EVENTS of the Year 1014, II.
It having been considered of the last importance to ascertain the actual state of the Hungarian frontiers, Mohammed Páshá was granted full power over the troops, and to employ them in any way he thought proper. It was also the emperor’s declared determination and wish that Osterghún should be reconquered from the enemy if possible. With this view Hasan Aghá, Tarnákjí’s brother, and ághá of the janissaries, was appointed to proceed with a large body of janissaries to Belgrade, and afterwards join the commander-in-chief at Buda. This body of troops left Constantinople on the 27th of Dhu’l hijja, and halted at Dávud Páshá for the purpose of making some further arrangements for the journey. Abdul Bákí Effendí was appointed treasurer to the army; Etmekjí Zádeh had been sent to Romeili to collect the taxes; Súfí Sinán Páshá having been in full power, and deputy of the Sublime Porte, sent Dávud Páshá to command the garrison of Kostamúní; and Nesúh Páshá was made commander in Anatolia, and appointed to protect the Ottoman boundaries in that quarter.
Hasan Aghá, after having remained a week at Dávud Páshá, recommenced his march towards Belgrade, which place he reached about the latter end of the month Sefer. Having refreshed his troops and attended to the other necessary preparations for prosecuting his march to Buda, he left Belgrade and passed the plains of Zimún for that fortress on the 4th of Rabia II. The whole army assembled at Usk, where a council of war was held. The commander-in-chief proposed for the consultation of the counsellors, what measure ought first to be adopted for securing the desired success? The borderers and several of the chiefs of the army thought it was by all means most advisable to proceed directly to Buda and Alba Julia, and check the progress of the enemy in those quarters, or at least protect them against any assault which the enemy might threaten. Information had already arrived, they said, which fully announced the threatening aspect the enemy was assuming with regard to both these places. The enemy, they were aware, was making every preparation in Komran for renewing hostilities, and already had acquired some success. It was their imperative duty, continued the speakers, to march immediately to Buda and Alba Julia, and protect these places against the enemy of their country and of their faith. Such were the arguments employed on one side of the question. Others, however, opposed them, and argued differently. They, in the weakness of their judgment, maintained that Buda and Alba Julia were places of strength, and well furnished with the means of self-defence; so much so, indeed, they said, that the enemy had given up all hope of succeeding against them. These two places, the objects of so much concern and anxiety, therefore, might very well, and without any danger, they maintained, be left to their own resources. But there is Mekamúriah, said these trifling advocates. It presented a fine field for enriching the army: the inhabitants were in a state of quietness, and no way in a capacity to offer resistance: they were rich. Let, therefore, the army, reiterated these orators, march into Mekamúriah without delay.
This motion was vigorously opposed by the opposite party, and many arguments were adduced to show the danger that would arise if adopted and acted upon: but the majority of the council was in favour of it; and for no other reason, but that it promised to satisfy their thirst for wealth. The commander-in-chief yielded to the majority, ordered the janissaries to proceed towards Kaniza, not very distant from which lay the country of Mekamúriah, and resolved on following them, on the next day, with the body of the grand army acting under his command.
Having given his orders he waited on the venerable cazí who accompanied the camp, Ahmed Effendí, and informed him of the resolution the council had adopted, and requested him to give his opinion. The reverend prelate expressed, in no unmeasured terms, his entire disapprobation of that resolution. “It is no mark of sound judgment,” said the venerable man, “to adopt a method which leaves in our rear the enemy watching our movements, whilst we are pursuing an uncertain object from motives of ambition. Moreover, it is entirely contrary to the will of the emperor, who expressly declared that it was his utmost wish that we should, in the first instance, attempt the reduction of Osterghún. Having had, therefore, the emperor’s mind on the subject, it is as clear as day that nothing could be more improper than to pursue the plan which has been adopted, and, in part, acted upon. If, in prosecuting your present plan, so much as one village belonging to the Ottoman empire should fall into the hands of the enemy, you will find yourself at a loss to give any satisfactory answer when you happen to be interrogated on that point. I would observe, moreover, that only about eighty days remain for continuing this campaign, and that should you, in pursuance of the resolution of the council, follow the course which promises to enrich the soldiery, no less than twenty or thirty days will be necessary for this purpose. The soldiery, bent on acquiring spoil, will pay no regard to your commands when once they are let loose after plunder. They will become disunited and scattered; neither can you expect that this year you will ever induce them again to act as a regular military force. If, in these circumstances, the enemy should commence their hostile movements, with whom, let me ask you, will you march to meet them? What preparations can you effect? What aid can you command? Now, however, that you have time and troops at command, turn your thoughts towards Osterghún, and endeavour at least to fulfil the emperor’s express desire. If you attend to this advice, though you should even fail in the attempt, you are sure to escape reproach.” The clear and cogent mode of the worthy prelate’s reasoning made a very deep impression on the mind of the commanding general; in short, he was like one awakened from sleep. The arguments of the priest carried irresistible conviction, and the general was no longer in doubt as to the line of conduct he ought to pursue. He immediately resolved on proceeding to Buda, countermanded the march of the janissaries, who by that time had marched a stage on their way towards Kaniza, and made arrangements for laying siege to Osterghún.
The reverend priest acted in the transactions we have alluded to without the least fear of blame or reproach. His open and manly conduct, so utterly void of any thing like hypocrisy, was such as threw a glory and dignity around his sacred office and character, and secured him the high approbation of the vezír himself, and all others. Petcheví relates this account somewhat differently, and Káteb Chelebí, in his Fezliké, confirms his view of the matter, but it is of no importance to show wherein the two accounts differ.
The commanding general having resolved, as we have seen, on laying siege to Osterghún, the army commenced its march towards that place. The beglerbeg of Bosnia, with the troops under his command, was ordered forward to Buda. Twenty-five pieces of artillery, thirty thousand balls, ten thousand talents of gunpowder and other ammunition were transported in boats towards the place which was soon destined to become the scene of action and of blood. The spáhís and janissaries, on reaching the plains of Mehaj, were all furnished with the weapons peculiar to each, and about the middle of Rabia II. the Moslem camp was pitched in the vicinity of Osterghún. On the same day, also, on which they had pitched their tents every disposition for commencing hostilities was quickly and promptly attended to. On one side of Osterghún was a high hill whereon stood a considerable castle; and it being probable that a secret way from it to the city might be discovered, by which much mischief to the besiegers might be avoided, Mustafa Páshá, beglerbeg of Buda, was ordered, with a body of troops, to assault this fortress or castle, called Dipadilin, which he did on all sides. Jegirdilin, another fortress or castle, in connection with Osterghún, and with which the Moslems had become well acquainted in a former siege, was also subjected to the operations of war. Vishégrade, situate somewhere on the Danube between Osterghún and Wáj, and which could easily prevent provisions or stores being transported by water to the aid of the Moslem army, was, after a short siege, allowed to capitulate. Khádem Khosrú Páshá, the beglerbeg of Bosnia, who commanded at the siege of Vishégrade, found the garrison was composed of those Franks whom the Pope had sent in aid of the Germans, as formerly mentioned, and who had been distributed into the different forts in the hands of the Austrians. Like their brethren, the Franks at Alba Julia, they entered voluntarily, and on similar terms, the service of the grand sultán. At the commencement of the siege their number amounted to more than a thousand, but most of them perished before they had agreed to capitulate.
