FOOTNOTES:
[1] Historical Essays, Third Series, pp. 22, 23.
[2] For traces of the Celtic strain see T. Graham Jackson’s Dalmatia, the Quarnero, and Istria, vol. i. p. 2.
[3] The term Illyria or Illyricum comprises far more than the modern or even Roman Dalmatia, and corresponds roughly to the whole eastern shore of the Adriatic as far as Dyrrhachium, with a hinterland extending to Hungary.
[4] Their name is connected with the town of Dalmium or Deminium, said by some to have been in the interior, by others on the site of the modern Almissa (formerly called Dalmisia).
[5] Called the “Dalmatian Pompeii.”
[6] Quoted in Handelsstrassen und Bergwerke von Serbien und Bosnien während des Mittelalters, by Dr. C. J. Jireček, Prag, 1879, p. 3.
[7] Cap. xxix. to xxxvi.
[8] Jireček, op. cit., p. 4, note.
[9] Jireček, Wlachen und Maurowlachen. They are now called Morlacchi in Northern Dalmatia.
[10] Jireček, Handelsstrassen, pp. 22-25.
[11] Ibid., pp. 25-27.
[12] Jireček, Handelsstrassen, pp. 27-35.
[13] Their municipal statutes, some of which have been published, present many analogies with those of Italy.
[14] This form is preferred by Professor Jireček to Epidaurus.
[15] Ἀφ’ οὗ δὲ ἀπὸ Σαλῶνα μετῴκησαν εἰς Ῥαούσιον, εἰσὶν ἔτη φʹ (500) μέχρι τῆςσήμερον, ἥτις ἰνδικτιῶνος ἑβδόμης ἔτους ͵ϛυνζʹ. (6457 A.M. = 949 A.D.). De Adm. Imp., cap. xxix.
[16] Šafařik, Slawische Alterthümer, ii. 238; J. B. Bury, “History of the Later Roman Empire,” vol. ii. Book IV. Part II. chap. iv.
[17] Constantine Porphyrogenitus says that the Slaves (whom he mixed up with the Avars) had destroyed τὸ κάστρον Πίταυρα, the inhabitants being mostly killed or captured. The survivors fled, and on an inaccessible rock founded the new city of Ῥαούσιον. In a Slavonic document quoted by Jireček (op. cit., p. 9, note 20) there is a native account of the foundation of Ragusa. The ancient Ragusa, it says, stood na Captate (at Cavtat), and possessed the whole župa of Canali; when the city fell and was destroyed, “the lords of Chum and Rascia” occupied this župa, and the inhabitants of the city took refuge on a strong place, where they founded the modern Ragusa. These are other more or less legendary accounts.
[18] Op. cit., p. 10.
[19] A deep inlet surrounded by high mountains at the extreme south of modern Dalmatia.
[20] Gelcich, Dello Sviluppo Civile di Ragusa, p. 6.
[21] The castle and bridge are both indicated in the drawing.
[22] Published by the South-Slavonic Academy of Agram in the same volume as Ragnina’s chronicle. A small part of it is quoted by Gelcich, op. cit.
[23] There is an Albanian tribe of the name of Dukadjin, south of Scutari.
[24] They have not been identified.
[25] In several early accounts it is said that the Saracens helped the Avars to destroy the city by attacking from the sea, but there is no satisfactory evidence on the subject.
[26] Head of a farm; katun in modern Croatian signifies dairy; it is a neo-Latin word.
[27] Venice, whose connection with the Eastern Empire was somewhat similar to that of the Dalmatian cities, now recognised Charlemagne’s supremacy. There was a Byzantine and a Frankish faction. See T. Hodgkin’s “Italy and her Invaders,” viii. p. 231; also H. Brown’s “Venice.”
[28] The passage reads “de ogni Vulasi,” from every Vulasi, but the emendation “de donji Vulasi,” from Lower Vulasi or Wallachia (donji is Slavonic for lower), is suggested.
[29] In Southern Dalmatia the word Morlacco is still a term of contempt.
[30] This etymology is obviously impossible.
[31] The first of these was Otho Ursus or Ottone Orseolo.
[32] Quoted by Gelcich, op. cit., p. 9.
[33] In the Italian city-republics, besides the head of the State, the Council of nobles, and the assembly of the people, there was also a minor or privy council of special advisers. It is very probable that there was something of the kind at Ragusa even at this time, as there was later.
[34] Afterwards the archbishop.
[35] “A wall of rubble and beams.”
[36] Const. Porgh., cap. xxx. According to tradition, Ragusa had been delivered from the Saracens in 783 by Orlando, or Roland the Paladin. The legend probably has its origin in a confusion between Charlemagne’s suzerainty over Dalmatia and the Saracen siege of Ragusa in 847. The so-called statue of Orlando at Ragusa is of the fifteenth century.
[37] Const. Porgh., cap. xxx.
[38] The Naro of the ancients.
[39] Primorije in Slavonic, Παραθαλάσσια.
[40] Gelcich, op. cit., p. 2.
[41] Serafino Razzi, in his Storia di Raugia, gives a long account of this miracle (cap. x.). The Venetian fleet designed to capture Ragusa by treachery, but the plot was revealed to a priest, who thus relates his vision: “I was in the church of St. Stephen about midnight, at prayer, when methinks I saw the whole fane filled with armed men. And in the midst I saw an old man with a long white beard holding a staff in his hand. Having called me aside, he told me that he was San Biagio, and had been sent by Heaven to defend this city. He told me further that the Venetians had come up to the walls to scale them, using the masts of their ships as ladders, but he, with a company of heavenly soldiers, had driven back the enemy; but he desired that in future the Ragusans should defend themselves, and never trust armed neighbours.” Ragnina dates the event 971.
[42] San Bacco had been patron of the Latin settlement on the rocky ridge, while the Slavonic colony had been under the protection of the Eastern Saint Serge. When the two settlements amalgamated, as neither would accept the saint of the other, they compromised by adopting San Biagio.
