EVENTS of the Year 1007, H.
Account of the late expedition continued from last year.
We have already, in a former section, noticed the purport of this expedition, and left the grand army encamped in the plains of Petcheva. On the 25th of Dhu’l hijja of that year they reached Betchgarak, where they halted for some time.
About the middle of the thousand and seventh Moharrem (i.e. about the middle of the month Moharrem, 1007 of the Hijrah), Válí Páshá, beglerbeg of Romeili, died; and Mohammed Páshá, beglerbeg of Anatolia, who had been stationed at Usk, was appointed to succeed him, and immediately joined the grand army. Mohammed Páshá was succeeded at Usk by Súfí Sinán Páshá, beglerbeg of Agria; and he again was succeeded by Bektásh Páshá, governor of Solnuk.
At Betchgarak, a place rendered sacred by the death of the late beglerbeg of Romeili, the army remained full fifty-five days waiting for the arrival of the Tátár khán and his subsidiary troops.
During the stay of the grand army at this place, it happened that messengers arrived from Buda who informed the commander-in-chief that the fortress of Tata had been taken by the enemy, and immediately after this other messengers brought him intelligence from Alba Julia that Pulata was besieged. Without loss of time, therefore, and in the utmost haste, he issued orders to the troops of Semendria to march to Buda and strengthen that garrison.
In the meantime, information reached the Moslem camp that Ghází Gheráí Khán, with his Tátár troops had arrived in the neighbourhood; and on the 26th of Moharrem the khán joined the royal army with forty-five thousand men. The Moslem serdár, on his approach, went out with great pomp and shew, to meet his royal highness, and to perform the honours due to him, and which were usual on such occasions; he also prepared a splendid entertainment for him and his suite. The royal khán, in his turn, made a suitable acknowledgment to the serdár and to the other magnates of the Moslem camp. After the entertainment was over, the serdár conducted his royal highness to his pavilion, and returned to his own. He caused, however, another tent to be erected for the khán near his own, and one for his females; and provided them with every thing necessary for their accommodation and comfort. To each of one hundred of the khán’s mirzás a robe of honour was given: but to the royal auxiliary himself a splendid robe, an embroidered coat, two Agria horses, and a saddle and bridle richly ornamented with gold and precious gems were presented.
On the 27th, the commander-in-chief or serdár, the princes and commanders of regiments went to pay their respects to his royal highness, when a royal mandate which had been received from Constantinople was read in the presence of these august personages. After the mandate was read, the khán, the serdár, and the other dignitaries present, stood up, offered up a prayer, and then immediately entered into consultation as to the best means for accomplishing the object of the expedition. The question as to the route they should take formed one of the topics which occupied their minds on this important occasion. After a good deal of conversation on this subject, the chiefs of the borders observed, that there were three roads which penetrated Transylvania. The first led to the fortress of Lipovah; the second, to Sibish and Loghúsh; and the third, to Warad. His royal highness Ghází Gheráí observed, it would be most proper to go by the one which could be shown to be the most eligible for the transporting of cannon and heavy baggage, and on which they could most easily defend themselves in the event of being attacked. One of the most distinguished of the border leaders replied by saying: “Sire, the roads of Sibish and Loghúsh, and of Lipovah, are both difficult and dangerous, and afford no means of defence against the enemy should they be disposed to attack us. The road leading to Warad, on the contrary, is broad and open, and on this account, as well as others, it is the most preferable one: besides, it is the only one of the three in which we can most efficiently as well as conveniently, accomplish our object—the chastising of the Transylvanians.” “But,” said the khán, “will the infidels of Warad not endeavour to intercept or ensnare us? In the event of their attempting any of these expedients, is there no danger, and shall we not be obliged to relinquish our object? In the event of our succeeding in reducing it, can we keep possession of it after we have taken it?” He asked further, whether the reduction of the place would likely occupy much time. With the view of doing honour to the prowess of the serdár, it was replied, though falsely, that two or three pieces of ordnance were quite sufficient for the purpose of accomplishing the reduction of Warad; and that, afterwards, they could advance against Zighmund (probably the prince of Transylvania). This representation weighed with the council. Etmekjí Zádeh, the defterdár of the expedition, attended to every thing necessary for the attempt, and provided the army with apparatus for occupying the fortress.
In consequence, however, of the great length of time which had elapsed, since leaving Belgrade, including the fifty-five days they had to wait for the khán, the half of the season for carrying on hostilities was past, but still they were determined to do what they could. About the middle of the month Sefer, one Yúghen, an ághá of Temiswar, and one who was well acquainted with the roads, was appointed to conduct the Moslem army to Warad. They reached a fortress on the river Murish, called Jenad, before which they sat down and prepared for laying siege to it. After the firing of a few guns, however, its inhabitants and garrison became dismayed, abandoned it, and fled to the mountains and thickets adjacent. This fortress, of course, was immediately taken possession of, whilst the Tátár troops pursued the fugitives; killed some, and took most of the rest prisoners. One hundred and fifty of these vile wretches were brought to the door of the serdár’s tent, and there beheaded. Jenad was put under the jurisdiction of prince Ibrahím Shikshái, inspector of Belgrade.