We now return to Dipadilin. Vishégrade having been disposed of in the way now related, part of Khosrú Páshá’s troops, and the Franks above-mentioned, were sent to join the troops employed under the beglerbeg of Buda against Dipadilin. This augmentation of force so terrified the besieged that they became discouraged; but the hearts and hands of the Moslems were so mightily strengthened by it, that on the 6th of Jemadi II., the sixth day of the siege, after the hour of morning devotions, they fired off three large guns, and all at once rushed forward to a general assault. It so happened, by the providence of God, that the morning was very dark and hazy; so much so, indeed, that objects could hardly be seen at the shortest distance; and thus the Moslems entered the place before they were discovered. Not only this place, but, in short, every other between it and Osterghún, in the short space of this one day, fell into the hands of the Moslem conquerors. Not one of the infidels in any of these different places escaped with his life: more than four thousand, it was said, perished. The count, who commanded in Osterghún, came forth to stimulate and encourage the infidels to oppose the Moslems, but he never returned: his body was found among the slain. A number of troops, and a quantity of provisions and other stores, which had been advancing by the Danube to the aid of the Moslems, but which, on account of the infidels in Vishégrade, were hindered from reaching their destination, were at once, by the fall of that place, allowed to proceed. The troops on board, having received intimation from the commander who carried on the siege of Vishégrade, disembarked, took up their quarters in a small island, attacked those of the enemy who had been employed in menacing them whenever they offered to sail forward, and slew about two hundred of them. These and the other troops now joined their brethren who were set down before Osterghún itself, the downfall of which was the principal object in the Moslem army’s taking the field this year.
Osterghún set fire to.
The janissaries having extended their trenches, on one side, to within a small distance of the city or suburbs, and as the cannon placed on the hill Dipadilin were kept constantly firing on the city and fortress, the commanding general, in pressing the siege, ordered the palanka of the city or suburbs to be set fire to. When the besieged perceived this palanka on fire many of them rushed forth and endeavoured to extinguish it, but not one of those who did so ever returned again.
The city and fortress taken.
On the 16th of Jemadi II. three successive general assaults were made, in the last of which the city was taken, and two thousand infidels that were found in it were immediately dispatched to the flames of hell. Mustafa Páshá, who had vanquished Dipadilin, was sent to reduce a tower called the Water Tower; which he did completely. On the 10th day, after taking possession of the city or suburbs, another assault was announced to the troops, who prepared for the onset. The enemy’s troops within the fortress perceiving with what determined perseverance the besiegers were animated, and fully convinced they should not be able to resist an assault, if it were attempted, but which they had every reason to anticipate, they, in this hopeless condition, offered to capitulate. When this proposal of the besieged was announced to the commanding general, he sent his confidant Petcheví Ibrahím Effendí,[15] the person who first informed him of the proposal of the enemy, to settle the articles of capitulation. These he settled in conformity to ancient custom. On the 21st of the month, five thousand four hundred miserable-looking wretches issued forth from the citadel, loaded with what private property they were able to carry—which they had been allowed to take with them—were put on board transports, and sent off to their own infidel country. One of their chief captains, however, embraced the Moslem religion, and was much caressed and befriended by the commanding general. All the Franks in Osterghún who followed the example of their brethren, who had lately entered the service of the grand sultán, shared the same immunities as those formerly mentioned. The injuries which Osterghún and Dipadilin had sustained in the siege were ordered to be forthwith repaired. The noble temple of Osterghún, which had been desecrated ever since the enemy had entered the city, and filled with their abominations, was also ordered to be purified; divine service according to Mohammedan usage was performed in it. A sufficient garrison was appointed: Petcheví Ibrahím Effendí and two other officers were sent off for Constantinople with intelligence of the splendid victory gained over the infidels; and in consideration of which, each spáhí received two, and each foot soldier one piece of money. The commanding general, after this distribution of money among his troops had taken place, directed his course towards Buda and Belgrade.
There can be no doubt that the fall of Osterghún contributed very much to induce the court of Vienna to submit, or rather to offer the conditions which they not long afterwards forwarded to the court of Constantinople.
Progress of Botchkai.
Botchkai, of whom we have before spoken, when thoroughly strengthened and supported by Ottoman forces, nothing withstood him: he was every where victorious. During the time that the Moslem general was employed in the reduction of Osterghún, Botchkai formed the design of laying siege to the fortress of Uivár, and therefore requested to be supplied with Moslem troops for that purpose. In accordance with this request Sinán Páshá, the beglerbeg of Agria, the princes of Serim, of Alasha Hisár, of Semendria, and the prince of Terhalah with a thousand Tátárs and a body of Circassians, were sent to his assistance. Botchkai committed the command of his army to an infidel of the name of Humnaí, a Hungarian prince. Bektásh Páshá, formerly mentioned, was also engaged in the siege of Uivár. One thousand of the janissaries who had been engaged in the siege of Osterghún, and a considerable number of provincial troops, under the Khosrú Páshá, beglerbeg of Bosnia, were afterwards sent forward to Uivár; over whom, as well as over those Moslem troops already sent, he was made chief commander. Uivár, however, though at first it showed some little courage, soon submitted to Botchkai, who having expressed a desire that it should remain under his dominion, the commanding general, in conformity with the promise which had been made to him with regard to making him ruler of Mejár or Ardil, or both, deputed Teryákí Hasan Páshá to accompany Ahmed Effendí, the priest of the camp, and formally to install Botchkai in the possession of Uivár.
About this same period, Teryákí Hasan Páshá was sent with a division of the Romeilian troops to reduce Besperim and Polatah. The last of these only he subjected to the Moslem yoke, and afterwards returned and joined the royal camp in the vicinity of Buda. The beglerbeg of Buda, Bosniak Mustafa Páshá, in the meantime, was degraded, and his beglerbegship was conferred on Alí Páshá son of Kází Zádeh, ruler of Silistria. The jurisdictions or sanjáks of Semendria, of Nicopolis, of Silistria, of Chormin, and of Wiza, were all put under the guardianship of the garrison of Buda.
After the fortress, which had been reduced, had been all repaired, the victorious general made preparations for returning to Belgrade.
Botchkai pays a visit to the commanding General.
When the grand vezír, Lálá Mohammed Páshá, returned, last year, to Constantinople, he did not forget to lay before his royal master a statement of the promise or engagements he, as the organ of the Ottoman government, had entered into with Botchkai; the result of which was a splendid crown, valued at three thousand ducats, and, moreover, richly studded with precious stones, for Botchkai. One Seyed Mohammed was sent to Botchkai from the commanding general, to inform him of what was going on in his favour, and to invite him to wait upon him. The commanding general, who at this time was encamped near Pest, no sooner heard of the near approach of Botchkai, who, in obedience to the invitation sent him, was coming to wait on him, than he ordered a splendid royal pavilion, handsomely adorned with fine curtains, to be erected for his royal visitor. The whole of the troops were ordered to stand under arms, and in proper order to receive him. The flooring of the pavilion was made of precious odoriferous wood or planks; and, in short, every thing suitable to the dignity of the approaching monarch was punctually attended to. At length Botchkai, attended by a guard of ten thousand Hungarians, besides many distinguished princes, arrived in the Moslem camp, and went immediately to pay his respects to the commanding general. The splendid and highly valuable crown, above referred to, was brought forth and placed on his head by the hands of the general. A richly-ornamented sword was presented him on the same occasion: and immediately afterwards he was declared to be raised, by Ottoman imperial munificence, to the sovereignty of Hungary. The banners and standards, which the Ottoman government condescended to send him, were presented to him in due form. Botchkai made all due acknowledgment for the dignity and honour conferred on him, kissed the commanding general’s hand, and said: “We are now become the emperor’s servants. Those who are hired with money, serve generally out of fear of reproach or of punishment; but we, inasmuch as we are favoured servants, still manifest the most genuine and cheerful obedience.” Thus, the contract first made with Botchkai was fully ratified and signed; the field-pieces in the camp were fired in token of joy; great demonstrations of heartfelt pleasure were every where, throughout the camp, instituted, and cheerfully observed; and Botchkai, now created king of Hungary, took leave of his friends and returned to his newly-acquired dominions.
