CHAPTER XXI
1852
Queen Victoria to the King of Denmark.
ENGLAND AND DENMARK
Windsor Castle, 4th January 1852.
Sir, my Brother,—I received the letter which your Majesty addressed to me on the 24th of August last, and in which, after referring to the necessity for establishing some definite arrangement with regard to the eventual succession to the Crown of Denmark, your Majesty is pleased to acquaint me that, in your opinion, such an arrangement might advantageously be made in favour of your Majesty's cousin, His Highness the Prince Christian of Glücksburg,1 and the issue of his marriage with the Princess Louisa of Hesse, in favour of whom the nearer claimants have renounced their rights and titles.
I trust I need not assure your Majesty of the sincere friendship which I entertain for you, and of the deep interest which I feel in the welfare of the Danish Monarchy. It was in accordance with those sentiments that I accepted the office of mediator between your Majesty and the States of the German Confederation, and it afforded me the sincerest pleasure to have been thus instrumental in re-establishing the relations of peace between your Majesty and those States.
With regard to the question of the eventual succession to both the Danish and Ducal Crowns, I have to state to your Majesty that although I declined to take any part in the settlement of that combination, it will be a source of great satisfaction to me to learn that an arrangement has been definitely determined upon equally satisfactory to your Majesty and to the Germanic Confederation; and whenever it shall have been notified to me that such an arrangement has been arrived at, I shall then be ready, in accordance with what was stated in the Protocol of the 2nd of August 1850, to consider, in concert with my Allies, the expediency of giving the sanction of an European acknowledgment to the arrangement which may thus have been made.
I avail myself with great pleasure of this opportunity to renew to your Majesty the expression of the invariable attachment and high esteem with which I am, Sir, my Brother, your Majesty's good Sister,
Victoria R.
Footnote 1: Prince Christian of Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg-Glücksburg was named successor to Frederick VII., King of Denmark by a Treaty signed in London on the 8th of May 1852; and by the Danish law of succession (of the 31st of July 1853), he ascended the throne under the style of Christian IX., on the 15th of November, 1863. He was the father of His Majesty Frederick VIII., the present King of Denmark, and of Her Majesty Queen Alexandra of England; King Christian died in 1906, Queen Louise having predeceased him in 1898.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Windsor Castle, 15th January 1852.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter last night, and wishes now shortly to repeat what she desired through the Prince, Sir Charles Wood to explain to Lord John.2
The Queen hopes that the Cabinet will fully consider what their object is before the proposed negotiation with Sir James Graham be opened.
Is it to strengthen their case in Parliament by proving that no means have been left untried to strengthen the Government? or really to effect a junction with the Peelites?
If the first is aimed at, the Cabinet will hardly reap any of the desired advantages from the negotiation, for, shrewd as Sir James Graham is, he will immediately see that the negotiation has been begun without a desire that it should succeed, and this will soon become generally known.
If the latter, the Queen must observe that there are two kinds of junctions—one, a fusion of Parties; the other, the absorption of one Party by the other. For a fusion, the Queen thinks the Peelites to be quite ready; then, however, they must be treated as a political Party, and no exclusion should be pronounced against particular members of it, nor should it be insisted upon that the new Government and Party is still emphatically the Whig party.
An absorption of the most liberal talents amongst the Peelites into the Whig Government, the Queen considers unlikely to succeed, and she can fully understand that reasons of honour and public and private engagement must make it difficult to members of a political Party to go over to another in order to receive office.
Having stated thus much, the Queen gives Lord John full permission to negotiate with Sir James Graham.
Footnote 2: Lord John Russell having vainly attempted to secure the co-operation of the Duke of Newcastle, announced the wish of the Cabinet to make overtures to Sir J. Graham.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
LOUIS NAPOLEON
Windsor Castle, 20th January 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—Your kind letter of the 16th I received on the 17th, with the newspaper, for which I return my best thanks. The papers which Stockmar communicated to us are most interesting, and do the writer the greatest credit. Watchful we certainly shall and must be. We shall try and keep on the best of terms with the President, who is extremely sensitive and susceptible, but for whom, I must say, I have never had any personal hostility; on the contrary, I thought that during 1849 and 1850 we owed him all a good deal, as he certainly raised the French Government de la boue. But I grieve over the tyranny and oppression practised since the coup d'état, and it makes everything very uncertain, for though I believe it in every way his wish and his policy not to go to war, still, il peut y être entraîné.
Your position is a peculiarly delicate one, but still, as I again repeat, I think there is no reason to be alarmed; particularly, I would never show it.
The poor Nemours were here from Saturday till yesterday evening with their dear nice boys, and I think it always does them good. They feel again as if they were in their own position, and they are diverted from the melancholy reality and the great sameness of their existence at Claremont. I found him very quiet and really not bitter, and disposed to be very prudent,—but seriously alarmed at the possibility of losing their property, which would be too dreadful and monstrous. I fear that the candidature and poor Hélène's imprudence in talking are the cause of this cruel persecution. The poor Orleans have really (and you should write them that) no truer and more faithful friends than we are—and it is for this reason that I urge and entreat them to be entirely passive; for their day will come, I feel convinced!
