EVENTS of the Year 1009, H.
All things being now in readiness, the grand army removed from the plains of Belgrade, crossed the Save towards the end of Moharrem, and encamped in the plains of Zimnún; whence boats loaded with provisions were forthwith sent to Buda. On the grand army’s arrival at the seventh stage of its journey, it was determined to march upon Usk, with the view of reducing Osterghún.
It is necessary to observe, that the infidels of Kaniza (Canischa, in Hungary) were in the habit of perpetrating murders and committing robberies on both sides of the Drave and of the Danube, and, in short, had become very proud and exceedingly troublesome. Persons either going to, or coming from, the mills of Belgrade, were frequently attacked or carried off. About this time, or a little before it, they burned down to the ground a palanka called Púrnawar, not far from the bridge on the Save, by which the Moslem grand army had crossed that river, and committed some other devastations besides. Tarnákjí Hasan Páshá, who had been removed from Buda, and who at this time lived at Petcheví, no sooner heard of these cruelties than he immediately set out with a party of his followers in pursuit of the incendiaries, and on coming up to them on the banks of the Drave, they fled across a bridge, and afterwards destroyed it. This did not save them; for Hasan Páshá and his men crossed the river on rafts, again pursued the fugitives, killed some of them, made others of them prisoners, and the remainder of the vile incendiaries perished in the Drave, and so went to hell. The páshá and his men, after having performed these praiseworthy exploits, repaired with flying colours to the camp of the grand army, carrying their prisoners along with them, and for which service the serdár immediately granted the páshá his due meed of praise. He made some enquiry of the captives relative to the condition and strength of the enemy, to attack which the Moslem army had so far advanced. The exalted serdár, in a council of his great officers, when the subject concerning the reduction of Osterghún was adverted to, said: “Behold, great preparations have been made, many difficulties have been overcome, and just as we were on the eve of entering the enemy’s territories, these infidels of Kaniza have destroyed the bridge by which the Moslem army was to pass on its return. I am much concerned on this account, and therefore think it of the utmost importance that Búbofché, which is not far off, should be first reduced. This effected, we shall be able to command the whole of this quarter by placing a garrison in it, and, at the same time, keep the road to Buda open.” All the military chiefs, princes, and ághás approved of this proposal, and the serdár’s mind was bent on vanquishing Kaniza. Accordingly, Hasan Páshá, after the above consultation, set his men in order, crossed the bridge at Usk, and sent his heroes towards Búbofché.
At this juncture of affairs, Dimoo, the odious Michael’s messenger, arrived in the camp with letters and presents for the court of Constantinople, (for Michael had submitted himself before this to the Osmánlís,) and along with the reïs effendí, Hamza Effendí, set out for that city on the 16th of Sefer, the day on which the army crossed the bridge of Usk on its way to Shuklúshka, where they took among other things an eighteen wakáyat cannon.[7] From Shuklúshka, a considerable number of troops under the command of the beglerbeg of Diárbeker, Murád Páshá, and Ketkhodá Mohammed, were ordered to advance upon Búbofché and lay siege to it. On the arrival of the army before Búbofché, the infidels made some little display of courage, by impetuously rushing forth upon the Moslems, who had just commenced the siege. In this sortie, one of the Mohammedan leaders fell a martyr, viz. the beg of Sigetwar, Delí Nasúh Beg. After they were repulsed, the Moslems commenced filling up the ditch which surrounded it, and in three days afterwards the serdár appeared with the grand army before Sigetwar. The contemptible enemy within this fortress, when they heard that the serdár was coming to attack them, were so powerfully overcome by terror that they yielded it up without resistance. Mohammed Ketkhodá conducted them all to Novograde, on the lake Platten. In the meantime, the serdár passed through Petcheví from Shuklúshka, and halted at Sigetwar. From each of these fortresses he took some pieces of cannon, and on arriving before Búbofché he found it occupied by his own troops.
