A History of Magic and Experimental Science, Volume 2 (of 2) / During the First Thirteen Centuries of Our Era

by Lynn Thorndike

CHAPTER LXVII

GUIDO BONATTI AND BARTHOLOMEW OF PARMA: AN ASTROLOGER AND A GEOMANCER

Guido Bonatti and Dante—The Liber astronomicus of Guido Bonatti—Career of Bonatti—Arrangement of the Liber astronomicus—Astronomy and astrology—Truth of astrology—Theological opposition—Bonatti’s defiant rejoinder—Astrological predictions for Christians and the clergy—Instances of Bonatti’s detailed treatment—The planet Jupiter—An astrological image—The Geomancy of Bartholomew of Parma—How to proceed in geomancy—Questions answered by geomancy—Appendix I. Some Manuscripts of the Liber Astronomicus of Guido Bonatti.

“Vedi Guido Bonatti....”

—Inferno, XX, 118.

Guido Bonatti and Dante.

With these words Vergil calls the attention of Dante and ourselves to the presence of that astrologer in the fourth division of the eighth circle of the Inferno among those spirits who in life had tried to pry too far into the future and were condemned henceforth to look backwards with turned heads. This is all that Dante says of Bonatti, although Benvenuto of Imola, the fourteenth century commentator upon the Divine Comedy, adds a number of tales concerning him, some of which may be true but most of which are stock stories like that of the speaking brazen head, told of many other medieval men of learning. But we may perhaps associate Bonatti and Dante in our minds a little further. Forlì, Bonatti’s native city, lies almost in a direct line between Florence, where Dante lived his early life, and Ravenna, where he ended his exile. Indeed, Filippo Villani[2631] and Fossi[2632] would persuade us that Guido Bonatti, too, was born a Florentine but, like Dante, became an exile from the town of his birth and called himself a native of Forlì because he came to hate the place of his birth which he had left on account of the strife of political factions. Finally, Bonatti and Dante had a common interest in astronomy.[2633]

The Liber astronomicus of Guido Bonatti.

The most important astrological work produced in Latin in the thirteenth century seems to have been the Liber astronomicus of this Guido Bonatti,[2634] which is a voluminous work divided into some ten or a dozen treatises.[2635] In the preface, after some of the usual devout opening phrases of medieval authors, Guido states that he writes the book particularly for the use of his nephew, that the work will be “long and prolix” and that on this account he will not include “disputations nor many proofs.” He proposes to compile a work from past authors which can be understood by those who do not yet know much of other sciences “and especially for your use, Bonatus, my nephew.” Indeed, the annalist of Forlì states that Bonatti expounded the doctrine of astrology so clearly in this book that “it seemed as if he wished to teach women astrology.”[2636] Guido employs such classical authorities as Ptolemy, Hermes, and Dorotheus, but still more such Arabian astrologers as Alcabitius, Albumasar, Messahala, and Thebit ben Corat.[2637] He also states that he has made additions of his own,[2638] and many passages demonstrate that he has made detailed practical application to the present problems of medieval life of the principles of his art established in the past. The popularity and influence of Guido’s work is attested by the numerous manuscripts, including an interesting de luxe manuscript of it and other astrological treatises made for the use of Henry VII of England, whose picture is given in the midst of Bonatti’s text.[2639] There are also several printed editions of the Latin text and translations of the work into several modern languages. There is an Italian translation of it in a manuscript in the Laurentian library at Florence; a German translation was printed at Basel in 1572; and an English translation by William Lilly appeared in print at London in 1676.[2640] Thus Dante’s consignment of Bonatti’s soul to hell does not seem to have kept people from reading his Liber astronomicus.

Career of Bonatti.