[43] Cedrenus, vol. i., § 1019, in Migne, vol. 121.
[44] The name Rascia is generally used by old historians as synonymous for Servia, and is derived from the river Raška in Old Servia.
[45] Num Ragusini ab omni jure Veneto a saec. X usque ad saec. XIV immunes fuerunt, thesis by the Abbé Paul Pisani, Paris, 1893, cap. ii.
[46] According to Johannes Diaconus, the expedition started in the seventh year of Orseolo’s reign, which would be the year 998; but Monticolo, who edits that writer in his Cronache Antichissime (p. 156, note 1), observes that Diaconus says that he only heard the news of the victory when the Emperor Otho III. came to Pavia in his third descent into Italy, i.e. July 1000.
[47] The name Beograd or Belgrad, i.e. white city, is a very common one in Slavonic lands.
[48] “Seque suosque Orseolo Venetoque nomini dedunt.” Sabellico, Historia rerum Venetarum, Dec. I. lib. iv. cap. 3.
[49] This pseudonym is an anagram for Sebastianus Slade de Ragusa; Slade is Slavonic for sweets = dolci.
[50] MS. in the Museo Correr at Venice, quoted by Pisani, op. cit., introd. There is a copy at Zara and one at Ragusa.
[51] Regno degli Slavi.
[52] Chronica Ragusina, edit. South-Slav. Acad., p. 272.
[53] Prospetto Cronologico della Dalmazia, p. 112.
[54] This title is now borne by the Emperor of Austria.
[55] Gelcich, op. cit., p. 3.
[56] J. C. von Engel, Geschichte des Freystaates Ragusa, § 6.
[57] Between 1096 and 1105 they had put three hundred ships on the sea (Horatio Brown, Venice, p. 87).
[58] Serafino Razzi, Storia di Raugia.
[59] Romanin, Storia Documentata di Venezia, tom. viii. p. 455, seq.; Farlati-Coleti, Illyricum Sacrum, vi. 60-80.
[60] H. Brown, op. cit., p. 101.
[61] Spalato, however, remained subject to the empire until Manuel’s death in 1180.
[62] In the Archivio Storico Italiano, viii. 154, lib. v.
[63] This stipulation appears in nearly all the subsequent treaties of dedition by which Ragusa surrendered to Venice. By this act the Ragusan Church came under the authority of a Venetian prelate.
[64] By Romania, mediæval historians mean the Eastern Empire.
[65] Liber Pactorum, ii. p. 117, v.
[66] Op. cit., cap. 30.
[67] Jireček, op. cit., p. 12.
[68] According to Miklosich, the word is of Arabic origin.
[69] Jireček, op. cit.
[70] Probably this is too early.
[71] A braccio is about an ell.
[72] Jireček, ibid.
[73] The name is sometimes spelt Radosav.
[74] Prijeki means “beyond” in Serb, and the church was so called because it was beyond the channel.
[75] The figures given by Engel (§ 19)—20,000 horse and 30,000 foot—are probably exaggerated.
[76] The Three Martyrs of Cattaro were saints murdered by the heathen, or, as some assert, by heretics.
[77] The treaty is published in the Monum. spect. Historiam Slav. Merid., Agram, vol. i. Document xvii.
[78] See ante.
[79] Ibid., xxvi.
[80] Ibid., xxvii.
[81] Ibid., xxviii.
[82] Ibid., xxix.
[83] Quoted by Romanin, op. cit., loc. cit.
[84] A further corroboration, if any were needed, of the surrender is found in the treaty of friendship between Stephen, Grand Župan, and Giovanni Dandolo, Count of Ragusa (Mon. Sl. Mer., vol. i. doc. xxxix.). No date is given, but it must be previous to 1222, as in that year Stephen received the title of King from Pope Honorius III., whence his designation of Prvovencani, or First Crowned.
[85] On the sea coast of Montenegro, near the Lake of Scutari.
[86] Dated “Ides of January, Indict. I.” (1078).
[87] It will be noticed that Ragusa is alluded to first as a bishopric and then as an archbishopric in the same document.
[88] Gelcich, op. cit., p. 10.
[89] A heresy described in a later chapter.
[90] Engel, § 20.
[91] Gelcich, Delle Istituzioni Marittime e Secritarie delle Republica di Ragusa, Trieste, 1892, p. 3.
[92] Marcius noster Constantinopolitanus, Vicecomes, Mon. Sl. Mer. I., doc. xiv.
[93] Ibid., xxi.
[94] Ibid., xxii.
[95] Gelcich, op. cit., pp. 13, 14.
[96] Peline is Slavonic for sage.
[97] Now included in the Turkish vilayets of Kossovo and Scutari.
[98] William of Tyre speaks of the “Rex Sclavorum” residing at Scutari at the time when the Crusaders were in Dalmatia. This is the Župan Vlkan (1089-1105).
[99] In the plain of Kossovo, near Mitrovica (Mitrovitza).
[100] This etymology is somewhat doubtful. Duša also means the soul.
[101] B. Kállay, Geschichte der Serben; William Miller, The Balkans; F. Kanitz, Serbien.
[102] See ante.
[103] Klaić, Geschichte Bosniens.
[104] Klaić, op. cit., cap. vi.
[105] A treaty between Ragusa and Taddeo, Count of Montefeltro and Podestà of Ravenna and Cervia, 1216-1238 (Mon. spect. Hist. Slav. Mer., vol. i. doc. 49, pp. 35, 36; also in other documents of that collection between 1204 and 1226).
[106] Resti, who erroneously records the date as 1202.
[107] Mon. Slav. Mer., vol. i. p. 40.
[108] Pisani, op. cit., vii.
[109] Op. cit., p. 29.
[110] Venice had received the same prohibition from the Pope.