In a council held at Búbofché some concern was expressed regarding Buda, when Hasan Páshá said: “Thank God, Búbofché has been conquered on very easy terms. It was the key, on this side, to Mekumúriah, and the places of strength on the sea of Platten. Kaniza is the strong-hold of the infidels in that quarter. If it can be easily reduced, a great advantage in such a case will be obtained. Let us, therefore, whilst the enemy in that quarter has no suspicion of our movements, advance and take it at once.” The rest of the chiefs concurred in these sentiments of Hasan: but the serdár again expressed some doubts respecting the safety of Buda and the country adjacent. The chiefs, however, were decided. “Let Hasan Páshá,” said they, “be sent to Buda and attend to its safety: we are determined on marching against Kaniza.” Hasan Páshá, accordingly, set out that very day for Buda. Lála Mohammed Páshá, the beglerbeg of Romeili, and who had occupied Buda, was ordered to join the royal camp with the troops under his command. Taking five large pieces of cannon from Buda, and a party of those Frenchmen formerly mentioned, he marched by way of Kopan to join the grand army. On his way thither, he came upon a palanka, which after two days’ fighting he took, and destroyed every soul he found within it: for those who occupied this palanka were peasants who had thrown off their allegiance to the Ottomans. The palanka called Lawah they found deserted, took possession of it, and soon afterwards joined the royal camp, which had now arrived before Kaniza. The serdár, on leaving Búbofché, and arriving in the plains of the palanka of Perezancha, issued orders to the Tátár troops to commence their depredatory mode of warfare, and on the 1st of Rabia II. appeared with his grand army in the plains of Kaniza, where he was joined by Lála Mohammed Páshá and his provincials, as before observed.
This Kaniza (or Chanisca) was a very strong place, situate in an island in the river Brak, which issues from the lake Platten, and unites itself with the Drave. It was most difficult of access, being surrounded on two sides by wood and marsh, which reached to both branches of the river. Cannon could have no effect upon it, on account of the earthen mounds which served as out-works for its protection: neither was it found possible to make any impression upon it by the springing of mines. Nevertheless, the serdár, putting his confidence of success in God, gave orders to form the siege. Every day four or five hundred balls were directed against it, but without any advantage whatever. Seventeen days were spent in battering it at the gate which opens towards Sigetwar with no better success. At length they constructed, by means of branches of trees, a path across the river sufficiently strong and broad to bear a waggon, but it stood only one day. This temporary path or bridge was called Lassa, and was a second time renewed.
On the 15th day of the month, about mid-day, the Moslems were put into a state of consternation and surprize by a most tremendous report, and the sight of huge pieces of rock and earth, as large as the human body, flying through the air, and for the space of two hours Kaniza was enveloped in smoke and dust. After the smoke and dust had cleared away, they perceived that one of its two mighty towers had been carried away. It would appear that the preceding evening, when some of the Moslem prisoners who had been there confined, had been sent to fill up some breaches which by this time had been effected, they saw the door of the powder-magazine standing open, when one of them conveyed a lighted match into this magazine, and so placed it that it might, in the course of some hours, reach the powder. This then was the cause of the Moslems’ surprise. More than one thousand kantars[8] were thus ignited, and produced the explosion described, carrying off by its irresistible force the tower already mentioned, the prison in which lay one hundred and seventy Moslem captives, women and children, the arsenal, and the palace of the prince or governor, and himself along with it. For several days after this catastrophe no guns were fired from the fortress, but they continued the use of their musketry.
In their distress and great amazement they sent word to the king (of Hungary), informing him of what had befallen them, and beseeching him to render them his aid.
Ferdinand, emperor of Germany, who had collected his troops with the view of visiting Buda, heard that Hasan Páshá was there, and therefore came with his whole army, which amounted to forty thousand foot and horse, to the aid of Kaniza. His advance guard appeared on the 28th, and the whole army took up its position in the neighbourhood of Kaniza. The Moslem cavalry, eager to meet these infidels, advanced upon them; but such was the briskness of the enemy’s musketry, that they were obliged to retire. The janissaries now left their trenches, though the Frenchmen remained in theirs, and advanced in their turn, but were soon forced to retrace their steps and fly. The courage of the Moslem camp was supported by the unfurled banners of the begs and governors at the head of their respective troops. The enemy took good care, however, not to play the same game they had played at Mehaj after the fall of Agria, i. e. by rushing on the Moslem camp. They so placed their guns as to make them tell more effectually upon the orthodox army; but fortunately the balls passed over their heads. A whole day was spent in hard skirmishing, when, towards night, the enemy retired within their fortifications, and spent the whole of that night in strengthening their position by means of ditches, mounds, &c. Next morning, the infidel foot soldiery, with their cannon in front of them, advanced to the charge. The Moslem commander-in-chief mounted on horseback, arranged a body of his men behind a marsh: the janissaries and the beglerbegs with their respective troops stood ready in their places. The enemy continued to advance. The begs and páshás fell back upon the janissaries, who also retreated. The standard-bearers and brave commanders maintained their ground, but afterwards took shelter in the woods. A fog coming on prevented them from discovering the movement of the enemy, and they had nearly fallen victims when they returned from the wood. Night coming on, the sound of drum recalled the enemy to their fortifications. The following morning, the 1st of Rabia II., the Moslems determined on a general battle. The beglerbegs mounted their horses, and the foot and horse soldiers advanced; but the enemy had placed before daybreak a number of men in various parts of the wood, who showered so plentifully on the Moslems as they advanced to the assault, that they were fairly staggered. Many of these orthodox men fell martyrs on this occasion, and were thus hurled out of time.
