Annals of the Turkish Empire, from 1591 to 1659

by Mustafa Naima

EVENTS of the Year 1010, H.

The grand vezír, Ibrahím Páshá’s death.—Yemishjí Hasan Páshá succeeds him in the premiership.

We now begin to detail the events of another year; but before doing so we have to mention that the grand vezír and commander-in-chief, Ibrahím Páshá, having formed the project towards the end of the last year of concluding a peace with the enemies of his country, deputed Murád Páshá and Mohammed Ketkhodá to proceed to Osterghún, and there treat with Ferdinand’s commissioners. A thousand Segbán troops, with coloured feathers in their bonnets, under the command of the beg of Semendria, accompanied the embassy.

Towards the end of Dhu’l hijja (the last month of the Mohammedan year), the commander-in-chief pitched his tent in the plains of Zimrún, opposite Belgrade, and watched with anxiety for the arrival of Alí Aghá, brother-in-law to Ghaznafer, who succeeded to the ágháship of the janissaries. Tarnákjí Hasan Páshá was appointed to the government of Kaniza. It is said that Murád Páshá and Mohammed Ketkhodá went to Usk.

The Commander-in-chief’s strength was now weakened by disease, and the signs of his mortality became quite apparent. In this condition he sent for his uncle’s son, Morteza Páshá, and delivered over to him his most important earthly concerns; and on the 9th of Moharrem (the first month of the Mohammedan year) he departed this life, and his soul fled to the Paradise above. Morteza Páshá and Etmekjí Zádeh, the defterdár, sealed up the whole of his effects. The beglerbeg of Romeili, Mohammed Páshá, by this time had left his winter-quarters and had come to Alája Hisár, where he heard of the death of the commander-in-chief. This message was brought to him in great haste, because the late serdár had appointed him to take the command of the army in the event of his death. The following day, after the usual washings were over, and the funeral service performed, Mohammed Páshá consigned the remains of Ibrahím to a tomb adjoining the mosque of Bairám Beg. The account of Ibrahím’s death, and a statement of the affairs of the borders, were forthwith dispatched to Constantinople, and laid before the foot of the throne and before the members of the diván.

In the meantime Murád Páshá and Mohammed Ketkhodá, who had been appointed to proceed to Osterghún with the view of negotiating a peace, finished the building of a palanka at one end of the bridge of Usk, which the late serdár had authorized to erect. They afterwards received an order of government to remain at this palanka.

Some few days after the decease of the late serdár, the ághá of the janissaries arrived at Belgrade, and immediately removed the remains of Ibrahím to Constantinople, where they were interred in the temple of Sháh Zádeh.

According to one account, the news of Ibrahím’s death first reached Constantinople about the 20th of Moharrem, when the seals were sent to the káímakám, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá. After his advancement to the premiership, he spent twenty days in preparing for his journey to Belgrade. By some means or other he was allowed the tents, pavilions, the equipage, the military arms, and, in short, the beasts of burden which had belonged to his predecessor. He even married his relict, the princess Ayesha.

The new grand vezír still postponed his journey to Belgrade, and at length pretended it was too late in the season to proceed to that quarter. “Nothing of importance,” he said, “could, by the time he could arrive there, be accomplished.” He maintained, that no warlike operation was immediately called for in the present circumstances of the frontiers, or from the aspect presented by the enemy. Lála Mohammed Páshá, who succeeded in the command after the death of the late commander-in-chief, he further said, should be confirmed in the serdárship, proceed, if necessary, with the force under his command, and open the campaign. Thus did the new grand vezír excuse his own tardiness, and try to dispense with the necessity of his own departure. The Sheikh-ul-Islám, Siná-allah Effendí, thought otherwise. He maintained it to be absolutely requisite that the new grand vezír should proceed without a moment’s delay to Belgrade, and urged this sentiment with great warmth even before the emperor. The new grand vezír had no alternative left him but to proceed: but for this interference of the high priest the grand vezír never ceased to employ every stratagem he could against him, and at length had him deposed. In the military and ecclesiastical departments he made what changes he pleased: particularly in the first, and that too as far as Adrianople; though this department properly belonged to the Sheikh-ul-Islám Effendí. He advanced some, deposed others, as his fancy directed, and some he degraded. The Sheikh-ul-Islám Effendí, the high priest of the religion of Mohammed, felt his displeasure, as well he might have anticipated, after having expressed himself in the manner he did. Khoja Zádeh Mohammed Effendí was created mufti in the room of Siná-allah Effendí. Bostán Zádeh Effendí and Shemish Effendí were succeeded by Abdulhelím Effendí and by Isaád Effendí. The cazí of Constantinople, Ketkhodá Mustafa Effendí, was replaced by Mustafa Effendí of Adrianople, who was succeeded by Yahiah Effendí. The seventh vezír, Khalíl Páshá, was made káímakám, and Háfiz Ahmed Páshá was made third vezír. Tarnákjí, who had been deprived of his ágháship, but afterwards appointed to the government of Baghdád, had to resign his situation to Mohammed Páshá, son of Sinán Páshá, and Hasan Páshá was made vezír at Constantinople. Hamza Effendí was made chancellor in room of Okjí Zádeh. All these changes were effected by the new grand vezír.

On the ninth day of the month Sefer, the grand vezír and commander-in-chief, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, left Constantinople with great pomp and show, but did not encumber himself with tents or any heavy baggage. Persons were previously appointed to proceed in advance and have booths of branches of trees prepared at every station for his army. By this mode of quick travelling he was enabled to reach Belgrade by the 27th of the month, when he took possession of his predecessor’s tents which had been erected in the plains of Zimún by the late grand vezír himself. This was the first time he had entered a tent from the day he left Constantinople till his arrival at Zimún.

The new grand vezír lost no time in attending to the duties of his station and office. Provisions were distributed amongst the troops, and full fifteen days were spent in arranging matters for commencing another campaign. Before detailing the events of that campaign, we must first advert to the success which the enemy had obtained at Alba Julia, and some other affairs, but which properly belong to the events of the preceding year.

The fall of Kaniza was a heavy loss to the enemy, and afflicted them very much and universally.

Towards the end of winter the Duke Mathias, with his Austrian and Hungarian commanders, came to the plains of Yanuk, where he assembled an army of forty or fifty thousand men, composed of Germans, Hungarians, Bohemians, and Polish troops. Twenty pieces of ordnance and ten sháhí (royal guns) were attached to this mighty host, which marched upon Alba Julia. Information having reached Belgrade, a short time after the spring commenced, that the enemy had laid siege to Alba Julia, the commander sent off, to the aid of the above place, the beglerbegs of Romeili and Anatolia with the Bosnian army; but before these auxiliary troops had time to cross the bridge of Usk, Alba Julia was taken by the enemy, after a siege of nine days. Alba Julia was no sooner taken than the enemy supplied it with a sufficient garrison, and afterwards concentrated its whole force at a place in its neighbourhood.

Concerning Tarnákjí Hasan Páshá’s going to Kaniza.

Some time after the reduction of Kaniza, Tarnákjí Hasan Páshá having arranged matters at Buda, left the care of that fortress to the defterdár, Munker Kúshí Mohammed Effendí, and set out, towards the end of winter, to Belgrade, to pay a visit to the serdár, Ibrahím Páshá. This visit was not made in vain; for he succeeded with Ibrahím to have himself appointed to the government of Kaniza, and the defterdár, Munker Kúshí, to retain his charge at Buda. After his appointment he left Belgrade and went to take charge of his new government, but was not long at Kaniza before he heard of the death of his benefactor, Ibrahím Páshá. In a state of grief, occasioned by this intelligence, he left Kaniza and pitched his camp at a place called Ghurizghár, not far from Sigetwar. A wonderful event happened on the day on which he made the transition alluded to. It was excessively hot and sultry: suddenly, in a moment, an unusual loud sound was heard in the air, and so terrible as to frighten the horses. Everywhere they perceived immense companies of crows in the air, above the tents, fighting with each other, and which, after having fought their battle, as described, set out directly towards Kaniza. About an hour after this wonderful scene another of equal wonder presented itself. A host of eagles, similar to that of the crows, made their appearance above the tents, performed the same sort of manœuvres as their predecessors had done, and followed the same direction which they had taken. Those who witnessed these strange phenomena were, as may well be imagined, awfully surprised and confounded: but Hasan Páshá was a man of great prudence and caution. “It is a warning and a sign from God,” said he, in a solemn tone of voice; “it is an intimation of two engagements with the enemies of our religion.” After having repeated these words he called his deputy, who, at that time, was Iskender Páshá, and desired him to proceed to Belgrade and send him word who had been, or was to be, appointed commander-in-chief; and also to request him, whoever he might be, to send a reinforcement of troops to Kaniza. After having dispatched this messenger, he himself returned to Kaniza, and paid all due care and attention to put it into a state of defence and security. He sent persons, also, to the sanjáks of Sigetwar, Petcheví, and Púzgha, to collect provisions for the garrison; also others to spy out the condition and strength of the enemy. These latter messengers brought him the intelligence that the enemy had assembled an immense army at Yanuk, and that eighty thousand Franks were expected to join them from Frangistan. The páshá sent out other spies, and waited with anxiety for their return.

The enemy return to lay siege to Kaniza.

It is to be observed that before this, an augmentation of troops, amounting to sixty thousand, foot and horse, supplied by Austria, Spain, and France, had been shipped at a port belonging to Venice, and disembarked on the shores of Croatia. The brother of the Roman pontiff commanded the Italian troops (the troops supplied by Spain, probably). Zerín Oghlí Majar, the beglerbegs of Aslobin, of the Black Herzog, with King Ferdinand at their head, met the above-mentioned European troops at Warashdin, in the country of Mekomúriah, and brought forty pieces of large ordnance along with them.