[111] That it was not absolutely free is proved by the Doge Jacopo Ziepolo’s Promissiom, dated March 6, 1229, which says: “And we are to receive the tributes of Cherso and Ossero, as well as of the country of Arbe and Ragusa” (Cod. Marc. DLI., class viii. Ital., quoted by Romanin).
[112] Binzola Bodazza is always alluded to in this connection as one person, but in other documents, especially in the Reformationes, we find the names Binzola and Bodazza as those of two separate noble families.
[113] This stipulation is repeated in various subsequent documents, but it was not always observed.
[114] Sometimes written miari.
[115] Mon. Slav. Mer., i. 75.
[116] We have often quoted this chronicle of “Esadastes,” not because of the value of its arguments, but as characteristic of Ragusan individuality, and of the way in which the Ragusans made every effort to prove and to secure their own independence. They regarded themselves not only as independent of Venice, but as distinct from the rest of Dalmatia, and they were always afraid that the great Republic might one day claim their alligiance. Hence their efforts to prove that that allegiance had never really existed, or at least that it had had no practical effect.
[117] Liber Reform, ii. 322; Liber Statutorum, i. 1, 2; Gelcich, op. cit., pp. 30, 31.
[118] Mon. Slav. Mer., i. 78. This Koloman was evidently the son of Andrew, King of Hungary, by whom he had been appointed Duke (or Count) of Croatia and Dalmatia (1226-1241), Klaić, p. 92.
[119] Mon. Slav. Mer., i. 79.
[120] Ibid., i. 80.
[121] Klaić, p. 101.
[122] Doubtless he had been appointed during the last secession of 1235.
[123] Engel, § 25.
[124] Mentioned by Caroldus and in the Liber Pactorum. The name sounds Ragusan.
[125] Resti, ad ann. 1252. Ragusan writers frequently complain that the Venetians did not protect the city effectually against the Slaves, but it is difficult to see what they could have done against an almost inland state.
[126] This institution is described on pp. 76-78.
[127] In the various histories of Servia (e.g. B. Kállay’s Geschichte der Serben, p. 51) no mention is made of this coalition, and in fact the reign of Stephen Uroš, save for the Mongolian inroads, is described as peaceful. On the other hand, the treaty between Radoslav and Ragusa expressly mentions the alliance with Bulgaria against Servia. Probably the Mongol invasion of 1255 induced him to make peace with his neighbours.
[128] Miklosich, Monumenta Serbica, pp. 60 and 69; translated in Klaić, op. cit., pp. 137, 138.
[129] Uroš was deposed by his son in 1272.
[130] For the position and importance of these envoys see Chap. III.
[131] The chapters relating to the stanicum (stanak in Slavonic) are 19, 20, 49-57. The matter is ably dealt with in an article by Professor V. Bogišić in the Archiv für Slawische Philologie, Berlin, vol ii., 1877, pp. 570-593.
[132] In the Liber Reformationum it is mentioned at rare intervals.
[133] The commonest are: Bassegli, Bobali, Bodazza, Bona, Bonda, Bubagna, Caboga, Ghetaldi, Gondola, Gozze, Luccari, Raguina, Resti, Saraca, Sorgo, &c. Only a few, such as Zlatarich, are purely Slavonic. The whole question of the relative proportions of Italians and Slaves in Dalmatia is very obscure. Even to this day, owing to the bitterness of party feeling, it is impossible to obtain reliable statistics.
[134] Save the treaties with the Slavonic states, which are mostly published in the original Servian in Miklosich’s Monumenta Serbica.
[135] The number of members varied at different times.
[136] Gelcich, p. 32.
[137] Luccari.
[138] Lib. Ref., v. p. 307.
[139] The age was afterwards lowered to eighteen years.
[140] This account is based on that given in Luccari, save for such changes as occurred between the Venetian period and the early seventeenth century, when Luccari’s book was published.
[141] Stephen Uroš II. Milutin (1275-1321).
[142] Lebret, Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedig, i. 598. Engel, who gives a similar account, attributes the raid to Stephen Kotromanić, Banus of Bosnia, which is clearly a mistake, as Ragusa was at that time on excellent terms with him.
[143] Mon. Slav. Mer., i. 204 (1293-1331) and 261 (1294).
[144] Ibid., 237.
[145] Reform., 57.
[146] Salt was a commodity lacking in the interior.
[147] Liber Pactorum, 79.
[148] Mon. Slav. Mer., i. 294, 295, 296, 297.
[149] Ibid., 303, 304, 306.
[150] We find a Reformatio of May 1303 which alludes to the Servian war as still continuing, but it was probably only a case of isolated raids and acts of brigandage.
[151] Mon. Slav. Mer., i. 327.
[152] Ibid., 254, Misti, 1313-1316.
[153] Ragnina, ad ann. 1316, also Ref.
[154] Mon. Slav. Mer., i. 469.
[155] Reigned until 1330.
[156] Gelcich, op. cit., p. 34.
[157] Gelcich, ibid.
[158] Mon. Slav. Mer., i. 204, Misti, ad ann. 1320-21.
[159] It may have been the acts of piracy alluded to.
[160] Ex Libr. Consilior, 1325, Aug. 15, and 1326, March 15, Cons. Roy. xl., Gelcich, pp. 34, 35.
[161] Gelcich, Reform.
[162] Engel, § 28.
[163] Vol. i. 589.
[164] Part of Montenegro.
[165] A small island at the Narenta’s mouth.
[166] Ad ann. 1322.
[167] A name usually given to Greek priests in the Middle Ages.
[168] This story is somewhat confused. Ragusan writers declare that the princess in question was deposed, together with her son, by a rebellious noble, Alexander, who made himself Tsar and offered to place Bulgaria under Servian suzerainty if Stephen secured the fugitives for him. But after Velbužd Michael’s widow fled, and his first wife, Anna, Milutin’s daughter, was placed on the throne jointly with her son Šišman II. by the victorious Serbs. Stephen Uroš died immediately after, strangled by his son Stephen Dušan, who held Bulgaria as a vassal state. Then came the rebellion of Alexander, who forced Šišman and his mother to fly from Bulgaria, and induced Dušan to marry his sister. Anna fled to Ragusa, and perhaps this may be the princess to whom the local historians allude. On the other hand, it does not seem likely that Dušan would wish to capture her, his own kinswoman. See Jireček’s Geschichte der Bulgaren, 290-298.