When the Moslem army had thus advanced to give battle to these pagans they supposed the Moslem camp was wholly deserted, and therefore endeavoured to throw provisions and gunpowder into Kaniza; but they were completely hindered from doing so by the exalted serdár, who appeared with a party of cavalry and a body of Janissaries ready to intercept them. The Janissaries, however, as on the two former occasions, fled like a flock of sheep put in terror by a wolf, and hastened back to the camp. The serdár endeavoured to rally them, and to recall their courage by calling out to them, “My brave fellows, why do you act thus cowardly?” but all in vain. The serdár, seeing he could make nothing of his janissaries, turned about with those around him, and entered into personal engagement with the hateful enemy, whose sharp-shooters were only hindered from reaching the Moslem camp by a marsh which intervened. The exalted serdár had only about three or four hundred spáhís and salihdárs around his person when he entered the place of general conflict: many of them fell at his side. The serdár himself went behind a rising ground and stood there. Shortly afterwards the ághá of the janissaries came running up to him, and letting down his sword exclaimed, that all was lost. The exalted serdár, without even looking at him, ordered the beglerbegs of Romeili and Anatolia, and the commander of the artillery to advance with four divisions and relieve those troops which had been engaged. The serdár, when he saw that the greater part of his men were in active operation, and that few had remained around his own person, was sorely grieved, and actually became bent with pain. The troops, however, rallied again, and once more made a vigorous attack on the enemy, in which the horse of the commander of the artillery fell, but he was soon supplied with another. The janissaries were very saving of themselves; not above forty or fifty of them showed their heads beyond their tents. Some of the cannoneers brought forward five falconets and two large field-pieces, and commenced firing them in front of the serdár with such effect upon the enemy as to cause them to draw together, and thus prevented them from entering into the Moslem camp. The approach of night, however, warned both armies to retire from the contest. Very many of the enemy perished in this day’s struggle for conquest. The infidels, it may be observed, never again ventured from their strong-hold. On the following day, the 3rd of the month, the Moslem foot and cavalry advanced again to meet the foe, and attacked them even in their own fortifications: at night they returned to their camp. On the fourth the Moslems held a consultation as to making a general assault on the fortifications of the enemy. Two thousand Tátárs, who had been reserved in the camp, were sent out to make what reprisals they could, and seized a number of waggons laden with provisions for the enemy’s camp. When the enemy saw that their provisions were cut off; that every road to their camp was watched by these Tátárs; and that they could find no means by which they might get Kaniza supplied with gunpowder; they on the 5th abandoned their fortifications altogether, and made off with themselves about the middle of the night of that date, leaving only a small quantity of spoil behind them.
Kaniza taken.
The Moslem army returned to the siege of Kaniza, and continued it seven days after the enemy’s troops had fled. The besieged, finding that the army which had purposely come to their assistance had been obliged to fly in disgrace, as just now related, and being much weakened by the incessant efforts of the besiegers, as well as by the efforts they were continually called on to make in their own defence, became discouraged.
Yánush Towán Beg, who had succeeded the late prince that was killed by the explosion formerly mentioned, went along with one Muklúsh, a cavalry officer, to a certain place of the fortress, from which they saw but too clearly that the host which had come to their aid had fled. “All hope of safety is now gone,” they said: “our gunpowder is expended, and these Turks will take Kaniza by force if we do not yield in time. It is far more advisable to deliver it, and save our lives before they do so, and give us no quarter.” The Hungarian part of the garrison were willing to adopt this counsel, but the Austrian part of it continued obstinate for awhile, yet soon afterwards concurred with the rest. Such was the way they consulted among themselves.
