APPENDIX III. MATERIALS ON POLICY
A. REPLY TO QUESTIONS (CHIANG K'AI-SHEK)[1]
Replies to the following questionnaire were very kindly supplied by Generalissimo Chiang K'ai-shek. The questions by the present author were submitted to him on July 23, 1940; the replies were transmitted through the Vice-Minister of Publicity, Mr. Hollington Tong, on November 26, 1940.
(1) Do you believe that the San Min Chu I are suited to China alone, or do you think it possible that they represent a golden mean between totalitarianism and democracy?
San Min Chu I is a type of democracy particularly suited to China. In its general features, I think, it is similar to Western democracies.
(2) Do you feel that a San Min Chu I China will have any positive proposals to make concerning the subject of world federation or confederation, if that subject is raised at the end of the current European war?
In as much as cosmopolitanism and world peace are two of the main aims of San Min Chu I, China will naturally be disposed to participate in any world federation or confederation based on the principle of equality of nations and for the good of mankind.
(3) Do you believe that the inauguration of the constitution and of a constitutional period will lead to the uncontrolled freedom of minor parties, including the Communist? Is there not a danger that the minor parties, because they do not share the responsibility for government, will be able to exploit formal democratic rights more unscrupulously than the Kuomintang?
No, because democracy in itself has the ability to work out the solutions for those problems if there are any.
(4) What do you regard as the clearest factual indication of the growth of democracy in Free China?
The following are the clearest indications of the growth of democracy in China: 1, the convocation of the People's Political Council; 2, the convocation of the Provincial Political Councils; 3, the growth of popular interest in both public and national affairs; 4, the growth of the sentiment of national solidarity; 5, the spontaneous response to the call for public services.
(5) Within the army, what democratic tendencies have you fostered or observed?
Since the army is now recruited from the different walks of life, it naturally shares the growing democratic sentiment. Within the army, however, the soldiers and officers are of course trained and disciplined in strict accordance with military regulations.
(6) When the war against Japan is successfully concluded, do you believe that the National Government will have any difficulty in re-establishing its full authority over the guerrilla-governed areas, which will have tasted autonomy?
No, because all these forces are fighting for the liberty and independence of China.
(7) Do you believe that the bogus Government at Nanking is intended by the enemy to deceive the Chinese, to fool the Japanese home public, or actually to govern China? Why do you think that a man as ambitious as Wang Ch'ing-wei put himself in such a humiliating and ridiculous position—before the world, and before history?
Whatever may be the intention of the Japanese in putting up Wang Ch'ing-wei as the head of the bogus government, they certainly have no idea of letting him or any other puppet govern China in reality. As to the latter part of the question, I prefer that you would ask Wang directly.