From Jenad the army marched to a palanka called Dilagúsh, and thence proceeded to Arad, of which, finding it deserted by its inhabitants, they took possession.
Shortly after this, messengers arrived from the prince of Transylvania with letters to his highness, the khán of the Tátárs, requesting conditions of peace, or rather requesting the khán to intercede with the Ottoman emperor and endeavour to bring about a peace. About the same time also a great quantity of rain fell, which exceedingly annoyed the Moslem troops.
On the 9th of Sefer Mustafa Páshá, the beglerbeg of Erzerúm, joined the grand army with his provincials. On the 11th, the whole army crossed the Murish, but experienced the greatest difficulty in doing so. They marched along its banks for several stages, and stopped at a bridge near a deserted palanka, called Ordúbek. At length, after experiencing a thousand hardships in crossing rivers and passing through extensive marshes, they arrived in the plains of Warad on the 24th of the month, where they were joined by the beglerbeg of Wán, Yúsuf Páshá having previously been joined, whilst at Ordúbek, by the army of Gula. Two badlooshkas also, the one from Gula and the other from Temiswar, were sent to them. The Tátár khán, on the army’s leaving Jenad, took a different route with the intention of distressing and annoying the peasantry throughout the country, and joined the grand army again at Warad.
The fortress of Warad, before which the Moslem army took up its position on the 29th, was situate on the boundaries which separate Germany and Transylvania, was very strong, and surrounded by suburbs and villages. So very large and extensive a place was Warad that it could easily contain twenty thousand troops. Its gardens reached from the suburbs to Pest, and its country houses and other dwellings were no less extensive in number, it is conjectured, than the number which at that time were between Constantinople and the gardens of Dávud Páshá. It is impossible to describe accurately the whole of the gardens and orchards, and the multitude of the inhabitants of Warad. Some one or two years before the period we are now speaking of, a German army of several thousands took possession of it, and had it in subjection when the orthodox army, under the grand vezír and commander-in-chief Jeráh Mohammed Páshá, appeared before it. The suburbs and villages were inhabited by Hungarians.
Warad besieged.
When the Tátár troops advanced to attack the suburbs of Warad, the inhabitants came boldly forth, and for a whole day and night fought with courage. But the Tátárs no sooner succeeded in setting fire to their dwellings than they retired, put their families into waggons, and tried to escape through their postern gates. The Tátárs pursued them with vigour, slew the grown-up, made the young prisoners, and returned with immense booty.
Immediately after these things, the khán of the Tátárs, and the serdár of the Moslems, and other great men in the army formed themselves into a council of war, and took into consideration whether they should proceed onwards and desolate the country, or stop where they then were and endeavor to vanquish the fortress of Warad. The whole council were unanimous in thinking the latter plan the most advisable. So important and so strong a place, and so very near the frontiers of the Ottoman dominions, and which at once formed a key to Germany and Transylvania, they unanimously considered ought not to be allowed to remain in the hands of the enemy, and they therefore determined at once on reducing it.
On the first of Rabia II., therefore, the army entered the suburbs, the houses of which were well-built and handsome, and instead of preparing themselves trenches, took possession of them. With the three pieces of ordnance which they had brought along with them, they began battering the fortress; but they found, when it was too late to rectify their mistake, they had commenced a work far beyond their strength, and one which they had not maturely considered. They discovered their rashness, but not in sufficient time to correct their mistake. The object of the expedition into the country, at the commencement of their operations, was to lay it waste, and therefore they did not encumber themselves with many cannon, that they might the more conveniently traverse the territories of Transylvania, and thoroughly chastise the inhabitants. They had no more cannon, therefore, than the three now mentioned: neither were they provided with any apparatus for carrying on a siege. This want they now began to feel when it could not be easily and speedily remedied; and to subdue a place of such great strength as Warad possessed, would require, they saw, an immense length of time. The serdár was most sensibly touched when he discovered his error, and was seriously affected by the mistake he had committed. He now began, though too late, to reflect, that this same fortress, in former days, had withstood, for the space of forty-five days, the utmost efforts of one of the earlier kings, without being vanquished. Seeing he had no chance of succeeding without a sufficient number of cannon, he wrote to Súfí Sinán Páshá, beglerbeg of Agria, to join his camp, and to forward without delay ten pieces of ordnance and other apparatus from the fortress of Agria. In consequence of remissness or fraud, however, this order was not complied with; or if complied with, was too late to be of any use to the besiegers. All the powder and ball which could be found in Gula and in the palankas round about, were expended without making any impression on Warad. Two mines were also sprung, but with no better effect.
