylonian seals”; the kneeling figure is the owner of the seal; the personage behind him is no executioner, but Ramman or Teschub holding, not a knife, but his usual club. The inscriptions published by Prof. Sayce (Trans. Soc. Bibl. Arch., iv. pp. 25-29) are translated differently by Dr. Langdon, so that the first one (iv. R2, pl. 26, No. 6) refers to the sacrifice of a kid, not of an infant. The misinterpretation of the inscription has misled Trumbull (Blood Covenant, p. 166). The statement in 2 Kings xvii. 31 about the Sepharvites in Samaria does not necessarily point to a genuine Babylonian ritual, even if we are sure that the Sepharvites were Babylonians.
[245.1] Babylonian and Assyrian Laws, p. 95.
[245.2] The excavations at Gezer have revealed almost certain evidence of the early practice of human sacrifice; a number of skeletons, one of a girl sawn in half, were found buried under the foundation of houses (vide Cook, op. cit., pp. 38-39).
[246.1] Stengel, Die griechischen Kultusaltertümer, p. 89.
[246.2] K.A.T.3, p. 599.
[246.3] Jastrow, op. cit., i. p. 500.
[246.4] Might this be the meaning of a line in a hymn translated by Jastrow, op. cit., p. 549, “I turn myself to thee (O Goddess Gula), I have grasped thy cord as the cord of my god and goddess” (vide King, Babyl. Magic, No. 6, No. 71-94); or of the phrase in the Apocrypha (Epist. Jerem., 43), “The women also with cords about them sit in the ways”?
[246.5] Zimmern’s Beiträge, etc., p. 99.
[247.1] On the famous bronze plaque of the Louvre (Jeremias, Hölle und Paradies, p. 28, Abb. 6) we see two representatives of Ea in the fish-skin of the god; and on a frieze of Assur-nasir-pal in the British Museum (Hell. Journ., 1894, p. 115, fig. 10; Layard, Monuments of Nineveh, 1, pl. 30), two men in lions’ skins; but these are not skins of animals of sacrifice.
[247.2] Vide my Evolution of Religion, pp. 118-120.
[248.1] K.A.T.3, p. 49.
[248.2] 3, 300; 19, 265-267.
[248.3] Polybius, 3, 25, ἐγὼ μόνος ἐκπέσοιμι οὕτως ὡς ὅδε λίθος νῦν.
[248.4] Op. cit., ii. p. 217.
[250.1] According to Dr. Langdon (op. cit., p. xvi.), the wailing for Tammuz was developed in the early Sumerian period of the fourth millennium.
[251.1] Langdon, op. cit., 300-341; cf. Zimmern, “Sumerisch-Babylonische Tamuzlieder,” in Sitzungsber. König. Sächs. Gesell. Wissen., 1907, pp. 201-252, and his discussion, “Der Babylonische Gott Tamuz,” in Abhandl. König. Sächs. Gesell. Wissen., 1909.
[251.3] Vide Langdon, op. cit., p. 501.
[251.4] Antiqu., 8, 5, 3; cf. Clem. Recogn., 10, 24; Baudissin in his Eschmun-Asklepios (Oriental. Stud. zu Nöldeke gewidmet, p. 752) thinks that the Healer-god, Marduk Asclepios Eschmun, is himself one who died and rose again in Assyrian and Phoenician theology. For Asklepios of Berytos we have the almost useless story of Damascius in Phot. Bibl., 573 H.; the uncritical legend in Ktesias (c. 21) and Ael. Var. Hist., 13, 3, about the grave of Belitana at Babylon (to which Strabo also alludes, p. 740), does not justify the view that the death of Marduk was ever a Babylonian dogma.
[252.1] Perrot-Chipiez, Histoire de l’Art, iv. pl. viii.
[253.1] Rev. de Philol., 1893, p. 195.
[253.2] Vide Frazer, op. cit., pp. 98-99.
[253.3] K. O. Müller, Kleine Schriften, vol. ii. pp. 102-103.
[253.4] Journ. Roy. Asiat. Soc., 1909, pp. 966, 971; the information about the true meaning of the ideogram I owe to Dr. Langdon.
[254.1] Vide supra, p. 91; cf. Cults, ii. pp. 644-649; iii. pp. [300]-[305].
[254.2] The Babylonian myths of Etana and Adapa, and their ascent to heaven, may have given the cue to the Phrygian stories of Ganymede and Tantalos.
[256.1] Dr. Frazer, in Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings (G. B., vol. ii. p. 45), quotes from N. Tsackni (La Russie Sectaire, p. 74) an example of a fanatic Christian sect in modern Russia practising castration. I have not been able to find this treatise.