The battle of Valbona, fought in 1277, seems to be the latest event mentioned by Bonatti. He also speaks of having himself seen many evidences of the cruelty of Ezzelino, and of that tyrant’s death, which occurred in 1259. He was alive as early as 1223, when he mentions having seen a certain man.[2641] Guido seems to have been a professor at the university of Bologna. He must have died before 1300, when Dante’s visit to the Inferno is supposed to have occurred. Bonatti’s death, however, would seem to have been comparatively recent, since the Annals of Forlì[2642] represent him as playing a prominent part in the defense of that town in 1282 by the famous captain, Guido of Montefeltro, against a large force sent by Pope Martin IV. Though Bonatti himself was loyal, it was in a wheat field belonging to him that conspirators gathered in a vain attempt to betray the town, while the enemy later encamped outside the city in another field belonging to him and called, “Of the oak tree.”

Then Guido of Montefeltro, we are told, “captain of the people of Forlì, together with lord Guido Bonatti, a citizen, philosopher, and most eminent astrologer, having called the people together in the public square,” instructed them as to the strategem of a mock withdrawal from town and subsequent return by which he intended later to take the superior forces of the enemy unawares after they had entered the town in triumph and were overcome by feasting and drinking. The strategem turned out a complete success, and the Annals give much of the credit to Bonatti, by whose counsel, art, and forecasting the future it is said to have been planned. He was wounded in the battle, while carrying medicines, but this too he had foreseen and foretold. Later, when the pope sent more mercenary troops into Romagna, Forlì deemed it prudent to submit, and Guido of Montefeltro transferred his military activities elsewhere and finally, we are told, made his peace with the pope and spent his declining years in the Franciscan Order. Some say that Bonatti followed his patron into the convent, but it seems very improbable in view of the hard things which he had said of the friars. On the other hand, judging from the number of Franciscans who have written works on astrology and astrological medicine, he might not have found such retirement entirely uncongenial, and need scarcely have surrendered his astrological views in consequence.

Arrangement of the Liber astronomicus.

But we turn to the contents of the Liber astronomicus. Bonatti’s first treatise is a general introduction in which he defines his subject, discusses its utility, and meets the objections of its opponents. The second treatise[2643] deals with the signs of the zodiac and their characteristics and subdivisions. The third treatise, in two parts,[2644] deals with the planets, their influences on things on earth and their effects on one another. The fourth treatise deals chiefly with conjunctions. The remaining treatises comprise 146 considerations affecting astrological judgments, another brief introduction of three chapters to the subject of judgments,[2645] discussions of the four chief departments of astrological prediction, interrogations, elections, revolutions, and nativities, and a final treatise upon prognostication of changes in the weather.[2646]

Astronomy and astrology.

As the title, Liber astronomicus, shows, Bonatti generally uses the word “astronomy” where we should say “astrology” and vice versa. He states, for instance, that nativities, elections, interrogations, and revolutions are four varieties of “astronomy,” which he distinguishes from other forms of divination.[2647] He also says, however, that the words “astronomy” and “astrology” may be used interchangeably. He regards both as of great value in the study of first philosophy. Through these sciences we come to know impassive and unalterable creatures who cannot be changed into any other essence, and through these creatures we can attain to as much knowledge of the Creator as the human mind can reach. Nobler than the profession of the physician who deals with the four inferior and corruptible elements is that of the astrologer whose concern is with superior and incorruptible bodies composed of the fifth essence.[2648]

Truth of astrology.

Bonatti asserts confidently and vehemently all the main suppositions of the astrological art. He affirms that its principles ought not to be proved but assumed, since they all reduce to one point which he does not believe that anyone doubts, namely, that the motion of the heavens surrounding the elements alters fire and air and that these alter the other elements, earth and water.[2649] “All wise men agree in this, that inferiors are ruled by superiors.”[2650] The astrologer understands every motion of each heavenly body; therefore he knows what impressions they make and what their significations are. “Therefore all things which are being done now or have existed in the past or will be done in the future, can be known by the astrologer.”[2651]

Theological opposition.