The Tátárs, at this time, requested permission to range the country, and commit what devastation they could, but the serdár refused to give his consent; saying, he hoped to God they would yet take Warad, and they would afterwards proceed together. It happened also, in the mysterious providence of God, that for the space of forty days it rained successively, and the rain which thus fell ran in torrents through the plains and valleys. The ground everywhere round Warad became soft, and in several places marshes were formed. The ditches which the Janissaries had prepared were all filled with water and clay, and the Janissaries themselves were forced to retire to their tents. The whole of the army in these adverse circumstances became completely discouraged, particularly the officers. The stream which issued from the city swelled to such a degree as to become unpassable. In fact, it was at last impracticable to go from one tent to another. The winds also rose so awfully high as to tear away the very poles of the tents out of the ground, and the cattle sunk to their bellies in the mud. The troops also were for several days without meat, but this want was supplied by a great number of sheep which had been driven to the plains of Warad. The most of these sheep were sent thither by the peasants of Solnuk, and nearly filled the whole country round Warad. The cursed prince of Transylvania, they were also informed, had secured himself in inaccessible mountains.
The Moslem army were thus exposed to all the inclemency of the weather, and to every possible hardship, and distressed and annoyed by the water which ran in torrents through their camp. In short, all this accumulation of adverse circumstances completely overcame the spirit of the Moslem troops: they became totally heartless, and could do nothing. In the midst of all these indescribable distresses they were informed by messengers from Buda that no fewer than 80,000 of the enemy had attacked and destroyed Old Buda, and that at that very moment their large cannon were employed in battering Buda itself. They added, that if immediate aid were not afforded, Buda could not fail to fall into the enemy’s hands. They had heard at an earlier period of the same day on which this news was brought them, that a heavy body of the enemy had passed through Yanuk and Wáj, and had gone to Old Buda. The persons who brought the above intelligence maintained it was of no use to send one or two thousand men; it was absolutely necessary, they said, that the serdár should go in person with his whole army.
These sad and unwelcome messengers astonished and confounded the afflicted serdár and his suffering army by the intelligence they brought him. But his misfortunes were only increasing. The very adverse circumstances in which the Moslem army were placed, and the advance of the enemy against Buda, afforded a favourable opportunity to the treacherous Michael, of cursed memory, to cross the Danube, to attack the vezír Háfiz in Nicopolis, causing him to seek his safety in flight; and to commit the most dreadful depredations. This information became no sooner public, and its truth confirmed, than it increased, of course, the embarrassments of Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, the commander-in-chief. But they had still to increase: Tata, Besperim, and Papa also fell into the hands of the hateful infidel enemy. These things were more than sufficient to confound all judgment. They were awful, terrible, and afflictive beyond expression: nevertheless, the serdár still bore up under all the misfortunes of the campaign. He determined, notwithstanding his perilous condition, to afford what aid he could to the quarter above mentioned. Yet in a council afterwards held, and in which the khán and the other magnates of the army were consulted, the difficulty of sending foot soldiers became quite apparent. Not only the distance but the difficulty which such troops would have to encounter in crossing rivers like seas, the Danube, and the Tise (Tibiscus), was clearly discerned to be beyond the power of any but horsemen to accomplish. It was therefore agreed that a party of some thousands of the Tátár rangers should be despatched without any further delay as far as Pest, where they were to spread a report that the khán and the serdár would soon appear with their respective troops, and afford them effectual aid. This measure, it was conjectured, would have the effect of strengthening such as had not fallen into the hands of their enemy, and of discouraging, if possible, the latter. The Tátár detachment proceeded.
In the meantime, the commander-in-chief was still looking in vain for the arrival of the cannon from Agria. But, alas! he was disappointed. Súfí Sinán Páshá arrived in the camp empty-handed. On being interrogated why he did not send the ten pieces of cannon as commanded, he returned for answer the senseless excuse, that no buffaloes could be had to transport them. It can easily be imagined what was the grief and affliction of the Moslem army, but it cannot be described. The whole of the provisions which they had been able to find in the vicinity of Warad was consumed, and the Tátárs were obliged to bring from a great distance to the camp what flour or grain they were able to find. A keil (measure) of barley was sold from three to five pieces of gold.
The serdár, it must be acknowledged, was the cause of the long delay of the Moslem army before Warad, and of course, at least in some degree, of the evils to which they had been subjected. We have already observed how he refused to allow the Tátárs to go on a predatory excursion through the country, saying he hoped God would give him the victory in a day or two. He was miserably mistaken in his hopes, and accomplished nothing; at least nothing good, as we have seen. The weather now became so very cold that the men could keep neither hands nor feet warm. Perceiving, therefore, that Warad was not to be subdued by the means which he possessed, and as he had caused it to be reported about Pest that he had raised the siege and had gone to Solnuk with the view of succouring Buda, the serdár began to retreat. In consequence, however, of the rivulets every where having swollen into rivers from the late rains, the páshá of Temiswar, Ismael Páshá, was instructed to advance and erect bridges for the army; but he did not erect even one; the army had therefore, in consequence of this neglect, to do the best they could. They crossed no fewer than twelve rivers, three of which, however, had bridges over them, of the above description, by means of rafts, and underwent immense difficulty and danger at every one which they crossed. Numberless poor animals perished in these waters, and the troops suffered most severely from the cold. The flour which they carried along with them was spoiled and caused disease among the men, and they were therefore obliged to throw it away. Their three pieces of ordnance they succeeded in getting across these rivers by means of strong ropes, and Khoja Murád Páshá, who was beglerbeg of Diárbeker, Mohammed Páshá, beglerbeg of Haleb, and Súfí Sinán Páshá, in order to encourage the troops, put their own necks into yokes, and helped to drag them onwards. The distance between Warad and Gula was about three days’ journey, but required twelve days on this occasion to accomplish it, during the whole of which time they suffered a thousand difficulties. Hundreds of men were left on the road by reason of the cold or hunger, or sunk into the mud.