[257.1] Vide Cults, iii. pp. 300-301. Dr. Frazer’s theory is that the act of castration was performed in order to maintain the fruitfulness of the earth (op. cit., pp. 224-237). But this is against the countless examples which he himself has adduced of the character and function of the priest or priest-king as one whose virile strength maintains the strength of the earth; the sexual act performed in the field by the owner increases the fruitfulness of the field (Frazer, GB2, ii. p. 205). Why should the priest make himself impotent so as to improve the crops? The only grounds of his belief appear to be that the priest’s testicles were committed to the earth or to an underground shrine of Kybele (Arnob. Adv. Gent., v. 14, and Schol. Nikand. Alexipharm., 7; vide Cults, 3; Kybele Ref. 54a); but such consecration of them to Kybele would be natural on any hypothesis, and Arnobius’ words do not prove that they were buried in the bare earth.
[259.1] Vide Cults, i. pp. 36-38.
[259.2] Vide Evolution of Religion, p. 62.
[260.1] Porph. Vit. Pyth., 17; cf. Callim. H. ad. Jov., 8; Diod. Sic., 3, 61; vide Cults, i. pp. 36-37.
[260.2] Vide A. Evans in Hell. Journ., xvii. 350.
[261.1] Vide Cults, vol. ii. p. 651; cf. Clem. Recogn., 10, 24, “sepulcrum Cypriae Veneris apud Cyprum.”
[261.2] Ib., pp. 651-652.
[261.3] Vide Cults, vol. ii. pp. 447, n. c., 478, 638, n. a.
[261.4] Aristot. Rhet., 2, 23.
[262.1] Athenae, p. 620 A (ζητεῖν αὐτὸν τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας μετά τινος μεμελῳδημένου θρήνου καὶ ἀνακλήσεως); Pollux., 4, 54.
[262.2] Frazer, GB2, vol. ii. p. 106.
[263.1] Vide Thureau-Dangin, Vorderasiatische Bibliothek, i. p. 77.
[263.2] Weber, Arabien vor dem Islam, p. 19.
[264.1] Vide Evans in Hell. Journ., 1901, p. 176.
[264.2] Cults, i. pp. 184-191.
[264.3] Ib., iii. pp. 123-124.
[264.4] Ib., iii. p. 176; cf. vol. iv. p. 34 n. b.
[264.5] Ib., i. pp. 189-190.
[265.1] 1, 181.
[265.2] Vide, for instance, Dr. Langdon in the Expositor, 1909, p. 143.
[265.3] Winckler, Die Gesetze Hammurabi, p. 182.
[266.1] Vide Dieterich, Mithras-Liturgie, pp. 126-127; Reizenstein, Die hellenistischen Mysterien-religionen.
[266.2] Vide Herzog’s Real-Encyclop., s.v. “Montanismus.”
[266.3] Jourdanet et Siméon transl. of Sahagun, pp. 147-148.
[266.4] Golther, Handbuch der Germanischen Mythologie, p. 229; cf. Mannhardt, Baumkultus, p. 589.
[267.1] Pausan., 2, 33, 3; 9, 27, 6; cf. my article in Archiv. für Religionswiss., 1904, p. 74; E. Fehrle, Die Kultische Keuschheit im Alterthum, p. 223, gives other examples which appear to me more doubtful.
[267.2] Paus., 3, 16, 1.
[267.3] Cults, v. pp. 217-219.
[268.1] Vide Cults, v. p. 109.
[268.2] Winckler, op. cit., p. 110; Johns, op. cit., p. 54.
[269.1] Code, § 182.
[269.2] Jastrow, op. cit., ii. 157.
[269.3] Vide Winckler’s interpretation of §§ 178, 180, 181; cf. also Zimmern in K.A.T.3, 423.
[269.4] 1, 199.
[270.1] E.g. Zimmern in K.A.T.3, p. 423.
[270.2] Verse 43.
[271.1] The first to insist emphatically on the necessity of their distinction was Mr. Hartland, in Anthropological Essays presented to E. B. Tylor, pp. 190-191; but he has there, I think, wrongly classified—through a misunderstanding of a phrase in Aelian—the Lydian custom that Herodotus (1, 93) and Aelian (Var. Hist., iv. 1) refer to; both these writers mention the custom of the women of Lydia practising prostitution before marriage. Aelian does not mention the motive that Herodotus assigns, the collection of a dowry; neither associates it with religion. Aelian merely adds that when once married the Lydian women were virtuous; this need have nothing to do with the Mylitta-rite.