[169] Lib. Ref., iii. 365.
[170] Quoted in Gelcich, Istituzioni Marittime e Sanitarie della Republica di Ragusa, Trieste, p. 37.
[171] Ibid., p. 38.
[172] Annali, ad ann. 1348.
[173] Mon. Slav. Mer., iii. 16.
[174] Ibid., 182, 256, 272.
[175] Ibid., 274.
[176] See also Lib. Reform., 155-157, 162, 163, 169, 248, 249; and Resti, ad ann. 1349-1350.
[177] Horatio Brown, Venice, p. 196.
[178] Ibid., pp. 198-205.
[179] Horatio Brown, Venice, p. 211.
[180] Gelcich, Ragusa, p. 44.
[181] Engel, Appendix viii.
[182] Lib. Ref.; Gelcich, Ragusa, p. 44.
[183] From Astaria, a mediæval Latin word meaning a flat tract of seacoast. In Du Cange “maritima, campus planus mari adjacens.”
[184] Mentioned in 1254.
[185] Gelcich, I Conti di Tuhelj, p. 22.
[186] In 1331 a request was made to the King of Servia “de implorando ab eo castrum de Prisren in custodia, pro securitate mercatorum nostrorum conversantium in Prisren,” but it was refused (Gelcich, I Conti di Tuhelj, p. 23).
[187] Near Petrovoselo.
[188] Jireček, op. cit., pp. 13, 14.
[189] For the Paulicians, see Conybeare’s Key of Truth, and Bury’s edition of Gibbon’s Decline and Fall, vol. vi., Appendix 6, p. 540.
[190] Jireček, Geschichte der Bulgaren, pp. 176 sqq.
[191] Theiner, Mon. Slav. Mer., i. p. 20.
[192] Klaić, op. cit., iii, iv, v, vii, and viii.
[193] Lib. Ref., v., April 14, 1319, p. 139.
[194] Gelcich, Ragusa, p. 21.
[195] Ibid., 17, 18, 23, 25.
[196] Whence the title of the English Duke of Clarence is derived.
[197] The documents on this subject are lost, but the privileges are frequently mentioned by later writers.
[198] Tafel und Thomas, Griechische Urkunde in the Sitzungsberichte der Kais. Wiener Akad. der Wissenschaften, Philos.-histor. Classe, vi. 508-529; Miklosich u. Müller, Acta Græca, iii., 58 sqq., 66-67; Heyd, Histoire du Commerce du Lévant, i. 308 sqq.
[199] Heyd, op. cit., i. 475.
[200] Mon. Slav. Mer., i. 40, Heyd, op. cit., i. 308.
[201] Theiner, Mon. Hist. Slav. Mer. illustr., i. 121; Heyd, op. cit., ii. 50.
[202] Caloian or Kalioannes.
[203] Mon. Slav. Mer., i. 79.
[204] Ibid., 83.
[205] Ibid., 111, 248, 251.
[206] Ibid., 236.
[207] It still exists in the upper part of the town, but is now used as a depot for military stores.
[208] Gelcich, Istituzioni Marittime e Sanitarie, p. 14.
[209] The word is said to be derived from “a Ragusa,” but it is doubtful.
[210] Lib. Stat., vi. cap. 21 and 22.
[211] Mon. Slav. Mer., i. 78.
[212] Lib. Ref., i. 1325, July 18, p. 176.
[213] A complaint was made to King Robert of Naples because of the acts of piracy committed by the people of Manfredonia, Lib. Ref., i., 1325, Oct. 17, p. 184.
[214] Mon. Slav. Mer., i. 204, Misti, 1326-27.
[215] Istituzioni Marittime e Sanitarie, p. 16.
[216] The custom was an Italian one, and the word ceppo is still used for Christmas box, or even for Christmas itself.
[217] Gelcich, op. cit., p. 17.
[218] Mon. Slav. Mer., i. 204, Misti, 1329.
[219] Mjatović, Studies in the History of Servian Trade in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries, Glasnik, vol. 33, 37, 38; Jireček, op. cit.
[220] Jireček, op. cit.
[221] There are hardly any distinctive traces now of the Vlachs in Dalmatia, save in the name Morlacchi, given to the Slaves generally by the Italians of the coast towns. In Macedonia, however, the Kutzo-Vlachs are numerous, and preserve both their language, which belongs to the Neo-Latin group, and their nomadic habits. There they still ply the trade of cattle-drovers or that of wandering merchants. See Jireček, op. cit., p. 60; also his Wlachen und Maurowlachen, passim; and Turkey in Europe, by “Odysseus.”
[222] Afterwards called Carina = custom house.
[223] Geçcha or Geçecha in the Ragusan documents, mentioned as early as 1275.
[224] Now called Plevlje (Turkish, Tašlydža) in the Sandžak of Novibazar. This stream, which flows through the town, is still called the Breznica, and a neighbouring monastery Vrhobreznica = high Breznica.
[225] In the sixteenth century castle and monastery were still in good repair, and the latter was inhabited by fifty monks, and contained the body of St. Saba, the patron saint of the Southern Slaves (see Zen’s Diary in Starine x. of South-Slav. Acad.). The body was removed and burnt by the Turks in 1595, and the building fell into ruins by the end of the eighteenth century. Priepolje is now the southernmost point garrisoned by Austria in the Sandžak of Novibazar.
[226] Mentioned by the Lib. Ref. in 1322.
[227] For this route see Benedetto Ramberti, Libri. Tre delle cosi dei Turchi, lib. i.
[228] There is still a village of that name.