Now good-bye, my dearest, kindest Uncle. Ever your truly devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
Windsor Castle, 27th January 1852.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of yesterday with the draft of Bills, and likewise that of to-day enclosing a Memorandum on the probable effects of the proposed Measure.3 She has perused these papers with great attention, but feels that any opinion upon the future results of the Measure must rest on surmises; she has that confidence, however, in Lord John's experience and judgment in these matters, and so strong a conviction that he will have spared no pains in forming as correct an opinion as may be formed on so problematical a matter, that she is prepared to come to the decision of approving the Measure on the strength of Lord John's opinion. She only hopes that the future may bear it out, and that the character of the House of Commons may not be impaired. Should this prove the case, the extension of the privilege of voting for Members will strengthen our Institutions. The Queen is glad that the clause abolishing the necessity for every Member of the Government to vacate his seat upon his appointment4 should have been maintained. She hopes that the schedules showing which towns are to be added to existing boroughs will be drawn up with the greatest care and impartiality, and will soon be submitted to her. The Queen would be glad if the plan once proposed of giving to the Queen's University in Ireland the vacant seat for Sudbury were still carried out, as she feels sure that not only would it be a great thing for the University and the Colleges, but a most useful and influential Irish Member would be gained for the House.
The Queen takes it for granted that the Bill as approved by her will be stood by in Parliament, and that Lord John will not allow himself to be drawn on to further concessions to Democracy in the course of the debate, and that the introduction of the ballot will be vigorously opposed by the Government.
Footnote 3: The Ministerial Reform Bill.
Footnote 4: The Act of Settlement excluded (as from the accession of the House of Hanover) the Ministers of State from the House of Commons; but the 6 Anne, c. 7, modified this, and made them re-eligible on appointment.
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
DRAFT OF THE SPEECH
Windsor Castle, 1st February 1852.
The Queen has received the draft of the Speech. The passage referring to the proposed Reform Measure varies so materially from the one which was first submitted to her that she feels that she ought not to sanction it without having received some explanation of the grounds which have led the Cabinet to recommend it in its altered shape. The Queen will not object to the mode of filling the Offices still vacant which Lord John Russell proposes.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
WOMEN AND POLITICS
Buckingham Palace, 3rd February 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—My warmest thanks for your kind little letter of the 30th. Matters are very critical and all Van de Weyer has told us n'est pas rassurant. With such an extraordinary man as Louis Napoleon, one can never be for one instant safe. It makes me very melancholy; I love peace and quiet—in fact, I hate politics and turmoil, and I grieve to think that a spark may plunge us into the midst of war. Still I think that may be avoided. Any attempt on Belgium would be casus belli for us; that you may rely upon. Invasion I am not afraid of, but the spirit of the people here is very great—they are full of defending themselves—and the spirit of the olden times is in no way quenched.
In two hours' time Parliament will be opened, and to-night the explanations between Lord John and Lord Palmerston will take place. I am very curious how they will go off. The curiosity and anxiety to hear it is very great.
I never saw Stockmar better, or more active and more sagacious, or more kind. To me he is really like a father—only too partial, I always think.
Albert grows daily fonder and fonder of politics and business, and is so wonderfully fit for both—such perspicacity and such courage—and I grow daily to dislike them both more and more. We women are not made for governing—and if we are good women, we must dislike these masculine occupations; but there are times which force one to take interest in them mal gré bon gré, and I do, of course, intensely.
I must now conclude, to dress for the opening of Parliament.... Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Chesham Place, 4th February 1852.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to report that the Address was agreed to last night without a division.
The explanations between Lord Palmerston and himself were made. Lord Palmerston made no case, and was not supported by any considerable party in the House. His approbation of the President's conduct seemed to confound the Liberal Party, and he did not attempt to excuse his delay in answering Lord John Russell's letter of the 14th.5
The rest of the debate was desultory and heavy. Mr Disraeli made a long speech for the sake of making a speech. Mr Roebuck was bitter without much effect.
Generally speaking, the appearance of the House was favourable. Sir James Graham says the next fortnight will clear up matters very much.
The tone of the House was decidedly pacific.
Footnote 5: See ante, [p. 341].
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
THE NEW HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT
Windsor Castle, 4th February 1852.
We have learned with much satisfaction that everything went off so well in the House of Commons last night. Lord John Russell's speech is a most useful one, and he has given a most lucid definition of the constitutional position of the Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary opposite to the Crown. Lord Palmerston's speech is a very weak one, and he in no way makes out a case for himself. This seems to [be] the general impression.
The Houses of Lords and Commons being now almost completed, and the Queen having entered the House of Lords by the Grand Entrance (which is magnificent), the Queen thinks this will be the right moment for bestowing on Mr Barry the knighthood, as a mark of the Queen's approbation of his great work.
The Marquis of Normanby to Colonel Phipps.[6]
PALMERSTON'S DISCOMFITURE
St George's Hotel, 5th February 1852.