It will hardly be profitable for us to follow Bonatti’s rehearsal of familiar arguments for and against the influence of the stars and the practicability of the art of astrology. But we may well note those passages in which he suggests the existence of a contemporary ecclesiastical and theological opposition to his art. Bonatti at least does not appear to have any fear of the clerical detractors of astrology, of whom he speaks quite disdainfully, hurling back at them the charges of heresy which they had perhaps directed at him. “I would have you know,” he affirms in the introduction to his treatise on Elections, “that fortune rules in everything, although some fools among those wearing the tunic (that is, the friars) may say that fortune does not exist, but only what God wills. But the wiser of them dissent from this in secret, although they may seem to assent in public, rather from fear that their Orders be thought less of than from a conviction of its truth. For if fortune did not exist, who would be so stupid as not to know how to acquire at will an abundance of the necessaries of life? Yet we daily see quite the contrary. For do you not see wise men of integrity and intelligence who do not have enough to eat?” Bonatti consequently contends that those who deny the existence of fortune “impute madness to their Creator, falsely representing Him as unjust, and falling into a hateful heresy.” He then continues, “And although at times many fools and idiots in tunics have arisen against me, declaring elections to be of absolutely no value, nevertheless elections and the other parts of astronomy have stood in their strength, nor has their truth diminished any on this account.”

Bonatti’s defiant rejoinder.

As for those self-styled theologians who object that the stars are so countless in number that their influence cannot be measured and estimated, Bonatti assures them that astrologers know vastly more about the stars than the theologians do about God, “Of Whom they none the less preach daily.”[2652] He further asserts that the holy fathers of old employed astrology, that Abraham taught it to the Egyptians, and that Christ implied the truth of the doctrine of elections. For when the disciples endeavored to dissuade Him from returning to Judea, where recently He had been nearly stoned to death, He replied, “Are there not twelve hours in the day?” meaning that He might now select a more fortunate time than before. “And this makes it plain that He used elections and did not blaspheme astronomy as some jealous detractors do today.” Bonatti then mentions “some silly fools, of whom that hypocrite, John of Vicenza, of the Order of Preaching Friars was one, who said that astrology was neither an art nor a science.” Guido scarcely thinks it worth while to notice such men.[2653] This John of Vicenza mentioned by Bonatti was the well-known friar of that name to whom manifold miracles were attributed and who in the Alleluia year of 1233 had been made duke of Vicenza, but so abused his power that he was soon imprisoned and discredited. Bonatti complains that no one had ever seen a single one of the eighteen men whom John was said to have raised from the dead, and affirms that he himself long sought in vain for anyone who had either been cured by John or had himself witnessed one of John’s miracles.[2654] On the other hand, the friar Salimbene tells us in his Chronicle that Guido Bonatti, who reviled the preaching of the friars, “was so confounded by” a “Brother Ugo before the university and people of Forlì that he not only feared to speak, but even to show himself during all the time that the Brother was in those parts.”[2655] But perhaps Brother Hugo was one of those persons whom Guido thought it scarcely worth while to notice.

Astrological predictions for Christians and the clergy.

Against these allusions to an opposition to astrology among the friars, or at least, among the Dominicans, should be set other passages which indicate that Bonatti’s book is intended for the use of Christians and even of the clergy, whose preaching and practice anent astrology seem divergent. One of the illustrations which he employs against those who argue that it is better not to know the future, since to learn of ills beforehand will only make one so much the sadder, is that even if one learns that his disease is fatal, he is forewarned to make his will and receive the last sacrament in season.[2656] Among the interrogations which Bonatti lists are whether a bishopric or abbotship or cardinalate, or other clerical dignity, rank, or order, even up to the papacy, will be attained by the inquirer.[2657] In this connection Guido grants that it may not seem honorable to seek ecclesiastical offices, but that the fact is that many clergy do it and that it is necessary for the astrologer to be prepared to answer them, if they consult him as to their prospects. In the treatise on elections instructions are given how to choose the favorable hour for building churches as well as castles and cities. The treatise on revolutions tells what will be the state during any year of the bishops and other secular clergy or the religious and regular clergy, as well as of other social classes such as kings or princes, rich men or magnates, soldiers, women, merchants, populace, and serfs. Indeed, that even a Preaching Friar in the middle ages was not necessarily opposed to astrology, is seen from an Oxford manuscript of the fifteenth century, where not far from Rules one should know concerning various matters relating to the sick, according to Guido Bonatti and others, is a treatise in astrological medicine by Nicholas of Aquila of the Order of Preachers.[2658]

Instances of Bonatti’s detailed treatment.