[272.1] E.g. Hosea iv. 13; Deut. xxiii. 18; 1 Kings xiv. 24.
[272.2] Weber, Arabien vor dem Islam, p. 18.
[272.3] C. I. Sem., 1, 263.
[272.4] Strab., 272.
[272.5] Strab., 559.
[272.6] Pind. Frag., 87; Strab., 378; (Cults, ii. p. 746, R. 99g).
[273.1] Cities and Bishoprics, i. 94. In his comment he rightly points out that the woman is Lydian, as her name is not genuine Roman; but he is wrong in speaking of her service as performed to a god (Frazer, Adonis, etc., p. 34, follows him). This would be a unique fact, for the service in Asia Minor is always to a goddess; but the inscription neither mentions nor implies a god. The bride of Zeus at Egyptian Thebes was also a temple-harlot, if we could believe Strabo, p. 816; but on this point he contradicts Herodotus, 1, 182.
[273.2] Et. Mag., s.v. Ἱκόνιον.
[274.1] De Dea Syr., 6; cf. Aug. De Civ. Dei, 4, 10: “cui (Veneri) etiam Phoenices donum dabant de prostitutione filiarum, antequam eas jungerent viris”: religious prostitution before marriage prevailed among the Carthaginians in the worship of Astarte (Valer. Max., 2, ch. 1, sub. fin.: these vague statements may refer either to defloration of virgins or prolonged service in the temple).
[274.2] See Frazer, op. cit., p. 33, n. 1, quoting Sozomen. Hist. Eccles., 5, 10, 7; Sokrates, Hist. Eccles., 1, 18, 7-9; Euseb. Vita Constantin., 3, 58. Eusebius only vaguely alludes to it. Sokrates merely says that the wives were in common, and that the people had the habit of giving over the virgins to strangers to violate. Sozomenos is the only voucher for the religious aspect of the practice; from Sokrates we gather that the rule about strangers was observed in the rite.
[274.3] 18, 5.
[274.4] This is confirmed by the legend given by Apollodoros (Bibl., 3, 14, 3) that the daughters of Kinyras, owing to the wrath of Aphrodite, had sexual intercourse with strangers.
[275.1] Justin, 21, 3; Athenaeus, 516 A, speaks vaguely, as if the women of the Lokri Epizephyrii were promiscuous prostitutes.
[275.2] Pp. 532-533.
[275.3] The lovers, Melanippos and Komaitho, sin in the temple of Artemis Triklaria of the Ionians in Achaia; the whole community is visited with the divine wrath, and the sinners are offered up as a piacular sacrifice (Paus., 7, 19, 3); according to Euphorion, Laokoon’s fate was due to a similar trespass committed with his wife before the statue of Apollo (Serv. Aen., 2, 201). It may be that such legends faintly reflect a very early ἱερὸς γάμος once performed in temples by the priest and priestess: if so, they also express the repugnance of the later Hellene to the idea of it; and in any case this is not the institution that is being discussed.
[276.1] Antike Wald u. Feld Kulte, p. 285, etc.
[277.1] Why should not the priestess rather play the part of the goddess, and why, if we trust Plutarch (Vit. Artaxerx., 27), was the priestess of Anaitis at Ekbatana, to whose temple harlots were attached, obliged to observe chastity after election?
[277.2] Vol. i. pp. 94-96.
[277.3] Op. cit., p. 35, etc.
[277.4] Op. cit., p. 44.
[278.1] I pointed out this objection in an article in the Archiv. f. Relig. Wissensch., 1904, p. 81; Mr. S. Hartland has also, independently, developed it (op. cit., p. 191).
[278.2] Vol. ii. p. 446.
[278.3] Origin of Civilisation, pp. 535-537.
[279.1] Vide Westermarck, History of Human Marriage, p. 76.
[279.2] Mr. Hartland objects (loc. cit., p. 200) to this explanation on the ground that the stranger would dislike the danger as much as any one else; but the rite may have arisen among a Semitic tribe who were peculiarly sensitive to that feeling of peril, while they found that the usual stranger was sceptical and more venturesome: when once the rule was established, it could become a stereotyped convention. His own suggestion (p. 201) that a stranger was alone privileged, lest the solemn act should become a mere love-affair with a native lover, does not seem to me so reasonable; to prevent that, the act might as well have been performed by a priest. Dr. Frazer in his new edition of Adonis, etc. (pp. 50-54), criticises my explanation, which I first put forth—but with insufficient clearness—in the Archiv. für Religionswissenschaft (1904, p. 88), mainly on the ground that it does not naturally apply to general temple-prostitution nor to the prostitution of married women. But it was never meant to apply to these, but only to the defloration of virgins before marriage. Dr. Frazer also argues that the account of Herodotus does not show that the Babylonian rite was limited to virgins. Explicitly it does not, but implicitly it does; for Herodotus declares that it was an isolated act, and therefore to be distinguished from temple-prostitution of indefinite duration; and he adds that the same rite was performed in Cyprus, which, as the other record clearly attests, was the defloration of virgins by strangers. Sozomenos and Sokrates attest the same of the Baalbec rite, and Eusebius’s vague words are not sufficient to contradict them. One rite might easily pass into the other; but our theories as to the original meaning of different rites should observe the difference.