In a council of war held on this occasion at Warashdin, they were all nearly unanimous in thinking it most advantageous to lay siege to Kaniza. Zerín Oghlí replied, in opposition to general opinion, that first of all, the fortresses of Perzencha and of Búbofché should be reduced; the ruined fortress of Sekish rebuilt and garrisoned: then to go and take the fortress of Kushwar, which would have the effect of dispersing the inhabitants of Koban and of its vicinity, viz. those of Barcan. “That appears to me,” said he, “to be the plan we ought to adopt. After we have accomplished these, let us support the German and Hungarian army stationed near Alba Julia. If the Moslem serdár should venture to attack them, we shall, in such a case, be ready to assist them; if he should attack us, then they will be ready to come to our assistance.” This counsel of Zerín Oghlí was rejected and the first opinion adhered to. They determined on reducing Kaniza.

All this various information was carried to Hasan Páshá by his spies, and he was immediately induced, without divulging a syllable of what he had heard to any one, to issue orders to his begs and commanders to prepare for entering the country of Mekomúriah on a depredatory excursion on the shortest notice; and to have their arms and provisions in readiness. These begs and commanders throughout his government obeyed, and assembled with their troops in the fortress of Sigetwar. This order to his begs and commanders was given under the pretext that the enemy was marching towards Buda.

In the meantime the enemy’s troops advanced within one stage of Kaniza, where they halted three days for the arrival of their artillery. They thought, from the movements which they had perceived among Hasan Páshá’s troops, that they had actually gone towards Buda, and that, therefore, Kaniza would be obliged to yield without much resistance. “Never mind; let the Turks go to Buda,” said they among themselves; “we shall see what state Kaniza is in.” Thus saying, they sent out some spies, who when they returned confirmed them in their blindness. “The Turks,” said the spies, “have not the least idea of our approach; but Hasan Páshá, the governor of Kaniza, says, our army has marched on to Buda; and that he is therefore preparing to enter into the country of Mekomúriah on a predatory excursion.” Such was the import of the report of the spies; and it had the effect of filling the infidels with joy. After considering all these appearances, apparently in their favour, they advanced to the siege.

The grand vezír and commander-in-chief, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, marches against the enemy.

After the grand vezír had reached Belgrade he learned that Alba Julia was besieged by the enemy’s troops, and therefore sent off a body of men to its assistance. This auxiliary army had scarcely reached the bridge of Usk, when information reached him that Alba Julia was taken by the enemy. Immediately after this the news of Kaniza’s being besieged was also communicated to him.

The experienced páshás at Usk entered into consultations as to the plan they ought to adopt in the present circumstances. Some of them proposed to go to Kaniza; others of them thought this unnecessary. Every one had his own opinion: they were fairly divided. After much and long disputation, it was at length observed, that if they should go to Kaniza, it was more than probable the enemy’s army at Alba Julia would pursue them. They would thus be exposed to two armies at once, each of which was very powerful. In this case (said the speaker), it would not be an easy thing to give an answer. Better that we march to Alba Julia; and after we have defeated our enemies there, continued the speaker, we, on our return, will march to the aid of Kaniza.

This counsel was agreed to; and, accordingly, letters were issued, giving information of the resolution the páshás had come to. They commenced their march towards Alba Julia, and on reaching Jankúterán they were joined by the division which the grand vezír had formerly sent forward to the aid of the Alba Julians, and also Munker Kúshí Mohammed Páshá with the troops of Buda. In another council held at this place they unanimously agreed to attack the enemy at once and with vigour. Having taken eight badalooshkas and four large cannon from Buda, they advanced in the greatest haste, and reached the plains of Alba Julia on the first of Rabia II.

The enemy lay between two mountains, and had an immense ditch in front. The Moslem army advanced, threw a bridge over the river which issued from a lake, crossed this river on the following day, and attacked the enemy in their tabúr or fortifications. The great and small guns were put into immediate requisition. On the following morning, at daybreak, the combatants on both sides were in motion, and the work of destruction was again renewed and carried on till the darkness of the night made it necessary for both parties to retire.

According to Hasan Beg Zádeh’s account of this battle, it would appear that the janissaries, on the last of the days above-mentioned, when led on to the attack by the commander, had fled before the opposing foe, and were on the very point of making the commander their prisoner. God protected him.

Petcheví says, that Mohammed Ketkhodá having secured an advantageous position, slew immense numbers of the enemy. The enemy now advanced in four columns, each column five hundred strong, and drove the Moslem cavalry off the field. The salihdárs were ordered to advance to oppose their progress, but were unable to effect any thing: night, however, came on, when both parties retired from the conflict for a few hours, but it was soon after renewed with double fury. In this day’s work of death, towards evening, Mohammed Ketkhodá and Mohammed Munker Kúshí Páshá, the governor of Buda, whilst advancing with their divisions to an attack, fell in the field of battle.

According to Hasan Beg Zádeh and Abdulkádír’s accounts of this battle, it appears that the Romeilian troops had been ordered to support the attack in which the two chiefs now mentioned met their death, but that, in consequence of some rancour which their commander, Mohammed Páshá, entertained against Khetkhodá, they had failed: neither did any of the other troops, they say, offer to do it. Petcheví says, however, that he himself was present and an eye-witness: his words are, “I was standing beside the páshá and looking at the contest. The páshá (i.e. the beglerbeg of Romeili) was not aware when this attack was made, and therefore could not have rendered them any aid. After the return of the divisions which they had led on to the attack, the martyrdom of these heroes was announced to him, and he was excessively grieved that they had advanced to that attack without having given him notice of it. Any account of the matter differing from this is false.”

On the night of the last battle the enemy altered their position; for when the Moslems, next day, moved slowly to meet their antagonists, they found them closely concentrated in a narrow pass in the road which led to the fortress of Polatah. Finding them thus situated, and seeing they had succeeded, during the night, in casting a deep trench, the Moslem army did not again offer to attack them. Under pretence of winter having set in they retired altogether from the scene of contest and battle.

The government of Buda was conferred on the beglerbeg of Romeili, Mohammed Páshá. Four thousand janissaries, under the command of a túrnají báshí, were ordered to accompany Mohammed Páshá to Buda. On their return to that fortress they passed through the country of Segdin. Winter having come on, preparations for assisting Kaniza were immediately commenced.

Kaniza is besieged.

We have already mentioned the manœuvre practised by Hasan Páshá, governor of Kaniza, and the arrival of the infidel army within a stage or one day’s journey of the above city and fortress.

On the 8th of Rabia II., five thousand of the above army appeared in the vicinity of Kaniza, on the road which led to Vienna. The governor gave the strictest orders to the head of the artillery not to fire on them, and forbade any of the cavalry to venture out: for the object of this hostile party, he observed, was to seize prisoners where and how they could. Let the foot soldiers, continued he, meet them with their fire-arms and contend with them; and he immediately placed a number of effective men at each of the gates. The order of the governor was obeyed. The heroes who went to dispute the progress of the enemy, manfully maintained the bloody contest till mid-day, when the enemy retired to their tábúr, leaving many of their men, as well as of their horses, on the field of battle. Ferdinand was informed of the result; but, it would seem, knew nothing of the attempt they had made, and strongly reproved them for it.

Next day (the 9th), Ferdinand himself called one of his princes, ordered him to advance with a party, and by all means endeavour to seize some prisoners. This was the very object the party, the day before, had in view. This second party advanced till they were under the very guns of the fortress, and contended with the heroes formerly mentioned till the hour of afternoon prayers, when they, instead of retiring as on the previous day, stopped and cried out: “by the religion of Mohammed, if you have only one gun fire it.” The heroes, in compliance with the instructions of their governor, replied, that though they might have such, yet that they had till then refrained from using them, and had spared their lives. The enemy believed this, and rejoicingly went and told it to Ferdinand the king. The king immediately called a council of his great men, and communicated this intelligence to them. On the following day (the 10th), he sent forth a party a third time, who fought more desperately than on either of the preceding days. On this occasion they again requested the Moslems to fire a gun, that their king might hear its report in his camp or tábúr. The former answer was returned to them, with this addition: “We are here but for a few days, like strangers. Would a man live in a desolate island-like place as this? Our emperor has many thousand palankas like this Kaniza.”

It is to be observed, however, that when Hasan Páshá desired it to be said that there were no cannon in Kaniza, his ághás opposed it by saying, it was improper to mention it to the enemy; “for,” said they, “if the enemy should happen to be either unwilling or afraid to attack us, this saying will most assuredly have the effect of inducing them to do so.” The Páshá replied: “attend you to my orders; there is something that you do not yet know: I know when to employ the cannon: I reserve them till then.” But to return. The infidels returned, as on the former occasions, and informed Ferdinand what they had heard from the Moslems about there being no cannon in the fortress of Kaniza. Ferdinand, elated by this intelligence, called a council of his great men. “Let us,” said he, “send out spies, and if the intelligence which they bring us correspond to what we have just learned, then we will certainly root them out. We will, afterwards, order our movements according to any method which Prince Mathias, now below Yanuk, may see fit to adopt.” So much for Ferdinand. Some of his counsellors, however, ventured to think differently. “Let us first,” said they, “lay siege to Sigetwar and take it: let us, in fact, take every one of the fortresses as far as Usk, and root out the Turks from everyone of them.” Zerín Oghlí, who was present in this sage assembly of warriors, was asked to give his opinion. He did so. It was as follows: “In the reign of Sultán Soleimán Khán I was shut up in this fortress (Sigetwar). The out-works of the fortress can be easily taken, but the citadel is peculiarly strong. It will require forty pieces of cannon for each one of its batteries before any impression can be made upon it. It was after having thrown a hundred thousand loads of earth into the lake, by which it is surrounded, and as much again above its surface, that Sultán Soleimán was enabled to surround the fortress and take it by force. If your strength is sufficient for an exploit of that kind, and if the Turkish troops do not turn upon you, then you may perhaps succeed. One thing I know, that if you are able this year to deliver Kaniza out of the hands of the Turks, you will accomplish a feat which will be without a parallel: for, you must know, there is shut up in it an enchanter whose artifices elude all detection. For twenty years past we have been obliged to drink his poisonous draughts. Every time they announce that he is either sick or dead, he is sure to appear in one or other of our provinces and perpetrates immense evil. Hitherto no one has been able to withstand him. He has completely vanquished, by his artifices, every one who has opposed him.” Zerín Oghlí having finished his long speech, one of the Frank princes, who had hearkened to it, said: “This man (Zerín Oghlí) is not acquainted with our method of war, or he is an ally of the Turks, and tries to intimidate us.” Zerín’s speech was henceforth disregarded by the council, and Ferdinand said “that next day, at all events, they would advance upon Kaniza: if the Turks abandoned it, good and well; if not, we will lay siege to it. Let these treacherous Hungarians (the inhabitants of Kaniza) see what will be the fate of the fortress of Kaniza. After Kaniza is once disposed of, then we shall take vengeance on them. They have every where instigated the sword of the Ottoman to deeds of blood.”