My dear Charles,—Yesterday morning I got a note from John Russell, saying that all had gone off so well the night before, and Palmerston had been so flat that he thought it better I should not revive the subject in the other House, as he had said nothing about me which in the least required that I should do so. I yielded, of course, to such an appeal, though there are several points in his speech on which I could have exposed inaccuracies. The fact is, John has never shown any consideration for me in the whole of these affairs; but I do not mean in any way to complain, and am very grateful to him for the very successful way in which he executed his task on Tuesday. Nothing can be more universal than the feeling of the utter discomfiture of Palmerston.[7] I am convinced that what floored him at starting was that letter of the Queen's,[8] because every one felt that such a letter would never have been written unless every point in it could have been proved like a bill of indictment; and then came the question, how could any man, even feeling he deserved it, go on under such a marked want of confidence?...[9]
Aberdeen, whom I saw at Granville's last night, told me that Cardwell had said to him, that often as he had felt indignant at the arrogance of "that man," he really pitied him, so complete was his overthrow. Disraeli said that he had watched him during Johnny's speech, and doubted whether the hanging of the head, etc., was merely acting; but before he had spoken two sentences he saw he was a beaten fox. Many said that the extreme flippancy and insolence of his manner was more remarkable than ever, from their being evidently assumed with difficulty. I have always thought Palmerston very much overrated as a speaker; his great power arose from his not only knowing his subject better than any one else, but being the only man who knew anything about it, and using that exclusive knowledge unscrupulously for the purposes of misrepresentation.
Thiers was at Lady Granville's last night, and was enchanted with the spectacle of the Opening. He said that he had been endeavouring for thirty years to support the cause of Constitutional Monarchy, as the best Government in the world, and there he saw it in perfection, not only in its intrinsic attributes, but in the universal respect and adhesion with which it was received. He said, though he did not understand a word of English, he could have cried at the Queen's voice in reading the Speech. He is very "impressionable," and I am convinced at the time he was quite sincere in his appreciation.
I am vexed at not having been able to say anything publicly about all this, as I believe I could have dispelled many misrepresentations; but it cannot be helped. I have endeavoured throughout not to be selfish, and I may as well keep up that feeling to the last. Ever, etc.
Normanby.
I told John Russell last night I regretted that he had vouched for the intentions of Louis Napoleon. He said he had not done that, but owned that he had said more than he ought. "The fact is, I did not know what to say next. I stopped as one sometimes does, so I said that; I had better have said something else!" Candid and characteristic!
[Footnote 6:] Submitted to the Queen by Colonel Phipps.
[Footnote 7:] It appears from a Memorandum made about this time by Prince Albert that when Lord Palmerston's retirement became known, the Radical constituency of Marylebone wished to present him with an Address of sympathy, and to invite him to stand at the next Election, promising him to bring him in. Sir Benjamin Hall (one of the Members) told them that they had better wait till the explanation in Parliament had taken place, for at present they knew nothing about the merits of the case. This the Committee which had been organised consented to do. After the Debate on the 4th of February, Sir Benjamin called upon the Chairman of the Committee to ask him whether they would still carry out their intention. "No," said the Chairman; "we have considered the matter: a man who does not answer the Queen's letters can receive no Address from us."
[Footnote 8:] See ante, [p. 264].
[Footnote 9:] Cf. Greville's account in his Journal, 5th February 1852. See also [p. 368].
Queen Victoria to Earl Granville.
Windsor Castle, 10th February 1852.
The Queen returns the enclosed papers. She will not object to the proposed step10 should Lord Granville and Lord John Russell have reason to expect that the Pope will receive Sir H. Bulwer; should he refuse, it will be doubly awkward. The Queen finds it difficult to give a decided opinion on the subject, as, first, she does not know how far the reception of Sir Henry at Rome will overcome the objections raised to his reception as Resident at Florence. Secondly, as she has never been able to understand what is to be obtained by a mission to Rome, a step liable to much misrepresentation here....
Footnote 10: The Tuscan Government declined to receive Sir H. Bulwer, and it was then proposed to send him to Rome instead.
Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert.
THE PRINCE AND THE ARMY
Chesham Place, 16th February 1852.
Sir,—I have seen the Duke of Wellington this morning, and have given him the Depôt plan.
It may be useful if your Royal Highness will see him from time to time in relation to the Army. On the one hand, your Royal Highness's authority may overcome the indisposition to change which he naturally entertains; and on the other, his vast experience may be of great use to your Royal Highness in regard to the future. I have the honour to be, Sir, your Royal Highness's most dutiful Servant,
John Russell.
Sir Francis Baring to Queen Victoria.
THE SLAVE TRADE
Admiralty, 15th February 1852.
Sir Francis Baring presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs to state to your Majesty that despatches have this evening arrived from Commander Bruce in command of the African Squadron. Commander Bruce gives an account of an attack on Lagos11 which was completely successful. The town of Lagos was captured and in great part burnt. The resistance appears to have been obstinate and directed with much skill. Your Majesty's naval Service behaved with their accustomed gallantry and coolness, but the loss amounted to fourteen killed and sixty-four wounded. Sir Francis Baring will forward to your Majesty copies of the despatches to-morrow, with his humble duty.