[280.1] But vide Gennep, Les Rites de passage, p. 100.
[280.2] Cf. Arnob. Adv. Gent., 5, 19, with Firmic. Matern. De Error., 10, and Clemens, Protrept., c. 2, p. 12, Pott.
[281.1] 1, 199.
[281.2] The lady who there boasts of her prostitute-ancestresses describes them also as “of unwashed feet”; and this is a point of asceticism and holiness.
[282.1] Op. cit., p. 199.
[282.2] K.A.T.3, p. 423.
[283.1] Vide supra, [p. 163]. The writer of the late apocryphal document, “The Epistle of Jeremy,” makes it a reproach to the Babylonian cult that “women set meat before the gods” (v. 30), and “the menstruous woman and the woman in child-bed touch their sacrifices” (v. 29), meaning, perhaps, that there was nothing to prevent the Babylonian priestess being in that condition. But we cannot trust him for exact knowledge of these matters. Being a Jew, he objects to the ministration of women. The Babylonian and Hellene were wiser, and admitted them to the higher functions of religion.
[283.2] Vide Cults, iv. p. 301.
[283.3] Vide Inscription of Sippar in British Museum, concerning the re-establishment of cult of Shamash by King Nabupaladdin, 884-860 B.C. (Jeremias, Die Cultus-Tafel von Sippar).
[284.1] Sumerian and Babylonian Psalms, p. 75.
[284.2] Vide Langdon in Transactions of Congress for the History of Religions (1908), vol. i. p. 250.
[284.3] Vide Zeitung für Assyriologie, 1910, p. 157.
[284.4] Formula for driving out the demon of sickness, “Bread at his head place, rain-water at his feet place” (Langdon, ib. p. 252).
[284.5] Delitsch, Wörterbuch, i. 79-80.
[284.6] Zeit. für Assyr., 1910, p. 157.
[284.7] Vide Hippocrates (Littré), vi. 362; Stengel, Griechischer Kultusaltertümer (Iwan Müller’s Handbuch, p. 110).
[285.1] Referred to in the comedy of Eupolis called the “Baptai.”
[285.2] Jastrow, op. cit., p. 500.
[285.3] Op. cit., p. 297, 487; the priest-exorciser, the Ashipu, uses a brazier in the expulsion of demons.
[285.4] Vide Golther, Handbuch der Germanischen Mythologie, p. 580; cf. my Cults, v. p. 196.
[285.5] Cults, vol. v. pp. 383-384; cf. iv. p. 301.
[286.1] Cults, v. p. 356; cf. p. 363 (the purifying animal carried round the hearth).
[286.2] Eur. Herc. Fur., 928.
[286.3] Dio Chrys. Or., 48 (Dind., vol. ii. p. 144), περικαθήραντες τὴν πόλιν μὴ σκίλλῃ μηδὲ δαδί, πολὺ δὲ καθαρωτέρῳ χρήματι τῷ λόγῳ (cf. Lucian, Menipp., c. 7, use of squills and torches in “katharsis,” (?) Babylonian or Hellenic); Serv. ad Aen., 6, 741, “in sacris omnibus tres sunt istae purgationes, nam aut taeda purgant aut sulphure aut aqua abluunt aut aere ventilant.”
[286.4] “To take fire and swear by God” is a formula that occurs in the third tablet of Surpu; vide Zimmern, Beiträge zur Kenntniss Babyl. Relig., p. 13; cf. Soph. Antig., 264.
[286.5] Salt used as a means of exorcism in Babylonia as early as the third millennium (vide Langdon, Transactions of Congress Hist. Relig., 1908, vol. i. p. 251); the fell “of the great ox” used to purify the palace of the king (vide Zimmern, Beiträge, p. 123; compare the Διὸς κῴδιον in Greek ritual).
[287.1] Vide Thureau-Dangin, Cylindres de Goudéa, pp. 29, 93.