On the 11th of Rabia II., about mid-day, this vile army of infidels, with the beating of drums, sounding of cymbals, blowing of trumpets, and ringing of bells, approached with great pomp, and with inverted arms, the devoted city and fortress, and took up its position on the banks of the river Berk, on the road which led to Vienna. A short time after they had thus taken up their position, they perceived a number of waggons which happened to be conveying provisions from Perzentcha to Kaniza, but which the infatuated infidels thought were waggons come to carry off the population of that city, and therefore gave orders not to meddle with them in going in; determining to pursue them when they again came out, and murder the whole of the people they might find in them. They were, however, completely deceived. It is a curious fact, but true, that the men who had escorted these waggons went to the governor, after having safely entered Kaniza, and asked him what was the meaning of the mighty army they had observed on the banks of the Berk—for surely, said they, they are not enemies. The governor pleasantly replied, that they had come on a visit: “but now that you have all safely got into the fortress,” said he, “they shall be served with a feast of red-hot melons without delay.”

The wisdom of the páshá in giving orders not to fire on the enemy, as before observed, appeared most conspicuously to every one: for had he ordered his guns to be fired at the enemy when they urged him to do so, it is clear the waggons with provisions would certainly not have been allowed to enter into Kaniza, but would in all probability have fallen into the hands of the enemy, as well as the troops which escorted them. But to return. The páshá called the heads of the artillery, and asked them how many cannon there were in the place. Nearly one hundred, small and great, was the answer. “Well then,” said the governor, “let them all be charged, and as soon as you hear Allah! Allah! discharge the largest, and immediately afterwards, and at once, let the others be discharged in the midst of the enemy.” The guns were accordingly loaded, and the well-known signal waited for.

In the meantime the páshá bowed the knee twice in humble prayer. The signal was at length given: the largest, and immediately after it the rest, were fired, the roaring thundering noise of which made the earth to quake. The enemy, as might well be imagined, were struck with terror, and perceived when it was too late their mistake. Ferdinand was standing, at the moment a volley of shot from the batteries of Kaniza was poured in amongst his army, talking with four of his princes, three of whom were shot dead on the spot. Many thousands besides perished. This feast of red-hot melons made the enemy think of retiring across the river; and whilst in the act of doing so they were hotly pursued by the Moslem heroes, who fought with them till the night closed upon them. The enemy having again encamped in the direction of Sigetwar, the princes came forward and said to King Ferdinand, “Behold, sire, the stratagem the Turks have laid for us! Let there be no quarter shown to them: let us destroy them root and branch, and make them a spectacle to the world.” The king replied, that he would see how they themselves should act: it was the day of vengeance.

They now put their cannon in order, entered into the trenches, and from this moment the siege of Kaniza may be said to have been properly begun. Their first act of hostility, after commencing the siege, was the discharging of three cannon, none of which did much injury. The first passed harmlessly over the fortress: the second was not quite so harmless, for it passed through the páshá’s palace, killed one of his relations, and then rebounded towards Sigetwar: the third touched the odá of the ághá of the janissaries, but did no injury. They afterwards, at once, and from six different places, discharged forty large pieces of cannon, the noise of which seemed to indicate the total annihilation of the place.

When the enemy had laid siege to Kaniza, or at least when they first appeared before it, Hasan Páshá called a council of his grandees, to whom he observed: that though there was no scarcity of gunpowder, or any want of water, and though they had abundance of provisions, yet it was proper, he said, the commander-in-chief, Yemishjí Páshá, before he removed from Belgrade, should be made acquainted with their circumstances. Two heads of odás, one called Ahmed and the other Mohammed, were appointed to accompany Karah Punjeh, a veteran of the borders, and one who was well acquainted with all languages, with this intelligence to the commander-in-chief. They left Kaniza by night, passed through Sigetwar and Shukulwish, and arrived on the fourth day after leaving the above city at Belgrade, when they laid the passport of their mission before the commander-in-chief. The latter, after holding a council, wrote letters to Hasan Páshá, assuring him that he was on the point of coming to his assistance, and dismissed the messengers. On the return of these messengers to Kaniza, they found it so closely besieged that not even a bird could wing its way into it without being discovered. The two odá báshís remained at Sigetwar whilst Punjeh disguised himself, and by this means conveyed his despatches into Kaniza, which had the effect of animating the hopes of the besieged. But to return. The enemy having commenced, as before observed, a regular siege, their efforts became unremitting. Every day witnessed more than a thousand balls directed against the walls of Kaniza; but the brave veterans within filled up during the night the gaps which these horrible cannon effected in the day-time, with their bed-clothes, and such other things as they could find. The heroic páshá went about every where, and stimulated and encouraged the besieged. For the space of a whole week they had not shut their gates, and the foot veterans continued to make regular sorties against the besieging foe. Their cattle also went in and out regularly, and the enemy did not succeed in taking even so much as one of them, much less any prisoners.

The enemy having made no speed in their method of operations, thought proper to change it. They recrossed at a place called the ford of Mohammed Khetkhodá, and in the direction of Sigetwar effected mounds and ditches to the number of fourteen, leaving, in the direction to Vienna, where they had first taken up their position, five pieces of ordnance and six thousand troops. After having accomplished these manœuvres, they now began to throw vast quantities of rushes into the Berk, over which a covering of wicker-work was placed. Over this again they finally, though it took them more than forty days to accomplish, made a kind of road or bridge corresponding in breadth to one of their ditches, with which it communicated. They carried their materials by means of light barrels made of fir, which were easily dragged by two men. After having extended this road or bridge to the walls of Kaniza, to which they firmly fixed it by means of iron rods, and when all things were nearly in a state of readiness for commencing an assault, Hasan Páshá, who was no careless observer of their manœuvres, and who knew when and how to baffle the enemy, sent a few heroes, who had volunteered their services, in a boat by night, when the infidels were drowned in sleep, to set fire to their huge labour, and which they punctually did. The bridge, and every living infidel who happened to remain on it, perished in the flames.

Some time before this event in the history of this memorable siege, Hasan Páshá wrote again to the commander-in-chief by the aforesaid Punjeh. In these communications he urged Yemishjí Páshá to come at least to Sigetwar, that by doing so he might encourage the spirits of the besieged. “If this fortress should happen to be taken out of our hands,” said he, “it will not easily again be retaken, and you will find some difficulty in exonerating yourself.” Karah Punjeh proceeded with this message, taking his two former companions along with him from Sigetwar, where they had stopped, and met the serdár at Usk. Instead of complying with the earnest request of Hasan, and fulfilling his former promise, the serdár only sent him an encouraging letter, telling him he was on his march to Alba Julia, but would, on his return, afford him the aid he demanded. Karah Punjeh returned to Kaniza, and delivered, secretly, his dispatches to Hasan Páshá, who, on reading them, immediately had them copied, and added, as if from the serdár, that he would soon arrive to the aid of the garrison. Next day he called a council, made this copy, or rather forged letter, to be read in their hearing, which produced all the effect the sagacious páshá wished. The people were overjoyed, and resolved, every man of them, to hold out, at the expense of life and all that was dear to them, to the very last; but they anxiously looked for the arrival of the serdár.

The enemy, after the burning of their bridge, tried to repair their loss by building another, in which labour they spent another twenty days; but it also met with the fate of the former. Finding themselves thus a second time foiled in their attempts, they commenced building boats of fir-wood at the head of the Berk, which they covered over with boards, over which they again placed cow-hides, with the view of preventing the small arms of the besieged injuring those on board of them. After having launched this flotilla, each of which carried one hundred men, the infidels, on the night on which this took place, began to make great rejoicings. Hasan Páshá, in the meantime, and on the same night, sent out a party to try and seize some prisoners, who returned with two. On their being presented before the páshá, he asked one of them, privately, the cause of the enemy’s rejoicing; and was answered that it was owing to the great success which had attended their arms at Alba Julia. “How comes it to pass,” asked the páshá, “that all the prisoners which we have hitherto taken belong to your nation (Germany)? Are there no Hungarians and Croatians among you?” “Why,” answered the prisoner, “the Hungarians are favourable to the Turks, and therefore none of them are allowed to straggle from the camp.” The páshá again asked him what number of Hungarians there might be in the army? He was told, that besides Croatians, there were about thirty thousand in it. After having thus questioned the first prisoner, he called the other and questioned him in the same way, and he returned similar answers to those given a little before by his fellow prisoner. The páshá, with a stern voice, ordered the prisoners to be led forth, and to have their heads struck off; secretly intimating, however, to Karah Omar, to whom this order was given, to take the prisoners and show them the one hundred and fifty pandúrs and the five hundred Hungarian horsemen who had accompanied the waggons of provisions which had entered Kaniza about the time the siege was begun, and whom the páshá had retained. “Tell them,” said the páshá to Karah Omar Aghá, “that they are all Hungarians, and that we expect a thousand volunteers of the same race to join us in two or three days more. Say to them,” continued the sagacious páshá, “that you yourself are one of their nation (Germany), but that you have been in the service of the páshá since your youth; that you have a thousand men under your command; that you have got so much property that you cannot think of relinquishing it: that you will be extremely happy if the German army succeed in taking Kaniza, but that there are many amongst them who wish for no such thing; that there is provision in the garrison of Kaniza sufficient for a whole year to supply the number of inhabitants within it, who amount to thirty thousand Turks alone; that there is abundance of gunpowder in it also: then invite them to wait till the ice is formed, when you will let them away. Our páshá, you will say to them, desired to have your heads, but I have interceded with him in your behalf: I now release you, and you may go when you please; but be sure to tell your superiors, when you reach your own camp, of the kindness I have shown to you.” Karah Aghá acted his part most masterly, gave them some pieces of white bread, and sent them away, secretly, as it were, in a boat to their own army. These two men had no sooner reached their companions, than they went to inform Ferdinand of the history of their captivity, which very much grieved him. The intelligence which the two captives seemed to have in their power to communicate was any thing but pleasing to King Ferdinand; and it was no less astonishing, when compared with his former information, than it was unwelcome and distressing.

