EVENTS of the Year 1013, H.
On the 20th of Moharrem, a tremendous earthquake, which happened at Bassra, effected the demolition of the greater number of houses, both inside and outside of the city, and under their ruins many thousand individuals perished.
The grand vezír, Alí Páshá, sets put for Belgrade.
We have noticed in a former section of this work the great reluctance the grand vezír, Alí Páshá, had evinced against going to the Hungarian wars, and how strenuously he had endeavoured to get his appointment as commander-in-chief over the forces employed on the Hungarian frontiers countermanded, but to no purpose. All he could do or say had no effect in altering the determination of the emperor. He was obliged to proceed. The Bosnian and Romeilian troops, the ághá of the janissaries, six legions of spáhís, and other divisions of troops were appointed to accompany the grand vezír. The lord high treasurer, Etmekjí Zádeh, was also ordered to join the expedition.
The grand vezír, previous to his departure, appointed Súfí Sinán Páshá his deputy, in room of Háfiz Ahmed Páshá, whom he intended to send to the government of Bosnia. Háfiz Ahmed Páshá retired into a garden on the outside of the city, and there remained five or ten days, under the pretence of waiting for the arrival of camels and mules to enable him to commence his journey to Bosnia. When the prime minister learned, however, that Háfiz Ahmed Páshá delayed in the manner he did, he sent him the most peremptory orders to set out without any further delay. He intimated, moreover, in a note which he afterwards sent him, that his obstinacy would force him to be guilty of shedding blood. “If you will not obey,” said the haughty premier, “I shall come in person and terminate your existence upon earth.” This intimation was enough to convince Háfiz that his life was in actual danger, and he now did all he could to show that he was earnest in obeying the injunctions which had been laid upon him, though he secretly, at the same time, endeavoured to thwart the views of the premier.
The grand vezír, Alí Páshá, at length left Constantinople, and with great pomp and show proceeded to Dávud Páshá, where his tent had been erected for him. The grandees and nobles of every rank accompanied the illustrious commander, and showed him every mark of esteem and respect; and it is certainly true that no vezír ever met with more honour from any emperor than did Alí Páshá from the reigning monarch. On the fifth day of the above month his imperial majesty accompanied the heroic army as far as Halkalú, where he took a view of them from his lofty palace, and admired the splendid appearance they presented. The grand vezír, on this occasion, requested his majesty to order the funds necessary for conducting his army and carrying on the war to be sent him; but whilst waiting at the above place for the anticipated ducats, he received a most threatening royal letter, which intimated to him in the plainest terms, that, if he wished to keep his head on his shoulders, he must not delay his march one single day longer. The grand vezír, compelled to activity, was making arrangements the following day for complying with the threatening intimation which had been sent him, when it began to be rumoured that the bostánjí báshí had been sent by royal orders to call Háfiz Ahmed Páshá to court, and that he was appointed by royal commission to the káímakámship of Constantinople. Súfí Sinán Páshá, who had been appointed to this high office by the grand vezír, as before observed, had actually entered on the duties of the deputyship, and had done the customary obeisance to the emperor after his appointment: such, indeed, was the fact. On the Friday of that week, as Háfiz Ahmed Páshá was performing his devotions, the royal commission appointing him to the deputyship of Constantinople reached him. He accordingly without delay repaired to his own palace, and ordered the diván to meet on the following day. He also sent his saláms (compliments) to Súfí Sinán Páshá, and with the view of making him acquainted with the change his majesty had thought proper to make, desired him likewise to attend. Súfí Sinán, when he saw Háfiz’s messenger, thought, at first, he was come from Alí Páshá, and asked him if the grand vezír had sent him. “No,” said the officer, “it was Háfiz Ahmed Páshá.” “Am I to understand by this message,” asked Súfí Sinán, with some degree of surprise, “that Háfiz is appointed káímakám?” The officer answered in the affirmative. Súfí Sinán, on having his doubts solved, rose up and went to congratulate Háfiz on his appointment, as if he had been altogether a neutral person, and in no way affected by the change.
Early next morning, Háfiz Ahmed Páshá went to the diván, where he caused several propositions to be drawn up in reference to the two holy cities, Mecca and Medina, which were afterwards read in the presence of his majesty. Before the members of the diván had dismissed, however, he caused another paper to be drawn out, wherein he asked permission to go and see the grand vezír. This paper he folded up with the other papers relative to Mecca and Medina, and laid them before the throne; returned to his own palace, he ordered his horse to be in readiness, as he meant, he said, to set out on a journey to Chatálijeh, a considerable distance from Constantinople. The distance however, on the one hand, and the heat of the weather on the other, he considered were so great that he should be unable to be back in time for the meeting of the diván on the following day; he therefore gave up all idea of proceeding, and entering into a secret chamber, commenced talking of visiting his majesty and the grand vezír. Whilst his domestics were wondering in themselves what he would next take into his head, an officer from the emperor’s chaplain arrived, and advised the páshá not to go to the vezír. “There was no need for it,” he said; “besides the grand vezír was a furious man, and might offer him some disrespect.” Such was the import of the officer’s advice, which he had been desired to communicate by his master to Háfiz. However, Háfiz was successful in another way, which was this: One Kullili Dilsiz soon afterwards called on Háfiz, and told him that he was carrying letters to the grand vezír from the emperor, which had some reference to him, and advised him to take an opportunity of following him. He did so; had an interview with the grand vezír at Chatálijeh; and returned in time sufficient to attend the diván the following morning.
