EVENTS of the Year 1008. H.
Account of Ibrahím Páshá’s further operations.
In the beginning of Moharrem (the first month of the Mohammedan year) the commander-in-chief Ibrahím Páshá, after having given orders respecting all the boats and vessels at Belgrade, marched forward in the utmost haste to the plains of Zimnún, where he encamped. On the 18th he reached Usk, where he remained nearly a whole week. On the 24th he crossed the bridge of that place, and reached the plains of Mehaj on the 27th. Here he was joined by Mohammed Páshá, the beglerbeg of Romeili, and by Alí Páshá, the beglerbeg of Rika. On the 29th the serdár reviewed his army.
His royal highness, Ghází Gheráí, khán of the Crimea, having been much afflicted in consequence of the death of Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, and having been also very much perplexed on account of the share he had had in his affairs, did not, on this occasion, join the grand army with his auxiliary Tátárs. The fear he had entertained on this score, as well as on account of some other parts of his conduct, strongly inclined him to retire to his own country, lest he should be incarcerated, and thus meet a fate similar to that which his late coadjutor, Satúrjí, had met. In this moment of perplexity and doubt his mind was completely relieved by the sight of handsome presents, which were brought him by Ahmed Páshá, of Michaelej, Mohammed Páshá, beglerbeg of Sivás, and by the ághá of the Salihdárs, who also, with great deference and respect, invited him to join the grand army.
After a week’s halt at Mehaj, the grand army, on the 7th of Sefer, moved forward to Banús, and were there met by Bálukjí Zádeh Mustafa, accompanied by a messenger from Transylvania. On the 11th, the army encamped at the head of a lake near the banks of the Danube, where the commander-in-chief was apprized by letters from his royal highness Ghází Gheráí, that the court of Vienna had sent him proposals of peace. On the 21st he encamped in the plains of Ján Kúturán. On this day (about the 19th of August) commenced the season of autumn. On the fourth day after the above date, his royal highness reached the opposite shores of the Danube, when his excellency the commander-in-chief stepped into a boat and crossed over to pay him his respects. At this stage, two pieces of cannon, which had been abandoned by the enemy, were brought to the royal camp by the warriors of Alba Julia. On the 27th, the army encamped with great eclat in the plains of Kiris Elias, near Buda, and the Tátár army went to Pest, which lies on the other side of the Danube. The navy which was ordered from Belgrade also arrived. The inhabitants of Buda were inspired with courage and joy at the sight of such an army and fleet as those which now presented themselves before them. The beglerbeg of Buda having also arrived with provisions from Kupán, orders were issued that same day for commencing a bridge across the Danube. For accomplishing this object, a considerable body of men were sent to Kizil-hisár to cut down trees. Orders were also issued to put the grain and flour which had arrived into granaries in Buda. The bridge above-mentioned was finished in four days, and the grand army passed over to Pest. The serdár crossed over on the 7th of Rabia II., having previously formed the resolution of attacking the contemptible infidels, who happened to be posted at Jegirdilin, opposite to Osterghún. On the same day, a beautiful horse, with rich furniture, a splendidly ornamented dagger, and a number of other costly presents, were sent to his royal highness, Ghází Gheráí, khán of the Crimea. On the same day also, Jánbúlád Zádeh Hasan Páshá joined the royal camp with the troops under his command. On the 10th of the month, the grand army reached Amrúdlí. But the infidels of Wáj set fire to this place during the night, and fled. On the 21st, whilst the grand army remained encamped in the vicinity of Wáj, messengers arrived from the enemy’s camp, proposing that the Moslem grand army should postpone any further movement for the space of three days, in order to bring about, if possible, a pacification. When the third day arrived, the messenger waited first on the khán, and afterwards on the serdár, when Murád Páshá, Ahmed Aghá, belonging to his royal highness the khán, and Mohammed Ketkhodá were appointed commissioners, and ordered to proceed to the enemy’s camp or tábúr, and negociate a peace. They returned, however, in two days afterwards without having accomplished any thing; and the Moslem army, without any further delay, put themselves again in motion, passed under Novograde, situate on a hill, without having sustained the least injury from the cannon of that fortress; and arriving at a new palanka near Waragil, on the banks of the Danube, opposite Vishégrade, they found it deserted by the enemy’s troops who had held it in possession. The inhabitants endeavoured to escape, but were all either killed or made prisoners. This palanka was surrounded on three sides with a morass: the whole of its cannon and powder fell into the hands of the Moslems, who set fire to the place and burned it to the ground. Waragil, on the following day, was evacuated, in like manner, and burned: nothing but the badness of the roads saved the infidels of Waragil from experiencing the fate of those of the palanka.