Botchkai, after he was advanced to the rank and dignity of a sovereign prince, contributed very much to the welfare of the Moslem religion. So much so, indeed, that the infidel Germans, who were filled with hatred against him, when they found it impossible to take him in open battle, endeavoured by every means they could devise to poison him, which at last they accomplished.
When tidings of the death of Botchkai reached the Sublime Porte, the government proceeded to make choice of another of the Transylvanian princes to succeed him in the sovereignty of Transylvania,[16] and Batori Ghabor was the one who was elevated to that dignity. The elevation of Batori Ghabor, as now hinted, had the effect of widening the breach between Turkey and Austria, but it eventually led to the latter’s negociating for peace.
The commanding general, who unfortunately became indisposed, remained a few days in Buda arranging and settling matters with his servants, appointed the celebrated hero Hasan Páshá, beglerbeg of Romeili, commandant of Buda, and set out for Belgrade. On reaching this city, he paid off the troops, and allowed them to return to their own provinces; but he himself spent the winter there, where he enjoyed all the pleasures of life.
The Moslem army, by the assistance of God, achieved this year the advantages and triumph which they sought. This one campaign brought them more glory than any one of the preceding twelve. In fact, the Moslems accomplished more this year than they had done in all the others put together: so wonderfully successful had they been. The wealth they had acquired was altogether unprecedented in the history of their wars with the northern infidels.
The exalted commanding general, after having gone to Belgrade, as before mentioned, procured double pay for the troops. Petcheví Ibrahím Effendí was appointed to see the distribution properly attended to.
Peace is proposed by the Archduke Mathias.
Botchkai, of whom we have had a great deal to say, vexed and distressed the Austrians to the very utmost; which at last had the effect of inducing the Archduke Mathias, who was at that time in Vienna, when he perceived the danger which threatened to subvert from him the whole of his dominions, to send an embassy to the Moslem commander-in-chief. He clearly saw that his troops were not able to resist the superior force of the Ottomans, or withstand the powerful and vigorous hostility of Botchkai. His only army in Transylvania also was on the very point of being surrounded. When made aware of all these alarming circumstances, he sent the embassy alluded to, and, at the same time, informed the emperor his brother, who was at Prague, the capital of Bohemia, of what he had done. He stated in his communications to the emperor, that if a treaty of peace was not agreed upon he should by degrees be stripped of all his dominions in Hungary. “Part of them would fall,” he said, “under the Turks, and the rest would be trampled under the feet of Transylvanian cavalry.” The emperor, well aware that peace was every way desirable, expressed his approbation of the steps Mathias had taken to bring about so very requisite an object.
The emperor, however, in conformity to the principles of his vain religion, applied to the ungracious Pope of Rome for his advice, who expressed himself altogether hostile to the measure proposed. This audacious pope[17] had the hardihood and wickedness to write back to the emperor, desiring him to get his brother to withdraw the proposals he had made, or if he refused to do so, to kill him. Such was the advice of the pope.
The emperor informed his brother of the sentiments which his holiness had expressed, and urged him in the strongest manner to pay implicit regard to them: assured him, moreover, that it was of much more consequence to him to have the prince of religion on his side, than any relative, however near to him; and therefore conjured him to continue the war. Mathias replied, that it was of the utmost moment to him to have peace on any terms; that preliminaries had been entered into, and that he was determined not to recede.
In the meantime Mathias collected what Hungarian and Transylvanian forces he was able, who, when united with the troops he had sent to protect his Transylvanian dominions, formed a very considerable army. With this army he purposed advancing upon Prague, but the death of the emperor,[18] which happened at this time, put a stop to this warlike attempt.
The death of the emperor changed the aspect of affairs in relation to Mathias altogether, and bound him, in consequence of the law of succession, to respect the unworthy injunctions of the pope. This pope, to reproach and mortify Mathias for having offered conditions of peace to the Turks, raised Maximilian, a younger brother, an infidel, to the imperial dignity, to the exclusion of the lawful heir. It was that very same Maximilian, who, with his 70,000 infidels, was defeated before Agria by the heroic Sultán Ahmed Khán; that same Maximilian who hardly escaped from the scene of action with his life; who, unable to mount his horse or gird on his sword, fled away on foot; who, preferring a monastic life, ran off to the pope and entered into a monastery; it was that very same Maximilian whom the pope, in the plentitude of his power, and in the bitterness of his wrath, nominated to fill the throne of the Roman emperors, and whom he sent into Hungary. Mathias, however, prepared to dispute his pretensions, and with the army he had led, or had intended to lead against his deceased brother, he stood ready to meet this Maximilian. But Maximilian’s courage failed him, and Mathias, without striking a blow, ascended the throne of the Cæsars. Maximilian being now unable to promote the pope’s purposes, was appointed to the government of Vienna, and Mathias repaired to Prague, the imperial city, and commenced the exercise of his imperial prerogatives.
After Maximilian had gone to Vienna, he, in conformity to an agreement between him and Mathias, who was bent on promoting a treaty of peace, sent, the year peace was concluded, two hundred thousand dollars towards fulfilling the stipulations of that treaty, but he was exempted for the space of twenty years from any farther demands of this kind; though during each of the three years in which the negociations were carried on, he sent presents to the commander-in-chief, accompanied by letters humbly imploring a speedy termination of all hostilities.
Concerning Jeghala Zádeh’s operations on the confines of Persia.
Notwithstanding the misfortunes which fell, during the events of the last year, to the lot of Jeghala Zádeh Sinán Páshá, he was this year, again in a condition to raise his standard in the province of Erzerúm. He removed his son, Mohammed Páshá, from Shirwán, and placed him in the government of Diárbeker, whilst that of the former reverted to Ahmed Páshá, son of Hasan Páshá.
Having heard that the Persians had concentrated their forces at Tabríz, he pushed forward his army as far as Salamas. This took place on the 21st of Rabia II. The perverted sháh came to Khúi, where the advance-army of both sides met; but the Persians, after having sustained some loss, were obliged to retreat. At Hamla another of their divisions was completely routed. On the following day, the sháh divided his army into three divisions on the lake of Tabríz, on the banks of which his troops had concentrated themselves on the preceding day. He himself, from motives of security to his own person, took up his position on a rising ground in the neighbourhood.
In the meantime, Gusah Sefer Páshá, the válí of Erzerúm, without counsel or advice, and contrary to the orders of the commander-in-chief, and followed by Tekelí Páshá, beglerbeg of Tabríz, Rázieh Zádeh, the válí of Sivás, his brother, Akhúyin Ahmed Páshá, Haider Páshá Zádeh, Alí Páshá, and others, amounting in all to fifteen beglerbegs, and more than twenty sanják begs, advanced to attack the advance-guard of the enemy. The commanding officer, it is to be observed, had actually cautioned them against being too hasty, and warned them not to be rash in advancing; but this advice was regarded with contempt by the persons above-mentioned, who, in other respects, had acted arrogantly and disrespectfully towards the commander-in chief, and now rushed forward with their respective troops, attacked the division under the khán, and fought the heretics till the sun had passed the meridian. Verily, Sefer Páshá, more like a lion or a tiger, committed the most dreadful havoc among these infidels and enemies of the faith. The red-heads, finding it impossible to resist the impetuosity and heroism of this valiant troop, fell back upon the division under Zulfekár Khán. The heroic Moslems, however, again rallied their little band together, and attacked this division also. The combat was most desperate, and continued till near evening, when, in the utmost confusion and consternation, they retreated upon the division which the sháh himself commanded, though not actually in person. Here they made an attempt to stand, but with no better success. It was now within half-an-hour of sun-set, and so terrible was the fear which Sefer Páshá had inspired into these heretics that they fled into the mountains, leaving their whole baggage, and even their commander, behind them.