One morning, about this time of the siege, a voice was heard as if coming from the enemy’s camp, which said, “Do not fire any of your guns; we (there were more than one) have something to tell you.” “What is it?” was the reply. “Why,” said these early visitors, “be it known unto you that your commander-in-chief, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, has been completely defeated and routed at Alba Julia. The heads of Mohammed Ketkhodá and of Mohammed Páshá, the governor of Buda, have been sent to our commander-in-chief, thanks be to God. Behold, here they are!” and then held them up to the view of the besieged Moslems at the end of long poles. “To-morrow,” continued the early vagrants, “tomorrow our whole force will be brought to bear upon you. In whom is it that you place your reliance? Your commander-in-chief has been defeated and has fled. Deliver up this city and fortress, which belongs to our king, and save yourselves from certain and inevitable destruction. Your governor, Hasan Páshá, is a vain man, and seeks to ruin you: pay no further regard to him. Save yourselves and your property; for the king promises to secure both if you hearken to our advice. To-morrow, when Duke Mathias returns to us from Alba Julia, no mercy will be shown to you. If you stand in doubt with respect to the two heads now exposed to your view, let any one of your number, who was acquainted with their possessors, come forth and examine them, and satisfy himself. He shall sustain no injury: on the contrary, our king will confer favours upon him.”

These tidings greatly alarmed the inhabitants. “The serdár has been defeated; our provisions and our gunpowder will fail us if that mighty army should come against us,” said the frightened inhabitants to Hasan Páshá, the intrepid governor, who had a mind ready to act in every emergency. “My brave veterans, you all know,” said he, “that the accursed enemy has promised us nothing. Do not let the sight of the heads of the infidels, or their threatenings, by any means terrify you. I have a few things to say to you—hear me, therefore, patiently. Renew your engagements with me. Whether the heads which the infidels have shown you be really the heads of the persons they have said they are, is yet to be discovered. To ascertain this, let us send Karah Punjeh, who will bring us correct information on this point. And should it even turn out that they are the very heads of the two men above-mentioned, that is no reason why we should be any way discouraged. It is not on their account we have shut ourselves up in Kaniza. Long live the emperor! If the meanest slave were desired to sacrifice his life, he would willingly give his head, as those men gave theirs. We are here for the defence of our religion, though now cooped up within the narrow limits of this place. But I have some reason to think that this city and fortress, God willing, will not fall into the hands of the enemy. One of my reasons is as follows. When Ibrahím Páshá was, on a former occasion, employed for the same length of time we have been besieged in reducing a fortress, he would never have gained the victory, had he not said: ‘if God will prosper my undertaking, I shall devote this place to the illuminated city, Medina;’ when shortly afterwards it fell into his hands. It is hoped that he who has devoted himself to the Sultán of the prophets will not fall before the infidel. Another reason is: the enemy commenced the siege on the night of the 12th Rabia I., which is the birth-night of our prophet. There is, therefore, hope to his followers, who have been besieged on the very night which is held sacred to the memory of him who came into the world on that night to bless it, and is the rejoicing of all the prophets. Again: you, every evening, sound the Mohammedan signal or watch-word, Allah! Allah! and though the enemy were at once to discharge his forty pieces of cannon, yet God will manifest his care over those who trust in his name. I pray God, that as he has not permitted us to fall into the hands of the enemy, so this hateful army may never get away in safety.” This speech of the páshá had a powerful effect on the minds of the besieged, who were not only animated by it, but also prognosticated important good from it. He again counselled them to pay no regard to the words of their morning visitors, who had no other object, he said, but that of deceiving them. “Show them your swords,” cried he again, “and these dastardly fellows will see what metal you are of.”

The páshá, after having delivered the animated speech which we have here recorded, proposed sinking the two heads into the river, on the banks of which they were still exposed. He had scarcely spoken, when a cherí báshí came forward and proposed to direct a cannon against them. “Do so,” said the páshá, “and God prosper you.” The cherí báshí immediately pointed the cannon called Bulbul at them, and in a moment the two heads were at the bottom of the river. The infidels to whom the charge of the heads had been given, and who spoke in the ears of the besieged the speech on the occasion of their being first presented to them, returned to their camp vexed and disgraced. The successful cannoneer was honoured by the páshá with an annual pension.

When Ferdinand was informed of the result of his messengers’ embassy, he became enraged, and said he would present ten villages to any one who would bring him a prisoner from Kaniza. None of the infidels, however, though they did all they could to accomplish the king’s wishes, were able to succeed. God prevented them.

Arrival of the Archduke Mathias.

Early in the morning of the day the events of which we have just described, a movement was discovered among the enemy’s troops, and soon after their foot and horse moved in the direction of Komran. About mid-day the archduke, with his army and heavy baggage, made his appearance, and soon encamped. His army, one division after another, took up its position, and displayed immense pomp; no doubt with the view of inspiring the besieged with an idea of their might, and thus of dispiriting them.

These manœuvres and movements being over, the duke called a general council of his great men, in which a variety of matters were discussed. No one, however, could give him anything like a correct account of Kaniza. Ferdinand declared, weeping, that in all his life he had never met nor seen people like the Kanizians. “Whenever we speak in a friendly manner to them,” said the indignant Ferdinand, “they brandish their swords.” The duke replied in very harsh terms: accused him of having acted himself some way or other treacherously, or “you are not,” said the noble duke, “acquainted with the operations of war. I have been up the country, and have reduced a city like Alba Julia, and have contended all this while with Turkish armies. Several of their chief men I have beheaded. It is now three months since you commenced your operations, and you have not been able to take so much as one palanka.” Such were some of the subjects which occupied the noble duke’s great council. Ferdinand and his officers were indignant at the treatment they had received from the archduke, and proposed, as they had nothing, to leave him and his troops to carry on the siege which they had so inauspiciously begun.

After the dismissal of the above-mentioned diván, the archduke tried his own skill in manœuvring. He sent a message to the besieged, the purport of which was: that their commander-in-chief, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, after having been defeated by him (the duke), had gone to Sigetwar; that there were now two mighty armies ready to co-operate against them; that the seven (European) kings were present, and sent them their salam (salutations); that if they were determined to maintain their integrity to their own sovereign, they might do so, and yet deliver up Kaniza to its legitimate sovereign; that the winter had arrived, when they would have no chance whatever of being supplied with provisions. “Leave, then Kaniza,” continued the duke’s messengers, “in peace and safety; not a hair of your head will we injure;” and much more in the same strain, and requested a favourable answer. The besieged, however, appeared to be firm and fearless. They brandished their swords in token of defiance, which so provoked the messengers that they cocked their pieces, but afterwards retired expressing their contempt. It is certainly true, however, that when the Turks in Kaniza saw the immense number of the enemy’s army they became afraid, and seemed disposed, through fear, to yield to the enemy. They dreaded that as soon as the messengers returned to Mathias, he would become so enraged as never to stop till he reduced the city and fortress, and killed them all.

From the continued effect of the cannon on the walls of Kaniza, in several places they were, at length, laid even with the ground. The enemy found means of secretly preparing a kind of bridge and other apparatus. The boats which they had built were launched, and all throughout the camp were ordered to stand to their arms. Three persons were deputed by the enemy to go and endeavour, by offering money, to get one or more of the besieged to desert. These persons made a display of their ducats, and said that they expected that a Turk or two would come and take them into the place, because they meant to become Muselmans. Hasan Páshá, who saw through their design, said their object was to try to get some one or more to desert to them, and ordered a cannon to be pointed towards them. The signal for discharging it was given, when, in a moment, the men were carried off by the shot, and both fell in one place. The archduke was excessively chagrined when he heard the result of this third mission. Two thousand eight hundred chosen men, all volunteers, were put into a state of readiness for scaling the walls. To encourage them he promised to give ten villages to the first who should succeed in climbing the ramparts, and forty villages to the man who would bring him Hasan Páshá. The following day was appointed for attempting this heroic plan.

Hasan Páshá was not idle. His plans were deeply and wisely laid. As soon as the enemy had set their boats afloat, he caused openings to be made in the mound which surrounded Kaniza, exactly opposite the place at which this fleet of boats was to touch, and placed large cannon, all charged, in these openings, but in such a way as not to be discovered.

After the Páshá had seen all this accomplished, he called his principal soldiers to him, offered up a short prayer, and afterwards addressed them thus: “My brave fellows, let not the greatness of the multitude of the enemy any way terrify you. God willing, we shall be revenged on them. Every time the enemy has lighted the torch of war, God, in his goodness, has invariably extinguished it again in their discomfiture. Let me see you, therefore, act your part with bravery and true heroism: let us all, in faithfulness to our religion, be firm, and oppose them with courage. If we perish in the conflict, we shall be saints in heaven. Our heroes, both in this world and at the day of judgment, are truly honourable and worthy of esteem. Be then united and firm in your efforts in your own defence, and exercise with boldness the weapons in your hands. Let your activity manifest itself in boldly resisting and repelling the efforts of the hateful enemy to make you slaves. I have the utmost confidence the enemy’s machinations will be completely frustrated.” In this way did Hasan Páshá encourage and animate his troops and followers. These brave men and their companions in arms entered into solemn compact, bade each other adieu, attended to all their various duties of friendship and domestic affairs, as well as those of eternity, and every thing seemed to bid defiance to the utmost effort of the foe in trying to reduce Kaniza. After all things were fully and properly attended to, they all, with firm and courageous hearts, returned to their respective stations, and, like envious lions, stood ready to grasp at their invading foe.