F. Baring.
Footnote 11: Notorious as a centre of the Slave Trade. The native king was deposed.
Queen Victoria to Sir Francis Baring.
Buckingham Palace, 16th February 1852.
The Queen has received both Sir Francis Baring's letters of the 15th. The news of the capture and destruction of the town of Lagos has given us the greatest satisfaction, as it will give a most serious blow to the iniquitous traffic in slaves. The Rev. Mr Crowther, whom the Queen saw about two months ago (and whom she believes Sir Francis Baring has also seen), told us that the slave trade on that part of the African coast would be at an end if Lagos, the stronghold of its greatest supporters, was destroyed. The Queen must express to Sir Francis Baring her sense of the services rendered by Commodore Bruce and the Officers under him.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Buckingham Palace, 17th February 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—Your dear letter of the 13th reached me on Saturday here, where we are since Friday afternoon. I am glad that you are satisfied with Lord Granville's answer. The question shall certainly be borne in mind, and you may rely on our doing whatever can be effected to bring about the desired end. I think Louis Napoleon will find his decrees very difficult to carry out. I am very glad to hear that you quietly are preparing to strengthen yourself against the possibility of any attack from France. This will, I think, put Louis Napoleon on his good behaviour....
The extension of the Suffrage12 was almost unavoidable, and it was better to do it quietly, and not to wait till there was a cry for it—to which one would have to yield. The deal there is to do, and the importance of everything going on at home and abroad, is unexampled in my recollection and very trying; Albert becomes really a terrible man of business; I think it takes a little off from the gentleness of his character, and makes him so preoccupied. I grieve over all this, as I cannot enjoy these things, much as I interest myself in general European politics; but I am every day more convinced that we women, if we are to be good women, feminine and amiable and domestic, are not fitted to reign; at least it is contre gré that they drive themselves to the work which it entails.
However, this cannot now be helped, and it is the duty of every one to fulfil all that they are called upon to do, in whatever situation they may be!
Mme. van de Weyer thinks your children so grown and improved, and Charlotte as lovely as ever. With Albert's love, ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 12: See ante, pp. [294], [324].
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
THE MILITIA BILL
Chesham Place, 20th February 1852.
(9.15 p.m.)
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to report that Lord Palmerston has just carried his Motion for leaving out the word "Local" in the title of the Bill for the Militia.13
Lord John Russell then declared that he could no longer take charge of the Bill. Lord Palmerston said he was astonished at the Government for giving up the Bill for so slight a cause.
Lord John Russell then said that he considered the vote as tantamount to a resolution of want of confidence, which remark was loudly cheered on the other side.
Sir Benjamin Hall said he wondered the Government did not resign, on which Lord John again explained that when confidence was withdrawn, the consequence was obvious.
Footnote 13: Events in France had revived anxiety as to the national defences, and the Government brought in a Bill for raising a local Militia. To this scheme the Duke of Wellington had been unfavourable, and Lord Palmerston, by a majority of eleven, carried an Amendment in favour of re-organising the "regular" instead of raising a "local" Militia.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
THE MINISTRY DEFEATED
Buckingham Palace, 21st February 1852.
Lord John Russell came this morning at twelve o'clock to explain that after the vote of yesterday14 it was impossible for him to go on any longer with the Government. He considered it a vote of censure, and an entirely unprecedented case not to allow a Minister of the Crown even to lay his measure on the Table of the House; that he had expected to the last that the respectable part of the House would see all this, but there seemed to have been a pre-arranged determination between Lord Palmerston and the Protectionists to defeat the Government; that the Peelites also had agreed to vote against them. Sir James Graham and Mr Cardwell had stayed away, but Mr Gladstone and Mr S. Herbert had voted against them, the latter even misrepresenting what Lord John had said. No Government could stand against incessant motions of censure upon every imaginable department of the Executive Government. The Prime Minister would either have to take the management of all the departments into his own hands, and to be prepared to defend every item, for which he (Lord John) did not feel the moral and physical power, or he must succumb on those different points which the Opposition with divided labour could single out. Lord Palmerston's conduct was the more reprehensible as he had asked him the day before about his objections to the Bill, and had (he thought) satisfied him that the four points upon which he had insisted were provided for in the Bill.
Footnote 14: On the Militia Bill.
He thought he could not (in answer to the Queen's enquiry) dissolve Parliament, and that Lord Palmerston had no Party. But he supposed Lord Derby was prepared to form a Protection Government. This Government would pass the estimates and the Mutiny Bill, and would then have to proceed to a Dissolution. Lord John had merely seen Lord Lansdowne, who had approved of the course he meant to pursue, though afraid of the imputation that the Government had run away from the Caffre debate. He had summoned the Cabinet, and would report their resolution. Speaking of Lord Palmerston, Lord John said he had heard that Lord Palmerston had said that there was one thing between them which he could not forgive, and that was his reading the Queen's Minute to the House of Commons.