After these singular advantages obtained over the Persians, the sháh, with those who still adhered to him, endeavoured to make his way up a mountain, but not thinking himself safe there he retreated about half a stage, where, on a rising ground, surrounded with a thousand terrors, he pitched his tent.
It turned out, however, that the Kizilbásh army, supported by the sháh’s body-guard, resolved on attacking the commanding general’s camp, which, they supposed, was left without any to defend it. But these dogs were met by a body of janissaries, salihdárs, and others, who stood ready to receive them, and who, with their arrows and small arms, drove them back. The contest, however, was obstinate, and maintained till sun-set, when the despicable wretches, after seeing many of their number wounded and perishing on the field of battle, fled back to their encampments. But Sefer Páshá, who was returning from the scene where he had performed so many and such wonderful exploits, met this horde as they were flying from the face of the Moslems, who had opposed and repulsed them just a little before, and fell upon him and his heroic followers. He and his party, of course, were much fatigued by their late exertions, which had been crowned with the most singular success; whilst the enemy, who thus attacked them, were comparatively fresh, and consequently it was not to be wondered at if they declined accepting a battle. This they did not altogether avoid, though a number of them, among whom was Tekelí Páshá, Jelalí Karah Kásh Páshá, and Kechkár Páshá, with their respective followers, fled to the camp and escaped; whilst their companions fought till they fell martyrs on the field. In this bloody contest, Sefer Páshá, the hero of the party, and whose weapon nothing could resist, was at last wounded, and shortly afterwards his horse fell with him. Some of the Kizilbáshes seized him and several other wounded veterans, and dragged them before the sháh, who ordered some of them to be killed, and to reserve the others. To Sefer Páshá he said, “if you will submit to me, and join our sect (i.e. the sect of Alí), I shall confer honour upon you.” The firm Moslem replied, by wishing “a thousand curses to fall upon him and upon every heretic of his sect.” The prisoner, who was bound to a stake, and exhibited to the view of the multitude, loaded the heretical sháh with every species of reproach and contumely, when immediately some of the vagabond red-heads rushed upon him and slew him. Thus ended this brave man. It is true that the commanding officer sent more than once to dissuade him and his rash companions from their precipitate measures, but it is also true that Sefer Páshá, though a very brave man, was yet very obstinate and contumacious. Karah Kásh, and some others of his desperate followers, disregarding all subordination, resolved on being revenged on their enemies.
It is remarkable, and indeed it is one of the inscrutable ways of Providence, that those who fell in these various skirmishes were for the most part those levends or volunteers who had been very lately engaged in rebellion against the Ottomans. It rarely happened, throughout the whole of these struggles, that any of the sworn and paid troops fell. The Moslem army, generally, suffered no injury. But these levends, in God’s distribution of justice, were made to expiate their former crimes and villany by making them wash their filth in this bloody fountain.—But to return.
The carnage to which we have above alluded was put a stop to by the return of night, when the contending parties were under the necessity of retiring. The Kizilbáshes, however, retreated, but the commander-in-chief maintained his ground, or at least he remained where he was (for it does not appear that he had any personal share in the actions which had taken place). During the night season the chiefs and nobles of Kúrdistán came to wait on the commander-in-chief, with the view of consulting with him as to the circumstances in which they were then placed, and of the probable result of their movements and operations; but they were refused admittance, and were told that the commanding general was fatigued and could not see them. The chiefs returned to their own camp; but it soon began to be circulated that the commanding general had fled, and therefore the Kurds, when they heard this, struck their tents, and were on the eve of retiring, when Karah Kásh struck his tents also. The rest of these auxiliary native troops followed the example set before them, and the whole body of them set out for Wán. Jánbulát Zádeh Hasan Páshá, beglerbeg of Aleppo, was returning from the field of battle, where he had also been engaged the day before, when he met these fugitives, who informed him, though falsely, that the power of the commander-in-chief was completely broken. Believing that what they had assured him of was true, he returned; but learning afterwards that he had been deceived by them, he directed his steps towards the Moslem camp. To prevent, if possible, these fugitives occasioning any loss to the Moslem army, he from these disinterested views changed his mind, joined them, and went to Wán along with them.
The commander-in-chief collected, in the meantime, the whole of the troops who had remained with him in the camp, gave them all the cheering encouragement he was able, put them in regular order, and led them to the outside of the camp. On turning his eye towards the place which the enemy had occupied the day before, he could perceive no movement whatever that indicated their presence there. Whilst he and his army stood in amazement, and wondering what the result of so unexpected an occurrence might be, they were summoned to activity by Kechkár Páshá, beglerbeg of Wán, who asked them to what purpose they were standing and gazing; when immediately the report, that the Kizilbáshes had come and taken away their cannon, was sounded. Their consternation increased, and they were unable to look at one another. Several of them fled. Of the whole of the army which the commander brought into the field, only two thousand household troops remained to him. Such of these as were foot-soldiers he mounted on camels, and in a short time, the commander and his remaining two thousand men were also on the way to Wán; having left nearly the whole of his camp, guns, and treasures behind him.
The sháh of Persia, thinking it was very probable, however, that the Osmánlís by their sudden disappearance, and by the relinquishing of their camp-ground, had laid a stratagem for him, kept aloof for two days, and was afraid to enter: but at the end of this period he received certain intelligence, that the commander had actually fled to Wán, and he then ventured to visit the place where the Osmánlí camp had stood. With the exception of a few hired servants and some trifling articles, which had been left, the sháh found nothing to reward him for his trouble.
After the commander-in-chief had reached Wán, Jánbulát Zádeh Hasan Páshá waited upon him and told him how he had acted in keeping the troops who had fled from his camp together; how he had brought them to a place of safety, and offered every apology which the circumstance of the case seemed to have demanded: thinking, no doubt, that the commander would express his approbation of his conduct. He was much mistaken. The commander was not made of such material as to be moved by a flood of tears and expressions of humiliation and contrition. Calling him, therefore, to account for his dereliction of duty he made him answer for it with his life.
It has been related of Jánbulát Zádeh that he was advised by his friends, when he purposed to wait on the commander-in-chief, not to do so, because of the ill fortune his stars had predicted at his birth, and which he himself, from his own profound knowledge in the science of astrology, had clearly demonstrated to them. His friends succeeded, in the first instance, in preserving him from having any interview with the short-tailed dragons;[19] but his lofty feeling of pride ruined him. “If I sleep,” said he, in the pride of his heart, “Jeghala Oghlí (the commander-in-chief) will not certainly have the courage to watch.” His pride brought him to his end. His death was the means of awakening in the minds of the troops, a feeling of great dissatisfaction. Thirty thousand of his troops or followers returned to Haleb, having chosen his brother, Alí Beg, and Hezer Beg as their commanders, and who, in revenge of Hasan Páshá, son of Jánbulát’s, death, desolated that province, and continued their rebellion till they were overthrown by the celebrated Murád Páshá at a later period, as we shall relate in its proper place.
The commander-in-chief, the sport of fortune, left Wán and returned to Diárbeker on the 21st of Dhu’l hijja, where he died of a fever which the thoughts of his misfortunes had occasioned. He was a man whose avarice had no bounds. His constantly causing responsible persons to be changed from one place to another was productive of the most serious evils. He conferred the government of Syria on Sinán Páshá Zádeh, and shortly afterwards on Osmán Páshá. Nesúh Páshá, who was válí of Aleppo, he removed, and put Hasan Páshá, son of Jánbulát of the sanják of Kilis, into his place, on the promise of his paying him a certain rent. And many more are the evils he occasioned, besides those we have mentioned.