It has been conjectured that the grand vezír (now called the serdár or commander-in-chief), on his arrival at Adrianople, had removed Abulmeymín Mustafa Effendí from the office of the high priesthood, and had appointed Siná allah Effendí in his stead. His removal was entirely owing to the enmity and preconcerted measures of the late Kásim Páshá, and the emperor’s chaplain.
Alí Páshá, the serdár or commander-in-chief, continued his march towards Belgrade; but a disease with which he had been afflicted was so very much increased by the late unhappy events which had distressed him, that his health declined considerably. The vexation he endured in consequence of the instalment of Háfiz Ahmed Páshá into the deputyship, preyed so much on his spirits that by the time he reached Sophia, he was unable to take food or nourishment of any kind. He became worse and worse at every succeeding stage, and had scarcely reached Belgrade, and saluted Mohammed Páshá, the acting commander-in-chief, when he gave up the ghost. His death took place on the 28th of the month Sefer. Such is the history and end of Alí Yávuz Páshá grand vezír and commander-in-chief.
We must now advert to the history of the other commander-in-chief, Jeghala Zádeh Sinán Páshá, who was appointed to conduct the Moslem army against the Persians.
Jeghala Sinán Páshá was the oldest of all the beglerbegs when he was appointed to the chief command in the east: he was once, for a short time, grand vezír; afterwards válí of Syria; and lastly lord high admiral of the Ottoman fleet. This office he held at the moment when the government had fixed on him for taking the command of the forces employed against the Persians. He was, therefore, a person who was acquainted with the art of war, both by sea and land. It was in consequence of the high reputation which he had acquired, and of the knowledge which he possessed of the countries of the east, and in which he himself had served, that the late grand vezír had requested his appointment.
On the 16th of Dhu’l hijja he passed over to Scutari, as we have already observed; and on the 17th he commenced his march with such troops as were there waiting for him, and which were composed of various kinds. On reaching Nicomedia (in Bythinia) the feudatory troops which composed his right wing began to represent that they belonged, properly, to the army of Romeili, and asked if they were to be paid wages if they continued in conjunction with the army of Anatolia. A firmán was immediately issued which assured them that they should. On arriving on the confines of Erzerúm, he was joined by the followers of the late Delí Hasan, along with their leader Karah Kásh Ahmed, who all swore fealty to the Ottoman government, pretending at least to have repented of their misconduct and rebellion. In a few days more he was joined by several others, particularly by the beglerbeg of Erzerúm, Gusháh Sefer (a very brave man, and remarkably well skilled in horsemanship, who was raised to dignity and honour from the humble situation of serving in the imperial kitchen) with four thousand men, well armed, whom he had collected in the greatest haste. The active Ahmed Páshá, beglerbeg of Wán, with three or four thousand veterans, met the grand army in the plains of Pas. On the 15th of Jemadi II., the whole of the Moslem army reached Kurus, when they halted for ten days, in order to give time for other troops to join the royal standard, and for the return of Karah Kásh Ahmed, who had been sent out on a depredatory excursion.
Sháh Abbás, when he heard of the advance of the Osmánlís, removed his troops from Reván and from Akcha Kalla, where they had been posted, and retreated. This information had no sooner reached the Moslem camp, than Sefer Páshá addressed the commander-in-chief for permission to advance with a party of veterans and intercept the sháh in his retreat. “His army was comparatively small,” said Sefer, “and if you advance with the grand army in the ordinary way, to my support, I am not without hopes, if you agree to my proposal, of being able to bring the sháh bound in fetters before you.” Such was the heroic language of Sefer Páshá, but the serdár was deaf to all his entreaties. He pretended to be waiting for the arrival of Karah Kásh; and even when Karah Kásh did arrive, he was as far as ever from complying with Sefer Páshá’s proposal. Thus, by delay and hesitation, the enemy was not only allowed to withdraw to a greater distance, but had time afforded them for preparing to offer a more formidable resistance; whilst the grand army by this procedure, was exposed to greater danger, to more difficulties, and to a less chance of success.