Meantime the enemy was busy. During the night season they accoutred themselves in their various arms, and one division after another took up its position in the trenches formerly prepared, till they were completely filled; the boats were all manned with volunteers, and at daylight the signal-gun was fired, the sound of which seemed to awaken heaven and earth; and the ball passed over the wall at the gate leading to Sigetwar, which was forty feet high, and was stopped by the odá of Mahmúd Chorbájí. The enemy, immediately on this signal-gun being fired, commenced an assault from five different places at once. When their fleet of boats had sailed down opposite the fortress, the cannons which had secretly been placed in hollows in the mound which surrounded Kaniza, opened upon them, and soon sent them, with all on board of them, to the bottom of the river. This powerful, but unexpected reception, astonished the infidels completely, but it had also the effect of rousing their fury to a greater height.

When the besieged Moslems first perceived the tumultuous assault of the enemy, they were a little staggered and disheartened; but Hasan Páshá, the heroic vezír, stepped in before them and stimulated their courage. “My brave lions,” said he, “this day is a day of peculiar effort and exertion: turn not away your faces from the contest, but be firm and inflexible for one hour longer, and this impoverished straggling host will be vanquished.” This speech, like all his former speeches, had its desired effect upon the minds of the besieged, who became more determined than ever to sell their lives as dearly as possible; and they resolved to fall victims for the sake of their religion, rather than yield up the city and fortress of Kaniza. Every assault of the enemy was, therefore, resisted with such desperate bravery and courage as to outmatch every thing. The commander of the janissaries and chief of the cavalry, Sefer Aghá, performed the most astonishing feats of bravery. He was, at that time, only a segbán báshí, but was afterwards raised to the dignity of a páshá.

In the meantime, the artillery of the garrison committed the most tremendous havoc among the infidels; but they were no sooner hewn down than their places were filled up by others sent forward to maintain the struggle. The awful sound which proceeded from the combatants on both sides is indescribable. The confused noise of drums and trumpets, the clash of arms, the thunder of cannon and musketry, and the bursts of mortars, baffle all description. Heaven and earth trembled. The carnage of that day was so awfully terrible that the compassionate angels in the seventh heaven looked down on the scene with astonishment and wonder, and entreated God to scatter and confound the associates of idolatry.

The awful conflict we have just now endeavoured to delineate continued with unremitting fury till midnight, when it pleased God to vouchsafe his omnipotent aid to the besieged orthodox. At this moment the enemy retreated to their fortifications, as if panic-struck, leaving behind them eighteen thousand of their fellows, undistinguished and without name. Among the wounded lay the brother of his holiness the Pope. He was struck by a musket-ball, and soon afterwards perished. This execrated wretch commanded thirty thousand troops.

After this remarkable success which had attended the Moslem arms, the veterans approached the páshá, kissed his hand, and pronounced their benedictions on his head. The wonderful páshá, on the other hand, was all kindness, in return, for the honour shewn to him; and a thousand expressions of praise and good wishes were uttered on this memorable occasion.

When the eyes of the Moslems were opened to a clear view of the advantages which God had afforded them, their hearts rejoiced. The awe and terror with which the sight of so immense and desperate a host as that which the enemy presented to their view sometimes inspired them, now vanished completely from their minds. The heart of each of them became firm and strong, like the tower of Alexander, and all of them demanded to be allowed to assault the enemy in their turn.

After the victory had declared itself in favour of the orthodox Moslems, as above described, Mathias and Ferdinand called their princes, and held a council of war. “Although Kaniza was well supplied with water,” it was said in the council, “the want of provisions, however, would soon so press upon both its inhabitants and its garrison as to force them to yield. If Turkish troops should happen to come to their aid in their present circumstances, and we are able to beat them off, then Kaniza would doubtless yield without further resistance. Let us winter here,” continued the speaker, “but before the winter season breaks let us send away our cannon.” The governor of Malta, Don Juan, observed, “that if the cannon be removed, the Turks will rush forth, and leave not a man of us alive upon the earth. Besides,” continued he, “though those Turks stationed at Sigetwar may at present have no intention of attacking us, they will, most assuredly, come and do so, when they hear we have sent away our cannon. Without cannon, we shall not be able to stand any time before them, and as to handling the sword, we can have no chance whatever with them.” Such was the manner in which this council of Austrian officers reasoned. They agreed to continue the siege; they increased the number of their guns; they erected a mound round Kaniza, and commenced firing at the rate of two thousand balls per day. These did immense evil. The outer walls were totally demolished. The houses were made level with the ground. But the enthusiastic Moslems, such was their zeal, built up by night the gaps and openings which these heavy cannon effected by day. From the incessant fire which the enemy thus kept up, very many of the Moslems fell martyrs during this period of the siege, in consequence of their unsubdued zeal.

The garrison now began to experience a scarcity of powder. The páshá called his artillery officers and the governor of the castle, and conversed with them concerning this matter. The latter informed him, that the enemy, on their lately retiring, had left an immense quantity of sulphur and saltpetre behind them, which they had carefully removed into Kaniza. It was very easy, he added, to make gunpowder out of these materials. Uzun Ahmed, belonging to the fifth division of janissaries, a Persian youth, and who had been accustomed to make this article, came forward and informed the páshá of his skill in gunpowder, saying, at the same time, it could easily be made by mixing the above-mentioned materials with fine charcoal made of the nut-tree. Charcoal made of the willow, however, would answer the purpose, he said. With this last-mentioned sort of wood Kaniza was surrounded, and, accordingly, orders were immediately issued to cut down for this purpose a sufficient quantity, which was burned, and afterwards powdered in a mortar. A sufficient number of persons were appointed to this department of labour, and every day they delivered new-made gunpowder in such quantities as was required.

But before proceeding any farther, we have to mention the desertion of two of Hasan Páshá’s domestics, which bears on this part of our history.

One night, after the enemy had fully resolved on continuing the siege, two of the páshá’s under-servants, both of them Hungarians by birth, set off secretly to join their countrymen in the enemy’s army. This circumstance very much distressed the besieged, for they had every reason to fear these deserters would inform the besiegers as to the state of the place. Hasan Páshá, always ready to take those advantages which his own fertile mind was ever sure to point out to him, quieted the fears of his followers, and gave them the most pointed instructions to do what they could in trying to seize one or two prisoners. They brought him several, to whom the páshá addressed himself thus: “I have lately sent two confidential servants to your prince, do you think they have met with his highness?” “Yes,” was the answer; and then added: “that the karal (the king) asked them as to the number of troops in Kaniza, when they said they did not know, but that they were exceedingly numerous, and that provisions were becoming very scarce in it. Keep up your fire,” said the two deserters, “for you have every chance of succeeding.” Hasan Páshá again asked them what they supposed might have been the number of Turks which had lately routed them? Some said twenty, some thirty thousand, answered the prisoners. The páshá then gave orders to have their hands and heads cut off, and delivered them over to Karah Omar Aghá, but previously instructed him to act towards the prisoners as he had done on a former occasion. Omar knew how to act his part. He practised the same kind of deception on these prisoners as he had done on those mentioned before, and, after giving each of them a piece of white bread, sent them off in the same way, telling them that the Hungarian troops had entered secretly into friendly engagements with the troops of Sigetwar; that the páshá was on the eve of attacking them by night with the troops of Kaniza, whilst those of Sigetwar would attack them from behind at the same moment. “Give my compliments,” said Omar, “to the karal, and let him be attentive. In this place we have provisions and gunpowder for a whole year. Let the king direct his movements accordingly.” The prisoners returned and related to the karal what they had seen and heard, which displeased him very much.

In the meantime Hasan Páshá called one of his scribes and dictated the following letter to the commander-in-chief, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, wherein he said, after giving him all his high titles, “I have already informed you of the state of our affairs. Thank God, our troops are sufficient in number and in courage, and we have now abundance of gunpowder, though at one time we had reason to fear we should run short of that important article. The enemy, when they lately retired from our walls, left an immense quantity of sulphur and saltpetre, of which we prepare every day no less a quantity than two talents of gunpowder. Our provisions are in abundance, at least for three months to come. We have, moreover, entered into a friendly intercourse with the Hungarians in the enemy’s army. I have just now sent out two of my domestics, Kina’án and Khundán, two Hungarian youths who were brought up in my service, to converse privately with the Hungarians in the enemy’s army, and to tell the karal that both the gunpowder and provisions in Kaniza are about finished; they are also instructed to return as soon as they accomplish this business, or at least as soon as they can find a fit opportunity of so doing. These two young men will tell the enemy they have become renegadoes, and the infidels, I have no doubt, will believe them. Be you ready to assist us if we should need your aid, and as soon as the two men return I shall give you due notice: farewell.” This letter was sealed, put into a satin bag or case, this was again covered over with a skin, and the whole parcel put into a coarse cloth, and was given to Karah Punjeh, with orders to convey it secretly into the enemy’s camp, and lay it down where it might soon be discovered by some of the enemy, who, no doubt, would carry it to their karal as some valuable treasure. Karah Punjeh was ordered, at the same time, to make his way, so soon as he had laid down his packet within the precincts of the enemy’s camp, to the commander-in-chief, and request him to come with his troops to the aid of Kaniza. Punjeh proceeded with his secret despatches, dabbed the outside with some mud, found means of throwing it, without being observed, into the enemy’s camp, and set off for Sigetwar.