A battle between Serkosh Ibrahím Páshá and the Croatians.
Botchkai having promised to aid the Moslems against the infidels, the grand vezír, Mohammed Páshá, after the reduction of Osterghún, appointed his nephew, Serkosh Ibrahím Páshá, beglerbeg of Kaniza, and another military commander, belonging to Botchkai, to conduct an expedition of twenty thousand men, composed of Tátárs, Majarians, and Bosnians, to invade the territories of the enemy. This expedition commenced marching on the 5th of Jemadi II., and took the road which led to Vienna. On the confines of Croatia it was opposed by a considerable body of troops, there assembled for the purpose of checking its progress. A battle ensued, and the conflict was obstinate and bloody: several thousands of the infidels perished. Three times did this mighty army of the Germans attack the Turkish confederates, but was vanquished in its third attempt.
In the vicinity of the place where the confederates vanquished the German or Croatian army there were two fortresses or castles, which were under the dominion of the Pope. The names of these fortresses or castles were Súnbúrhil and Karmand, which the confederate army reduced, and slew every living German it found in them. Afterwards ten thousand of these same confederates marched in the direction of Vienna and Allemagne on a predatory excursion, and after having ravaged the countries through which they passed, they returned in triumph. The quantity of spoil and number of prisoners which they brought back with them, it is impossible to estimate. Very many of the German nobility were among the captives, and the Hungarian gentry were glad to come and join the camp of the confederates. Nevertheless Zerín Oghlí, and Bekár Oghlí, were not among those who thus joined the camp of the conquerors. These two Hungarian chiefs considered it beneath their dignity to bow to Botchkai’s general, one of the two chief commanders of the confederates, but they sent some of their chief captains as their proxies.
Mohammed Páshá, the son of Sinán Páshá, killed.
Mohammed Páshá, son of Sinán Páshá, in consequence of his having been disappointed in his views of the government of Syria, through the ill will of Jeghala Zádeh, commander-in-chief of the eastern provinces, he petitioned the court of Constantinople, and complained against the serdár. That court, however, was pleased to confer Syria on Osmán Páshá in preference to him or any one else. When Mohammed Páshá learned that Osmán was appointed to Syria, he set out in great haste and wrath for Constantinople, where he meant to prefer his own claims. One day he entered into conversation with the vezírs, as they sat in council, about his own affairs; but he was reminded of the maladministration he himself had been guilty of in the places where he had acted as válí or governor. As he was retiring from the presence of this council, more disposed to accuse him than to hear his complaints, he was called back and conducted into the royal presence. Here he was strictly interrogated as to his own conduct, but having been unable to answer the interrogatories which had been put to him, he was put to death in the royal presence without any further ceremony.
The emperor, whilst at Adrianople, hears further intelligence as to the state of the rebellion in Anatolia.
On the 1st of Jemadi I. the emperor went on a hunting excursion to Chetalmah, and thence, in three days, to Adrianople. He was only eight days in this city, where he had begun to distribute favours, when he received intelligence of the state and progress of the rebellion and disaffection which reigned in the province of Anatolia. In consequence, therefore, of the above unpleasant intelligence, he set out from Adrianople, reached the metropolis in six days, and immediately adopted means for curbing the rebellion and for chastising the rebels in Anatolia.
Nesúh Páshá, who last year had been transferred from the government of Haleb, was created commander of the troops employed against the insurgents in Anatolia. Indeed, it was considered of the utmost importance, by the government of Constantinople, that a vezír should be appointed to each of the eastern provinces, in order to check and subdue any spirit of rebellion which might arise, and which, in fact, seems to have been very generally the case with them all. Dávud Páshá, it will be remembered, was appointed to the east, but in consequence of his having evinced some inability or weakness he was laid aside, and Kijdehán Alí Páshá was raised to the government of Anatolia in his stead. He also, it will likewise be remembered, was ordered to join his troops to those of Nesúh Páshá, and after they (i.e. he and Nesúh Páshá) had succeeded in crushing the rebellion in Anatolia, they were then to join Jeghala Zádeh, who acted as commander-in-chief against the Persians.
We have to relate, however, that Nesúh Páshá, and the troops under his command, sustained a serious defeat at the bridge of Bolawadin. At this bridge Nesúh, on the 1st of Rajab, was met by one Túyel, who headed a body of insurgents: the one army was at one end and the other at the other. Nesúh made all the preparations his circumstances could allow for commencing an engagement, putting his foot and horse in order of battle. The sound of his drums and trumpets reached the very parapets of heaven: his artillery was drawn up in regular order, and made to face the enemy. Nesúh thought his formidable appearance would have deterred the insurgents from ever attempting the bridge or river; but he was mistaken. The cavalry of these long-tailed and curiously-turbanned heretics had scarcely begun to move, than they instantly crossed the river or bog and put their swords and spears into immediate requisition against Nesúh’s cavalry. These, as well as the whole of the rest of the Osmánlí army, gave way; most of them were cut to pieces, and those who fell into the hands of these barbarians were dragged into the presence of Túyel, where, for the most part at least, they suffered a more ignominious death: Nesúh himself was indebted to the swiftness of his horse for the safety of his life. He fled, and never checked the bridle of his charger till he reached a place called Bekár-báshí, in the city of Seyed.
Túyel, who was left master of the field, and of the whole baggage of the conquered Osmánlís, set fire to the city of Bolawadin, massacred the whole of its inhabitants with the utmost ferociousness, and desolated the whole of that region from one end to the other.
Nesúh Páshá, after resting himself about two days, went to Kutahia, where Kijdehán, against whom he entertained an old grudge, then was, laid the whole blame of his defeat on his shoulders, and slew the innocent without mercy.
Kijdehán was a man that possessed a bitter and scurrilous tongue, and who spared nobody. To escape, therefore, the reproaches of his tongue, i.e. that he and those of his men who, like himself, had escaped the general carnage, might not be made the subjects of his ridicule and bitter reproach, he slew him. This, also, is asserted in the Fezliké, that, before this, and prior to the defeat he had sustained at the bridge of Bolawadin, he most unworthily, as well as unjustly, traduced the character of the inestimable and highly-respected Mohammed Chávush of Caramania, whom he crucified at Iconium, where he had met with him. This Mohammed Chávush was son to Karah Alí, and was raised to the situation he held in Caramania from the Chávush báshás.
Well aware that his conduct and ill fame would eventually reach the ears of the emperor, and that his displeasure might easily be excited against him, so as to make him the object of his vengeance, he, in order to prevent these results, determined on going to Constantinople. Accordingly he set out for Scutari, and thence to the Sublime Porte: went to the royal palace, and caused it to be announced that he had come from Anatolia to implore further aid to be sent to that quarter. Having been called to enter the royal presence, he gave such a representation of the state of matters as actually succeeded in inclining the emperor to cross over into Anatolia and take a personal share in the war with the insurgents. He, therefore, called together the khoaja effendí, the reverend mufti and the vezírs, and confronted them with Nesúh Páshá, in order to converse on the subject with him. At this interview with Nesúh, however, there was much disputing and great contention. All were opposed to the emperor’s determination; but he himself remained inflexible. The emperor’s best friends used their utmost efforts to dissuade him from the purpose he had formed, by endeavouring to point out to him a variety of dangers; but all in vain, and the consequence was, when they saw he could not be moved from his resolution, they all withdrew very much displeased. The vezírs, however, commenced making the necessary preparations for the emperor’s intended journey, but at the same time used a variety of methods, such as representing to him that the fleet had not arrived, and that at any rate the season for safe sailing was fast passing away, in order, if possible, to induce him him to alter his mind; but all to no purpose. The emperor, notwithstanding all the efforts which had been employed to dissuade him from his undertaking; notwithstanding, also, that the winter had fully set in, and the roughness of the sea, he continued bent on proceeding. A royal firmán was sent off to Nukásh Hasan Páshá to have the palace at Brúsa in a state of complete preparation for the arrival of his majesty, and Dervísh Aghá, bostánjí báshí, who was afterwards created a vezír, but subsequently assassinated, was appointed commandant of Istámbol.
