PLOTS AND PROCLAMATIONS. AUGUST.—THE TRIAL OF CORDUA
Affairs in Pretoria and Johannesburg that preceded the warlike movements connected with the Lydenburg campaign must now be briefly discussed. On the 1st of August the Railway Pioneer Regiment arrived at Johannesburg, and entered on its new duties, that of policing the mines. The Transvaal constabulary, under Colonel Maxse, continued to increase in size—by this time 700 Colonials had joined—and in the Court of Justice many actions which, owing to lack of faith in Transvaal administration, had been set aside during the war, were now brought up for adjudication. Things seemed to be shaping themselves fairly well, notwithstanding the rumour that the Boers intended to maintain guerilla warfare till the presidential election in America in November was over, when intervention was promised them. America was scarcely propitiated by the conduct of Theron’s Scouts, however, for a day later a train flying the stars and stripes, and containing the American Consul-General, Colonel Stowe, was thrown off the rails and burned at Honing Spruit. To be awakened at 1 A.M. by the hail of bullets and the hurly-burly of derailed waggons is scarcely pleasing, and Theron’s mode of ingratiating himself with the Americans, if not happy, was original. Seventeen bullets penetrated the carriage in which the Consul was travelling, one of which struck a friend who was occupying the compartment. Colonel Lord Algernon Gordon Lennox, who was journeying south, was taken prisoner, together with forty men, but all were liberated at the request of Colonel Stowe. Two, however, were killed by the overturning of the waggons.
The next day a force of Mounted Infantry chased the Boers, but these, later on, continued to hover in the neighbourhood of the line. Though General Knox was operating north of Kroonstad, and had attacked them at Rhenoster Kop, and driven them off with the loss of their cattle and waggons, these operations, and others which were going forward in all parts of the line, remained similar to the action of fanning away gnats—the pests receded merely to buzz elsewhere! As an instance of this, it was found that owing to the withdrawal of the garrison at Springs (an important coal centre on the East Rand) the Boers had buzzed back there, seized railway rolling stock, threatened the destruction of the mines, and generally made themselves offensive. A regiment was sent to retake the place. Meanwhile, at Waterval, they were giving trouble by treachery. A party having notified to the officer commanding there their intention to surrender, seized the occasion to attempt ambush and assassination. Fifteen of Strathcona’s Horse approached the place of rendezvous—fortunately in extended order—and when within fifty yards of the house three native scouts were shot—two wounded, and one killed. That done, the sergeant was called on to surrender. “Never!” he shouted, and before he could gallop off a bullet had pierced his heart. A trooper was also wounded, and only discovered a day later by a patrol.
Examples of Boer treachery were continually being reported, and one incident described by Reuter’s correspondent served to show how regardless were the enemy of the sacred oath of neutrality, and what a farce was the administration of it.
“A Boer ambulance sometime ago marched into our lines by error, thinking they were their own. The waggon was searched, and was found to contain a number of boxes of ammunition and seven burghers carrying arms. When the latter were searched, each was found to be carrying on him the oath of neutrality which he had subscribed in Bloemfontein.”
But little else could be expected of a nation fed on deceit. Lies hot from the Boer factory had continually been served out to the simple farmers, and were still being foisted on them with a view to stimulating their interest in further hostilities. At one time it was announced that Lord Roberts had committed suicide, at another that the plague was ravaging the British. Fabrications regarding American sympathy and intervention were many, and they asserted that both the commandants, De Wet and Botha, had indignantly refused the offer of bribes to surrender. Among the lesser and wilder tarradiddles was the statement that the first batch of Dublin Fusiliers who had been taken prisoners, had offered to join the Boers, but their sympathetic overtures had been declined! These fictions were swallowed greedily, and thus the “neutrals” were inveigled into having a new lunge at the British, which lunge they firmly believed might yet be effective.