By this time, the infidel army discovered, as they thought, that the Moslems meditated an attack on them about the 20th, and conjecturing they would endeavour to cross by the two bridges which they had erected below Osterghún, they stationed some of their bravest men in that quarter, in order to resist them. The serdár, however, pursued the plan he had first formed, and without a moment of unnecessary delay, made towards Jegirdilin, where a considerable number of the enemy was concentrated. Mohammed Khetkhodá thought it would be more advisable to postpone any attack on the enemy for a day or so, and the khán was of a similar opinion. The serdár, therefore, delayed; but on the 22nd he entered with his grand army the plains of Jegirdilin, which so terrified the infidels that they quickly crossed the river and concentrated themselves somewhere below Jegirdilin, but found that the two bridges which had been erected there had been cut down. A number of sick men whom they had left behind were all put to the sword: the grand army advanced upon Osterghún.
In order to deceive the Moslems, and to retard their progress, the project of negociating a peace was again had recourse to. The serdár having received letters to this effect, he appointed Murád Páshá, Mohammed Khetkhodá, and Ahmed Aghá to proceed to the head-quarters of the enemy and negociate with the Archduke Matthias, the Palfi, and the Groof. The Moslem commissioners laboured to get Agria exchanged for Osterghún, but their proposals were received with coldness, and insurmountable objections started, so that the Moslem commissioners had to return without accomplishing any thing. Both parties, indeed, withdrew from the conference, and the enemy retired to Komran.
The commander-in-chief, in a council of the khán’s omerá, determined, in consequence of the royal firmán for carrying on the war this year having restricted him to a depredatory mode of warfare, on putting this method into execution. Accordingly, he sent off a number of warlike troops along with a Tátár army into the enemy’s territories, to destroy and seize what they could.
On the 2nd of Rabia II. the army crossed the rivers Abyúl and Warad, and on the 5th reached the lake of Segmehal, near Uiwar. The predatory army before-mentioned succeeded in making a number of captives, and seizing some cattle, but by no means to the extent so powerful an army was expected to have done. Whilst the serdár remained at Segmehal, the beglerbegs went to Uiwar, and there learned for certain that the enemy had retired to Komran.
As the winter was setting in, the ághás of the regiments were put in mind of this, and instructed to return home. In the Nokhbeh Tarikh it is said, the grand army returned on the 28th of Rabia II. to Jegirdilin, passed by Filk and Khutván, and arrived at Pest on the 6th of Rabia II., when each hired soldier received, in lieu of provisions, two pieces of gold. On the 14th they reached Buda, when his royal highness, Ghází Gheráí, khán of the Tátárs of the Crimea, took his leave, and set out for his own dominions. The exalted commander-in-chief did all he could to dissuade him, but in vain. His royal highness was certainly not well pleased, and when he was urged to remain he replied, that the time for the Tátár army to retire had arrived; and accordingly he set off. It does not appear that there was any particular intimacy between the khán and the serdár, though the latter was not wanting either in politeness or attention. The fact is (for what reason does not appear), that the khán was never once pleasant, nor even showed an agreeable countenance. He never once entered the serdár’s tent, and their intercourse, for the most part, was on horseback.
The grand army, after passing through Geshgæmida, Sonbúr, and Baj, arrived on the 22nd at a place opposite to Fúidwar, where they were met by kapújís from Constantinople, who brought the serdár intelligence of the death of the learned and reverend prelate, Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí, and of the appointment of Sinán Effendí in his stead; also that Yúsuf Páshá, whilst conducting back the boats and vessels to Belgrade, had been attacked by a party of the enemy, in which struggle Yúsuf Páshá fell to rise no more. On the 25th the army reached Agria, of deceitful name,[6] where they halted a few days to thwart any further mischievous purpose which the enemy might have against their boats. It began to be reported that the odious Michael had subdued the whole of Transylvania. On the 29th letters were brought to the serdár which confirmed this report. On the 3rd of Jemadi II. the serdár crossed the bridge of Waradin, at which place he caused the household troops to be paid their wages. On the 7th he reached the plains of Belgrade. Here the ághá of the janissaries, Tarnákjí Hasan Aghá, took his leave of the serdár and departed for the metropolis. The troops of Anatolia and the rest of the army were allowed to go into winter quarters at Belgrade.