We may not follow Bonatti through his long technical discussions of houses and exaltations of the planets, of triplicitates and termini, of why the naming of the signs of the zodiac begins at Aries and not at any other sign, or of what part of the body each planet signifies in each sign, and a hundred other similar questions. It must suffice to give a few suggestions of the thoroughness of his detailed treatment. The treatise on nativities promises to reveal everything which will “naturally”—a saving word for those who insist on freedom of the will—befall the child from birth to death, “and also what will be said of him after death.” Pursuant of his promise, Guido considers such topics as length of life, physical and mental qualities, offices and property to be held by the person concerned, the fate of his brothers, parents, and children, serfs, and domestic animals, his sickness or health, mental afflictions, marriage, feuds, death, religion, learning, and journeys. The treatise on interrogations answers questions on all sorts of matters from winning crowns or gaining one’s freedom to learning how many courses and what kind of food there will be at a dinner to which one has been invited and which one is in a quandary whether to accept or not. The treatise on elections selects favorable hours for any and every act of life from weaning and circumcising infants to trimming one’s nails, hair, and beard. The treatise on revolutions descends from the fate of monarchs and nations during the year in question to such matters as the prospects for a good crop of melons or cucumbers.

The planet Jupiter.

Some further idea of Bonatti’s method and content may be derived from the following translation of his account of the properties, significations, and effects of the planet Jupiter.

“Alchabitius has said that Jupiter is fortunate, masculine, diurnal; and is by nature significant of property, since property is the second accident that happens to the child after birth ... and Jupiter is second in the order of the planets. Jupiter is likewise the second planet to exert its influence on the child before birth, giving it spirit and life. And its nature produces heat and moisture, and is temperate, aerial, and sanguine. Of man’s age Jupiter signifies the period called iuventus from youth to the prime of life, namely, from fourteen or twenty-one to forty or forty-five years. It governs those offices pertaining to law and just and honest judgments. And it attends when it sees any persons engaged in altercation or litigation, and makes peace between them and bestows harmony upon them, and ever is engaged in good pursuits. And it signifies abundant property. And such business occupations as are performed without deceit.

“It signifies spirit, life, joy, religion, truth, patience, and every precept that is good, lovely, and precious, and everything that is honorable. It indicates abundant charm. Of infirmities it signifies those due to excess of blood.... It is the planet of wisdom, of intellect, of sound practice. Moreover, if Jupiter be well disposed and in the east and at a favorable angle, the child will be of good quality, benign, just; he will honor the aged, and will be a good counselor, a helper of the needy, and of good repute. He will cherish his friends; he will be of good intellect.

“But if Jupiter shall be unfavorable, Ptolemy is witness that the child will be ignorant of well doing, versed in diabolical practices, that he will intrigue under a hypocritical exterior, will linger in places of prayer, will gladly live in crypts and caverns and caves, and there will predict the future. He will love no one, though he may have a few friends; he will abhor his children, will shun human conversation, will seek no honors from anyone, will be untrustworthy, and no one can depend on him. In fine, he will be bad, weak, stupid, weary and heavy-laden, of evil election.”

Having thus considered the properties of Jupiter per se, Bonatti next proceeds to record its tendencies when in conjunction with Saturn and the other planets.

An astrological image.

One of the stories told of Bonatti may be noted in conclusion, since it concerns an astrological image. Pitying a poor apothecary with whom he used to play chess, Guido gave him a wax image of a ship, telling him to keep it hid in a box in a secret place and he would grow rich, but that if he removed it, he would grow poor again. True enough, the man became wealthy, but then began to fear lest the image be the work of witchcraft. So, having made his fortune, he decided to save his soul and confessed concerning the image to a priest who bade him destroy it. But then, as Bonatti had predicted, he rapidly lost his entire fortune. He then begged Guido to make him another image, but Bonatti cursed him and told him that the image had been no magic one but had derived its virtue from constellations which would not recur for another fifty years.[2659]

The geomancy of Bartholomew of Parma.