The commander-in-chief was indeed at length roused to some activity; but it was only when he perceived the season for warlike operations fast passing away, without his having gained one single advantage, that he was thus roused. Without paying any regard to the councils of Sefer Páshá, which might have been attended with glorious results, had he allowed himself to be swayed by them, he again commenced his march in pursuit of the retreating enemy, and even sent letters to the sháh offering him battle, but the wary sháh paid no regard to his invitations. By the time the grand army reached Nakhcheván, the sháh and his army had safely got into the jurisdiction of Tabríz. The commander-in-chief now saw his error, but it was too late to correct it; and he was destined, in consequence of his own tardiness and want of skill, to become more pre-eminently the sport of fortune. The country round Nakhcheván had been, a little before, the theatre of rebellion and of devastation; and in consequence of this, the cities and villages were enduring the greatest calamity from famine, at the time the Moslem army arrived in Nakhcheván. The serdár, when he perceived the dismal condition he and his army were in, proposed marching towards Shirván, where his son, Mahmúd Páshá, was beglerbeg. The chiefs of the army appeared before the serdár, and told him he might do what he liked, and take what journey he pleased, but the heretics were not to be overtaken. It was quite impracticable, they said, to follow them with a large army; nor would it prove any advantage, they further observed, to march against Tabríz and lay siege to it. The season for retiring into winter-quarters was just at hand, and they therefore thought it would be more prudent to return to their own country. The serdár was totally averse to this proposal, and endeavoured to dissuade them from urging this measure. He did so by representing to them how desirable it was to terminate the campaign honourably; that there still remained a chance of their succeeding; and that it would be much more wise, under all circumstances, to take up their winter-quarters in Gunjah and in Karabágh, than to return to Turkey before they had accomplished something worthy of their name. This speech had the desired effect: the troops struck their tents, and marched forward towards Tabríz. After having passed the river Ars, and accomplished a few stages, they learned that they were within a stage or two of coming up with the sháh, who was retreating with all his might before them. Sefer Páshá, Ahmed Páshá, beglerbeg of Sivás, and Alasha Atlí Hasan Páshá, earnestly implored the commander-in-chief to be allowed to proceed with a body of light troops and overtake the sháh, but he again refused to grant them their request, and maintained his usual obstinacy. On reaching Wán, he distributed his troops into different cantonments, but he himself remained at Wán for the winter. The more discerning of the troops, it must be observed, however, opposed the serdár, and endeavoured to dissuade him from disbanding his army, but their efforts were all in vain. They represented to him that the steps he was about to take were altogether inconsistent with the general safety; and for a commander-in-chief to winter on the frontiers, without any army, might be very aptly compared, they said, “to a head without hands or feet.” Moreover, they maintained that the thing was altogether unprecedented. The serdár, as we have already observed, continued inflexible; took up his quarters in Wán, and conferred the government of the country on Ahmed Páshá. Ahmed Páshá being indisposed when this appointment took place, the serdár sent his chief physician to perform the duties of the new governor, and finally conferred the situation on Alí Páshá.
In the meantime, however, the serdár found means to conciliate the Kúrdistán chiefs, and called them together to the city of Wán, with the view of consulting them about his affairs and the state of things in general. But the sháh no sooner learned that the serdár had dispersed his army than he collected together his detestable and diabolical heretics, with the intention of attacking Wán. He accordingly despatched a division of these atheists towards Wán, whilst he himself, under cover of the night, followed that division with the whole of his disposable forces, and took up his position before Wán, but at such a distance that no cannon could reach him. At daylight on the following morning the unfortunate and infatuated serdár had his eyes opened to the very critical and hazardous situation into which his obstinacy had brought him. He tried to make the best of it he could. He assembled all the Kurds and others that were in Wán together, and deputed one Rázieh Zádeh Mustafa to take the command of them. Mustafa and his troops made a sortie, but they found the heretics too numerous for them and returned. Khundán Aghá and his two sons were unfortunately taken prisoners by the Kuzil báshes on the above occasion.
The serdár was now heartily sorry, and well he might, for the steps he had taken. He repented most sincerely that he had remained at Wán, but his repentance was too late to avail him. After deeply considering what method he should take to save his own life, he resolved on trying to make his escape to Erzerúm. He accordingly took ship at Wán, and landed at a place called Adaljuwaz. Losing no time at this place, he hastened with all the speed he could make towards Erzerúm, having been furnished with horses for his journey by Emír Sháh, the governor and other officers at Adaljuwaz. On arriving within a short distance of Erzerúm, the beglerbeg of Erzerúm, Gusah Sefer Páshá, went out to meet him, taking along with him an equipage more suitable to the dignity of the commander-in-chief than that with which he had travelled from Adaljuwaz.
The sháh, even after he had heard of the sudden departure of the serdár, ceased not in his endeavours to reduce the city and fortress of Wán for the space of forty days, but was at last obliged to raise the siege, and then marched towards Tabríz and Nakhcheván. On this march, however, he surrounded an Osmánlí place of strength called Makú; but all he gained by laying siege to this fortress was only disgrace.
Before concluding this long section it is necessary to observe, in connection with what we have related with regard to Jeghala Zádeh Sinán Páshá, the commander-in-chief, that at the time the command of the forces in the east devolved upon him, or at least not long after it, Ja’fer Páshá was appointed lord high admiral in room of Jeghala; and that he sailed for the Mediterranean with sixty galleys. In some histories it is said, that it was the admiral Kehyah Páshá Zádeh Mustafa Páshá who was appointed to the deputyship of Constantinople at the time Alí Páshá and Jeghala Zádeh were made commanders-in-chief.
Lálá Mohammed Páshá succeeds Alí Páshá in all his offices.
After the death of the grand vezír, Alí Páshá, which event had taken place at Belgrade almost immediately after his arrival there, as we have already noticed, a kapújí báshí of the name of Kúrd Mustafa Páshá, brought accounts, in a sealed packet, to the government of Constantinople that Alí Páshá was no more. The officer presented them to the káímakám, Háfiz Páshá, who, however, declined receiving them. Hereupon the emperor’s chaplain called the officer to the royal palace, in order that it might be ascertained to whom it belonged to receive the packet. He complained that Háfiz Páshá refused to have any thing to do with the packet, though he knew it was an official despatch, whilst at the same time it was evident that the forces employed against the Hungarians were in the utmost need of having a commanding general appointed over them. It would appear, however, that before the accounts referred to had arrived, Lálá Mohammed Páshá had been raised by royal appointment to the chief command of the army, but that the commission had not reached him in sufficient time. He was now raised to the dignity of grand vezír.