[229] Mostar did not exist in the Middle Ages. The ruins of Blagaj still form an imposing mass.
[230] The seat of feudal family of the Pavlovići in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.
[231] Srebro = silver in Servian.
[232] Slav. S. Dimitri, Dimitrovica, or Mitrovica.
[233] Jireček, op. cit., pp. 75-82.
[234] Zenta or Zedda was the name of a district comprising Montenegro and that part of Albania between the lake of Scutari and the Adriatic coast as for as Durazzo. The anonymous writer in Matković (Starine x., 1878, of the South-Slavonic Academy) describes the Via de Zenta.
[235] Op. cit., p. 63.
[236] Ulcinium, Dulcinium; in Slavonic, Olgun; in Albanian, Ulkin.
[237] On the site of San Sergio is the village of Obotti, which has of late acquired some prominence since an Italian steamship company has established a service up the Bojana for developing Italian trade. An Austrian company has imitated its example, and it seems as if there was a chance of reviving the old trade routes once more although of course they can never regain their old importance so long as the Turks continue to misgovern the land.
[238] 1290. Jireček, op. cit., p. 65.
[239] Lissos, Alexium, in Slavonic and Albanian Lješ.
[240] Jireček, pp. 66-7; this is now the Mirdit country.
[241] The name Πριξδριάνα is first mentioned as a Bulgarian bishopric in 1026.
[242] Jireček, p. 68. The Beglerbeg of Rumelia was the commander-in-chief of the Turkish armies in Europe.
[243] The Servian king imitated the Venetian ducats, but with a considerable amount of base metal, whence Dante’s allusion to the punishment awaiting “quel di Rascia, che mal aggiustò il conio di Vinegia,” Paradiso, xix. 140-141.
[244] Ragusan consul at Brskovo mentioned in 1280. Its importance ceased with the Turkish conquest.
[245] Jireček, p. 71, Bolizza.
[246] Critobulus, ii. 7, 8, in Fragm. Hist. Græca, v. 109.
[247] First mentioned in 1349.
[248] First mentioned in 1376.
[249] Mentioned in 1412.
[250] Mentioned in 1346.
[251] Mentioned in 1350.
[252] Jireček, op. cit., 41-58. A very elaborate and interesting account of the Bosnian and Servian mines is given in this work.
[253] This division is reflected in the prefixes Gornji and Donji (upper and lower), which are frequently found attached to the names of Bosnian and Servian towns.
[254] According to Farlati, it is owing to the Ragusans that some traces of Latin Christianity survived in these lands of schism and heresy.
[255] Purgari is evidently derived from the German word Bürger, but the etymology of Vaoturchi is unknown (Jireček).
[256] Lib. Ref., March 8, 1332, p. 341.
[257] Miklosich, Monumenta Serbica, Codice Geno (Ragusa); Jireček, op. cit., p. 60.
[258] Jireček, op. cit., 60; Nicolas de Nicolay, Navigations et peregrinations orientales, Lyon, 1568.
[259] In Servia, Byzantine influence was stronger and Italian-Dalmatian influence weaker than in Bosnia, as is attested by the few surviving churches of the pre-Turkish period. But in both countries contact with the Adriatic towns was closer than with the Eastern Empire.
[260] Gelcich, Ragusa, p. 32.
[261] So called because its bell was tolled to announce an execution of a criminal, a proclamation of exile, or the approach of a hostile fleet (Gelcich, op. cit., p. 278).
[262] In 1346 forty additional sentries were added and distributed among the posts, and an extra body of archers was enrolled (Lib. Ref., i., March 24, p. 229). Of course when military expeditions were organised a much larger levy was made both in the city and in the territory.
[263] T. G. Jackson, Dalmatia, the Quarnero, and Istria, ii. p. 372.
[264] Jackson, ibid.
[265] R. Eitelberger von Edelberg, Die Mittelalterlichen Kunstdenkmale Dalmatiens, in his Gesammelte Kunsthistorische Werke, iv. pp. 343, 344.
[266] Gelcich, Ragusa, 17, 23.
[267] Eitelberger, op. cit., p. 334.
[268] Jackson, ibid.
[269] The word sponza was also applied to open loggie, built on the borders of the Republic as resting-places for the caravans. One of these existed at S. Michele della Cresta (1356), and another by the Canale di Narenta (Gelcich, p. 73).
[270] De Diversis says it was enlarged in 1312.
[271] Op. cit., ii. 360.
[272] Gelcich, p. 19.
[273] Ibid., p. 20.
[274] Horatio Brown’s Venice, p. 212.
[275] Gelcich, La Zedda, Preface.
[276] Note to Gibbon’s Decline and Fall, vol. vi. p. 500.
[277] The “Machova” of the Ragusan documents.
[278] Klaić, p. 197.
[279] Knez means lord or count.
[280] The decadence of Servia can be traced in the titles of its rulers. Uroš IV. was the last Tsar, Vukašin was only Kral or king, and his son was Marko Kraljević, “the King’s son.”
[281] Du Cange, Farlati, Lenormant, and Rovinski take the first view, Gelcich (La Zedda, p. 28) and Šafažik the second.
[282] It is sometimes called Zenta or Zeta.
[283] This form of succession was a very usual one in the Serb lands.
[284] Gelcich, La Zedda, p. 13; Jireček, Handelsstrassen, p. 36 sqq.
[285] These were allowed to lapse in favour of Vojslav Voinović.
[286] Miklosich, Monumenta Serbica, p. 176.
[287] Gelcich, La Zedda, p. 14; also his Memoire storiche sulle Bocche di Cattaro.
[288] Gibbon’s Decline and Fall, Bury’s edition, vol. vii. pp. 29-31.
[289] The ancient Tainaros, now called Cirmen.
[290] Klaić, p. 199; Gelcich, La Zedda, p. 80.
[291] After the year 1358 the Reformationes allude to the Rector, and no longer to the Rectores.