If the Liber astronomicus of Guido Bonatti was the leading Latin work on astrology in the thirteenth century, probably the most elaborate treatise in the associated art of geomancy was that by another Italian, Bartholomew of Parma, who appears to have written a long Summa[2660] on the subject in 1288 in Bologna at the request of Theodosius de Flisco, bishop-elect of Reggio in northern Italy;[2661] and then in October, 1294, a briefer treatment for two German friends and disciples named John and Paul,[2662] and again in November, 1295, another abbreviated treatment for the beginner.[2663] Titles in manuscripts at Vienna indicate that Bartholomew also wrote astrological treatises,[2664] but perhaps they would prove to be merely extracts from his longer work on geomancy, although Houzeau and Lancaster give the date of a Liber de occultis by him as 1280.[2665] None of Bartholomew’s works seems to have been printed. The interest of the canon of Laon and bishop elect of Reggio in the art of geomancy is another of numerous indications that we have had that such occult and superstitious arts were at least not consistently condemned by the church and clergy.

How to proceed in geomancy.

Bartholomew of Parma tells us that the art of geomancy originated from God and was taught to the sons of Noah by an angel who took on human form before the time of the flood. Whoever intends to practice that art should be “a friend of God” and a good man of praiseworthy life. No one should make use of it without real necessity of knowing the future and geomancers should beware of persons who try to catch them in error by asking questions about sure things. On the other hand, in certain cases one may ask questions for another person, and even without his knowledge, and questions may be put at any time and place, for the art of geomancy is simple and easy of operation. The only instrument needed is something to make a series of points or marks with. These dots should be set down in four rows like the four fingers of a hand, but at random without noting how many dots one puts in each row or how long the row is.[2666] These four rows indicate the elements, points of the compass, and so on. Next one cancels the points in each line, cancelling two at a time until only one or two points remain in each line. When this is done we have one of the following sixteen possible geomantic figures, which I have indicated numerically rather than graphically: 2121, 2212, 1211, 1222, 2111, 2222, 2112, 2211, 1212, 2122, 1121, 2221, 1112, 1111, 1221, 1122. Of these the first eight are favorable, the last eight are unfavorable. They bear such names as gain, white, childhood, joy, head (acquisitio, albus, pueritia, laetitia, caput). The first inventors of the art are supposed to have worked out these figures “with great ingenuity and subtlety” from careful observations of the stars and of the virtues of the sky. Hence these figures have the property of signifying much concerning the future. Each is associated with some particular sign of the zodiac and with one of the planets. Also with a day, month, color, odor, taste, stone, tree, metal, and human type.[2667]

Questions answered by geomancy.

Among the questions which geomancy undertakes to answer are how long one will live, whether one will better one’s present position, whether one should enter the clergy or remain a layman, whether a journey will be dangerous, whether a rumor is true or false, whether to buy or not, whether the year will be a fertile one, and concerning gain and loss, hidden treasure, the condition of a city or castle, and which side is stronger in a war. Whether a child will be born or not, of what sex it will be, and whether it is legitimate or a bastard. Which of two magistrates is superior in wisdom, whether a scholar can by study become an honor to the convent or not, whether the soul of some dead person is in paradise or before the doors of paradise or in purgatory or in hell. In answering such questions the figure found by chance from the points is compared with and related to figures appropriate to the person inquiring and the thing sought, and a decision is rendered according as enmity or friendship is found to exist between them. In determining this the figures are reduced to terms of the twelve signs of the zodiac, and the astrological aspects are thus investigated.

[2631] Cited by Boncompagni (1851), p. 5.

[2632] Fossi (1793-5), p. 395.

[2633] Orr (1913). p. 4. says: “Where Dante speaks of appearances he is remarkably accurate, far more so than most modern artists and writers of fiction.”