Lálá Mohammed Páshá no sooner found himself raised to the highest offices which could be conferred on him, than he began with all imaginable speed to make arrangements for renewing hostilities, succeeded in taking several Hungarian towns, and afterwards returned with the body of his army to Buda.
Having formed the design of recovering Osterghún, in order to secure success as much as possible, he conferred on Bektásh Páshá, of Usk, the jurisdiction of Buda, appointed him to the advanced guard, which was composed of three thousand chosen men, and ordered him to march towards the last-mentioned place.
The infidels abandon Pest.
A report having been circulated that Lálá Mohammed Páshá, the celebrated commander of the Moslem army, was advancing on his march from Belgrade, the infidels who garrisoned Pest, which they had wrested from the Moslems in consequence of the weakness and pusillanimity of Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, the former commander-in-chief, fled in the utmost precipitation, leaving, in fact, the whole of their arms of all kinds behind them. Such was the panic into which they were thrown by the fame of Lálá Mohammed Páshá, of whose heroism they had some knowledge. Their flight was a sufficient proof of the estimation in which they held his military talents.
When the new serdár, Lálá Mohammed Páshá, heard that the enemy had abandoned Pest, he crossed the Danube and took possession of it. The hateful infidels, with the view of totally destroying it, it is necessary to observe, had left the place exposed to the destructive effect of several mines which they had prepared for that purpose, and which, had they not been discovered in sufficient time, would certainly have buried the whole place, and all that was in it, in ruins. Fortunately for the inhabitants, as well as for the Moslem troops who had entered it, a sick soldier, who had been left behind in Pest, had given a hint to the conquerors of the mines referred to, which were almost on the point of ignition at the moment they were discovered. This very remarkable deliverance from so very terrible and inevitable a ruin was properly and religiously improved by the orthodox faithful from the highest to the lowest.
The commander-in-chief made arrangements for repairing and fortifying Pest; also for rebuilding the tower of Ján Kúrturán, and supplied both places with a sufficient number of troops and a proper quantity of provisions. The victorious troops of Lálá Mohammed Páshá entered Buda a little after the commencement of Rabia II., and immediately afterwards the bridge which had extended between Pest and Buda, but which had been cut down by the hatchets of the infidels, was again ordered to be rebuilt according to its former model.
The Moslem veterans were also agreeably surprised to learn that a similar terror with that which had seized the infidels at Pest, had also overtaken the infidels at Khutván, and had produced a similar result. The injuries which the houses of the faithful had sustained in both places, either by burning or otherwise, were ordered to be repaired.
The fortress of Wáj conquered.
The celebrated serdár, Lálá Mohammed Páshá, now proceeded to reduce Wáj, which for the space of two years had been under the complete sway of the infidels, and encamped at Eskí Buda (Old Buda), immediately opposite to Wáj. By means of boats he conveyed across the Danube his troops, and on the 21st of Jemadi II. Wáj was besieged on all sides. The infidels in this fortress thinking, however, that they were about to be visited by retributive justice, put on an appearance of fortitude, though, as will appear, they were totally overcome by terror. On the very first night of the siege they contrived secretly to set fire to a tower and a palanka in the island opposite to Wáj, took to their boats, and set off, about the middle of the night, for Osterghún. The Moslems, of course, took possession of Wáj.
Osterghún is laid siege to.
The victorious Moslems, the terror of whose arms spread dismay among the infidels, marched upon Osterghún, and on the 23d of Jemadi II. formed the siege of that place. Every gun and musket throughout the whole army were put in requisition, and every arrangement was made for commencing hostilities; but, alas, the constant fall of snow and rain, the winter season having commenced, rendered it impracticable for the troops to make any use of trenches, or at least they found it difficult to stand in them. The truth seems to be, that too much time had been taken up in repairing and attending to the lately retaken fortresses, Pest, Khutwán, and Wáj, and also with the rebuilding of the bridge formerly mentioned, to be able, at so late a period of the year, to carry on the siege of Osterghún with any great prospect of success.
In consequence of the length of time the Moslems spent unnecessarily with the fortresses they had retaken, as just observed, the infidels found ample opportunity to erect tabúrs or fortifications on the opposite bank of the river, and to extend a bridge from Osterghún to these fortifications. The whole line of these tabúrs were also protected by a range of field-pieces, and every thing, in fact, presented a most formidable appearance. For several successive nights the enemy rushed forth upon the Moslems, attacked them with the utmost celerity, and succeeded in killing many of their bravest heroes.
When it was resolved to augment the number of Moslems who were actually engaged in endeavouring to reduce Osterghún (i.e. those who were immediately engaged in active operations against it), the janissaries refused to comply, and urgently demanded that the siege should be raised. The commander-in-chief perceiving himself involved in difficulties of no ordinary kind, ordered Toktamish Gheráí, the son of his royal highness Ghází Gheráí, who had that year joined the royal camp instead of his royal father, to go, with a few thousands of his Tátárs, along with Hasan Páshá, beglerbeg of Romeili, and some of his troops, and scour the country round about, commit all the damage to the enemy they could, and take what spoil they could find.