The stratagem succeeded to all the extent the contriver wished it; for the packet was no sooner discovered than it was opened, and the writing within it carried forthwith to the karal. The discoverers told him where they had found it, but could give no account whatever as to the way it had been brought into the camp. The contents of the letter were no sooner read, than suspicion began to be entertained respecting the two deserters from Hasan Páshá. They were actual spies, it was said, and were therefore called to be examined. On being summoned they were asked what situations they had held under the Moslem Páshá, and what were their names. One of us, said they, is called Kina’án, and the other Khundán; we were brought up in the páshá’s service, were circumcised, and we became Muselmans; but now we have embraced the religion of our fathers. Was it true, they were asked, that Kaniza had nearly run short of gunpowder, but that that had been supplied? They said it was true. Why, then, said the interrogators, did you say, when you came to us, that they had little or no gunpowder? The object you had in coming to us is too evident; and without any further enquiry they delivered over the two unfortunate deserters to the executioner, who immediately cut off their heads. These two heads were presented before the walls of Kaniza, and the persons who had thus presented them called out, at the same time, that the whole of Hasan Páshá’s stratagem had been discovered. The people of Kaniza were no sooner made aware whose the heads had been than they burst out in a fit of laughter, and highly eulogized the wisdom of their páshá.

There is a different version of this story; it is as follows: The páshá one day called together his officers, and desired them to have every gun and musket in the place charged with powder, and to be ready to fire them when a signal was given. This was to be done in token, as it were, of rejoicing. About midnight, accordingly, when the signal Allah! Allah! was three times given, all the guns and muskets were fired off, and the voice of rejoicing commenced. The intoxicated infidels, hearing these demonstrations of joy, ran every where in order to discover the cause of it. Hasan Páshá, in the mean time, called the defterdár of Kaniza, Shabán Effendí, a very learned man, and after consulting with him for some time in private, desired him to draw out a letter for the commander-in-chief, which was as follows:—“You have at last come to Sigetwar: may your arrival be propitious! The three hundred and fifty janissaries, under the command of an ághá; the one hundred thousand ducats; the one hundred talents of gunpowder; the eighty talents of lead; and the one hundred talents of biscuits, came all, without the least knowledge of the enemy, safe to hand about the middle of the night of last Monday. You have been very generous; but we were not in actual want of any of the things you have sent us. We had provisions for a whole year; our gunpowder was abundant; and we had thirty thousand heroic troops. At the same time, however, we have to request you to send with our lieutenant, Iskender, fifteen thousand chosen volunteers, to be here early on the morning of Sunday; but do not you take the trouble of coming yourself. The Hungarian princes in the enemy’s camp are our old friends and allies. Thousands of their subjects come over to us every night, and they inform us of what is going on without. We have also entered into compact with thirty thousand Hungarian soldiers in the camp of the enemy, who are under the command of the above princes. On Sunday morning, at daybreak, when Iskender arrives from Sigetwar, we in the garrison of Kaniza and the Hungarians in the camp will all at once commence an assault on the hateful enemy within their strong-holds. We hope we shall not be forgotten in your best wishes.”

Before this, however, two men had been sent into the enemy’s camp with the view of seeking a fit opportunity of assassinating the karal Ferdinand; but by the providence of God these poor fellows fell martyrs to their zeal. Two other men were sent with a similar purpose; and one Samúskú was hired to convey a letter, similar also to the one before-mentioned, into the enemy’s camp. Great promises of reward were made to this man if he accomplished the undertaking committed to him; but when he was about half way he threw down the letter on the road, and set off for Perzencha; next day, however, one of the enemy’s cavalry happened to pass that way and found the letter. After looking at it, he perceived it to be written in Turkish, brought it immediately to the karal, and told him he had taken it by force from a Turk he had met on the road; but that whilst looking at the writing, in order to discover what it might be, the Turk had escaped. An interpreter was called to decypher the contents of the letter. The interpreter said it was a letter from Hasan Páshá to the commander-in-chief, and that it contained some things which it would be improper to make public; he therefore went aside and explained to the karal the whole of the secrets in it, which absolutely astonished and counfounded him to such a degree, that he did not know what to say or do. He called his vezír, and consulted with him on the subject of the letter. The vezír said, “our trusty friend, Karah Omar, among our enemies, sent us information, you well remember, before this, of the defection of the Hungarians. What he said is clearly verified. What steps shall we take?” “The very first thing to be done,” said Ferdinand, “is to collect the whole of our tents into one place, surround them with a ditch, then hold a general council, and afterwards slay every one of these Hungarian princes; and if the Turks should offer to attack us, we will give them battle.” Thus saying, he rewarded the bearer of the letter with great honours and said, “that had it not been for this letter, so opportunely brought him, he must have fallen into very great difficulties. Christ has had compassion on us,” said he; and then ordered the tents to be collected into one place, and a mound to be thrown up around them, as before stated.

Hasan Páshá, perceiving the motions of the enemy, sent out a party by night in order to seize one or two prisoners: they returned with two, and presented them before the illustrious páshá. The páshá spoke kindly to them, and then inquired of them as to the state of affairs in their camp. The prisoners related what they knew: they informed him concerning the impression the letter which had fallen into the karal’s hand, as above described, had had on his mind, and that the whole of the Hungarians had fled, leaving all their tents and baggage behind them. This news had such an effect on Hasan’s mind that he clasped his hands together. But it was only in appearance. He wet his eyes, and appeared to weep. He asked again and again, whether the account they had given was true. The prisoners affirmed it as frequently; and added, that they themselves had seen the Hungarian tents taken possession of by the rest of the army. Hasan caused a black cloth, moistened with the juice of onions, to be brought to him, with which he occasionally wiped his eyes. This at once gave him, in the sight of the prisoners, the appearance of one weeping and mourning, but it was no more than appearance. After having satisfied himself with questioning the prisoners, he ordered their heads to be cut off, delivered them over to Karah Omar, and instructed him how to act. Omar played his part to perfection. After dealing with them in the same manner as he had done, in similar cases, on two former occasions, which the reader will remember, he sent them away secretly; telling them, at the same time, of the páshá’s intended plan of attacking them on the morning of the following Sunday. “There can be no doubt, now that the Hungarians have fled,” said the artful Omar, “but the páshá will pay you a visit in the way I have said. Go your ways.”

The prisoners returned to their own camp, informed Ferdinand of their history, and what Karah Omar had said to them. Ferdinand was particularly grateful to this man, Karah Omar, who had so frequently duped him; ordered bastions to be every where erected along his ditches; promised each of his artillery-men a reward of a hundred ducats, by way of stimulating their zeal; in short, the enemy began to fire double the number of shots they had formerly done.

We have already related the enemy’s determination of wintering at Kaniza, and what preparations they had made for this purpose: also, how Karah Punjeh had deposited the deceptive letter in the enemy’s camp, and his subsequent journey to the commander-in-chief to obtain aid for the Kanaizians. The serdár made many promises; ordered the troops under his command to be paid their wages, and said he would set out next morning for Kaniza. His officers, however, remonstrated against his resolution, by alleging that the weather being so very bad the thing could not be even attempted. The serdár appeared determined, and swore to the messengers, Karah Punjeh and his two companions, that though the army to a man should refuse to go to the aid of Kaniza, he and his own suite would most assuredly go. The messengers returned with this answer.

The enemy, as before observed, had surrounded their camp with a ditch. The Austrian and other European troops were separated from the Hungarian army, and the former were determined to reduce Kaniza, whatever it might cost them. The Italian and French soldiers had become so very inveterate, that they said they had come from their own country to die, and that, therefore, they would not remove one step from Kaniza before they had taken it.

On the seventy-fifth day of the siege, about mid-day, the heavens became black with clouds, the wind blew from the south, and soft showers of rain began to fall. Previously to this not a drop had fallen for the space of three months. The rain now increased, and a most bitterly cold wind began to blow, which made the surface of the waters to freeze. Towards evening the rain became mixed with flakes of snow, and about midnight the rain ceased, but the snow continued to fall. This storm continued for three successive days and nights, and the fall of snow was so deep as to reach a man’s waist. The enemy was now in a very sad plight; but they were infatuated, and in their infatuation ceased not from their hostilities.

At length, however, a report spread that the commander-in-chief had come to Sigetwar. The enemy now thought of the contents of the letter which had fallen into their hands, as before related, which were confirmed by the information which the two discharged prisoners brought them from Karah Omar. All was confusion and alarm, and every one became concerned about his own personal safety. One company after another took to their heels. Ferdinand tried to stop the fugitives, but without effect. The condition of the enemy was desperate. The cattle they had for transporting their ordnance had all fled towards Hungary during the storm, and their ordnance remained in the ditches, and could not, of course, be removed. Hasan Páshá knew all this, and determined on attacking them next day. The snow ceased, and the sky became clear and serene; but the sharp wind increased to such a degree as to freeze the river into thick ice. In these circumstances, Hasan Páshá called the famous Karah Omar Aghá, and ordered him to proceed with three hundred chosen men to the enemy’s camp, supposing they had all fled. He gave him his own standard. The Berk having been completely frozen over, this detachment found no difficulty in crossing the river, which was scarcely done when they were met by an infidel chief, who earnestly entreated to be taken into Kaniza. He said he wished to embrace Islamism, and stood before them in this imploring attitude with his cap in his hand. Karah Omar conducted him forthwith to the páshá, who perceiving his prisoner to have a richly ornamented head-dress on his head, gave him a chair to sit upon. “I am,” said the supplicant, and in answer to the páshá, “a Genoese captain, and commanded in this war a thousand men. Forty thousand pieces of gold, besides other property, I have left behind in my tent, and have come to embrace the Moslem faith.” Thus saying, he wept. The páshá immediately placed one of his extra turbans on his convert’s head, explained to him the Mohammedan faith, then called his warriors together, and presented the convert in his new dress. To Karah Omar he promised the sanják of Petcheví. All the cannons and arms in the fortress were now put into a state of readiness for commencing a pursuit after the enemy; and the whole of the garrison had their eyes turned towards the enemy’s quarters. When Karah Omar and his men were within a short distance of the enemy’s ditches, all the guns and muskets in the fortress of Kaniza were discharged at one instant. This explosion, along with the sound of drum which accompanied it, as well as the cry of Allah! Allah! from every mouth in the garrison, made the poor devils in the enemy’s camp creep together with absolute terror. What firmness had remained with them, entirely vanished; they fled in all directions. Ferdinand and Mathias issued from their tents, and endeavoured to rally their troops on the road which led to Sigetwar. Karah Omar, on reaching their advanced trenches, slew nine hundred of them before they had time to escape, and took one hundred and fifty prisoners, whom he sent into the fortress. In these trenches he seized twelve pieces of ordnance, besides other arms and ammunition.