The army was met by Iskander Beg, who was afterwards created páshá, and the ketkhodá of Teryákí, Hasan Páshá, in the plains of Gula, who confirmed the intelligence they formerly had received that Besperim, Polata, and Tata had fallen into the hands of the enemy, and earnestly requested the serdár to send off, as soon as possible, what succours he was able to the aid of those places which had been enabled still to hold out. The serdár gave him fine promises and sent him away next morning.
The army moved from Gula (Julia) to Solnuk. At both these places they were obliged to pay a piece of gold for a loaf of bread. They expected that at the latter place, where they halted a whole day, boats with provisions would have been waiting for them; but in this also they were grievously disappointed. When the troops saw that no boats with provisions had arrived by the river Tise (Tibiscus), they were roused into rage and commenced a tumult. Some of the Janissaries rushed upon the serdár’s tent and pulled it down about his head. Each of them had taken a piece of wood in his hand, with which they so belaboured the poor commander-in-chief that he lay half murdered. They broke his skull with their bludgeons and his arm with a stone, and afterwards commenced the work of spoliation in his kitchen. It is certain that if some of the other officers had not come to his assistance, they would have cut him to pieces. The tent of the treasurer, Etmekjí Zádeh, shared the same fate: it was not only thrown down but robbed, and he himself only escaped with his life, which was entirely owing to the intervention of some of their superiors. They now abandoned the idea of proceeding to Buda. Towards evening the serdár was seen stepping round the tents, and seemed as if afraid and ashamed to enter his own.
In consequence of all these disastrous events and distressing circumstances, the strong fortress of Buda was committed to God, and the Moslem army marched towards Segdin. Here they fortunately fell in with a number of boats loaded with provisions on the Tise, when a distribution of provisions immediately took place, which refreshed and recruited the much-weakened strength of the army, at least in some degree.
The accounts of the burning and destroying of the city or suburbs of Buda, and all the evils which befell its inhabitants, must be reserved to a future chapter. In the mean time, however, the unfortunate serdár, pressed down and grieved with the misfortunes which had befallen his orthodox army, became quite changed in his constitution. His soul was vexed within him: his body became poor and lean; and in this broken-down condition he retired to Belgrade. His royal highness, the khán of the Crimea, went to Sonbúr, and his troops went into winter-quarters in the sanják of Segdin. The beglerbeg of Romeili was sent with his provincials to the sanják of Petcheví. The Janissaries and other troops, after having been paid their arrears, were also sent into winter quarters. The money necessary for paying these arrears had to be borrowed from the rich men and merchants of Belgrade.
These arrangements were no sooner over than a very heavy fall of snow fell, and a most intense cold commenced.
Thus ended this unfortunate campaign. No advantage was gained, but much loss was sustained.
Concerning the fall of Besperim, Polata, Tata, and the siege of Buda.
At the time it was first determined to carry the war into Transylvania, the five thousand cavalry and the twelve thousand foot soldiers, sent last year from Europe to Maximilian, the commander-in-chief of the infidels, and an army of more than sixty thousand foot and horse soldiers, composed of Germans, Hungarians, and other nations, under Maximilian’s brother, the archduke Mathias, assembled near Yanuk, and resolved on aiding and supporting the prince of Transylvania. When the Moslem serdár, however, laid siege to Warad, as before mentioned, the prince of Transylvania retired to the mountains, and there fortified himself among inaccessible rocks. On this account the imperial troops were not so necessary, at least such a powerful augmentation as that above alluded to; therefore when the enemy perceived that Buda was left in a defenceless state in consequence of the expedition which had entered Transylvania, they immediately marched against that place. This was the most proper time, said they to themselves, to endeavour to take Buda; and though they should not happen to be successful in the attempt, yet they would at least effect a manœuvre in favour of Warad, and thus save it from the grasp of the Moslems, who had now commenced laying siege to it.