By the good providence of God the army, notwithstanding the great heat and droughts, returned without having sustained any particular hardships in this campaign.
The French soldiers stationed at Papa join the Osmánlís.
About three thousand of the French troops who had been sent to assist the Germans against the Osmánlís, were appointed to garrison the fortress of Papa. Having been in this fortress for about a whole year, and having received no wages for the service which they had rendered, they quarrelled with the Hungarian soldiers of that place, had frequent sharp skirmishes with them, and at last slew them. On this account they applied to Mohammed Páshá, beglerbeg of Romeili, who was at Buda, and offered to deliver up Papa to him if he would agree to pay them the wages which were due to them. They made a similar application to Dervísh Páshá, beglerbeg of Bosnia, and who was stationed at Alba Julia. Mohammed Páshá complied with the request of these Frenchmen, and sent his lieutenant, Abdí Aghá, with four hundred men, and also the beg of Alba Julia, Arnáúd Hasan Páshá, with his troops to support the above renegadoes against all who came against them, and to avenge the death of their brethren. The Moslem aid which was thus sent them did it effectually; for they slew all who came to oppose them, carried away with them all their wives and children, and distributed them for slaves among those of the troops who had been most active. Three of the most respectable and most honourable of these captives they sent, under the charge of Hasan Páshá, to Belgrade. In the meantime a statement of the amount of wages due to the Frenchmen by the Austrian government, and which amounted to fifty thousand pieces of gold, and for which they had stipulated to deliver up Papa to the Osmánlís, was sent off to Constantinople without any unnecessary delay. The government readily agreed to the proposal; but before the money could be sent to them, the Germans surrounded Papa with cannon and soldiers, so that, in fact, neither the money nor any thing else could be sent to them. The poor Franks remained more than a month in this besieged condition, and thinking it hopeless to wait any time longer in this state of suspense and danger, they, under covert of the night, secretly left the fortress, and tried to escape to the mountains near Alba Julia, about six leagues distant. Not being acquainted with the road, they were soon overtaken by German and Hungarian soldiers, who slew the greater part of them. Nevertheless, five or six hundred of them, who escaped falling into the hands of their pursuers, eventually found their way to Alba Julia in a very weak and wounded condition. Five hundred of them remained at Alba Julia, and the remainder went or were sent to the serdár or commander-in-chief. This account of the Frenchmen of Papa is taken from the Fezliké, but Hasan Beg Zádeh and Abdulkádír relate the story somewhat differently.
From their account of the fact it appears, that the French who had garrisoned Papa had written to Dervísh Páshá, proposing to deliver up that fortress on the condition of receiving a sum equal to what was due to them by the Austrian government; also of being received into regular pay, and that pay to be regularly paid to them at the end of every three months. Their number amounted, they stated, to two thousand, and they promised to be every way serviceable to their new masters, provided their offer was accepted. Sixty thousand ducats was the sum they demanded, which the exalted serdár agreed should be advanced to them, and immediately sent an account of the whole affair to the court of Constantinople. The money required, and ten thousand ducats in addition, for paying travelling expenses, were sent to Dervísh Páshá, who sent it to the Franks. To the principal or leading man among these Franks, who was a cardinal, a gold chain was sent along with the sixty thousand ducats. As soon as the money and the gold chain were delivered to the Franks, they put the Osmánlís in possession of Papa and immediately joined Dervísh Páshá. They were afterwards escorted by one of the ághás to Belgrade, where they entered into the service of the Turks. The exalted serdár some time afterwards showed them very great respect in the siege of Kaniza, they being the very first who entered the trenches on that occasion. The same night on which they entered into these trenches, the serdár gave them fifty thousand ducats over and above the pay which was due to them. This race was found most active and useful in the following campaigns, and were always preferred to other infidels. Several hundreds of them afterwards accompanied Sultán Osmán Khán in his wars, and were most serviceable to him whilst engaged against the northern nations. These French or Franks did not kill in the ordinary way. Such of the Russians and Cossacks as fell into the hands of the Moslems were delivered over to these Franks, who first fixed them alive on spits, and then roasted them before a fire, turning them round and round till they perished by the process.