Still the western districts of Cape Colony were becoming pacified, so much so that Sir Charles Warren was able to leave for England, and the command of the troops in the Colony was given over to Sir F. Forestier Walker. On the 13th a sad discovery was made by Colonel Hickman. He came on the body of Colonel Helyar,[11] who had been reported missing since the end of July. The gallant officer, who had so nobly rendered his services in the hour of the nation’s distress, was deeply regretted. He was buried with military honours, and Lord Roberts attended the impressive ceremony.
General Paget’s Brigade, which returned to Pretoria on the 14th, was followed on the 23rd by Colonel Mackinnon and a wing of his sturdy battalion of C.I.V. after a 224 mile march, accomplished in fourteen days, of which one was a halt. In telegrams home the Chief expatiated on the excellent and workmanlike appearance of the force and of the gallant 2nd Yorkshire Light Infantry and Munster Fusiliers, who had so distinguished themselves in operations around Bethlehem.
While the military routine continued as usual, Pretoria was seething with inordinate emotion and excitement. Early in August an alarming conspiracy had been suddenly brought to light. The main feature of the plot was simultaneously to assassinate the British officers in Pretoria, and to carry off the Chief. The idea was to set fire to some big buildings on the west of the town, in the hope of drawing thither the troops for the purpose of extinguishing the flames. While this excitement distracted the attention of the British force, the Boers and their allies in the town, headed by the ringleader Cordua, were to combine and kidnap Lord Roberts, posting off with him, on fleet horses kept ready for the purpose, to join the nearest commando. The conspirators, about fifteen in number, ten of whom were immediately arrested, had taken the oath of neutrality, which especially stated that any contravention was liable to punishment under martial law. This diabolical development in the tactics of a supposed civilised belligerent naturally caused consternation not unmixed with rage, and there was a general outcry against the leniency which had made an abuse of trust possible, and a universal demand for more drastic measures in dealing with an enemy who had descended from the level of fine fighters to that of marauders and assassins. The trial of the ringleader, Hans Cordua, a youth of twenty-three, formerly lieutenant of the Staats Artillery, was opened on the 16th. The prisoner was charged with having broken his parole, and attempted to abduct British officers, to which charges he pleaded guilty. Evidence was then brought forward to prove the extent and ramifications of the plot, the complicity of Botha and others therein. The prisoner was ably defended by Mr. Berrange, who endeavoured to show the complicity of the witness, Detective Gano, a clever Mexican, who was accused by Cordua of having been instigator of the plot. This imputation was denied by Gano, who declared that the plot was already hatched when he was sounded on the subject. The accused, on the other hand, declared his own unwillingness to join in the plot, and pretended that he had been overpersuaded by the detective, who represented that he was a pro-Boer in British employ, who, tired of his position, desired to help the Boers. The detective gave evidence rebutting these assertions, stating on oath that he had been employed to carry out inquiries in regard to a suspected plot to injure persons and property connected with the British troops. He obtained close acquaintance with the prisoner for the purpose of discovering, in his capacity as secret-service agent, the nature of the plot, and his actions in relation to Cordua were conducted with a view to that end. With this object he affected a desire to join the enemy, and had purposely behaved so as to arouse suspicion and cause his own arrest, and with it that of the prisoner. The trial was conducted with the utmost impartiality, and at the close of the address for the defence the prisoner’s counsel thanked the court for all the facilities which he had been afforded for the conduct of that defence. The prisoner was found guilty on all charges, and was condemned to death. On the 24th he met his fate like a brave man within the precincts of the gaol, General Maxwell, Colonel Maxse, the chaplain, the doctor, and the firing squad being the only persons present at the execution.
So ended one of the most remarkable episodes of the campaign, and the career of a young enthusiast, whose curious ambition renders more convincing the old aphorism that every blackguard is a hero spoilt.
Regarding the clever capture which averted a crime calculated to “stagger humanity,” the Bloemfontein Post reproduced some details. These were given to an interviewer by Gano himself:—
“When the plot seemed to be nearly ripe,” said Mr. Gano, “Cordua and I rode out of Pretoria one night to communicate with Botha, a fire burning on a kopje being the signal that his commando had arrived. Of course the authorities knew of Cordua’s move, so I was ordered to accompany him to see what was really going to take place. Cordua was going to obtain for me a billet on Botha’s staff, and that was the ostensible reason of my travelling with him. When we were some distance out in the direction of Silverton, I hinted to Cordua that it would be advisable for me to return to Pretoria with him, but he did not think it necessary.