In the meantime, however, the empress-mother took her journey to the other world, and her remains were conducted by her royal son and the great men of the state, to St. Sophia, where the funeral service was performed. They were afterwards interred in the tomb of Sultán Mohammed III., on which occasion charities and alms deeds were attended to in behalf of the deceased.
It was thought that the death of his mother might have so affected the sultán as to cause him to give up all thoughts of his intended expedition into Anatolia; but it had no such effect. On the seventh day after his mother’s decease, he became quite impatient, ordered the only three galleys which were then in the harbour to be held in readiness, and on the 2d day of Rajab he set sail for Brúsa. On the day after his arrival in Brúsa, he summoned his vezírs, the military judges, and other magnates, to assemble in council in the royal palace of that place, where he himself was. Súfí Sinán Páshá, the káímakám, who had taken no active hand in making preparations for the emperor’s expedition, was not called, or if called, did not attend. Dávud Páshá and Nesúh Páshá had both been previously sent to keep possession of two places on the frontiers. Mohammed Páshá, son of Ové Páshá, likewise made no movement towards Brúsa, but he wrote to the emperor’s chaplain, informing him that he had twenty thousand troops in full readiness. “If I shall be called,” said he, in his communication to the royal chaplain, “to be exalted to the vezírship, without either the aid of troops or apparatus from the government, I will go, and to the utmost of my power, endeavour to reduce the insurgents.” The title of vezír, and the appointment to the chief command, was forthwith sent him, and he was invited to wait on his majesty in his palace at Brúsa, in order that his majesty might confer with him respecting the enemy against whom he was to proceed. Mohammed, however, acknowledged neither the one nor the other of these royal intimations; nor did he think it worth his while to come to Brúsa to wait on his benefactor; or to proceed a single step against the insurgents. On the contrary, he went to Gúzel Hisár, where he gave himself up to every variety of pleasure. The reverend tutor felt disgrace and grief at the shameful way the cunning páshá had duped him, and, in fact, poor Khoaja Effendí, in consequence of this, most completely lost his influence with the emperor.
On the 14th of the last mentioned month (viz. Rajab), about four or five thousand spáhís, who had fled to Anatolia to escape the vengeance of Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, which had been excited against them in consequence of the tumult which the spáhí legion had raised in Constantinople in the days of the late emperor, and for which many of their superiors had been put to death, returned to their obedience, and were again received into favour. These spáhís were as great rebels as any in Anatolia, and committed every species of robbery and spoliation. On making their submission they appeared armed and accoutred before Súfí Sinán Páshá, the vezírs and the military judges, and preferred the grounds on which they conceived they had been aggrieved, and which had led them to act as they had done. Their case was laid before his majesty, who not only forgave them, but also restored their officers to their former situations, rewarded them with tokens of favour by conferring robes on them, distributed to them their pay, and dividing them into two bodies sent one division to Kutahia to remain under the orders of Dávud Páshá, and the other under Nesúh Páshá.
Dervísh Aghá, who had been appointed in his majesty’s absence to the commandership of Constantinople, was forbidden to exercise any further authority in that capacity, on account of some misconduct which he had been guilty of. Mustafa Páshá, one of the vezírs, was sent back to act in his stead.
On the 16th his majesty, after having paid a visit to the sepulchres of his ancestors, and the tombs of the venerable saints, returned and bathed himself in a fountain. On the 19th he set sail from Modanieh, and arrived in the imperial city on the same day.
An overture made to Túyel.
On the 9th of Shabán of this year, a conciliatory letter was sent to Túyel, the chief ring-leader among the insurgents, and also the offer of a beglerbegship; but no answer as to his having accepted the offer made to him, was returned: on the contrary, acting under the influence of his brother, his violence and cruelty increased beyond all bounds. The káímakám, in order to put a stop to the enormities which this rebel and others were guilty of, and which were every day increasing, tried to ensnare this terrible rebel. To induce him to throw down the weapons of his rebellion, the deputy proposed joining Anatolia, Sivás, and Haleb into one, and to offer the government of these united districts to Túyel. When the deputy presented this proposal, and also a letter he had received from Túyel, on the 17th of the last mentioned month, for his majesty’s approbation, however, he met with a serious repulse, and for his temerity was turned out of office. Khezer Páshá was raised to the deputyship.
On the 24th, the chief butler, Mohammed Aghá, was raised to the government of Syria. On the 9th of Ramazán, the bostánjí báshí, Dervísh Aghá, was created admiral: he was highly esteemed by the emperor. On the 9th of Shevál, the cazí of Constantinople, Rezván Effendí, was degraded, and Hasan Effendí, son of Akhí, succeeded him in the cazíship.
The grand vezír, Mohammed Páshá, is recalled to Constantinople.
When tidings of the disgrace and ignominy which befell Jeghala Zádeh in the east, and of his death at Diárbeker, had reached the royal ear, it was resolved on, in council, to send a statement of the affairs of the east to Mohammed Páshá, the commander-in-chief at Belgrade, and to request him to return to Constantinople, in order that he might proceed to the east and take the command of the troops there. In the royal communication which, in conformity to the above resolution was sent to him, it was thus stated: that in the event of his declining to accept the proposal sent him, he might remain where he was, but only in the character of second vezír, and to return the seals of office. But before these communications had reached the grand vezír he had petitioned to be allowed to return to the seat of government.
A commotion among the Janissaries and Spáhís.
A little after the commencement of the month of Ramazán, the janissaries, in consequence of not having received the pay and clothing that were due to them, began to show signs of impatience and insolence. The spáhís, following their example, the very next day began to talk loudly about their own dues, and soon acquired a most dangerous aspect. Without ceremony, and in no way intimidated by their vicinity to the royal palace, they threw stones at their officers before its very gate, gave the most abusive language to the treasurer, and threatened him in no measured terms. They complained of the person who had formerly weighed out their money to them, and got him turned out of office. His friends, however, interfered, and asked the reason of depriving him of his official situation, but to no purpose. The discontent and tumult increased, and at length reached the ears of the emperor. On the 23d of Ramazán, early in the morning, the emperor, dressed in a scarlet robe, very indicative of the state of his mind, for he was enraged, came forth and sat down in Báyazíd’s portico; called together his vezírs, ághás, notaries, and other principal officers, and delivered a very warm and animated speech, in their hearing, to the mob; and in which he severely rebuked them. He said, that though he had written to them, that so soon as his treasurer, who was engaged in collecting the taxes, should return, their wages and all their just rights would be punctually attended to, they, instead of giving credit to his royal word, as they ought to have done, and behaving themselves orderly, became unruly, turbulent, and abusive, and that, too, before the very portals of his palace.