On the evening of the 13th, which was the evening of the Sabbath, a tremendous rain fell; yet the Moslems continued their hostilities till daybreak next morning, when it was announced that they were, on the following day, to commence a general assault. Every preparation for this mighty effort was made; but when the besieged saw the conquering Moslems moving on to the assault they hesitated no longer; they immediately hoisted a flag of truce over their gate, and the sound of their voices, imploring for mercy, reached the skies. They requested that Khoja Sinán, of Petcheví, a trustworthy man, should be sent to them as a pledge of their security. This was accordingly acceded to, when immediately two or three of their chiefs, German and Hungarian princes, wearing gold chains about their necks, came forth to meet the exalted serdár, who presented them with robes, and granted them passports at their own request. These princes observed, that it was because they had no gunpowder they had submitted; “otherwise,” said they, “you would not have reduced Kaniza. But,” added they, “are the conditions on which you allow us to depart to resemble those promises you made to us at the taking of Yanuk and Agria, when you sent an army after us to murder us?” The exalted serdár gave them his solemn oath that, with the exception of their cannon and other arms, which now belonged to the emperor of the Ottomans, every thing else they were at full liberty to take along with them, and to depart in peace. They again, in consequence of this grace which the serdár had shown to them, said, “We have two hundred horsemen and one thousand five hundred foot soldiers in the garrison, besides women and children, who require the means of conveyance.” The exalted serdár immediately ordered two hundred camels to be provided for them for the purpose of conveying their property and wives and children. On the following day they evacuated Kaniza, delivered over the keys of the city to the serdár, loaded the camels which the serdár had provided for them with their families, goods and chattels, even to their geese and hens, plates and cradles, and set out on their journey; and halted at a small distance.
In the meantime the head of the arsenal, and the commander of the artillery, Mohammed Ketkhodá, entered into the fortress of Kaniza, and took possession of it. Fifty-one pieces of large and twenty-five of small cannon were found in it. The churches were converted into mosques. The victorious troops entered into a friendly intercourse with the men who had lately evacuated Kaniza, and made some purchases of provisions and of such other articles as they had to dispose of. Mohammed Páshá, governor of Romeili, and Mohammed Ketkhodá conducted them as far as the fortress of Kapernak, about three days’ journey, when they were met by a party of their own kind from that fortress, and who made some splendid presents to the two chiefs, besides giving cloth to the other officers of the party who conducted them sufficient for one hundred garments, and as much as would make one for each of the camel-drivers.
Hasan Beg Zádeh, who was present in this campaign, and who published an account of it, was appointed to write an account of the victory, and to send it by couriers to all parts of the empire. By the reduction of Kaniza, many other districts and towns, besides Kish, Komar, and Perzencha, were added to the Ottoman dominions, and were properly and regularly supplied with rulers, judges, and garrisons.
When the secretary of customs, Abdí Effendí, who had been appointed to carry the news of the victory which had attended the Moslem arms to Constantinople, arrived there, three days and three nights were dedicated by appointment to public rejoicings. Orders were also sent to all the other great cities to follow the example of the metropolis. A robe, a sash, and a richly-ornamented sword and dagger, a splendid tent, besides other valuable presents, were ordered to be sent to the serdár or commander-in-chief, Ibrahím Páshá, along with a royal letter expressive of his majesty’s approbation. Splendid swords and daggers, and also robes, were at the same time sent to all the beglerbegs in the royal camp. To the historian of this campaign, Hasan Beg Zádeh, a robe and a sword were also sent.
It is but just to observe, what the warriors who were present in the late wars knew to be true, that the orthodox armies were on two occasions in very great straits, and had suffered much, viz. at Agria (at Mehaj near Agria) and at Kaniza. On the first of these occasions the orthodox troops had to contend with an army composed of soldiers belonging to the seven kings (i.e. to all the European powers). The second was at Kaniza, and which we have endeavoured to describe; but which was much more disastrous to the orthodox troops, on the whole, than the former. Seven successive days’ hard fighting, from morning till evening, and in which the enemy maintained the superiority till God himself inspired their powerful enemy with terror, when they all fled, was of itself no easy task. Forty-three days, from first to last, were also spent in the arduous undertaking of reducing Kaniza, which was forced to capitulate only in consequence of the misfortune which had happened to its powder magazine, and which left the place almost a naked rock in the midst of a marsh. The troops also suffered greatly from the want of provisions, and which could not be obtained even for money. A wakáyet of salt could not be had for a dollar: so great was the scarcity of all sorts of provisions on this memorable occasion. The janissaries (who certainly do not appear to have deserved any praise) were on the point of retiring altogether, and would not, most assuredly, have remained in the camp another day, had not the fortunate events which we have described above, taken place. Such were the difficulties which the orthodox Moslem army had to encounter in these wars.