RESIGNATION OF THE MINISTRY
At a quarter past four Lord John came back from the Cabinet, and formally tendered the resignations of himself and colleagues. The Cabinet had been unanimous that there was no other course to pursue, and that it would not be advisable to make use of the Queen's permission to advise a Dissolution. Lord Granville had ascertained through Dr Quin from Lord Lyndhurst that Lord Derby was prepared with an Administration, having obtained Mr Thomas Baring's consent to act as Leader of the House of Commons.
Sir Stratford Canning at Constantinople was supposed to be intended for the Foreign Office. Lord Lyndhurst said, though the materials were there, they were very bad ones, and it was a question whether they would stand long. He himself would keep out of place.
We advised Lord John to keep his Party well under discipline in Opposition, so that whilst there it did not commit errors which would become new difficulties for the future Government. He seemed disinclined for great exertions after the fatigues he had undergone these last years. He said he thought he would not go on with the Reform Bill out of office, as that was a measure which ought to be carried by a Government. If he had again to propose it, he would very likely alter it a little, reverting to his original plan of taking away one Member of the two returned by small boroughs, and giving their seats to some large towns, counties, and corporations like the Universities, etc.
Lord John defers taking his formal leave till a new Administration is formed.
Albert.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
LORD DERBY SUMMONED
Buckingham Palace, 21st February 1852.
The Queen would wish to see Lord Derby at half-past two to-morrow should he be in Town; if not, on Monday at twelve o'clock.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
Buckingham Palace, 22nd February 1852.
... Lord Derby said that he could not command a majority in the House of Lords, that he was in a decided minority in the House of Commons, and thought that in the critical circumstances in which the country was placed both at home and abroad, he ought not to ask for a Dissolution. He must then try to strengthen himself particularly in the House of Commons by any means he could. There was one person whom he could not venture to propose for the Foreign Office on account of what had lately passed, and what he might be allowed to call the "well-known personal feelings of the Queen"; but Lord Palmerston was one of the ablest debaters, and might well be offered the post of Chancellor of the Exchequer.
The Queen ... would not, by refusing her consent, throw additional difficulties in Lord Derby's way; she warned him, however, of the dangerous qualities of [Lord Palmerston].
Lord Derby rejoined that he knew them, and thought them pernicious for the conduct of the Foreign Affairs, but at the Exchequer they would have less play; he himself would undertake to control him. His greatest indiscretion—that in the Kossuth affair—must have been with a view to form a Party; that if left excluded from office, he would become more dangerous, and might in fact force himself back at the head of a Party with a claim to the Foreign Office, whilst if he had ever accepted another Office, his pretensions might be considered as waived; he (Lord Derby) did not know in the least whether Lord Palmerston would accept, but in case he did not, the offer would propitiate him, and render the Government in the House of Commons more possible, as it would have anyhow all the talent of the late Government, Peelites and Radicals, to withstand.
To my question whether Lord Derby fancied he would remain Prime Minister any length of time, when once Lord Palmerston had got the lead of the House of Commons, he replied he was not afraid of him; he felt sure he could control him, although he would not have been able to admit him to the Foreign Office on account of the very strong strictures he had passed upon his Foreign Policy at different times—even if the Queen had allowed it.
The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria.
St James's Square, 22nd February 1852.
(Half-past eight.)
Lord Derby, with his humble duty, deems it incumbent upon him to submit to your Majesty without delay that having had an interview this evening with Lord Palmerston, the latter has, although in the most friendly terms, declined accepting the Office, upon the ground of difference of opinion, not on the principle, but on the expediency of the imposition of any duty, under any circumstances, upon foreign corn. This was a point which Lord Derby was willing to have left undecided until the result of a General Election should be known.
Although this refusal may add materially to Lord Derby's difficulties, he cannot regret that the offer has been made, as the proposal must have tended to diminish any feelings of hostility which might have been productive of future embarrassment to your Majesty's service, to whatever hands it may be entrusted....
The above is humbly submitted by your Majesty's most dutiful Servant and Subject,
Derby.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
LORD DERBY'S CABINET
Buckingham Palace, 23rd February 1852.
Lord Derby reported progress at half-past two, and submitted a list of the principal Officers of the Government which follows, and which the Queen approved.
The Queen allowed Lord Lyndhurst (who has declined office—has been Lord Chancellor three times, and now entered upon his eightieth year) to be offered an Earldom—which he very much desired for the position of his daughters, having no son.
After he had kissed hands upon his entering upon his office, Lord Derby had a further conversation with me on Household appointments. I told him he must now, as Prime Minister, consider himself to a certain degree in the position of the Confessor; that formerly the Lord Chancellor was Keeper of the King's Conscience, the office might be considered to have descended on the Prime Minister. The Queen must then be able to confer with him on personal matters, or I, on her behalf, with the most entire confidence, and that she must be sure that nothing was divulged which passed between them on these matters, and he might repose the same confidence in us. As to the formation of the Household, the Queen made two conditions, viz. that the persons to compose her Court should not be on the verge of bankruptcy, and that their moral character should bear investigation. On the Queen's accession Lord Melbourne had been very careless in his appointments, and great harm had resulted to the Court therefrom. Since her marriage I had insisted upon a closer line being drawn, and though Lord Melbourne had declared "that that damned morality would undo us all," we had found great advantage in it and were determined to adhere to it....