The multitude, at hearing the emperor’s speech, were completely confounded, and not one of them was able to say a single word in reply, or in justification of the conduct they had manifested. One Yúsuf Aghá, however, head of the Moghreb and Yemin regiments, advanced and thus addressed his majesty. “May it please your majesty, the sole cause of the unreasonable conduct which has been manifested is attributable to the slaves brought up in the royal haram, and those foreigners who have been introduced into the spáhí legion at the request of the khán of the Crimea.” His majesty, on hearing the sentiments expressed by Yúsuf Aghá, enquired the names of the persons who had excited the irregularity and tumult which had prevailed. The vezír pointed out to him the ringleaders, and immediately a sign was given to take vengeance on them for their folly and temerity. Shahbáz Aghá, chief of the salihdárs; Koorgha Zádeh, notary to the spáhí legion; and Yek Cheshm Mohammed Effendí, were made the objects of imperial vengeance on this occasion. Others who had been involved in the same condemnation with the above were also visited with a similar punishment. The comptroller of the cavalry, after he was conducted to the place of execution, escaped the death which awaited him by the intervention of the grand vezír, who interceded in his behalf. The ketkhodá of the spáhís escaped in a similar way.
The grand sultán, after these various instances of his severity and justice, concluded his harangue by warning the tumultuous soldiery (spáhís) of their danger; assuring them, that if ever afterwards they should manifest a similar spirit of insubordination, he would take vengeance on their whole legion; and dismissed the crowd, desiring them at the same time to remove the bodies of their companions from the place of execution.
The officers belonging to the spáhís were all changed; and the treasurer, Etmekjí Zádeh, no sooner arrived than the wages of the spáhí troops were forthwith paid them.
The commander-in-chief arrives at Constantinople.
When the hostilities which for a long time had raged on the frontiers of Hungary, had ceased to threaten the peace and security of the Ottoman dominions, the rebellion in Anatolia began to wear a much more serious aspect than it had done at any former period. The grand vezír, Mohammed Páshá, as we formerly mentioned, was fixed on to take the chief command in Anatolia, with the view of bringing the troubles of that country to a termination. The celebrated Mohammed Páshá no sooner received the royal intimation on this head than he appointed Teryákí Páshá, beglerbeg of Romeili, as his deputy at Belgrade, whither he had called him; and Kúski Mohammed Effendí as defterdár in his absence. Having committed the management of the affairs of the frontiers to these two officers, he left Belgrade on the fourth day of the grand festival (i.e. Easter), and arrived at the Sublime Porte on the 7th of Dhu’l Kadah, when his majesty showed him every token of esteem and respect.
Delí Hasan killed at Temisvar.
We have had frequent occasion to advert to the history of Delí Hasan, the brother of Karah Yázijí (Scrivano). We have mentioned how he had been raised to the government of Bosnia; the evil deeds he had been there guilty of; his expulsion thence; and his subsequent appointment to the government of Temisvar. Here he acted nearly two years in the character of válí, and had it in his power, by good conduct, to remove the unfavourable impressions which his former deportment had but too justly given rise to.
After the reduction of Osterghún, his excellency the commander-in-chief, sent word to the inhabitants of Temisvar to have an eye on Delí Hasan, and to watch his movements. This hint was enough. One day some of the garrison of Temisvar went out as if they had meant to follow the chase, but instead of this fell upon Delí Hasan and his suite, the latter of whom they killed. Delí Hasan fled to Belgrade, where Ghází Hasan Páshá, the káímakám, received him as his guest. He afterwards, however, placed him within the fortress, and sent an account of his arrival at Belgrade to Constantinople; whence a sentence of death against Delí Hasan, his brother’s son, Kúchuk Beg, was instantly returned, and both of them underwent that sentence accordingly.
It has been reported, that whilst Delí Hasan was in Bosnia, he had attempted a most daring crime against the Ottoman government, which however had failed. As this story is not less wonderful in its development than it was audacious in its contrivance, we shall here relate it. Delí Hasan, it would appear, wrote letters to the Venetians and to the pope, asking them to have a fleet in readiness opposite the fortress of Rasna; promising, in these letters, that he would deliver up that fortress to them, and that he would afterwards reduce several other places of strength on the shores of the Archipelago, and deliver them over to them also; but it was necessary, he added, that they should pay him a hundred thousand pieces of gold in advance. It was in this manner he proposed to stipulate with the enemy. No answer to these proposals having reached him whilst he was in Bosnia, he, after his translation to Temisvar, hired a fellow for a hundred pieces of gold, and sent him off with a duplicate of his former communications to the two parties above-mentioned. This hired peasant, or whatever he was, instead of fulfilling his engagement, went and waited upon Murád Páshá, the then commander-in-chief, told him all he knew, and showed him Delí Hasan’s letters. The commander desired him to proceed without delay and deliver them in the proper quarter, but to be sure to call on him when he returned. The messenger set out as he had been desired, and delivered his papers in the manner he had been directed: when the king of Spain and the pope sent, each of them, an agent along with Delí Hasan’s messenger, who was to communicate to him the views of these personages. These two agents and the messenger reached Zimnún, where the two former took up their lodgings in a certain house, whilst the latter proceeded to inform the authorities of their arrival, and the purport of their message: and which, among other things, went on to say, that they, the bearers, were the accredited agents of the two personages formerly mentioned, that the words of these men might be as much relied on as if they had been heard proceeding from the lips of their principals; that they had sworn fidelity to the trust reposed in them, and that, therefore, every apprehension of fraud being practised ought to be banished. Such, in fact, was the story these agents themselves delivered before Abdí Alí, Murád Páshá’s deputy, whom they actually supposed was Delí Hasan himself. These messengers, or agents, were moreover commissioned to say, that as soon as they returned with an answer to the pope and the king of Spain, a draft on the Franks residing in Belgrade for one hundred thousand pieces of gold would be instantly sent to Delí Hasan. Such is the version of this story: and it is hardly necessary to say that these two accredited infidels were immediately put to death.
Tobacco, which had been introduced in Turkey from Frangistan, had been made the subject of much discussion, and seems, this year, through the bitter contention which the use of it had occasioned, to have become more in vogue that at any former period since its introduction; though it had been productive of certain evil to those who received it, or who had any thing to do with it.
Concerning the grand vezír, Lálá Mohammed Páshá.—His death.—Dervísh Páshá raised to the vezírship.
Lálá Mohammed Páshá, the grand vezír and commander-in-chief, the reader will remember, returned to Constantinople: and though the affairs between Austria and the Sublime Porte had not been finally settled, yet such was the necessity of restoring the peace and tranquility of Anatolia, that every other consideration was made subservient to this. It was maintained, in a council held in the imperial presence, to be of paramount importance that two chief commanders should be appointed: the one to proceed to the frontiers of Hungary, the other to the east; that the grand vezír, in order to have it in his power to send efficient supplies to both quarters, should remain at the seat of government, and there discharge the duties of his high office.
In this council reference was made to the inefficiency, ill-management, and ill-success of former commanders in the east, and therefore the members of the council proposed Nesúh Páshá as the person who was by far the most competent to perform the duties of commander-in-chief in the east. It was moreover alleged in his favour, that he was son-in-law to the emperor; a circumstance which could not fail, it was said, to secure the affections of the Kurds. Nesúh was, accordingly, made third vezír and commander-in-chief of the forces in the eastern provinces; and Murád Páshá was appointed to the command and management of the affairs on the frontiers of Hungary. After these deliberations had been fully attended to, the emperor expressed his approbation of the resolutions which had been adopted, and issued orders for drawing out a commission for each of the two newly-elected commanders, defining the power and authority they were to exercise. The government of Baghdád was annexed to the vezírship and dominion already possessed by Nesúh, and he was, moreover, made commander-in-chief against the Persians. The válí of Romeili, and the princes of the borders, with their respective armies, were ordered to march towards Hungary. The government of Aleppo was conferred on Hasan, ághá of the janissaries, who was expected to repress the disturbances which afflicted that portion of the Ottoman dominions. The káímakám, Khezer Páshá, was appointed to the guardianship of the fortresses on the Danube.