These mighty hosts of the enemy on their way to Buda reduced the fortresses of Besperim, Polata, Papa, and Tata, all of them places of strength which belonged to the Ottoman empire; and in Rabia II. they encamped before Old Buda with more than forty pieces of ordnance and other apparatus of war. The greater number of the enemy’s troops was transported thence in boats on the Danube to Buda itself, to which they laid siege in this same month. After a few days of hostile operation they laid the walls of the city even with the ground. When they had accomplished this they commenced attacking the citadel both from the land and water at the same time. On the seventh day of the siege the bloody contest was renewed at sun-rise, and continued till the going down of the same. The beglerbeg of Merœsh, Sinán Páshá, and the ex-beglerbeg of Papa, Semender Páshá, who had come from Alba Julia to aid the Budians; these two heroes from among the besieged died martyrs on this day of unparalleled cruelty and blood. Teryákí Hasan Páshá, governor of Bosnia, and Mohammed Beg, beg of Semendria, were wounded; and many others whose days were numbered fell by the hands of these infidels.
This numerous host of vile idolators continued their attacks unremittingly, and maintained a continual brisk fire, which so completely annoyed the besieged that they found themselves necessitated to give way and retire from the city, and seek shelter in the inner fortress. This movement they accomplished during the night season, but by doing so they left the city entirely naked and defenceless. The following morning the infidels occupied the vacant city, and with all imaginable speed erected their forty pieces of heavy ordnance on batteries against the inner fortress, and commenced directing more than one thousand shots per day against it, besides the springing of numerous mines. Night and day this machinery was employed without interruption, and every other effort they could devise, in trying to reduce the inner fortress. The besieged, however, held out manfully. The place had been previously strengthened and put in a condition of defence; but they sent off one messenger after another with letters to the serdár and to the khán, when lying before Warad, calling on them to come to their aid; and assuring them if they did not come, Buda would fall a prey to the enemy. But the serdár was unable to afford them the relief they required. With part of their forces they lay before Warad, and the rest had scattered themselves through the country. However, the khán sent them a chosen body of about seven thousand Tátárs under the command of Shubá Mirzá. These were soon followed by Bektásh Páshá, governor of Agria, with his Agrian troops; and these again by two Tátár sultáns, with twenty thousand Tátár troops, which his royal highness had succeeded in collecting for the same purpose. Kalkái Selámet Gheráí, the brother of the khán, who had just at that time returned from a plundering excursion, was likewise sent forward to Buda with the party under his command, and which amounted to several thousands. The beglerbeg of Buda, Mikaeljelí Ahmed Páshá, succeeded to the beglerbegship of Sinán Páshá, who perished in the siege of the city as before observed; and Soleimán Páshá, the beglerbeg of Temiswar, who was at that time in the Moslem camp along with the serdár, succeeded to the beglerbegship of Buda. This last, and a few hundred chosen veterans, besides seven Sanjak begs, set out for Buda, which, by the time they had reached it, had been forty days exposed to the efforts of the infidels. It was the opinion of the acting commander-in-chief in Buda, Ahmed Páshá, that it would be impossible for them to maintain Buda, and, at the same time, protect Pest; he recommended, therefore, that the garrison and people in Pest should join the besieged in Buda.
Whilst this imprudent project was in contemplation, the beg of Solnuk, commonly called the Earless Osmán Beg, a chief who had formerly manifested a variety of heroic deeds at Timúr-kapú, reached Buda with a valiant band of borderers from Solnuk in sufficient time to frustrate the proposed project. Taking some of the men of Pest along with him, he hastened towards Buda; forwarded a number of cannon; the other troops formerly mentioned joined him: and, on his appearing with this accumulated army before the citadel of Buda, the troops within it were encouraged to come forth and receive their deliverers. All these together formed a very considerable army, and were now in a condition to cope with their enemies. Accordingly they were not long in employing the force they had thus mustered, and with one consent attacked their bitter foe with such vigour and resolution that they soon forced them to raise the siege and to retire. Before they were expelled the city, however, they burned and destroyed its temples and mosques, large buildings, and public streets; and then withdrew to the valley of Wáj.
Thus, God Almighty saved the fortress of Buda from the hand of malice and injustice.
Khádem Háfiz Ahmed Páshá routed at Nicopolis by the odious Michael.
Háfiz Ahmed Páshá having been appointed to guard the banks of the Danube, made Widin his head-quarters. Ramazán Zádeh, the governor of Adna, who had been appointed along with him to the same service, removed from Widin in Rabia II. of this same year, and went along with a number of Sanjak begs towards Rusjuk and Selistria, places within the jurisdiction allotted to them, but stopped at a place not far from Nicopolis, called the plains of Sinadin.
When the odious and hateful Michael had learned that an expedition had been sent into Transylvania, he feigned to have repented of all his wicked deeds, and retired from public view. But he no sooner heard of the fate of that expedition than he again began to exercise his cunning to the prejudice of the Osmánlís. Accordingly, he sent a messenger, a despicable wretch called Dimoo, to crave in the most humble and abject manner conditions of peace from Háfiz Páshá. The deceitful messenger had no sooner found access to the Páshá, and told the purport of his errand, than he granted permission to the odious wretch Michael to come and prostrate himself before him.