[292] I.e. when his own acts or the election of one of his relatives was under discussion.
[293] Ref., ii., January 1359.
[294] Diplom. Ragus., 1359, 4, 5, 8; 1360, 12; 1361, 20.
[295] Ref., 1360, Feb.
[296] Ref Cons. Maj., 1361, July 1.
[297] Ref., 1361, July.
[298] The Slaves used Ragusa as their banking centre.
[299] Jireček, p. 36.
[300] Gelcich, Balša, genealog. table.
[301] Monumenta Histor.-Jurid. Slav. Mer., i., Agram, 1882.
[302] Mon. Rag., iii.
[303] Ref., ii. pp. 276-280; Lett. e Comm. di Lev. 1350-80, Aug. 31, 1359; Gelcich, Balša, pp. 33-37; Ref., iii. 91, 98, 99; iv. 24, 117, 133-4, 139, 140.
[304] Now Mičsić, in Montenegro. See Miklosich, Mon. Serb., p. 169.
[305] Gelcich, Balša, p. 38.
[306] Gelcich, Balša, p. 53.
[307] Diplom. Rag., 42.
[308] Klaić, p. 200; Jireček, pp. 36-37.
[309] Klaić, p. 200.
[310] Gelcich, Ragusa, p. 44.
[311] Ref., iv., Oct 14, 1378.
[312] Diplom. Rag., March 13, 1379, No. 62.
[313] Ref., 1379, June 20 and June 26.
[314] Engel, § 32.
[315] Razzi, lib. i. cap. xxi.
[316] Miklosich, Mon. Serb., 184-5.
[317] Miklosich, Mon. Serb., 188.
[318] Klaić, p. 206.
[319] Charter dated December 2, 1382, in Miklosich, 201-202.
[320] Kukuljevic-Sakcinski, Jura Regni Croatin, i. 150-151; Klaić, 209.
[321] Mon. Slav., iv. 187-8, 194-5, 200-203.
[322] July 20, 1385, Klaić, 211.
[323] Klaić, 226.
[324] Kossovo or Kosovo Polje.
[325] Gelcich, Balša, 140.
[326] The mountainous region behind Cattaro.
[327] Lettere di Levante, 1403-1410, fol. 78; Gelcich, Balša, 162.
[328] Ref., in Dipl. Rag., Sept. 17, 1390, and Jan. 26, 1391.
[329] Gelcich, Balša, 161-3.
[330] Mon. Slav., iv. 295, Oct 7, 1392.
[331] Ref., 1395-7, fol. 75, 78; Gelcich, Balša, 174.
[332] Gelcich, Balša, p. 175.
[333] Gelcich, Balša, 183.
[334] I.e. “the Duchy,” from Herzeg or Herzog.
[335] Ref., in Dipl. Rag., March 20, 1392.
[336] Hitherto it had only struck copper coins, using foreign silver and gold. Gold coins were never struck at Ragusa.
[337] Gelcich, Balša, 200-201.
[338] Gelcich, Balša, 205-306.
[339] Klaić, 274.
[340] Klaić, 278-9; he deduces this from the letter of the Ragusans to Hrvoje, April 8, 1400, in which they state that Ostoja had protested against their detention of the Turkish envoy. See also Pučić, Spomenici, i. 28, and Lucio, De Regno Dalm. et Croat., p. 258.
[341] A few years before, in 1391, they had received part of Canali, with Dolnja Gora and Soko, from the Paulovići, so that now the territory of the Republic extended from the Narenta to the Bocche di Cattaro.
[342] Diplom. Ragus., 91-102.
[343] Diplom. Rag., 95, Nov. 16, 1403.
[344] Fejér, Cod. Dipl., x. 4, p. 388.
[345] Pučić, Spom., i. xv; Klaić, 280-290.
[346] The Djed or chief priest of the Bogomil community was also present at this Parliament.
[347] Pučić, i. 56 and 61.
[348] Rački, Pokret, Rad. iv., Jugosl. Akad., 85; Klaić, 297.
[349] Ref. 1407-1411, fol. 245.
[350] Gelcich, Balša, 271.
[351] Gelcich, Balša, 294.
[352] Dipl. Ragus., July 21, 1409.
[353] Hrvoje’s shiftiness had at last made him fall into disgrace.
[354] Resti, ad ann., 1413.
[355] Gelcich, Balša, 302; Dipl. Rag., v. 21, 1414.
[356] Gelcich, Istituzioni Sanitarie et Marittime, p. 36.
[357] See the Bull of 1373, in Theiner Mon. Slav. Mer., i. 398.
[358] Gelcich, Ragusa, p. 52.
[359] De Diversis.
[360] See ante, pp. 195-7.
[361] Gelcich, 46-47.
[362] Matteo Saverio Zamagna, quoted in Gelcich, p. 51.
[363] The Ragusan small braccio or lakat mali = 51 centimetres, Gelcich, 49-50.
[364] Klaić 337-40.
[365] Dipl. Rag., 202, June 8, 1426.
[366] Ibid., 206, July 31, 1427.
[367] Dec 31, 1427, in Miklosich, 336-50.
[368] Resti; Dipl. Rag., 215.
[369] Dipl. Rag., 212, April 30, 1430.
[370] Ibid., 216, June 18, 1430.
[371] Dipl. Rag., 220.
[372] An account of them occupies the whole of the tenth book of Resti.
[373] Matković, Rad., 235-36; Klaić, 351-52.
[374] Dipl. Rag., 228, 230, 236-38, 240.
[375] Jireček, Handelstrassen, 39 and 40.
[376] Klaić, 352-53.
[377] “Omnes de progenie ipsius domini Sandali appellata Cosaze,” Glasnik, xiii. 159.
[378] Herzeg or Herzog, because he received Imperial investiture, hence the name Herzegovina.
[379] Resti, 1435.
[380] Jireček, 85.
[381] Miklosich, Mon. Serb., 409-11; Klaić, 335-36.