Albert.
Queen Victoria to the Duchess of Sutherland.
Buckingham Palace, 23rd February 1852.
My dearest Duchess,—I cannot say how deeply grieved I am to think that the event which has just occurred, and which Lord Derby's acceptance of office has to-day confirmed, will entail your leaving, for a time, my service. It has been ever a real pleasure to me to have you with me; my affection and esteem for you, my dearest Duchess, are great, and we both know what a kind and true friend we have in you.
I think that I may rely on your returning to me on a future occasion whenever that may be, and that I shall frequently have the pleasure of seeing you, even when you are no longer attached to my person.
I shall hope to see you soon. The Levée remains fixed for Thursday, and the transfer of the Officers of the new Government does not take place till Friday.
With the Prince's kindest remembrance, and ours to the Duke and Constance. Believe me always, yours affectionately,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Buckingham Palace, 24th February 1852.
Dearest Uncle,—Great and not very pleasant events have happened since I wrote last to you. I know that Van de Weyer has informed you of everything, of the really (till the last day) unexpected defeat, and of Lord Derby's assumption of office, with a very sorry Cabinet. I believe, however, that it is quite necessary they should have a trial, and then have done with it. Provided the country remains quiet, and they are prudent in their Foreign Policy, I shall take the trial as patiently as I can....
Alas! your confidence in our excellent Lord Granville is no longer of any avail, though I hope ere long he will be at the Foreign Office again,15 and I cannot say that his successor,16 who has never been in office (as indeed is the case with almost all the new Ministers), inspires me with confidence. I see that Louis Napoleon has again seized one of the adherents, or rathermore one of the men of business, of the poor Orleans....
There are some terrible stories from Madrid of people having told the poor Queen that the King had arranged this attack on her person, and that she was anxious to abdicate.17 If you should hear anything of this kind, be kind enough to tell me of it. With Albert's love (he is well fagged with business), ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 15: Lord Granville held the Foreign Secretaryship in 1870-1874, and again in 1880-1885.
Footnote 16: Lord Malmesbury.
Footnote 17: The Queen was stabbed by a priest when returning from church.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
LORD MALMESBURY
Buckingham Palace, 24th February 1852.
The Queen thinks that it would be of the highest importance that not only Lord Malmesbury (as is always usual) should receive the necessary information from Lord Granville, but that Lord Derby should see him and hear from him the state of all the critical questions now pending on Foreign Affairs. Lord Granville has made himself master in a very short time of all the very intricate subjects with which his Office has to deal, and she must here bear testimony to the extreme discretion, good sense, and calmness with which he has conducted the very responsible and difficult post of Foreign Secretary.
The Earl of Derby to the Prince Albert.
NEW APPOINTMENTS
St James's Square, 25th February 1852. (5 p.m.)
Sir,—I have delayed longer than I could have wished acknowledging the letter which I had the honour to receive from your Royal Highness last night, in hopes that by this time I should have been enabled to solve the difficulties connected with the Household Appointments; but I regret to say they are rather increased than otherwise. I will not trouble your Royal Highness now with any details; but if I might be honoured with an audience at any hour after the Levée to-morrow, I shall perhaps be able to make a more satisfactory report, and at all events to explain the state of affairs more fully.
In the meantime, it may save Her Majesty some trouble if I request that your Royal Highness will have the goodness to lay before Her Majesty the enclosed list of Appointments which, subject to Her Majesty's approval, I have arranged in the course of this day. The Admiralty List found its way most improperly into some of the morning papers before I was even aware that the Duke of Northumberland had finally obtained the assent of the Officers whom he had selected.
As it is possible that the Queen may not be acquainted with the name of Colonel Dunne, I have the honour of enclosing a letter respecting him which I have received from Lord Fitzroy Somerset, since I had intimated to him my intention of submitting his name to Her Majesty, and which is highly satisfactory.
I must beg your Royal Highness to offer to the Queen my most humble and grateful acknowledgment of the kindness which Her Majesty has evinced in endeavouring to facilitate the progress of the Household arrangements.
I have the honour to be, Sir, Your Royal Highness's most obedient Servant,
Derby.
Memorandum by Queen Victoria.18
LOUIS NAPOLEON
Thursday, 26th February 1852.
Lord Derby came to Albert at half-past three, and Albert called me in at a little after four....
Lord Derby told us he meant to proceed as speedily as possible with the defences of the country, and that his plan for the Militia entirely coincided with Albert's plan (viz. he (Albert) wrote on the subject to the Duke of Wellington, who did not like it),19 and meant to try and avoid all the objections. On his observing that no one had entirely understood the Government Bill, I said that the Government had not even been allowed to bring it in, which was a most unfair proceeding; upon which Lord Derby reiterated his professions of this being no preconcerted plan of his Party's, but that it was "symptomatic"; he, however, was obliged to own that it was rather hard and not quite fair on the late Government.