On that same day, the Páshá was employed in fitting up and adorning his tents on the banks of the Danube, but ordered a boat to be held in readiness for conveying Michael across when he arrived. Soon after the deception had thus far succeeded, a number of waggons covered over with scarlet cloth appeared at some little distance from the Páshá’s camp, which the fraudulent messenger when interrogated concerning them said were waggons conveying presents and treasures to the Páshá.
Whilst the Páshá and his men stood contemplating the loaded waggons as they approached nearer, and suspecting no danger, suddenly a body of troops made their appearance, and fell upon the astonished gazers without allowing them a moment’s warning for self-defence. These were Michael’s troops, and they amounted to more than twenty thousand, whilst those under the command of Háfiz did not exceed three thousand, and most of them, at that moment, were without any sort of defensive weapon whatever. The waggons which were said to have been conveying treasures and presents to the Páshá, turned out to be cannon which they carried. The Moslems finding themselves thus miserably duped, and seeing they were unable to resist such a force, had no alternative left them but either to perish by the hands of these barbarians, or to seek their safety in flight. This last appeared the most advisable, and they endeavoured to accomplish it. The Páshá, in a state of madness, mounted his horse, and all who were fortunate enough escaped to Maternevi. Alas, many of the followers of Mohammed fell martyrs on that sad day. The whole of their property and wealth fell into the hands of Michael the apostate, and of those wretches who followed him.
The odious Michael, after having gained the advantage in the manner above described, marched on Nicopolis, and laid siege to it; but he was at length repelled. The struggle between the besiegers and the besieged lasted twenty days, but the barbarians were at last obliged to retire without having effected their purpose, and went towards Bekrish.
The unfortunate Páshá, like the rest of his men, lost all he had. It has been said that some of Michael’s men brought him the garments and shash which Háfiz usually wore, and that in derision of the Páshá he put them on a decrepid old woman, whom he presented, thus dressed, before his men, telling them, that he had caught the Moslem Páshá, and thus excited their mirth at the poor Páshá’s expence.
The Páshá, however, made his way to Nicopolis, and repaired the breaches which had been effected by Michael on that fortress. When on the point of going into winter-quarters at Hazargrade, he received information from the court of Constantinople that he was succeeded in the command on the banks of the Danube by the fourth vezír, Mahmúd Páshá. He accordingly returned to the metropolis about the middle of Jemadi II., and was honoured with the dignity and office of fourth vezír in room of Mahmúd.
The grand Vezírship conferred a third time on Ibrahím Páshá.
When the want of that success which had attended the late campaign had been fully considered, and that Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, the commander-in-chief, had effected no good, or had acquired no advantage whatever, but, on the contrary, had been the cause of much evil; that it was owing to his want of military skill that Buda was allowed to be laid siege to, and in a great measure destroyed; and, in short, that it was to him and to the grand vezír, Jeráh Páshá’s, mismanagement, conjointly, the whole of the misfortunes which befell the orthodox troops during the late campaign were to be attributed, it was considered wise to remove both from their respective offices. Ibrahím Páshá, though more than once deposed from the grand vezírship, was yet considered a man of great talent and strength of mind, fully competent to fulfil the duties of the premiership, and at the same time those of commander-in-chief. He was therefore again created grand vezír, and the seals were accordingly sent to him. This appointment took place on the 9th of Jemadi II. Jeráh Páshá was sick when this resolution passed, and did not of course attend the diván on that occasion. He was, however, carried to the palace of the chancellor, where the accusation against him was read to him, and he was informed, pro formâ, that he was deposed.
Four months after Ibrahím’s appointment to the premiership, it was determined that he should assume the office of commander-in-chief also, and proceed to Hungary. Kapúdán Khalíl Páshá, the káímakám, and Jeghala Zádeh, Sinán Páshá, the second kapúdán, attended to the necessary arrangements for the new army, which the grand vezír and commander-in-chief was to conduct to Hungary. This new army left Constantinople on the 27th of Shevál. Tarnákjí Hasan Aghá, ághá of the Janissaries, commanded six divisions of the household troops: the victorious banners were unfurled, and a declaration of war was immediately issued.