“This put me into rather a difficult position, but fortunately the commando was not at the kopje, and after riding round for hours we had to return. I knew he had some papers on him, but how to get at them was the difficulty. We both entered a farmhouse, and then I purposely so aroused the farmer’s suspicions without giving myself away to Cordua that he sent for the English picket, and the farmhouse was surrounded. We were arrested and taken to a tent.
“I wanted the officer to search us, but this he neglected to do, and Cordua still held the indispensable papers to prove the plot. Then I turned to Cordua suddenly and said: ‘Quick, hand me your papers, they are going to search us.’ He handed me some letters, and as I hastily put them in my pocket, I noticed him chewing, and later swallowing, a piece of paper. The letters were in cypher, and he had swallowed the key. But I had the letters, and that was something. My next move was to find out who were actively implicated in the plot. As we jolted along to Pretoria in an ox-waggon, I told Cordua it was a serious business for me; who would protect me should I escape? He gave me the names of several persons in Pretoria who would shelter me. When we reached the city I prevailed on the picket to take two cabs, and we were driven as prisoners to the Provost-Marshal’s office. That is the story of how Cordua was captured, but my experiences were by no means ended there.
“Cordua was still under the impression that I was a prisoner, an impression I wanted maintained, in order that I might lay hold of the other conspirators. When we were taken into the office, I therefore darted through a back door, and escaped into the street, the officer recognising me. I was instructed to continue my investigations, and went as an escaped prisoner to the house to which I was directed by Cordua, where I was concealed. The police, of course, kept searching for me, and soon after I was settled they came along. I was changed from one house to another with great rapidity. Sometimes there were shots fired during the operations, sometimes not; sometimes I even fired myself. I became quite expert at jumping out of back windows and over fences, but it was necessary in the interests of the service. After a short experience of this kind I was allowed to relinquish my rôle of escaped prisoner, and return to my ordinary duties.”
It was now admitted that the Boers had misunderstood the principle of leniency. They had used it as a cloak for further resistance, with the result that precious lives were sacrificed, owing to the impossibility of distinguishing between combatants and non-combatants, between supposed neutrals and intending guerillas. Lord Roberts, therefore, found it necessary to revoke his former proclamation—except in regard to those who had already taken the oath—and promulgate a new set of rules of a more stringent nature. In future all persons who had taken the oath and broken it would be punished with death, imprisonment, or fine. All burghers in districts occupied by British forces, except those who had sworn the oath, would be regarded as prisoners of war and transported; and all buildings, structures, and farms where the enemy’s scouts were harboured would be liable to be razed to the ground. All fines under the former proclamation would be rigorously exacted, and prisoners were warned to acquaint her Majesty’s forces of the presence of the enemy on their farms, otherwise they would be regarded as aiding and abetting the enemy.
This new move afforded general satisfaction to those who had suffered from the duplicity of the foe, and it was felt that the time was ripe for the formal annexation of the country, whose capital was in our hands, and for the intimation to Mr. Kruger that no longer could his scattered knots of burghers be viewed in the light of belligerents, but merely as irresponsible marauders.
In reference to Lord Roberts’s proclamations, it is of interest to read the following letter, which was addressed by “the envoys of the South African Republic and of the Orange Free State to the Right Honourable the Marquis of Salisbury, K.G.,” by the “Consul-General temporarily in charge of the interests of the South African Republic”:—
“St. Petersburg, August 18, 1900.
“Excellency,—According to a publication issued at Pretoria on June 25, 1900, under the designation, ‘Government Gazette Extraordinary, vol. i. No. 7,’ some proclamations have been addressed to inhabitants of the South African Republic by Lord Roberts, Field-Marshal, Commander-in-Chief of her Britannic Majesty’s troops in South Africa.