Laudable qualities of Ibrahím Páshá.
Petchoghli says that Ibrahím Páshá, the commander-in-chief, was a man of exemplary humility, possessing great benignity of nature and extreme meekness. So great was his compassion and commiseration when any one was brought before him for any crime, that he not unfrequently betrayed weakness. On a certain occasion, when some peasants were brought into his presence for rising up against the cazí of Púzgha and murdering him, he took the blame to himself, and gave them a certificate which signified that he had given them permission to perpetrate the crime of killing the cazí. The reason he alleged for having acted thus was, that if the peasants of the borders were too strictly dealt with, they would, to escape the process of examination, go over to the enemy. He manifested on several occasions similar compassion and forbearance towards many of the enemy when they were brought before him.
It belongs to this part of our history to observe, that in Rabia II. of this year, the janissaries of Shám (Syria) having exercised excessive oppression towards the poor inhabitants of the province of Haleb under the pretext of raising taxes, the governor, Hájí Ibrahím Páshá, beglerbeg of Haleb, in order to suppress this mode of oppression, caused seventeen of these Syrian janissaries to be seized and put to death. This circumstance, however, gave rise to very serious commotions afterwards, and was the cause of the shedding of much innocent blood.
The Georgian nation also revolted this year. Simon, the Hákim or governor of this province, a faithless infidel, raised the standard of rebellion and suddenly attacked Gúri, which he soon obliged to submit to him; and afterwards razed part of the city to its foundation. By the assistance of God, however, the governor-general of Tabríz and Ván, Ja’fer Páshá, succeeded in getting him into his power, put him in irons, cut off the head of Alexander, another of the Georgian princes, seized upon his sons, and sent them along with Simon to Constantinople. Simon was confined in the Seven Towers, but soon afterwards embraced the Moslem faith. He died during the reign of Sultán Ahmed Khán.
Among the events which took place during this period, the following is worthy of being remarked. There lived in Constantinople a certain Jewess, who by means of an unlawful traffic acquired notoriety, and was the means of seducing and corrupting several individuals of some note. Her corrupt practices awakened the displeasure of the spáhís, who raised a tumult, and prevailed upon the governor of the city, Khalíl Páshá, to deliver her up, in order that the evil of which they complained might be removed. The governor, who seemed to have some fear of this wretch’s wickedness, and thinking it probable the queen-mother might hear of her, ordered Kazánjí Zádeh, a Chávush báshí, to go and demolish her dwelling. He did so; and not only caused her children to be seized, but also hurried them and her away to the governor. They had no sooner reached the stairs of the senate-house than the spáhís lost all patience, drew their weapons, and murdered every one of them. Their odious carcases were thrown out into the Meidán. But the perpetrators did not stop here. They cut off the Jewess’ hands, the instruments of bribery and corruption, and nailed them to the door of some of those who had been involved in her crimes. The emperor, however, was much offended at the shameless violence which the spáhís had exhibited, and therefore removed Khalíl Páshá from his office for not having restrained them. He appointed the eunuch Háfiz Páshá in his stead.
Concerning Abulhelím.
This person, commonly called Karah Yázijí, or Scrivano, was one of the principal actors in the rebellion which began to rage in the east.
Whilst the Moslem army was necessarily employed in repelling the aggressions of the Hungarians and protecting its frontiers from the inroads of these and other infidels, several insurrections broke out in the east. Karah Yázijí, known by the name of Abdulhelím, the commander of a cohort, headed a band of lawless and disaffected peasants, and unfurled the standard of rebellion in the district of Rohá.
This same Yázijí was formerly beglerbeg of Ethiopia. Towards the close of 1007, when Hasan Páshá was called on by the court of Constantinople to give an account of his maladministration in Anatolia, the deputy of Caramania, Mohammed Chávush, went with a thousand men to chastise him; and after an hour or two’s fighting, dispersed Yázijí and his band of rebels. Yázijí fled to Iconium.