Hasan Beg Zádeh informs us in his history that the winter was so excessively cold when Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, the late commander-in-chief, commenced his journey back, that it was with great difficulty he was enabled to reach Constantinople. On his arrival there, he found Ibrahím Páshá firmly installed in the office of grand vezír, and busily employed in the discharge of the duties of that high and important station. It was said, however, that in consequence of the asylum of the world having hesitated about advancing from the home treasury the necessary supply of money required for carrying on the war, the noble commander-in-chief delayed his departure for some time; and that, as a last resource, he had applied to the emperor’s spiritual guide in the most earnest manner to get his master to grant the supply required. The reverend effendí, in the greatest haste, and under the pretext of calling a council, wrote to all the great men to meet, and to them he made a representation of the urgency of the commander-in-chief’s demand. The empress-mother also lent her aid, and the thing at last was agreed to. Borhán Effendí was appointed defterdár to the army: Lám Alí Chelebí defterdár to the governor of Constantinople: Okjí Zádeh was made secretary: and Mudehí Chelebí was appointed Reïs-ul-ketáb. Other appointments also took place. The all potent commander-in-chief and the ághá of the Janissaries proceeded on their march towards the seat of war. On reaching Selivría, Abúlsa’úd Zádeh Effendí died, and the Muftí Effendí, through the intercession of the father of the emperor’s principal eunuch, was appointed to the presidency of Romeili; the grand vezír had, however, appointed before this Ma’súm Effendí to the same office. Músá Chelebí, son of Mohammed Effendí, was deposed from the office of high treasurer, and Borhán was appointed in his stead. The latter, after having provided for the army as far as Adrianople, returned to the metropolis. The ághá of the Janissaries, Tarnákjí Hasan Aghá, separated from the grand army at Chatalija, and marched his troops by way of Kirk Kilis to Belgrade.
Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá murdered. Etmekjí Zádeh imprisoned.
Ibrahím Páshá, on his journey to Hungary, reached Adrianople in the space of twelve days after his departure from Constantinople, whither Etmekjí Zádeh Mohammed Páshá, who had been degraded from the office of treasurer, which he held during the last war, had also come, but who kept himself concealed. By means of Ibrahím’s lieutenant, Mohammed Ketkhodá, he was introduced to the serdár or commander-in-chief, and by means of large presents he got himself appointed high treasurer in room of Borhán, whom the serdár contrived to send to Uskúb. But this, however, was only the affair of a month; for a royal letter soon arrived which ordered him to be apprehended and the whole of his property to be confiscated. This order was issued in consequence of a report which had been sent to his majesty respecting his conduct and demerit; and the result would have been equally the same some time before it did take place, had it not been secretly delayed for awhile.
Hasan Beg Zádeh says, that when the serdár had arrived in the plains of Philippopolis he received some account of some manœuvres carried on between his royal highness the khán of the Tátárs and his predecessor, Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá. They had concocted a scheme prejudicial to the interests of the Ottoman empire; the result of their manœuvring, however, was fatal to Satúrjí. The serdár passed through Philippopolis and arrived in the plains of Sofia, where he halted, and sent for the ághá of the Janissaries, who was a stage or two in advance, and held a consultation with him relative to some important affairs connected with the object of the expedition. The ághá afterwards returned to his troops. The commander-in-chief, it is to be observed, however, had received injunctions from the court of Constantinople to deprive Satúrjí of his life, the execution of which was committed to the ághá above-mentioned, who was also instructed to accomplish this commission on his arrival at Belgrade, where Satúrjí then was. This said ághá made all the haste he was able; and on the 12th of Dhu’l hijja, when he reached Hisárjik, near Belgrade, the serdár, Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, sent some of his ághás and other officers with their troops as far as the plains of Belgrade to meet the ághá; unconscious all the while that his head was devoted. His friend, the khán, had sent him an invitation to come to him, and even warned him of his danger, but his mind was totally indifferent to all danger; in consequence, moreover, of his having received some friendly letters which had been sent him in the name of the new serdár, though the serdár neither wrote nor sent them, he heedlessly confided himself to the very person instructed to take away his life. The ághá, to accomplish the deed, prepared a feast and invited Satúrjí and his great men to dine with him at Hisárjik. On their arrival they were individually presented with a robe, and other tokens of respect which were conferred on them. Whilst they were thus cheered and elated by the kindness of their host, and harbouring no suspicion in their minds, this very host suddenly drew out of his pocket the royal document or rather death-warrant, and caused his soldiers, who were in readiness to obey, to slay the whole of his guests in cold blood. Thus ended the unfortunate and afflicted life of Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá. The cheerful feast became to him and his associates the feast of death. His lieutenant, Ibrahím, was sick, and did not accompany his superior; and when he learned his fate, he went on board a vessel with Satúrjí’s khatíb, his friend, and put himself under the protection of his royal highness, Ghází Gheráí, khán of the Crimea. He so terrified the khán with the horrible stories he related to him, that he resolved on setting out for his own country, and was only prevented from doing so by some of his own mirzás, who were not so easily alarmed.
In the meantime the commander-in-chief continued his march towards Belgrade; and when he arrived at Batchina a messenger from the ághá met him and informed him of the fate of Satúrjí. His whole property, and that of his lieutenant, were seized and registered; at the same time orders were also given to take possession of Etmekjí Zádeh’s property, who was still at Belgrade, in order that that, as well as the property of the other two, might be examined. On the 17th of Dhu’l hijja the grand vezír and commander-in-chief reached the plains of Belgrade.