The commander-in-chief, after a period of thirty-one days uselessly spent in endeavouring to reconquer Osterghún, was obliged to raise the siege and return to Buda. Having made the necessary arrangements with regard to the garrisons on the frontiers, for protecting the Ottoman dominions in that quarter, the commander-in-chief set out for Belgrade, and arrived there on the 3d of Rajab.
The stipulated period of the old pretorian band in Buda for serving having expired, one thousand of them were again hired, and divided into four companies.
We have still to add, by way of appendix, what Petcheví says in reference to the siege of Osterghún, which we have been describing. “Nukásh Hasan Páshá acted at the above siege,” he says, “as ághá of the janissaries, but he was so cowardly that he never once showed his face where he anticipated danger. For this dereliction of duty and disgraceful pusillanimity, the commander-in-chief deprived him of his office, and degraded him. He afterwards, however, sent a petition to the court of Constantinople, requesting to have the judgment of the serdár reversed, but his petition was regarded with contempt.”
The same historian observes, “that formerly, when Ibrahím Páshá was commander-in-chief, the Tátárs, emírs, and other great men under his command, had proposed to exchange Osterghún for Agria; because the latter was much more distant from Buda than the former, and therefore not of such importance to the Ottomans.” When Mohammed Ketkhodá, vezír Murád Páshá, Ahmed Aghá, the khán’s vezír, and Hábel Effendí, the cazí of Buda, went to the enemy’s camp, as the reader may remember, with the view of endeavouring to negotiate a peace between the two belligerent powers, the proposals above-mentioned were the principal subjects submitted to the consideration of the negotiators; but no settlement of any kind at that time was agreed to, and things remained as they had been until this period, when the infidels began to show a disposition favourable to a cessation of hostilities. Accordingly, ten counts, ornamented with golden chains, and the great ministers of state, arrived (probably at Belgrade), and gave their consent to the propositions above alluded to, and Petcheví Ibrahím Effendí, whose sentiments we are here quoting, was sent to the Sublime Porte as the bearer of the propositions for a general pacification. Petcheví, on arriving at Constantinople, presented his dispatches to the káímakám, and to the reverend mufti, the venerable Siná-allah Effendí. Siná-allah Effendí appeared greatly surprised at the nature and import of the propositions which had been thus submitted; and exclaimed, “that they were such as could never be agreed to; that they were altogether unfit to be expressed in words; that they were unworthy of ever having been thought of,” he therefore rejected them with scorn, and ordered the officer who had brought them to retrace his steps, and deliver this answer. The messenger obeyed, and met the commander-in-chief in the plains of Serim; who having anticipated the result of his mission, and without allowing him time to tell the message wherewith he was charged, replied abruptly, “we must bear the disgrace;” and, immediately, without any further reference to the subject, began to call the messenger’s attention to the recent appearance of Botchkai, one of the Transylvanian princes, to whose exploits our attention must now be turned.
Concerning Botchkai.
The Germans are of the race of infidels or unbelievers, and a distinct and peculiar sect of Christians, who are divided among themselves. The principal chief or head of these different tribes of Christians, as they may be denominated, has the titles of emperor and Cæsar. The dukes of Austria and of Hungary are of the race of the emperor. The Nemcheh, or German nation, having acquired a superiority over the rest, subverted the whole or most of the fortresses belonging to Ardil (Transylvania) and Mejár (Hungary), and have all along, ever since, exercised towards these two tribes every species of oppression and tyranny. The Hungarian and Transylvanian natives, as well as their nobles, in consequence of the humiliating and degrading subjection to which the German tribe had reduced them, were obliged, of course, to feign submission to their oppressors; but cherished in their minds, nevertheless, the most unquenchable hatred and enmity. The Germans, ever since the time they had acquired dominion over these two nations, manifested the utmost contempt towards them, but especially towards the former. To the princes and nobles of Mejár (Hungary) they showed less courtesy and respect than they did to even the vilest and lowest among themselves, and made them the objects of many indignities and of low reproach: yet the ancient Hungarians, unlike their degenerate sons, often repelled the aggressions of their German neighbours with evident advantages, and maintained many a bloody battle with them.
Things continued much in the same way as we have endeavoured to describe, till Botchkai, one of the Hungarian princes, a brave and heroic infidel, called together the branches of his family, to whom he addressed himself thus: “How long are we patiently to submit to the reproach, as well as oppression and tyranny, resulting from a disgraceful subjection to these Germans? Thank God, the Ottoman emperors have always proved our generous friends. King John took refuge under the wings of the emperor Soleimán, and the royal dignity was maintained so long as one of his children and grandchildren remained to fill the throne of Hungary. Let us follow the heroic example of our ancestor; and when we are once supported by the strong arm of the Turks, we shall then be able to take ample vengeance on our oppressors.” This sentiment Botchkai urged with all the warmth and zeal he was able to put forth, and his speech had the desired effect. They unanimously agreed to put themselves under the sheltering power of the Ottomans; elected Botchkai to the dignity and prerogatives of a king, and appointed him their commander-in-chief. Immediately, or at least as soon as they found it convenient, and that was about the middle of this present year, they wrote letters to the Moslem general, wherein they made a formal offer to put themselves under the protection of the Moslem government; that they would be friends to those who were friendly to it, and enemies to those who were its enemies; that they agreed to serve the emperor of the Ottomans; and that they were ready to draw their swords against their German oppressors at his bidding; and requested, moreover, the serdár, as soon as he knew their sentiments, to make them known to the Moslem government at Constantinople.