Kaniza, after having been put into a state of thorough defence, was, with its dependencies, put under the command of the beg of Kústandil, Alája Eili Hasan Páshá, and its spiritual jurisdiction was conferred on Kádurí Effendí. Twenty odás, with their officers, under the command of Sefer Aghá, a Segbán báshí, were left to garrison it; besides three thousand more who were to act in the capacity of spáhís. Sigetwar, Petcheví, Shuklúsh, Usk, and Kaniza, were all put under the supreme jurisdiction of the above-mentioned Hasan Páshá. To each of the plebian troops two pieces of money were given, and they were all registered among the troops of Buda and Agria. The serdár, on his return from Kaniza, halted near Perzencha, where he ordered a new apalanka to be erected. Having crossed the Drave near Yakúah, he passed on towards Usk, where he permitted his army to disperse. The beglerbeg of Romeili, with his provincials, was sent into winter-quarters at Perizrin; and the beglerbeg of Anatolia, with his troops, were sent for a similar purpose to Banialúka. The ághá of the janissaries was allowed to return to Constantinople, and the victorious serdár himself returned to Belgrade.
Hájí Ibrahím Páshá defeated by Kara Yazijí (Scrivano).
We have already had occasion to notice the conduct of the notorious rebel, Kara Yazijí, and how in consequence of intrigue and false representation, he was appointed to the sanják of Chorum. In consequence of this odious rebel’s having returned to his former doings, Ibrahím Páshá was sent from Constantinople with communications to Hájí Ibrahím Páshá, a vezír of the sixth rank, who was to conduct an army against the rebel, and who also had been appointed commander-in-chief in room of Hasan Páshá, who had been removed from the government of Baghdád. In the event of Hasan Páshá’s prolonging his stay at Baghdád, he was further instructed to proceed with the Anatolian troops, and endeavour by every effort he could employ to get the above-mentioned rebel and his brother, Delí Husein, into his power. Hájí Ibrahím Páshá, accordingly, went with his army in search of these men, and fell in with them at Cæsarea, at the head of twenty thousand insurgents, where he offered them battle, and which they did not decline accepting. The contest was severe and bloody, and Ibrahím was finally obliged to seek his safety in retreat. The victorious insurgents pursued him with an ardour worthy of a better cause, slew fifteen officers, and more than one thousand janissaries in the pursuit. It was with much difficulty that Ibrahím escaped into Cæsarea, and those of his followers who had not been so successful, fell victims to the fury of the insurgent army.
This event which we have here recorded is said, in some histories, to have occurred in 1008 of the Hijrah; but most of them place it among the events of the year we are now noticing, i.e. 1009. Besides, the orders which government had issued respecting this infidel, and which were sent to the inhabitants of Cæsarea, are dated on one of the first ten days of Rabia II., 1009 of Hijrah.
The story concerning Gira, the Jewess and her children, before noticed, is mentioned in the Fezliké of Hájí Khalífeh as having taken place last year, but the author of the history we have followed in relating the account, and Kara Chelebí Zádeh Azíz Effendí, place it where we have placed it. One of the sons of this infamous Gira, however, embraced the Moslem faith, and thus escaped the death which the whole of the rest of his family suffered. He went under the name of Iksák (lame) Mustafa Chávush. He died in the khán or inn of Devlet Sultání Ibrahím. The whole of the effects of Gira were confiscated by the government, and it is said they amounted to a very great sum. Her wares, independent of her jewels and estates, were sold for more than five hundred yúks of money.
The káímakám, or governor of Constantinople, Khalíl Páshá, on account of some connivance he had with the Jewess whose tragic end we have related, met with strong opposition from the spáhí tribe, and was therefore removed from his high office, and was succeeded in it by Khádem Háfiz Páshá, in the month of Shevál of this year; but who ten days after was succeeded by Yemishjí Hasan Páshá. The reason for this last change must now be explained.
During the time the Moslem army lay before Kaniza, Dimoo, the messenger of the odious Michael, arrived at the Moslem camp with proposals to the Ottoman government respecting the fortresses of Yanwah and Lipovah, and was forwarded by the commander-in-chief to Constantinople; the reïs-effendí was also sent along with him, bearing communications from the commander in-chief.