When the government of Constantinople heard of these things, it appointed Mohammed Páshá, the son of Sinán Páshá, and third vezír, to the office of commander-in-chief of all the Asiatic troops; and he immediately sailed for Alexandria.
When the new commander-in-chief arrived in the vicinity of Iconium, he found that Hasan Páshá was two stages in advance of him, and had joined himself to Karah Yázijí, who had subverted the fortress of Rohá. Mohammed Páshá soon surrounded Rohá, and was not long in forcing Yazijí to terms of accommodation. Yázijí was promised permission to return to his own sanják on condition of his first delivering up Hasan Páshá, which he accordingly did by letting him down by the wall of the fortress: thus sacrificing his friend to save himself. Yazijí, without any further ceremony or security, set off for Amasiah (a city in Cappadocia), that being the sanják assigned to him.
It has been said of Karah Yazijí, that on finding that all his lead was expended during the siege, he caused dollars to be melted down and made into balls; and that it was only after these had been also expended he was necessitated to sue for peace. Hasan Páshá was carried in chains to Constantinople, had his hands and feet cut off in the diván, was afterwards mounted on a beast of burden and exposed through the streets of the city, and lastly, was empaled at the Woodgate as a public spectacle.
Karah Yazijí not thinking himself secure, and fearing Mohammed Páshá might be disposed to take vengeance upon him for his former practices, again commenced to exercise cruelty and to excite rebellion; and it was only after Mohammed Páshá’s lieutenant and several other ághás had perished by his hands, that he was at last overpowered by the serdár, Mohammed Páshá, himself. He now fled into the district of Sivás, and fortified himself in the mountains which border on that district. The winter season having arrived, Mohammed Páshá went into winter-quarters at Diárbeker, determining that as soon as the winter was over he would pursue the fugitive into his strong-holds.
In the meantime, however, Mahmúd Páshá, beglerbeg of Sivás, went to Constantinople, and not only succeeded in obtaining a suspension of hostilities against the wicked rebel, Karah Yazijí, but was himself, in consequence of his representation, again received into favour. He made it appear that his rebellion was owing to Mohammed Páshá’s tyranny, and that it was on this account he had gone into the mountains. He, in fact, represented him as a man worthy of important trust. The mufti and the káímakám were so thoroughly persuaded of the truth of this representation, that he was not only forgiven, but advanced to the sanják of Chorum. When Mahmúd returned to Sivás, he and Karah Yazijí were both employed in quelling the turbulence and insubordination which existed throughout the country. The commander-in-chief, Mohammed Páshá, was recalled. Hasan Beg Zádeh says that Chelebí Kází, the son of Siná allah Effendí’s brother, had received large sums of money from Karah Yazijí, and that he eagerly laboured by his representations, not only to procure a pardon for Yazijí, but also obtained the sanják of Chorum for him. He used his utmost efforts also to get Mohammed Páshá removed from office.
The state of Yemen. (Arabia-felix.)
After the beglerbeg of Yemen, Hasan Páshá, had completely subdued, in a series of battles, the rebels of that country who had raised the standard of rebellion against the Ottoman government, the chief amongst them, who appeared in the name of Imám Mehdí, and several other Arabs, suffered death by decapitation; and the whole of his followers were visited by retributive justice. The governor of Kokbán, Mohammed, and the governor of Haja, Abd ur rahmán, having returned to their obedience, afforded their aid to Sinán, the deputy, who was there left to quell all disturbance, and things soon became quiet and settled.
Ibrahím Páshá’s movements against Kaniza.
About the return of spring, and after the celebration of a religious fast, which was about that time observed at Belgrade, the exalted serdár, or commander-in-chief, pitched his camp in the plains of that city, where he remained for the space of a month, making all the necessary preparations for commencing a new campaign, and also to afford time to the other troops to join the royal camp. Tarnákjí Aghá, the ághá of the janissaries, the ághás of other regiments, and officers of artillery, left the metropolis for Belgrade, about the commencement of Dhu’l hijja of the last year, and reached the royal camp towards the end of the same month. In consequence also of royal letters which had been transmitted to his highness the khán of the Crimea, he furnished a considerable supply of Tátár troops; and it was not long before the serdár was informed that the troops which his royal highness Ghází Gheráí, khán of the Crimea, had supplied, and which amounted to several thousands, had arrived, under the command of a sultán, in the neighbourhood of Belgrade.