I then explained to him the arrangement respecting the drafts from the Foreign Office going first to him before they came to me, and wished this should be continued, which he promised should be done, as well as that all important Colonial despatches should be sent to me. Touched upon the various critical questions on the Continent.... Lord Derby said that all Louis Napoleon's views were contained in his book Idées Napoléoniennes written in '39, for that he was more a man of "Idées fixes" than any one; and in this book he spoke of gaining territory by diplomacy and not by war. Lord Derby gave us a note from Louis Napoleon to Lord Malmesbury, congratulating him on his appointment, professing the most friendly and pacific intentions, and hoping the Cowleys would (as they do) remain at Paris.
Victoria R.
Footnote 18: Extract from Her Majesty's Journal.
Footnote 19: This Memorandum is given in chap. xlv. of the Life of the Prince Consort.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
FAREWELL AUDIENCES
Buckingham Palace, 27th February 1852.
To-day the formal change of Government took place. The old Ministers who had Seals to give up assembled at half-past eleven, and had their Audiences in the following order:
Sir George Grey was very much overcome; promised at our request to do what he could to keep his friends moderate and united. Spoke well of his successor, Mr Walpole, and assured the Queen that he left the country in a most quiet and contented state.
Lord Grey was sorry that the resignation had taken place before the Caffre Debate, in which he had hoped to make a triumphant defence; he was sure it must have come to this from the way in which Lord John had managed matters. He had never had his measures thoroughly considered when he brought them forward. He (Lord Grey) had had to remonstrate very strongly about this Militia Bill, which had not even been laid, printed, before the Cabinet, and had not been discussed at all; he himself had objected to the greater part of it, and had always expected to have an opportunity of making his opinion heard; instead of spending Christmas at Woburn he ought to have digested his measures; this was not fair to his colleagues, and he could never have the same confidence in Lord John as before. We urged him to forget what had passed and to do the best for the future; that it was important the Party should be kept together and should unite if possible with the Peelites, so that the Queen might hope to get a strong Government. Lord Grey thought there was little chance of this. The next Government could never be as moderate again as this had been; this he had always dreaded, and was the reason why he lamented that Lord John had failed in his negotiation with the Peelites this winter, upon Lord Palmerston's dismissal; but the fact was Lord John had never wished it to succeed, and it had been unfair that he had not stated to them (the Peelites) that all his colleagues were ready to give up their places.
Lord Granville had seen Lord Malmesbury several times, who appeared to him to take pains about informing himself on the state of Foreign Affairs, but seemed inclined to be ambitious of acquiring the merit of being exclusively English in his policy; this was quite right, but might be carried too far; however, Lord Malmesbury was cautious and moderate.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer (Sir Charles Wood) was not surprised at the fate of the Government, although they had not expected to be defeated on the Militia Bill; in fact, a division had hardly been looked for, as Lord John had talked the day before with Lord Palmerston, and satisfied him that all his objections should be provided against in the Bill. He thought it was better, however, that the Caffre Debate had not been waited for, which must have been a personal and very acrimonious one. He thought Lord Grey had not been very discreet in his language to the Queen on Lord John. Sir J. Graham had been in a difficulty with his own Party, and therefore had not wished to encourage Lord John's negotiation with the Peelites. He promised that, for his part, he would do all he could to keep his Party from doing anything violent, but that he was afraid many others would be so, and that he and Lord Grey had in vain tried to persuade Mr Cobden to remain quiet.
Lord Derby had then an Audience to explain what should be done at the Council. He regretted the Duchess of Northumberland's declining to be Mistress of the Robes, on account of ill-health, which had been communicated to the Queen by her father, Lord Westminster. He proposed the Duchess of Argyll, whom the Queen allowed to be sounded (though feeling certain, that, considering the Liberal views of her husband, she will not accept it), and sanctioned his sounding also the Duchess of Athole, whom the Queen wished to make the offer to, in case the Duchess of Argyll declined. Lord Derby stated the difficulty he was in with Sir A. B., whose wife had never been received at Court or in society, although she had run away with him when he was still at school, and was nearly seventy years old. The Queen said it would not do to receive her now at Court, although society might do in that respect what it pleased; it was a principle at Court not to receive ladies whose characters are under a stigma.
We now proceeded to the Council, which was attended only by three Councillors, the other seventeen having all had to be sworn in as Privy Councillors first.20
Footnote 20: See Disraeli's Endymion (chap. c.) for a graphic description of this remarkable scene.
After the Council Lord Hardinge was called to the Queen, and explained that he accepted the Ordnance only on the condition that he was not to be expected to give a vote which would reverse the policy of Sir R. Peel, to which he had hitherto adhered. He had thought it his duty, however, not to refuse his services to the Crown after the many marks of favour he had received from the Queen.