“By the first of those proclamations, dated Johannesburg, May 31, 1900, it is, inter alia, announced to all burghers ‘who have not taken a prominent part in the policy which has led to the war between her Majesty and the South African Republic,’ &c., ‘and who are willing to lay down their arms at once, to bind themselves by an oath to abstain from further participation in the war,’ that they would be allowed, after taking the oath, to return to their homes (section 2 of the proclamation).
“By the second proclamation, dated at Pretoria, June 6, 1900, it is, inter alia, notified that, in the event of any burgher being granted a pass under paragraph 2 of the above proclamation, he would be allowed to retain possession of his stock; or should any or all of this stock be required for the use of her Majesty’s troops, he would receive current market value for the same in cash.
“The undersigned, in the name of the Government of the South African Republic and the Government of the Orange Free State, feel themselves obliged most strenuously to protest against the intent of both these proclamations.
“Because from these proclamations, taken in their mutual relation to each other, there appears to be no other deduction than that the burghers are only guaranteed retention of their property if they shall first have taken the oath referred to in paragraph 2 of the first-named proclamation clearly. The declaration set forth in the proclamation of June 6, 1900, only has sense if it is assumed that in the judgment of Field-Marshal Roberts the property of burghers (even of those who have taken no ‘prominent part’ in the policy which led to the war) may be taken away from them by him solely on the ground of there being war between England and the South African Republic.
“This now is in direct conflict with principles of international law in force for ages already, according to which private property, not being contraband of war, must be respected in war with the country, and which have been once more expressly acknowledged by Article 46 (being a part of the 3rd Section, entitled ‘De l’autorité militaire en le territoire de l’état ennemi’) of the declaration annexed to the ‘Convention concernant les lois et coutumes de la guerre sur terre,’ which was also signed on behalf of her Britannic Majesty. Said article reads as follows:—
“‘L’honneur et les droits de la famille, la vie des individus, et la propriété privée, ainsi que les convictions religieuses et l’exercice des cultes, doivent être respectés. La propriété privée ne peut pas être confisquée.’
“Although the South African Republics are not included amongst the contracting Powers, the principles enunciated in the article quoted may none the less be invoked by them, because that article does nothing more than formulate what during ages has been common right in war between civilised nations.
“By further proclamations of June 16, marked A 1 and A 2, the threat is made in case of damage occasioned to railways and telegraph lines that the principal inhabitants of the villages and districts affected would be held jointly and severally responsible for such damage; moreover, a heavy fine would be imposed, and nothing be paid for goods delivered; also that houses and farms in the neighbourhood would be devastated, and that one or more of the inhabitants would be taken along in trains used for purposes of war.
“By these proclamations punishments are threatened for actions whereto a belligerent party has every right, and the infliction of those punishments are by anticipation provided for even for cases wherein no proof whatever of guilt is furnished, private property is confiscated and destroyed, and an attempt is made to make burghers appear against one another.
“Against the intent also of both these proclamations, which violate every sense of right, the undersigned desire to record their most strenuous protest.
“The Envoys,
“W. J. Leyds.
“A. Fischer.
“C. H. Wessels.
“A. D. W. Wolmarans.“His Excellency the Right Hon. the Marquis of Salisbury, Prime Minister, Minister of Foreign Affairs, &c., London.”
Elsewhere the Dutchmen continued to make themselves obnoxious. On the morning of the 27th Major Brooke, R.E., commanding at Kraai Railway Station, had come in for his share of annoyance, some Boers having lodged themselves in a kopje preparatory to pouncing on the rail. The Major with a hundred men promptly went forth to tackle the conspirators, and with the assistance of this small but plucky crew, notable among them the brave fellows, Lieutenant Maurice Griffith and Sergeant Hannam (Volunteer Company Royal Welsh Fusiliers) and Sergeant Southrood (Cape Garrison Artillery), he succeeded in completely routing the Dutchmen, who left five dead on the field.