[2634] My citations, unless otherwise specified, will be to the following edition of Augsburg, 1491: Liber astronomicus Guidonis Bonati de forlivio explicit feliciter. Magistri Johannis Angeli viri peritissimi diligenti correctione Erhardique Ratdolt viri solertis eximia industria et mira imprimendi arte qua nuper Veneciis nunc Auguste Vindelicorum excellit nominatissimus. Septimo kal. Aprilis, 1491. Quarto, 422 leaves, no pagination. There is a copy of this edition at Columbia University in this country and not merely at Brown, as stated in CFCB.

Other editions of the Latin text were printed at Venice, 1506; and at Basel in 1530 and 1550.

For a list of MSS of the work see Appendix I to this chapter.

[2635] The titles more often speak of ten treatises, but some of these sub-divide into two or more lesser treatises. Such sub-division and combination also varies in different editions and MSS, and the order of the component treatises also varies. In the edition of 1550, for instance, the work is divided into six parts, of which the first contains what are usually listed as the first five or six of the ten or twelve component treatises. But the order of the edition of 1550 is the same as in that of 1491, while in Arundel 66 the order of the last six treatises is different.

[2636] Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, revised edition, Fasc. 20, 1903, p. 104.

[2637] Some others mentioned are, II, ii, 1, Atezdegoz, Adila, Al-hayat, Astaphan, Arastellus; these are probably indirect citations. Elsewhere Aoma (Haomar) and Aboali (Haly) are mentioned.

[2638] Ibid., “Et addendo ea quae mihi utilia videbuntur.”

[2639] Arundel 66, membr. folio maximo, fols. 48-249.

[2640] Will. Lilly, Student in Astrology, Anima Astrologiae; or a Guide for Astrologers: being the Considerations of the famous G. Bonatus rendered into English: as also the choicest Aphorisms of Cardan’s VII Segments, London, 1676.

[2641] For the sources of these events see Della vita e delle opere di Guido Bonatti astrologo ed astronomo del secolo decimoterzo, Notizie raccolte da B. Boncompagni, Roma, 1851. Estratte dal Giornale Arcadico, Tomo CXXIII-CXXIV.

[2642] Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, revised edition, Fasc. 20, 1903, pp. 37-8.

[2643] In the 1491 edition it divides into three parts; in Arundel 66 it is divided into two treatises listed as the second and third of the work.

[2644] In Arundel 66 these are listed as books 4 and 5, and have a different division into chapters.

[2645] If we wish to reckon only ten treatises, this must be combined with the following treatise on interrogations.

[2646] As has been stated in a previous note, the order varies in different MSS. In Arundel 66 the 146 considerations come later between nativities and revolutions. In Vienna 2359 the treatise on revolutions follows that on weather prediction.

[2647] I, 11-12.

[2648] I, 1.

[2649] I, 2.

[2650] I, 5.

[2651] I, 3.

[2652] I, 4.

[2653] I, 13.

[2654] Liber astronomicus, 1491, fol. 99.

[2655] MG Scriptores, vol. 32, p. 163.

[2656] I, 9.

[2657] In this connection it may be noted that Wolfenbüttel 2637, 15th century, fols. 132-42v, contains “Prognostications for Pope Paul II’s forty-eighth year (1466) according to Guido Bonatti,” and also other astrological predictions which were sent to that pope: fols. 325-34, Prognostica de rumoribus et motibus currentibus anni 1468 et anni 1469 ad papam (Paulum II) missa.

And as late as 1704 A. D. we find P. Ercole Corazzi arguing “against the fallacious and superstitious art of a certain astrologer who dares to predict and promise the promotion of cardinals”:—Bologna University Library 963, #4.

[2658] Canon. Misc. 46, fols. 68-79, Regulae ad sciendum de diversis ad aegrotantes spectantibus secundum Guidonem Bonatum aliosque; fols. 51-61, Nicolai de Aquila, ord. Praed., tractatus in Astronomia qui medicinalis scientiae compendium nuncupatur, praevia ad Jo. de Olegio de Vicecomitibus de Mediolano praefatione.

[2659] Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, revised edition, Fasc. 20, 1903. p. 105.