[382] It is reported by the author of the Anonymous Chronicle that when the Sultan tried to induce the Ragusans by threats and bribes to give up George, they replied: “We should rather give up our city, our wives, and our children than George or his family, for we have nothing but our good faith; and we should do the same with you if you came here under our safe-conduct.”
[383] Resti, 1440 and 1441.
[384] Resti, ad ann., 1441-1443.
[385] Dipl. Rag., 244, 245.
[386] Philippi Callimachi, De Rebus Vladislai, lib, i., in Schwandtner’s Scriptores Rer. Hung., i. 457; Klaić, 357.
[387] Dipl. Rag., 266.
[388] Ibid., 268, 270.
[389] Hammer-Purgstall, 453.
[390] Dipl. Rag., 284, Aug. 13, 1450.
[391] Klaić, 380-81.
[392] Ibid., 382.
[393] Miklosich, Mon. Serb., 441; according to Resti he had had a quarrel with the city in 1449 concerning the castle of Soko, which he had tried to capture by treachery.
[394] Miklosich, 444-47; Klaić, 385.
[395] Klaić, 386.
[396] Dipl. Rag., 274.
[397] Ibid., 292.
[398] Miklosich, 457-60; Klaić, 390.
[399] In 1456 Mohammed II. addressed a letter to “the Sandjak Beg of the Duchy and to the Kadi of Novi and Hotač” (Miklosich, 465-69).
[400] Appudini, i. 204; Engel, § 639; Luccari, 170.
[401] Prof. Bury in the Cambridge Modern History, i. p. 68.
[402] “Caput illius patriæ et ob mineras belli nervus.”
[403] Dipl. Rag., 347.
[404] Dipl. Rag., 353.
[405] John Sabota’s letter, quoted by Klaić, 398.
[406] Theiner, Mon. Hung., ii. 291-92, 297.
[407] Klaić, 401.
[408] Klaić, 419.
[409] Miklosich, 485-91.
[410] May 6, 1463, Rački in Starine vi. of the South Slav. Acad., 1 sqq.
[411] Ibid.
[412] Rački, ibid.
[413] Klaić, 433 sqq.
[414] Rački, ibid.; Dipl. Rag., April 30, 1463.
[415] Engel, § 40. According to the legend, while Mohammed was riding towards Ragusa with hostile intentions he was stopped by the appearance of a venerable old man, and his horse refused to go forward; the Sultan was frightened by the omen and abandoned the enterprise. The city’s saviour was, of course, San Biagio.
[416] The name is a Turkish form of Alexander, with the designation beg added.
[417] Razzi, lib. ii. cap. v.
[418] Dipl. Rag., Ref., Dec 2, 7, and 28, 1465; Jan. 3, 1466.
[419] Dipl. Rag., Ref., Feb. 5, 1466, to Sept. 16, 1470.
[420] Počić, Spomenici Srpski, ii. 130, Dec. 9, 1466.
[421] Resti, 1470-1471.
[422] Engel, § 40.
[423] Hammer-Purgstall, iii. 191.
[424] Hammer-Purgstall, iv. 4.
[425] Engel, § 40.
[426] Engel, ibid.
[427] Dipl. Rag., 412.
[428] An exiled prince of the Imperial family, and a pretender to the throne. He was a notable figure at the court of Pope Alexander VI.
[429] Valentinelli, extracts from Marin Sanudo, p. 31, April 10, 1499.
[430] Engel, § 41.
[431] Razzi.
[432] Engel, § 42.
[433] Razzi, ad ann., 1526.
[434] Dipl. Rag., 441.
[435] Engel, § 43.
[436] Valentinelli’s extracts from Sanudo, i. 297.
[437] Theiner, Mon. Slav. Mer., i. 805.
[438] Ragnina.
[439] Tafel und Thomas, Kais. Wiener Akad. der Wissensch.; Heyd, Histoire du Commerce du Lévant, ii. 292 sqq.; Makushev, Mon. Hist. Slav. Mer., p. 111.
[440] I have spelt the names as they are in that book, inserting the modern spelling in brackets.
[441] Jireček, op. cit., p. 61.
[442] This is the celebrated Sutjeska gorge.
[443] At present they are nearly all Muhamedans, having abjured Christianity, together with most of the inhabitants of Albania and many of those of Bosnia and other Balkan lands, during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
[444] In the Balkans there are many shrines worshipped by Christians and Turks alike, especially in Albania.
[445] The present capital of Bulgaria.
[446] Makushev, op. cit., 345.
[447] Ibid., 440.
[448] G. Müller, Documenti sulle Relazioni delle Città Toscane coll’ Oriente, p. 227.
[449] Makushev, p. 477.
[450] I. von Düringsfeld, Aus Dalmatien.
[451] Gelcich, I Conti di Tuhelj, 68-70.
[452] Ref., Cons. Rog., Oct. 23, Nov. 22, and Dec. 2, 1468.
[453] Gelcich, Ragusa, 70.
[454] This is the case at Ragusa to this day. In other Dalmatian towns, where the men are bilingual, the women often speak only Italian.
[455] This characteristic is alluded to by Pouqueville (Voyage de la Grèce), who wrote 250 years later (see infra, chap. xii.).
[456] This last statement is probably an instance of the wish being father to the thought, for there is no doubt that in the sixteenth century Ragusa was a first-class fortress, almost impregnable for those times. But Rambuti, being a Venetian, hoped to see the city one day fall under the power of the Lion of St. Mark.
[457] I., 1884, pp. 131 sqq.
[458] The Archbishopric of Ragusa was usually conferred on an Italian by the Pope, while the canons of the Cathedral were Ragusan nobles.
[459] France was at this time (1538) allied to the Turks.
[460] Razzi, Engel.
[461] Razzi, lib. ii. cap. xiv.
[462] Razzi, lib. ii. cap. xv.
[463] The Barbary Corsairs, p. 105.