The court of Constantinople, on being put in possession of the documents relative to the earnest wishes of the Hungarians, not only acquiesced in their solicitations, but also sent the most positive instructions to the commanding general to enter into an immediate engagement with the petitioners, and to assure them of the aid and protection of his government. The commanding general lost no time in communicating to Botchkai and his associates the views of the Sublime Porte, which had the effect not only of confirming them in their hatred and enmity towards the Germans, but also of increasing, day after day, the number of their followers.
A battle fought between the Germans and the Hungarians.
On the 27th of Jemadi II. these two sorts of infidels (i.e. the Germans and Hungarians) met, and fought a tremendous battle, in which Botchkai, supported by Ottoman arms, was completely victorious. More than ten thousand Germans fell on the field of battle, and their heads, besides a number of prisoners and several standards, he transmitted to the Moslem royal camp. The Moslem general eulogized the Hungarian hero for his uncommon bravery, and sent him a sword and a robe of honour as tokens of his high esteem for him, which, of course, had the effect of stimulating him in his career to greater deeds of valour. Warad, which had been wrested from the Hungarians, and which Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá had endeavoured in vain to reconquer, as before observed, fell into the hands of Botchkai, who put every infidel German he found in it to the sword. He dispersed or overcame with immense loss to the enemy every army the Germans brought to oppose him. He reduced the city and fortress of Tokay; subdued Wakasha, and took several German provinces; and in a very short period, the greater portion of Hungary fell under his dominion. Still bent on further conquest, Botchkai sent a number of princes he had taken prisoners, and also some splendid presents, to the Moslem general, accompanied by letters requesting further aid against the Germans; in compliance with which request, the Moslem commander ordered four thousand Tátárs under the command of a nephew of Toktamish Gheráí to accompany Bektásh Páshá, and a portion of the feudatory troops under him, to his assistance. On the same occasion, or soon afterwards, a diploma for exercising regal authority over Transylvania, a robe of honour, some ammunition and standards were also sent him on the part of the Ottoman government.
The rise and exploits of Botchkai are, however, differently related. Petcheví says, that the former emír, with whom Botchkai had been conjoined, was taken prisoner by the infidels, the Germans, but had made his escape. One day, as he was dressing his garden, Botchkai began to converse with the ex-emir about the Germans, when the other replied: “Send me to the Ottoman general, and I promise you I will bring the whole of the Moslem army to your assistance; and, moreover, I pledge myself to get you made king of Transylvania.”
The speaker, it may be observed in passing, had himself some thoughts of throwing off the German yoke some time before this, and it was for a rumour of this kind which had reached the ear of the emperor of Austria that he had been imprisoned; but as no sufficient evidence of this his intention had been produced, he was set at liberty. But to return. Botchkai replied that the inhabitants of the country were in general Christians, and would not on that very account humble themselves so far as to put themselves under the Turks. “Why,” said the ex-emir, “they did so in the days of Soleimán, and it was well with them. Why not do it at this time?” After having conversed for some time on this subject, Botchkai yielded to the advice of his adviser and sent him to the vezír; who was introduced to his excellency by Mohammed Páshá’s nephew, at that time interpreter to Bektásh Páshá. He spent a few days in secret consultation with his excellency, to whom he explained the object of his mission, and then returned. But it was not till after three or four such interviews were held and a contract entered into, that Botchkai unfurled the standard of rebellion against the emperor of Austria. It was not, moreover, till Botchkai had completely subdued the whole of the German fortresses on both sides of the river Tise (Tibiscus), that he came forward to seek that aid from the Muselmans which, no doubt, had been promised him.
The emperor of Austria was no sooner apprized of Botchkai’s revolt, than he sent a person of the name of Báshtái Yúrkí with German forces to chastise the rebel; but the former were totally defeated in the very first engagement. Botchkai, in the meantime, having received a reinforcement of Tátár and Temiswar troops from the grand vezír, his courage was amazingly increased, and he followed up his victory with rapidity and zeal. Every town and village which owned subjection to the German despot he exposed to all the horrors of war and rapine, and returned with immense booty, and joined the Moslem army in the capacity of a vassal of the Ottoman empire.
The promise which the vezír had made to obtain for him the royalty of Hungary (not of Transylvania, as before mentioned) he also punctually fulfilled after he returned to Constantinople, as we shall afterwards see. Gúzelcheh Mahmúd Páshá, who, in consequence of the part he had acted in the tumult which had taken place in the affair of Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, as formerly mentioned, had fled in disguise, and had lived all this interval in a sort of monastery or cell belonging to some Súfis, received his majesty’s pardon, was raised to the dignity of his former vezírship, and afterwards married Ayesha Sultána, the widow of the late Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, for whom he paid a dowry of four thousand akchas (pieces of money).
Concerning the defeat of Kásim Páshá.