Hasan Páshá despatched other five hundred men to the aid of Karah Omar, who, after having received this augmentation of force, conveyed the whole of the cannon and ammunition which fell into his hands into the fortress.

Next morning Hasan Páshá, after having offered up his devotions, sat down on the gate opposite to Sigetwar, took out two purses, the one containing ducats, the other dollars, and scattered these pieces of money among those of his men who had been the active agents in seizing prisoners, or who had brought in several heads. Eighteen thousand heads, it was conjectured, had thus been brought to him. The páshá, without any unnecessary delay, sent off an account of their wonderful good fortune to the commander-in-chief, and immediately mounting his horse, rode to the enemy’s forsaken trenches, and encouraged and praised his men. Only about six hundred remained in the fortress: the rest were all employed either pursuing the fugitive army, or taking possession of their trenches. Four times did Ferdinand try to rally his forces and retake them; but Hasan Páshá, who was now master of them, turned his own guns (about forty in number) against him. Those of the enemy who had kept together made their way to Perzencha, where they found some little time to reflect on what had befallen them. It was now they perceived with some clearness the stratagem which the Turks had so effectually laid for them. Again Ferdinand rallied his men, and again attempted to retake his trenches; but Hasan Páshá directed the guns of the fortress, as well as their own, which had been left on the trenches, against them with such effect as again to repulse them with immense slaughter. The field was literally covered with dead bodies. More than thirty thousand heads were again collected, and laid before the páshá. He desired his troops to carry on the pursuit with vigour, and not to lose time in searching the enemy’s tents, as they should find time enough for that afterwards. “The enemy, you see,” said he, “are abandoning their tents as fast as they are able, but let us try and surprize Ferdinand before he leaves his own.” Accordingly, a field-piece was directed against it, but the ball, though it shattered his tent to pieces, and killed a number who were near it, did himself no injury. Ferdinand had now no alternative left him but flight. Accordingly, he, and those who still remained faithful to him, mounted their horses, but were every moment in terror lest the Turks should intercept them and cut them off. In this terror they made to the ford of Paulet, where Ferdinand experienced great difficulty in crossing it, and where a hundred of his few remaining troops perished. Thus did Ferdinand leave the whole of his camp, his ordnance, his treasures, his splendid furniture, and his glory behind him.

Hasan Páshá, after performing his afternoon’s devotions, called Meseli Beg and Omar Beg, and ordered them to pursue the fugitives wherever they could find traces of them, but prohibited their taking spoil till the infidels were wholly rooted out, or completely dispersed. After writing out a statement of the successes which had attended the Moslem arms, he sent it off to the commander-in-chief, and then returned to Kaniza.

On the following morning, after offering up his devotions as usual, the páshá mounted his horse, rode to the camp, where he was cheered, saluted, and had his hands kissed by his victorious troops, whom he, in his turn, praised for their heroism and bravery. On entering into Ferdinand’s tent, he perceived a lofty throne standing in the midst of it, every where ornamented with silver and gold: its feet and top were garnished and variegated with precious stones and other jewels; a diamond was fixed in each of its supporters, each one of which was equal in value to the revenue of Rúm (Europe or the Roman empire). On each side of this throne were twelve chairs decked with crimson silk, the borders of which were ornamented with pearls and other jewels. In front of the throne was a table about six cubits in length, ornamented and decorated like the former. In this pavilion of grandeur did the pious Hasan Páshá perform his devotions, and returned thanks to God for the victory with which their efforts had been crowned. With tears in his eyes he acknowledged it as a favour from God, and as a sign of their prophet’s benevolence, miraculously interposed in their behalf. After having ended this oration, he drew his sword and split the throne into pieces, sat down upon one of these, and his grandees and ághás, according to their rank, sat down on the chairs which surrounded him. He now again pronounced a long oration, and then wrote out a third statement, giving an account of the patience, firmness, union, and other excellent qualities of his men to the commander-in-chief. After having finished his discourse, and had sent away the report to the serdár, he asked who were the first who had entered into Ferdinand’s pavilion. Three janissaries and four borderers presented themselves, and said they were the first who had entered it. “Well then,” said the noble-minded páshá, “with the exception of the tent itself, and the arms that are in it, all the rest belongs to you.” As to the rest of the tents, whether they belonged to Ferdinand or to others, none of them were touched, but were strictly watched till such time as the decision of the commander-in-chief could be obtained. The forty-two pieces of cannon and five falconets which had been taken in the trenches, were most beautifully ornamented by art, each being of considerable value. They had the appearance of ingots of gold, and bore the image of the emperor and of the pope, figures, which one who saw them would have supposed had been executed or contrived by a skilful artist who had studied the Seher Sámrí.[9] Besides this number of cannon, fourteen thousand muskets, and as many spades and mattocks were found in the enemy’s camp. Also several gold basins and plates: ten thousand tents besides those which belonged to the superior officers; weapons of all sorts and sizes; large and small drums, trumpets, bells, chests, waggons, and carriages fell into the hands of the victorious Moslems; but the number of all these things together is only known to the Creator of men and angels. A vast quantity of articles of less value fell also a prey to the conquerors, but it is not possible to describe them all. As to articles of provision, which the enemy had left behind them, it was quite wonderful. Viands and wine were found preserved in silver and Chinese vessels; medicaments cherished by caranfil (cloves), sweetmeats, other kinds of eatables mixed with ferment, ginger, electuaries, and many other sorts, as much as would supply the garrison of Kaniza for a whole year. The whole of the cannon and arms were transported by order of the páshá into the fortress.

We have already noticed that Karah Omar Aghá, after the páshá had augmented his party, was ordered to pursue the fugitive enemy. He did so. As many of the enemy as had succeeded in reaching the ford of Paulet were totally panic-struck, when they perceived Karah Omar with his party of men pressing towards them. They threw away what heavy baggage had yet remained to them, crossed the ford in the utmost hurry and confusion, and took with them what they esteemed most valuable. The Moslem pursuers slackened not their pace, crossed the ford after them, and coming up to them, slew many of them. The fugitives were now obliged, in order to escape with their lives, to throw away every thing by which they had been encumbered, and even their arms, and took to their heels as fast as they were able. It was not known how many of them had perished, but about six thousand of the better sort of them fell by the hands of their valiant pursuers. Several of their captains were conveyed back to the páshá; but as the number of the prisoners which were thus brought were too many to be retained, the páshá gave orders to cut off the heads of all who were afterwards brought in on the ditches, and to throw their bodies into the river. Some of the prisoners, when they were asked the cause of their signal defeat and dispersion, attributed it to the effect which the letters that had been conveyed into their camp had had on their minds. A fearful terror, said they, seized us, and we began to imagine we saw nothing but troops of Turks with green turbans coming to your aid, and attacking us in conjunction with you.

In this memorable retreat, Don Juan, Hersog of Malta, finding it impossible to escape the danger of being taken prisoner, stripped off his clothes, wrapped himself up in a shabby coverlet, and lay four days in a ditch, pretending he was wounded. On the fifth day of the retreat, some men belonging to Zerín Oghlí, who had come from Mekomúriah to inquire into the state of matters, chanced to pass the ditch where this helpless Hersog lay. He implored them to extricate him, which they did, and carried him to Zerín Oghlí, who, when he learned who he was, showed him great respect, and sent him away to his own country.

The loss sustained by the enemy in this campaign was truly great: seventy or eighty thousand infidels, at the very least, must have perished. Those Italian and German foot soldiers who escaped the sword of the victorious Moslems, fell down on the roads benumbed with cold, and remained there. The few naked and weeping wretches who had been so fortunate as to reach their own countries, did so only with their lives.

Karah Omar Aghá of Petcheví relates the following story: “When we were in pursuit of the infidels, flying before us, we sometimes came up to ten or fifteen of them sitting and warming themselves before fires which they had made; but, when they saw us approaching, they started up upon their legs, took off their hats, and made obeisance to us. The fact is, we were weary of cutting and slashing the poor wretches, and therefore did not think it manly to kill men who were thus vanquished and suffering like those just now mentioned. The like of these creatures we passed, and went on slaughtering and hewing down all such as still had the hardihood to carry arms. The vast quantity of articles of value, as well as of arms, which the fugitives threw away, in their hurry to escape, strewed the roads every where, and it required two months’ time before they could be all collected and brought to Kaniza.”

Karah Omar Aghá was rewarded for his services in this campaign with the sanják of Petcheví.

Some further account of the affairs relative to Kaniza.—The arrival of the Commander-in-chief at Sigetwar.

The commander-in-chief, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, notwithstanding the opposition which had been manifested against his marching towards Kaniza, during the cold season, forced his way as far as Sigetwar. After the weather had become more intensely cold, a spirit of envy and insubordination began to manifest itself among his troops. They assembled together in a tumultuous manner, and attacked the Commander-in-chief’s tent with stones; and three days afterwards, when order seemed to have been restored, they broke loose and set off for Belgrade. This took place on the 12th of Jemadi II. However, the commander-in-chief received a letter from Hasan which announced to him the success which had been obtained over the enemy in their expulsion from Kaniza, and which gave him great joy. On the same day, towards evening, he received another from the same quarter, intimating the complete dispersion and defeat of the whole of the enemy’s army, a copy of which he immediately transmitted to Constantinople. He afterwards issued orders to the various troops to go into winter-quarters. He himself remained at Shuklúshka. On the 15th of the above month, one division of the troops, on its return, reached the bridge of Usk, and passed over in safety; but the next division was not quite so fortunate. Owing to the great and severe frost which had commenced, the river Drave was frozen over, and on the 20th, when the next division was crossing this bridge, it fell. All that were on it, at the time, perished. It was repaired, however, in two or three days afterwards.