[2660] Digby 134, 15th century, 128 fols, in an Italian hand, “Ars Geomantie que docet hominem solvere omnes questiones de quibus vult certificari divina virtute per istam artem ... / ... Compositus quidem est iste presens liber a magistro Bartholomeo de Parma in Bononia ad preces domini Tedesii de Flisco, qui erat tunc ellectus in episcopum civitatis Regii, curentibus annis Domini MCCLXXXVIII.”

See also CLM 436, 16th century, fol. 46-.

Vienna 5523, 15-16th century, 208 fols.

Emmanuel 70, 15th century, fol. 80-, gives the date as 1286 instead of 1288; “Inc. breviloquium mag. bartholomei nacione parmensis bononie compilatum et confirmatum per prudentes viros de fructis tocius astronomie ad preces domini Thedesii de fusco anno 1286.”

[2661] Between 1283 and 1290 the bishopric of Reggio was vacant owing to a disputed election between Franciscus de Fullano, a canon of Reggio, and this Theodosius, who was a canon of Laon (Eubel, p. 439).

[2662] CLM 489, 16th century, fol. 61, “Incipit breviloquium artis Geomantiae noviter compilatae a mgro Batholomeo de Parma, quod breviloquium extraxit de summa eius artis quam compilavit anno 1288 ad partes (preces) nobilis viri Theoderici de flisco. Et sic complevisse fatetur utrumque opus fideliter et verius quam scivit utilia scribens et superflua relinquens in hoc opusculo ad preces duorum suorum amicorum et discipulorum Johannes et Paulus Theutonicorum sub Anno Domini 1494 (1294) de mense Octobris in Bononia.”

Magliabech. XX, 13, 15th century, fols. 1-60, “Incomincia il libro dell’ arte della geomançia nuovamente compilato da maestro Bartholomeo da Parma a contemplatione de’ suoi scholari da Bologna anno Domini MCCLXXXXIIII.”

See also CLM 196, 15-16th century, fols. 1-10.

CLM 240, 15th century.

CLM 398, fol. 1-.

CLM 192, 1544 A. D., fol. 3.

[2663] CLM 489, fol. 1r-, “Incipit Prologus Libri Geomantiae editi a mro Bartholomeo Parmensi Astrologo. Erba collecta de libro magno Geomantiae quae introducunt novum discipulum ut sciat sufficienter principia eiusdem artis per quae poterit cognoscere tot et tanta de arte Geomantia quod per se sciat universales regulas artis doctrinae ac questiones quaerentium generales iudicare absque errore si Deus voluerit. Hoc quidem opus est Bartholomaei astrologi Natione Parmensis Compilatum Anno Domini MCCLXXXXV Mense Novembris Sole existente in primo gradu Sagittarii.”

Also contained in CLM 192, 240, and 398.

[2664] Vienna 3124, 15th century, fol. 198, “Liber de occultis. Secreta scientia philosophorum est ... / ... et pauce utilitatis”; fol. 199, “e libro de iudiciis astrologiae loci”; fol. 202, “Significationes planetarum de libro consiliorum. Saturnus dicitur de antiquis deus ... / ... Item significat Lavatrices panni petisequas ruffianas monachas,” etc.

Vienna 5438, 15th century, fols. 116v-128r, Judicium particulare de mutationibus aeris. “In coniunctione solis et lune considera ... / ... sibi perhibet per naturam.”

[2665] Houzeau et Lancaster, Bibliographie générale de l’astronomie, Brussels, 1887. They ascribe other astrological works to him.

[2666] “ad fortunam Dei sine certo numero et sine certa mensura longitudinis linearum.”

[2667] Thus in the Geomancy ascribed to Michael Scot, from which I happen to have notes on this point rather than from Bartholomew’s work, Acquisitio signifies a man of medium size, of handsome form, somewhat tall, with pleasing eyes, delicate nostrils, a graceful forehead, a subtle mind, a long neck, abundant hair, with his two front teeth larger than the others; a man of luxurious tastes and fond of money and ambitious for honor and power, kindly and loyal and giving many good things to others.