We noticed sometime ago, that Kásim Páshá, on the 22d of Rabia II., had been appointed to the government of Baghdád. We referred particularly also to his conduct towards Alí Páshá, and to the tyranny and oppression he had exercised at Scutari. In the neighbourhood of Brúsa, whither he had gone after leaving, or rather after he was obliged to leave Scutari, he committed the same kind of shameless excesses he had been guilty of in other places. Complaints against his cruelty and tyranny having been laid before the emperor, a bostánjí báshí was forthwith dispatched with orders to cut him off, but who was so overawed by the páshá that he had not the resolution to fulfil his mission. The grand vezír, because he did not obey the order of government, removed the bostánjí báshí from his office, and appointed Dervísh Aghá, ketkhodá of the bostánjís, in his stead. This is the same Dervísh Aghá who afterwards obtained a near access to the emperor’s ear, and was made páshá for the important services he had rendered to the state. But to proceed. Kásim Páshá not only escaped the snare which had been laid for him, and the death he ought to have suffered, but was actually appointed to the government of Kutahia. Here he also manifested a spirit of carelessness and indifference, which eventually entailed upon him the punishment which had formerly been meditated against him. In order, however, to make sure of this, it was considered wise to send him a royal letter appointing him to the deputyship of Constantinople, in room of Háfiz Páshá, and an invitation to him to return and take possession of that office. Confiding in the royal letter Kásim returned to Constantinople, and was hardly one day in office, when he received three royal communications on important affairs, which, at once, had the effect of clearing away all doubt from his mind as to his being firmly fixed in the deputyship. This being the case, as he believed, he that very day appointed his predecessor Háfiz Páshá, third vezír. Ibrahím Aghá he made master of the horse, and Mím Ibrahím his remembrancer. About supper-time Chobán Soleimán, chief of the royal messengers, waited upon the new deputy, and informed him that on the following morning a council was to be held in the royal presence; and also that the emperor’s chaplain, the mufti, the vezírs, and other magnates of the state, had all been invited to attend. Accordingly, at daybreak next morning Kásim Páshá proceeded to the diván with great pomp and ceremony. On entering into the royal presence, and before all who were present, he advanced towards the emperor and did obeisance. The emperor, without any sort of preamble, began immediately to question him with respect to his conduct in neglecting to obey his royal mandates on more occasions than one. Kásim was confounded, and could find nothing to say in reply: to vindicate himself was impossible. The emperor then turned to the high-priest and consulted with him as to the nature of the guilt and crime with which Kásim stood chargeable, and from which he could in no way clear himself, when the reverend prelate gave it forth as his verdict, that Kásim should be put to death. This sentence had scarcely been pronounced, when, on a signal having been given, in rushed a number of bostánjís, who instantly severed Kásim Páshá’s head from his body. His carcass, by imperial orders, was carried in a dray and thrown into a ditch before the gates of Adrianople. Thus ended the eventful life of this ambitious and turbulent páshá.
Sárukjí Mustafa Páshá is made deputy of Constantinople.—Other promotions take place.
Immediately after Kásim Páshá was dispatched, as we have just now related, the emperor of sublime dignity and glory turned to Sárukjí Mustafa Páshá, and appointed him to the deputyship or káímakámship of Constantinople, saying, in the presence of the whole council, that if he should be found guilty of any maladministration, he should deal with him as he had done to him that was lying before him—pointing to the body of Kásim Páshá—and thus warned him of his danger. After this solemn address to the new deputy the council broke up, and every one went to his own house.
The new deputy, Sárukjí Mustafa Páshá, began his administration by effecting various changes in the different departments of the palace. Gúrjí Mohammed Páshá, chief eunuch in the royal harem, he raised to the dignity of third vezír; who, in consequence of this promotion, had it in his power to advance and befriend his own friends. Dávud Páshá, chief of the kapújís, and Mustafa Aghá, grand master of the horse, were, in about a week or two afterwards, exalted to the dignity of vezírs, and were married to two of Sultán Mohammed Khán’s daughters. Nukásh Hasan Aghá, who had been deposed from the command of the janissaries for his pusillanimity, came to Islambol, where his friends had interested themselves in his favour. He was created beglerbeg of Romeili, and soon afterwards was raised to the dignity of vezír. This deputy, amongst his other acts of administration, secured above a million of money to the royal treasury; and, in fact, every person wondered at the changes and alterations he had effected.
Towards the end of Jemadi II. a messenger arrived from Egypt, bringing to the court of Constantinople the sad intelligence that the Egyptian troops had murdered Hájí Ibrahím Páshá. The eunuch, Gúrjí Mohammed Páshá, who had lately been raised to the rank of third vezír, was appointed válí of Egypt in the room of the deceased. The galley in which the new válí had embarked reached the port of Alexandria in one week’s time; and after having entered upon the government of Egypt, he put to death every individual of those who had been in any way involved in the tumult in which his predecessor had perished. By force of arms he established peace throughout the whole of his jurisdiction, attended to the state of the finances, and inspired all ranks with terror.
On the 25th of Rajab the válí of Romeili, Hasan Páshá, was advanced to the rank of fourth vezír; Hasan Aghá, the brother of Tarnákjí Páshá, was, in the same month, made commander of the janissaries. The government of Algiers was conferred on Mustafa Aghá, who had been chief of the eunuchs in the days of Selím II.
Sárukjí Mustafa Páshá is murdered.—Súfí Sinán succeeds him.