[464] According to Engel (§ 45), out of 13 Ragusan vessels 7 were lost, and at Isola di Mezzo alone there were 300 widows.
[465] Razzi, ii. xvii.
[466] Horatio Brown, Venice, p. 364.
[467] Lorenzo Miniati was then Tuscan consul at Ragusa, and was entrusted with the duty of informing his Government of all the rumours as to the movements of the Turks which he might hear; Makushev, op. cit., p. 495.
[468] Ibid., 501, 1566.
[469] Engel, § 45.
[470] Razzi, iii. xx.
[471] Min. Cons., June 5, 1570; Polizze Off. 5 Ragioni, Feb. 30, 1570.
[472] Gelcich, pp. 84 and 87.
[473] The Benedictine monastery, which still exists, is built on an island in a salt lake, or rather inlet, communicating with the open sea by a narrow channel.
[474] Romanin, Storia Documentata di Venezia, vol. viii., Appendix.
[475] Relatione dell’ Orribile Terremoto seguito nella Città di Ragusa, & altre della Dalmatia & Albania, Venice, 1667.
[476] Gelcich, 97.
[477] Rog., 1667, June 23, and Div. 1711, f. 58, dd. Feb. 3.
[478] Quoted by Gelcich, 98.
[479] The population of the island before the earthquake is said to have been 14,000, but this is probably an exaggerated estimate. It now barely supports 500.
[480] Gelcich, 98.
[481] Among the killed was George Crook, the Dutch ambassador to the Porte, and his family and four servants, who had arrived at Ragusa four days before the earthquake on their way to Constantinople; the rest of his suite, including Jakob Vandam, Dutch consul at Smyrna, were saved. Vandam wrote an account of this calamity in his Old and New State of Dalmatia.
[482] T. G. Jackson, Dalmatia, vol. ii. pp. 387-88.
[483] It consisted of five galleons and seven carracks, with a total burden of 7200 carra.
[484] Fra Benedetto Orsini (Miniati), quoted in Gelcich’s I Conti de Tuhelj, p. 87.
[485] Small barques.
[486] Gelcich, ibid.
[487] Ragusan Archives, 1600—lxix. 2119, in Gelcich, Tuhelj, 104.
[488] Gelcich, Tuhelj, 128.
[489] Farlati-Coleti, Illyricum Sacrum, iv.; Engel, § 49.
[490] Engel, § 59.
[491] A. A. Paton, Highlands and Islands of the Adriatic, vol. ii. p. 130 sqq.
[492] Article ix. and xi. of the Turco-Venetian Treaty; see Rycaut’s continuation of Knolles’s Turkish History.
[493] Paul Pisani, La Dalmatie de 1797 à 1815, Paris, 1893.
[494] Oct. 20, 1724, in Farlati, p. 272.
[495] Engel, § 53.
[496] Why they should have called themselves by the names of those two famous universities is not clear.
[497] Engel, § 55.
[498] Pouqueville, Voyage de la Grèce, vol. i.; Engel, § 56.
[499] Pouqueville, ibid.
[500] Quoted by Pouqueville.
[501] Also the fact that France had destroyed the liberties of the Republic would tend to make Frenchmen of the time dwell on its defects, just as they did in the case of the Venetian Republic.
[502] T. Watkins, Travels through Swisserland ... to Constantinople, vol. ii. Letter xlii. p. 331 sqq.
[503] T. Watkins, Travels through Swisserland ... to Constantinople Letter xliii. p. 344.
[504] Gelcich, p. 42.
[505] Ibid.
[506] Reform., ii., Oct. 3, 1349.
[507] De Diversis, ed. Brunelli, p. 39.
[508] Curzola has always been famous for its building stone, which is almost a marble, and acquires a rich yellow patina with age.
[509] Ragusavecchia.
[510] De Diversis, as quoted by Graham Jackson, who had seen the MS. in the Franciscan library at Ragusa, containing passages not in Brunelli.
[511] Jackson, ii. 332, note.
[512] Jackson, ii. 336.
[513] Anonymous account of Ragusa, quoted by Gelcich, p. 76.
[514] T. G. Jackson, ii. p. 380.
[515] Ibid.
[516] De Diversis, ed. Brunelli, p. 42.
[517] Gelcich, p. 80.
[518] T. G. Jackson, ii. 394.
[519] Ibid., ii. 295.
[520] Those of Stagno Grande have for the most part been pulled down.
[521] Eitelberger von Edelberg, op. cit., iv. 357.
[522] In the Herzegovina.
[523] Op. cit., iv. 317.
[524] For a more detailed description, see Graham Jackson, vol ii. p. 354.
[525] Ibid., ii. p. 356.
[526] Puipin und Spasowicz, Geschichte der Slawischen Literatur, vol. ii. p. 224.
[527] Puipin und Spasowicz, ibid.
[528] This, as well as the Slavonic works of other Ragusans, is published at Agram in the collection called Stari Pisci Hrvatski (Old Croatian writers).
[529] In this, as in other works by Ragusans, no animus against the Turk is displayed. He was regarded by the Ragusans as a law of nature rather than as an enemy, and a wholesome fear made them careful to avoid doing or even saying anything to offend him.
[530] Published at Venice in 1599.
[531] Venice, 1547, 1550.
[532] Ibid., 1550.
[533] Several editions of the Osman have been published, and Appendini translated it into Italian.
[534] Also spelt Boscovich.
[535] Pisani, La Dalmatie de 1797 à 1815, pp. 33 sqq.
[536] Ibid., pp. 125-126.
[537] R. P. Pregadi, July; Pisani, ibid.
[538] Pisani, ibid., pp. 135-136.
[539] Pisani, passim.
[540] Timoni’s despatches to the Austrian Chancery, quoted by Pisani, ibid., pp. 299-300.
[541] I.e. “beg” and “request,” rather than “must” and “shall.”
[542] Pisani, pp. 457-58.
[543] Pisani, passim.