[287.2] Vide Evolution of Religion, pp. 113, 114, 117; Cults, v. p. 322 (Schol. Demosth., 22, p. 68).
[287.3] 5, 13, 6.
[287.4] Vide Cults, iii. pp. 303-304; Evolution of Religion, p. 121.
[288.2] Vide Cults, iii. p. 167.
[288.3] Published in Zimmern’s Beiträge, p. 123; cf. Weber, Dämonenbeschwörung, pp. 17-19.
[289.1] Il., xvi. 228.
[289.2] Od., ii. 261.
[289.3] Il., i. 313.
[290.1] Od., xxii. 481: In the passage referred to above, Achilles uses sulphur to purify the cups.
[290.2] Od., xiii. 256-281: This is rightly pointed out by Stengel in his Griechische Kultusaltertümer, p. 107.
[290.3] Evolution of Religion, pp. 139-152; Cults, iv. pp. 295-306.
[291.1] Vide Cults, iv. pp. 144-147, 300: To suppose that Hellas learnt its cathartic rites from Lydia, because Herodotus (i. 35) tells us that in his time the Lydians had the Hellenic system of purification from homicide, is less natural. Lydia may well have learnt it from Delphi in the time of Alyattes or Croesus. Or it may have survived in Lydia as a tradition of the early “Minoan” period; and, similarly, it may have survived in Crete.
[291.2] Vide supra, pp. [176]-[178].
[292.1] Vide Cults, iv. pp. 268-284.
[292.2] For similar practices, vide Cults, pp. 415-417.
[292.3] Clem. Alex. Strom., p. 755, Pott.
[293.1] Paus., 9, 33, 4.
[293.2] For the facts vide Zimmern, K.A.T.3, p. 592.
[294.1] Works and Days, l. 824.
[294.2] Ib., l. 804.
[294.3] Expositor, 1909, p. 156.
[294.4] Vide Photius and Hesych., s.v. Μιαραὶ ἡμέραι.
[295.1] Hell., 1, 4, 12.
[295.2] Vide Cults, v. pp. 215-216.
[295.3] Cults, iv. p. 259.
[295.4] Vide supra, pp. [176]-[177].
[296.1] Sumerian and Babylonian Psalms, p. 196.
[296.2] King, Babylonian Religion, p. 196.
[296.3] Vide Fossey, La Magie Assyrienne, p. 96.
[297.1] Knudtzon, Assyrische Gebete an den Sonnengott, p. 78 (texts belonging to period of Asarhaddon, circ. 681).
[297.2] Zimmern, Beiträge, etc., p. 161.
[298.1] Zimmern, Beiträge, etc., p. 163.
[298.2] Fossey, op. cit., p. 399.
[298.3] iv. R. 56, 12; Fossey, op. cit., p. 401.
[298.4] Expositor, 1909, p. 150, giving text from iv. R. 40.
[299.1] Fossey, op. cit., p. 209.
[299.2] Zimmern, Beiträge, p. 173.
[299.4] Zimmern, op. cit., p. 169.
[300.1] Zimmern, Beiträge, pp. 30-31; he mentions also the similar practice of tying up a sheepskin or a fillet of wool and throwing it into the fire.
[300.2] Zimmern, op. cit., p. 33: note magic use of knots in general, vide Frazer, G.B.2, vol. i. pp. 392-403; Archiv. für Religionsw., 1908, pp. 128, 383, 405. The superstition may have prevailed in Minoan Crete (see A. Evans, Annual British School, 1902-1903, pp. 7-9) and was in vogue in ancient Greece.
[300.3] W. Warde Fowler, The Religious Experiences of the Roman People, Gifford Lectures, p. 49.
[301.1] Vide supra, pp. [248]-[249]; Cults, iv. p. 191.
[301.2] For the main facts relating to the Babylonian system and the “baru”-priests, vide Zimmern, Beiträge, etc., pp. 82-92; for the Hellenic, vide Cults, iv. 190-192, 224-231; also vol. iii. 9-12.
[301.3] The documentary evidence, from a very early period, is given by Zimmern, Beiträge, etc., pp. 85-97.
[301.4] L. 322: Clytemnestra speaks of pouring oil and vinegar into the same vessel and reproaching them for their unsociable behaviour.
[302.1] We have also one example of an oracle of Ishtar (in plain prose), Keil. Bibl., ii. p. 179.
[303.1] Zimmern, op. cit., p. 89.
[303.2] Cults, iii. p. 297.
[303.3] Lucian, De Dea Syr., 43.
[303.4] Cults, iii. p. 297.
[303.5] Vide Cults, iv. pp. 191-192; iii. p. 11.