Etmekjí Zádeh, who, we have seen, was ordered to be imprisoned and his property confiscated, lay without hope at this very time in prison at Belgrade; but some who were well acquainted with the state of affairs, and the necessities of the army in regard to their being properly supplied with every thing requisite for their expedition into the enemy’s country, as well as Etmekjí Zádeh’s fitness for this and similar objects, obtained his release, and had him reinstated in his former office. By the vigilance which he manifested in the discharge of his duty he afforded no ground of uneasiness or discontent to the Moslem troops, as he had done in the late campaign. He took good care that the treasury and other departments under his inspection and management were properly attended to.
The grand vezír remained at Belgrade till about the end of the month last-mentioned (Dhu’l hijja), and saw that all the magazines and storehouses were well filled with all sorts of provisions: he also put a number of boats into a state of preparation.
Strange conduct of the new Grand Vezír Ibrahím Páshá.
It is related by Alája Mohammed Aghá that he himself, at the time Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá was killed, was present with Ibrahím Páshá when on his way to Belgrade. His words are: “I was present in an assembly, called together by the Páshá, when it was announced that Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá was murdered. The Páshá fell into a great rage, and asked furiously who had brought the intelligence. ‘It is false: it is totally without foundation,’ said he, and then again asked the person who announced it: ‘whence and from whom have you received this story?’ When the informer was about to say that he had been a witness to the deed, the commander-in-chief broke out again in a furious rage and said: ‘behold, this infidel utters falsehood in our presence; by the head of the emperor, if this story turns out to be false you shall be punished with death.’ After having thus exhausted his fury upon the informer, he turned to the persons who composed the assembly, and thus addressed them: ‘Muselmans, what an unlikely story is this! That an ághá of the Janissaries should be guilty of the murder of so celebrated a vezír as Satúrjí, without the emperor’s permission and unknown to me, is unworthy of a moment’s belief: it is false.’ So great, indeed, was the rage into which he put himself, that he actually foamed at the mouth like a rabid animal.” The same historian goes on to say, that at this time he stood before him, and on the páshá’s beckoning to him to approach him he obeyed. “Go,” said the grand vezír, “and whereever you find Etmekjí Zádeh take him to your tent and make him your prisoner.” The narrator adds: “I immediately went in search of him and found him in the tent of the ketkhodá. On asking him to accompany me he got up, and we talked together till we arrived at my tent, when I invited him to step in. He immediately appeared confused”—for this Alája Mohammed Aghá was the chief executioner—“and asked the reason of his inviting him into his tent. On informing him of the nature of the firmán which had been sent to me regarding him, he instantly sent a person to inform the ketkhodá of what had happened to him. The ketkhodá got into a violent passion at the conduct of the ághá, and went directly to the serdár and complained of him. The serdár swore he knew nothing of the matter, and said it was false. ‘What is the ághá of a regiment,’ said he, ‘that he should, without my permission, be so bold as to put a defterdár into confinement;’ and many more words to the same effect. He then called the ághá, asked him if he had done so and so, and by whose authority he had so acted; and turning to the members of his diván, said: ‘look, ye members of the diván, what times have appeared, that an ághá of a regiment, without right or necessity, should take it upon him to imprison a public functionary of so high rank as that of Etmekjí Zádeh! I will certainly have him slain.’ After having thus poured contumely on the poor ághá, he looked him in the face, and exclaimed: ‘you infidel;’ then pressed his thumb in the palm of his hand, and ordered him to be conveyed to prison: but he soon caused him to be released again.” The same narrator says, there was no end to the strange, deceitful, and injurious actions of which this ághá was guilty. Etmekjí Zádeh found opportunity afterwards, however, of getting the aforesaid ághá examined; his property, even to his bed, sold, and himself degraded in the public estimation.
Some other events of this year.
By some delusion of the devil, a fellow, under the pretext that he was Sultán Soleimán, son of Selím II., who had been put to death, began to exercise royal authority in one or two cities and villages in the neighbourhood of Constantinople; but he was seized, his head cut off, and his miserable body suspended from a tree.
This year, in the month of Rabia II., five French galleys, laden with troops and military stores, entered by mistake into the harbour of the island of Scio, and overpowered the garrison of that place. In consequence of a strong gale of wind, however, these galleys were driven from their moorings, and finally out to sea. Four hundred Frenchmen were thus left upon the island, and these the inhabitants, after the galleys had disappeared, slew with the edge of the sword.
In the month of Ramazán the emperor of Túrán (Scythia), Abdulkhán, by means of his superior army took possession of the kingdom of Khorasán, but was soon afterwards called to visit the world of spirits, when his son Abdulmo’min reigned in his stead. The Usbek Tátárs not having been satisfied with his administration, however, murdered him, and called Núrud-dín Mohammed Khán, surnamed Telún Khán, to the government of Túrán and Khorasán.
This same year also, the sháh of Persia, Sháh Abbás, marched his forces against him into Khorasán, and slew him at Herat. He subdued also the whole of that province, which contained twenty-four places of strength. Under a show of justice, and of fidelity to the Ottoman court, he sent an embassy to Constantinople, making an offer of them as a present to the emperor.