It was not very long after Sárukjí Mustafa Páshá had entered on the duties of his office as deputy of Constantinople, when some violence began to be manifested by the troops on account of the pay which was due to them. Whilst the lord high treasurer, Mohammed Páshá, son of Músá Chelebí, was straining every nerve to meet the demands of the military, some of his enemies had an interview with the emperor’s chaplain, who lodged accusations with his excellency the deputy against him. The deputy, not perceiving the evil that was soon to happen to himself, deposed him and appointed one Háfiz Mahmúd to succeed him; a man who was every way unfit for so high and important a situation as that of chief treasurer, and one, too, whom the emperor abhorred. The deputy’s infatuation did not stop here; he endeavoured, with all his might, to get Siná-allah Effendí, the reverend mufti, removed from his spiritual jurisdiction, and to place Mohammed Effendí, the eldest son of Khojeh, in his stead. The reverend mufti no sooner received intelligence of the deputy’s manœuvres, than he immediately entered, with the emperor’s chaplain, into a conspiracy against the life of Sárukjí Páshá. They used every means they could think of to blacken his character in the opinion of the emperor, and succeeded but too well in exciting his displeasure against him. One day, as he went on some business connected with his office to the royal palace, he was desired to wait on his majesty; but on his retiring he was seized, an executioner was called, and in an instant his head was cut off. His body was thrown into a well in the court of the diván,[14] and Súfí Sinán Páshá was appointed káímakám in his stead.
Gúzelcheh Mahmúd Páshá, who had been restored to favour and was raised to a vezírship, again fell under his majesty’s displeasure, and was degraded. This took place on the 12th of the first Rabia, and Nesúh Páshá, who had been removed from the government of Aleppo, was appointed to succeed him in the vezírship, and also to the command of the army employed in Anatolia in quelling the rebellion in that quarter. On the 2d of Dhu’l kadah, Nukásh Hasan Páshá, beglerbeg of Romeili, reached the rank and dignity of vezír, and Tarú Hasan Páshá was confirmed in the above government.
The emperor goes to hunt.—Sultán Osmán Khán is born.
The emperor, who was exceedingly fond of the chace, went out with his friends and great men on the 11th of Jemadi II., i.e. on the 24th of Teshrín evel (a Syro-macedonian month, October), to enjoy the pleasures of the chace in the country round about the gardens of Romeili, in the vicinity of Constantinople.
During the time the grand sultán was enjoying the pleasures which the chace afforded him, the ághá of the royal house arrived and announced to his majesty the joyful intelligence of the birth of a son, which filled every heart with the sincerest joy. When the young prince was afterwards named Sultán Osmán, seven days and seven nights were dedicated, by an imperial firmán, to rejoicings. On the 17th of Shevál, which was the 26th of Shubat (a Syro-macedonian month corresponding to February), Sultán Mohammed was also born to him.
The grand vezír, Lálá Mohammed Páshá, returns to Constantinople.
We lately left Lálá Mohammed Páshá, the reader will remember, at Belgrade. From this frontier city he was suddenly recalled to court, and reached the Sublime Porte on the 20th of Ramazán, when his majesty condescended to show him very many expressions of kindness and respect. On the 20th of Shabán, Káfzádeh Feizallah Effendí was translated from the jurisdiction of Anatolia and made military judge of Romeili, being succeeded in Anatolia by Yehiá Effendí of Constantinople. About the end of the month of Dhu’l hijja Káfzádeh Effendí, at the request of the grand vezír, was degraded, and Yehiá Effendí was made military judge in his room. Kemál Effendí succeeded to the jurisdiction of Anatolia. Fatimah, the daughter of Sultán Murád Khán, and the widow of Khalíl Páshá, was contracted in marriage to vezír Murád Páshá, who commanded on the banks of the Danube, and who was recalled to Constantinople.
Continuation of the affairs in the East.
The state of matters in the eastern provinces became every day more desperate. Kalander Oghlí and Karah Seyed, two notorious rebels, laid waste the whole of the country round Aïdín and Sarúkhán, perpetrating every excess and committing every evil they were able against the followers of Mohammed. In one quarter Túyel Khalíl, and one Sachlí in another, created, by their cruelties, alarm and terror in almost every district throughout Anatolia. In consequence of these very awful disasters, inflicted by bands of ruthless barbarians, letters from all quarters flowed into the government, beseeching it for aid and protection against these lawless and merciless hordes. The káímakám, Súfí Sinán Páshá, taking the matter into earnest consideration, waited one day on his imperial majesty, and insisted with him, in the most urgent manner, that one of the vezírs should be appointed commander-in-chief of the army in Anatolia. His majesty, in the presence of the whole of his nobles, appointed Dávud Páshá, and urged him to make no delay. Dávud Páshá, however, excused himself, but afterwards began to make preparations. In the meantime Kejdehán Alí Páshá, beglerbeg of Anatolia, was ordered to proceed with the whole of the provincial army of Anatolia, and join Jeghala Zádeh, the commander-in-chief in the east. He was further ordered to unite in his march with Nesúh Páshá, who protected the frontiers; and both were ordered to march together with their respective armies, and overthrow the rebels, whose excesses were become altogether without limits. Kejdehán Alí Páshá proceeded according to orders; attached his troops to those of Nesúh Páshá, and marched together to meet the rebels under Túyel, who had conquered the greater part of Caramania and Anatolia. This rebel army they met in the plains of Bolawadin; but the result of the meeting of these two hostile armies we must defer relating till we enter on the affairs of the following year, which we shall immediately commence.