Hasan Páshá, the celebrated governor of Kaniza, went to Shuklúshka to pay his respects to the commander-in-chief, who, in return, showed to the heroic Páshá every mark of esteem, and granted a favourable reception to every request he made to him. The government of Kústandil was conferred on Meseli Beg, and Korah Omar Aghá was confirmed in the sanjakship of Petcheví. To each of the veteran soldiers who sustained the siege along with him five pieces of money were allowed, besides the provisions which were due. Hasan Páshá dispatched his lieutenant, Iskender Páshá, to court, whose arrival there gave the emperor the sincerest joy. He approved of the distribution and appointments which had been made, and raised Hasan to be one of his favourite vezírs. Three robes of honour, a richly ornamented sword, and three beautiful horses, were sent as presents to the celebrated páshá. The commander-in-chief, in like manner, conferred marks of esteem upon him, and sent his lieutenant, Mustafa Khetkodá, to Petcheví, to furnish provisions for Kaniza, and then set out for Belgrade.

In consequence, however, of the violence of the mountain-like masses of ice which drifted down the Save, the bridges on that river were broken down, and the returning troops had to cross it in boats. In this journey they suffered great hardship, and had to overcome many difficulties before they reached Belgrade. About this time the ághá of the janissaries, Alí Aghá, was sent to Constantinople in order to negotiate a marriage between Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, the commander-in-chief and prime minister to the Ottoman emperor, and the sultana, the widow of the late prime minister, Ibrahím Páshá.

The following is a copy of a letter from the grand sultán to Hasan Páshá in reference to his brave and wise conduct during the siege of Kaniza. After having referred to the great glory which had accrued this year, by his instrumentality, to the Ottoman empire, he says, that the celebrated name of his choice servant, his prudent vezír, the beglerbeg of Kaniza, Hasan Páshá, was to be inserted among the other great and celebrated names recorded in the annals of the empire. He then proceeds: “I have appointed you a vezír; and may my servants who were with you in the siege of Kaniza, and who, in a peculiar sense, are my children, receive a benediction; who, beyond all conception, exemplified the most strenuous courage, not regarding their own lives in their faithfulness to their religion and to us; who in the most arduous struggle of human exertion never once flinched from the dangers of either fire or water; who manfully and heroically maintained their ground on the batteries of Kaniza; who in open battle, on the field of blood, discomfited, routed the hateful enemy, and hewed them down whenever they attempted to rally; who caused the iron-cased host to fly, leaving all their valuables a prey to their pursuers; and, in one word, who acquired peculiar glory by their unexampled heroism. We therefore request that in every thing they continue to manifest towards you the most implicit obedience, which will secure to them our approbation. You will read this letter, which contains the expression of our will, in the presence of our brave veterans, and cause them to understand it. We sanction, by our royal authority, the distribution of money, &c. to be made to our servants at Kaniza under your command. We commend you all to the true God.”

The day on which this letter was read in Hasan Páshá’s diván there was not one in it who did not weep; and many a kind and benevolent wish was offered up for the happiness of the emperor of the Moslems. This solemn scene was afterwards changed into that of joy, the demonstrations of which were every where manifested. Three full months were spent in collecting and bringing into Kaniza the cannon, arms, ammunition, tents, &c. which the enemy had left behind them.

Many of the illustrious European young men who were employed in this war lost their hands and feet by reason of the severe frost; and several of them were killed in order to relieve them from pain and sufferings. The Franks formerly mentioned purchased, at a low price, about two hundred of the Spanish and Italian prisoners.

Before the spring of the following year commenced, about three thousand villages put themselves under the protection of the Ottomans; and more than two thousand peasants came from Usk, from Púzgha, from Petcheví, from Shuklúwish, and from Bosnia, to repair the fortress of Kaniza. Its outer works these labourers greatly enlarged and strengthened with trees cut down for the purpose. They surrounded the whole with a line of fortifications; erected minarets on its walls; built a mosque, a palace, and an arsenal within the citadel; erected sheds over the guns, and made a new bath. The successful warriors, however, never ceased to make excursions into the enemy’s territories, almost as far as Vienna, and uniformly returned with much booty and many captives.

State of matters in the East.—Concerning Scrivano.

It had been determined by the court of Constantinople that Hájí Ibrahím Páshá should go and have an interview with the late governor of Baghdád, Hasan Páshá, the commander-in-chief in the east, and, along with him, attack Karah Yázijí (Scrivano). Instead of paying regard to these injunctions, however, he marched directly to Cæsarea, where he gave the rebels battle, was routed, and at last obliged to take refuge in the fortress of Cæsarea. When Hasan Páshá heard of this terrible disaster, he, without loss of time, removed to Elbastan on the 12th of Sefer of this year, met the rebel army at a place called Sepetlú, where he arranged his troops in order of battle. The enemy did not decline the combat. Early next morning at sun-rise the two armies commenced a bloody contest, which continued without intermission till after mid-day, when victory declared itself in favour of Hasan Páshá. The rebels were routed with great slaughter, leaving one third of their number, which had amounted to 30,000, lifeless on the field of battle, besides the whole of their tents and baggage. Karah Yázijí fled with the remnant of his broken forces into the Jánbeg mountains, where he fortified himself. The victorious páshá pursued the rebels as far as Tokat.

Some other events of this year.—Karah Yázijí dies in the mountains of Jánbeg.

Towards the end of Jemadi II. information was brought to the Moslem authorities by some of the rebel chiefs, that Karah Yázijí had died in the mountains, whither he had fled, in the month of Ramazán, but that his brother, Delí Hasan, had succeeded him in the command of the rebels.

Háfiz Ahmed Páshá, third vezír and the governor of Anatolia, passed over to Uskadár (Scutari) and proceeded to Kutahia. On the 12th of Shevál the káímakám, Khalíl Páshá, was removed from office, and was succeeded by Hasan Páshá, who at that time was the third vezír.

On the same day, i.e. on the 12th of Shevál, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá’s commissioner, Alí Aghá, ághá of the janissaries, who had been sent to Constantinople to contract a marriage between the commander-in-chief and Ayesha Sultáná, the relict of the late grand vezír, Ibrahím Páshá, met along with Yemenlí Hasan Aghá, the vezír’s own deputy, and Abdí Chelebí, secretary of the customs, and fixed the dowry at four thousand ducats. After the contract was settled and sealed, one Nesúh Aghá was sent to Belgrade with the marriage documents to the serdár. Nesúh, who had lost his commission among the spáhís, expected, on this occasion, either to be raised to the ágháship of the janissaries, or to be made chief master of the horse, what he was before; but neither of these offices could be conferred on him at that time: he was, however, made a kapújí báshí. This same Nesúh Aghá afterwards attained the rank of páshá, and became, in the end, prime minister; but we shall have to speak of him in the sequel.

On the 20th of Dhu’l kadah Alí Aghá left the Sublime Porte with his troops and marched for Belgrade.

Concerning the rebel Delí Hasan, the brother of Karah Yázijí.—Hasan Páshá, the commander-in-chief, falls a martyr.

It is recorded by Sháh Verdí, who had been deputy or lieutenant to Karah Yázijí, that when Karah Yázijí died, as already observed, his followers took his body, and cutting it into pieces, afterwards buried it in separate and distinct places, in order that the Osmánlís might not have it in their power to burn it.

This same Verdí, Yolar Kapdí, and one Túyel, all three noted rebels, joined the insurgent Delí Hasan, after the death of his brother, when they left the mountains of Jánbeg with an insurgent army of several thousand men, with the view of intercepting and seizing Hasan Páshá’s heavy baggage whilst on its way from Diárbeker. The páshá not having many troops along with him at this time, did not venture to give battle to these desperate mountaineers, but fortified himself as well as he was able in the fortress of Tokat. The city and suburbs, however, were subjected to the cruelty of these barbarians, who not only robbed and plundered wherever they were able, but also destroyed the páshá’s beautiful flower-garden. Not satisfied with all these excesses, they determined to attack the citadel and seize the páshá himself. For this purpose they encamped on the outside of the city. Information of the insurgent army having determined to lay siege to the fortress of Tokat having reached the court of Constantinople, the governor of Diárbeker, Khosrú Páshá, was created a vezír, and ordered to proceed with the army of Kúrdistán and oppose the progress of the insurgents. No person, however, had sufficient courage to inform Hasan Páshá that his office was conferred on Khosrú Páshá.

In the meantime the insurgents, after continuing the siege for about a month, had every prospect of succeeding in their attempts. Hasan Páshá was in the habit of going every morning and sitting on a seat in a certain place opposite the gate of the fortress, a circumstance which was some way or other made known to the rebels. They accordingly watched him, when one of them aimed his piece at him and shot him dead on the spot. Delí Hasan wished no more, raised the siege, and set out on a predatory excursion into Anatolia. The property of Hasan Páshá which had fallen into the hands of the rebels they distributed amongst them; and their power soon waxed so very considerable, that for the space of seven or eight years they ruled the country with a rod of iron.

Yávuz Alí Aghá was made válí of Egypt this year. This same year, also, a letter from the king of France was received, in which complaint was made of the injuries which some of his subjects had sustained from pirates belonging to some of the Turkish islands. The Turkish government immediately issued the strongest prohibitions against this traffic, and threatened to punish with rigour every instance of transgression of this kind which should happen to come to its knowledge.

We have still to observe one other circumstance before commencing to relate the events of the following year. During the time that Khalíl Páshá was governor or deputy of Constantinople, the ulemá assembled together, waited on his excellency, and demanded justice against the spáhís for the disturbance and tumult which they had been the means of raising in the metropolis lately. A report of the whole of their proceedings was laid before his majesty, who issued a royal letter relative to this meeting.

Ibrahím Khán, the valas pádisháh, was this year subdued by Sháh Abbás.[10]

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