The káímakám, Khádem Háfiz Páshá, remembering the stratagem which Michael had practised on Háfiz Ahmed Páshá at Nicopolis, by means of this said Dimoo, as before related, the anger of the Páshá was raised to a high degree when he saw this messenger of deceit, and consulted the mufti concerning him. The mufti gave it as his judgment that no proposals whatever ought to be received from the odious Michael, nor any agreement entered into with so infamous a wretch, who, along with his deceitful ambassador, ought to suffer death. The káímakám, after hearing the judgment of the high priest, and without further ceremony, took summary vengeance on this satellite of mischief, by binding him to a tree and punishing him according to the nature of his crimes. Besides this act of summary justice exercised upon the person of Michael’s messenger, and which was construed into an act of contempt manifested towards the grand vezír and commander-in-chief, Ibrahím Páshá, who had forwarded Dimoo to Constantinople, the káímakám, at the very time Ibrahím was carrying on the siege of Kaniza, sent off a chávush with orders to make inquiry about matters on the frontiers, without once manifesting any regard to the authority of the commander-in-chief, to whom all these affairs properly belonged. This instance of open contempt awakened the displeasure of the grand vezír, which, no doubt, was heightened by the conduct of the káímakám towards Dimoo, whom he had sent to court, led him to seek revenge. The chávush he confined in prison at Belgrade, and immediately wrote to the queen-mother, and to the ághá of the sublime court, a statement of the káímakám’s conduct, pointing out to them the evils that would result from the plan pursued by Khádem Háfiz Páshá, both as it respected themselves and the enemy. No messenger, he maintained, if such a method as the one above described was to be pursued, would either come from the enemy to them, or go from them to the enemy. In short, no consultation whatever, he insisted, could be entered into, if the persons of messengers were not to be respected. It was as much as to say, at least in the instance adverted to, that no confidence whatever was to be placed in either the sayings or doings of the commander-in-chief, or any trust in his majesty’s minister-and much more to the same purpose. His statement was laid before the throne, when immediately Khádem Háfiz Páshá was turned out of office, and Yemishjí Hasan Páshá appointed in his stead.
The new káímakám was no sooner installed in office, than a royal letter, no less fitted to embalm the heart than it was to console the mind, was sent to the exalted serdár, Ibrahím Páshá, in return.
The odious Michael’s troops defeated.
Forasmuch as the countries of Valachia, Transylvania, and Moldavia having been, for several years past, disposed to rebellious out-breakings, and as the injurious and odious Michael had been the means of fostering and prolonging this spirit of insubordination among these different nations, it was necessary to try to put a stop to this mischievous wretch. Accordingly vezír Mahmúd Páshá, who had been sent to these quarters, and Shabán Páshá, the beglerbeg of Cyprus, who had been appointed to guard the banks of the Danube with his galleys, passed over, with their respective men, into the country of Valachia and repaired the fortress of Yerkok, and rebuilt its bridge over the Danube. Whilst employed in carrying forward these works, they sent their troops upon a depredatory excursion into the country of Valachia, and who not only committed great devastation throughout the country, but also completely robbed and laid desolate the mansion and premises which belonged to Michael himself. When the Moslem army were advancing towards the cities of Bekrish and Terghúshta, Michael, his vezír, and the commander of his army, the bán of Karah Chewah, met them with a very considerable force; but the Moslems soon gained a complete victory over these infidels, and slew the greater part of them. The heads of his commanders, his gilded banners, his drums and kettle-drums, were all sent to the royal diván. Michael was defeated in two other battles; his followers were either killed or dispersed; all his ammunition and guns were seized, and he himself, despairing of escaping with his life, perished by his own hands.
In consequence of some confusion which had arisen with respect to the value of the coin, the new species, prepared by Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, appeared on the 5th of Rabia II. of this year. The ducat, which formerly went for two hundred akchas, now circulated for one hundred and twenty; and the dollar for eighty akchas.
Information reached the capital in the month of Rajab that Ja’fer Páshá, the governor of Tabríz, had departed this life.
By a prohibition of the emperor, in the month of Shevál, the hidden and shameful practice of using fermented liquor was suppressed.
Simon, the governor of Georgia, according to the Fezliké, was brought this year, (not last year, as elsewhere stated,) to Constantinople, and confined in the Seven Towers.