The grand vezír, the heroic Lálá Mohammed Páshá who most scrupulously attended to all these new arrangements was, notwithstanding, thwarted in some of his purposes by Dervísh Páshá, who had succeeded to the admiralship in the room of Jeghala Zádeh. By his intrigues the brother of Tarnákjí Hasan Aghá was deprived of his ágháship, and ordered to proceed to the government of Aleppo, although the grand vezír intended to confer on him the province of Romeili as a reward for his heroism at the taking of Osterghún, of which he was the principal cause. Dervísh was obstinate, and conferred, or was the means of conferring, the ágháship of the janissaries on Maryol Hasan Aghá. Poor Hasan Páshá was obliged to set out for Aleppo, and had scarcely got to Adrianople, which was about half-way, when he was attacked by a monstrous rebel of the name of Jemshíd, who murdered him.
Dervísh Páshá, still bent on evil purposes, expressed his disapprobation of the appointments conferred on Nesúh Páshá; and, in short, wrought so effectually on the mind of the emperor by his representations, that he succeeded in procuring him to issue an order for the grand vezír himself to repair to the east and take the chief command in that quarter. When Mohammed Páshá entered the council, the emperor addressed him by saying that it was found necessary that he (the grand vezír) should be the person who should take the command of the forces employed against Persia, and ordered him to commence preparations for the journey. He concluded this speech by saying farther: that it was expected that this year a peace with Austria would be concluded. The grand vezír, when he heard the emperor’s sentiments, was speechless and confounded. The emperor repeated his commands, and the vezír, without making any reply, returned to his own house, where he in vain endeavoured to collect his thoughts and calm the agitation of his mind.
On the following morning Nesúh Páshá waited on him to congratulate him on his appointment, and spoke to him in as consolatary and soothing a manner as he was able. “Let us,” said he, “go together: let us render all the services we can for the welfare of our country: God willing, you will find in Asia so many things to comfort and delight you as will cause you to forget your northern campaigns.” Nesúh, by this mode of address, succeeded in bringing the mind of the afflicted grand vezír to some degree of peace and tranquillity.
In the council above alluded to, Dervísh Páshá preferred several accusations against the grand vezír, but which he, the grand vezír, rebutted by giving a circumstantial relation of all the services in which he had been engaged, and concluded by saying he had some reason to fear that the negociations with Austria might still prove abortive—“and thus,” said he, weeping, “our last twelve years of war will end in nothing.” He again requested the emperor to permit him to proceed to the frontiers of Hungary and conclude the peace, the preliminaries of which had been entered into during his own active service in the north. Nesúh, he said, was the emperor’s son-in-law, was every way competent for accomplishing the emperor’s wishes in the east, and therefore earnestly besought the grand Sultán to stand by his first appointment. All, however, was in vain. The emperor remained inflexible, and forced Lálá Mohammed Páshá, whether he would or not, to erect his tent at Scutari. In consequence of these circumstances, so repugnant to the mind of the grand vezír, as well as others which carried along with them their vexations, his health became very much impaired, and yet notwithstanding, he was forced that very week, by repeated orders, to repair to Scutari. It so happened, in the providence of God, however, that whilst he was presiding in his own diván he was struck by a paralytic stroke. His ághás carried him to his tent, and immediately his physicians were called in to administer what aid they were able. An account of this circumstance reached the metropolis, when the wicked Dervísh Páshá had the audacity to represent to his majesty that the grand vezír’s disease was wholly feigned; and instigated him to send a violent and threatening letter to Lálá Mohammed Páshá, the very next day, accusing him of feigning himself unwell, and ordering him, in the most peremptory manner, to begin his march without delay.
The afflicted Lálá Mohammed Páshá caused a humble petition to be written out and laid before his majesty; in which he stated that he required above all things, if his majesty entertained any doubts as to the ill state of his health, that he would send any one of his most confidential servants to see him, and report accordingly. It was utterly impossible for him, in his weak state of health, he said, to leave Scutari unless he was carried in a couch. The emperor was induced by this to send the ághá of the palace to the prime minister, who, when he returned, informed his majesty that the minister was so very weak as to be under the necessity of keeping his bed; in short, that he was seriously and dangerously ill. When his majesty received this report of his minister’s state of health he ceased pressing him any farther.
When the official messenger above referred to first waited on the prime minister, he, the minister, became so much affected that he could not restrain his tears. “Are my services,” said he, in the bitterness of his spirit, “are my services to my country so little thought of that doubts of my veracity should be entertained? Kiss the border of my emperor’s robe when you return, and tell him the weak state in which I am. When I die I leave behind me six orphans, and I hope God will reward the emperor for whatever kindness and favour he may show to them.” The officer, on hearing the grand vezír express himself thus, and having had besides the evidence of his senses to convince him of the dangerous state of his health, he, too, was so overcome with sorrow that he returned to his master, the grand Sultán, and declared to him, weeping, that the worth of this minister was unknown, and therefore not appreciated. “Why is it,” continued the ághá of the palace, “that your majesty has hearkened to the calumny of his enemies? The consequence is, you see, that he is likely to be prematurely cut off.” The answer to all this was, that if he died another would be found to fill his place.
On the third day of this grand vezír’s illness—an illness, there is every reason to believe, wholly occasioned by the treatment of the emperor—his troubles terminated with his life: he gave up the ghost. The rest of the vezírs, the great men of the state, and ulemá, assembled together and attended his remains to the temple of Sultán Mohammed Ghází, where the funeral service was performed; and he was afterwards interred in his own burial ground in the neighbourhood of Abí-eyúb. Among the procession which accompanied the bier of Lálá Mohammed Páshá to the place of interment, was Dervísh Páshá, the lord high admiral of the Turkish fleet, the bitter and relentless enemy of the deceased, but who had his eye on the premiership. He returned to his own house, joyfully anticipating that the seals of office would be conferred on himself. This was what he wished and what he strived for, but at the expense of every honest virtue and upright feeling.
Muftí Siná-allah Effendí relates, that a Portuguese physician who attended Lálá Mohammed Páshá in his illness, had, through the instrumentality of Dervísh Páshá, administered to him, in the form of medicine, what proved mortal to the patient.
When the testament of the late grand vezír was presented to the emperor, he ordered the sums of money that were mentioned in it to be applied to the defraying of the war, but the rest of his effects he permitted to be given to the afflicted children of the deceased. Out of one hundred and fifty thousand ducats and one hundred yúks of dollars, which had belonged to Lálá Mohammed Páshá, and which had been seized at the instigation of Dervísh Páshá for the purpose above explained, only a small portion of his extensive wealth fell to the share of his helpless orphans.
The wicked Dervísh Páshá now arrived at the summit of his wishes. The seals were no sooner conferred on him than he recommended Ja’fer Páshá, the European, who had been three times beglerbeg of Cyprus, to succeed to his vacant situation in the admiralty, and spoke of him as being very skilful in naval affairs. Ja’fer Páshá was, in consequence, appointed lord high admiral of the Ottoman fleet in the room of Dervísh Páshá, who had succeeded to the grand vezírship.
When the new prime minister first took his seat in the diván after his elevation to the premiership, he intimated to the chávush báshí that the members of the diván were not to view him in the light of former ministers, “Whoever puts off a poor man’s case till tomorrow, when it ought to be attended to to-day,” said this fierce minister, “shall have his head cut off: that,” continued he solemnly opening a book, “shall be his fate, and from which he shall in nowise escape.”