LORD DERBY'S PROGRAMME
Lord Derby then had an Audience to explain what he intended to state in Parliament this evening as the programme of his Ministerial Policy. It was very fluent and very able, but so completely the same as the Speech which he has since delivered, that I must refer to its account in the reports. When he came to the passage regarding the Church, the Queen expressed to him her sense of the importance not to have Puseyites or Romanisers recommended for appointments in the Church as bishops or clergymen. Lord Derby declared himselfLORD DERBY AND THE CHURCH as decidedly hostile to the Puseyite tendency, and ready to watch over the Protestant character of the Church. He said he did not pretend to give a decided opinion on so difficult and delicate a point, but it had struck him that although nobody could think in earnest of reviving the old Convocation, yet the disputes in the Church perhaps could be most readily settled by some Assembly representing the laity as well as the clergy. I expressed it as my opinion that some such plan would succeed, provided the Church Constitution was built up from the bottom, giving the Vestries a legislative character in the parishes leading up to Diocesan Assemblies, and finally to a general one.
On Education he spoke very liberally, but seemed inclined to support the views of the bishops against the so-called "management clauses" of the Privy Council, viz. not to allow grants to schools even if the parish should prefer the bishops' inspection to the Privy Council inspection.
Albert.
The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria.
St James's Square, 27th February 1852.
(Half-past seven p.m.)
Lord Derby, with his humble duty, hastens to acquaint your Majesty, having just returned from the House of Lords, that his statement, going over the topics the substance of which he had the honour of submitting to your Majesty was, as far as he could judge, favourably received. Earl Grey attempted to provoke a Corn Law discussion, but the feeling of the House was against the premature introduction of so complicated and exciting a topic. Lord Aberdeen, dissenting from any alteration of commercial policy, entirely concurred in Lord Derby's views of Foreign Affairs, and of the course to be adopted in dealing with Foreign Nations. Lord Derby did not omit to lay stress upon "the strict adherence, in letter and in spirit, to the obligations of Treaties," which was well received.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
Laeken, 5th March 1852.
My dearest Victoria,—I have to offer my affectionate thanks for a most gracious and long letter of the 2nd.
Within these days we have not had anything very important, but, generally speaking, there has been, at least in appearance, a quieter disposition in the ruling power at Paris. We are here in the awkward position of persons in hot climates, who find themselves in company, for instance in their beds, with a snake; they must not move, because that irritates the creature, but they can hardly remain as they are, without a fair chance of being bitten.... Your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
FOREIGN AFFAIRS
Osborne, 9th March 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—Your dear letter of the 5th reached me just after we arrived here, at our sweet, peaceful little abode.
It seems that Louis Napoleon's mind is chiefly engrossed with measures for the interior of France, and that the serious question of Switzerland is becoming less menacing. On the other hand, Austria behaves with a hostility, and I must say folly, which prevents all attempts at reconciliation. All the admirers of Austria consider Prince Schwartzenberg21 a madman, and the Emperor Nicholas said that he was "Lord Palmerston in a white uniform." What a calamity this is at the present moment!
We have a most talented, capable, and courageous Prime Minister, but all his people have no experience—have never been in any sort of office before!
On Friday the House of Commons meets again, and I doubt not great violence will be displayed.
With every kind love to my dear Cousins, ever your very devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 21: Prime Minister of Austria. He died in the April following.
Colonel Phipps to Queen Victoria.
Buckingham Palace, 10th March 1852.
Colonel Phipps' humble duty to your Majesty.
He has this day visited the Marionette Theatre, and feels quite certain not only that it would not be a suitable theatre for your Majesty to visit, but that your Majesty would derive no amusement from it.
The mechanism of the puppets is only passable, and the matter of the entertainment stupid and tiresome, consisting in a great part of worn-out old English songs, such as "The death of Nelson"! Colonel Phipps considers "Punch" a much more amusing performance. Lady Mount Edgecumbe, who was in a box there, would probably give your Majesty an account of it....
The report in London is, that Lord John Russell is to recommend moderation at the meeting at his house to-morrow. He has, very foolishly, subjected himself to another rebuff from Lord Palmerston by inviting him to attend that meeting, which Lord Palmerston has peremptorily refused. Since that, however, Lady Palmerston has called upon Lady John with a view to a personal—not political—reconciliation. Lady Palmerston, as Colonel Phipps hears, still persists in the unfounded accusation against Lord John of having quoted your Majesty's Minute in the House of Commons without giving Lord Palmerston notice of his intention.22
Footnote 22: Palmerston, however, admitted the contrary (Life of the Prince Consort, vol. ii. chap. xliv.).
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
DEMOCRACY
Laeken, 12th March 1852.
My dearest Victoria,—I have to thank you for a most kind letter from peaceful Osborne, which must doubly appear so to you now, after all the troubles of the recent Ministerial arrangements. I am glad that you are struck with the good qualities of your new Premier. I am sure his great wish will be to make the best possible Minister of the Crown. His task will be very difficult. "Bread, cheap bread," "the poor oppressed by the aristocratie," etc.—a whole vocabulary of exciting words of that kind will be put forward to inflame the popular mind; and of all the Sovereigns, the Sovereign "People" is certainly one of the most fanciful and fickle. Our neighbour in France shows this more than any other on the whole globe; the Nation there is still the Sovereign, and this renders the President absolute, because he is the representative of the supreme will of the supreme Nation, sending us constantly some new exiles here, which is very unpleasant. We are going on very gently, merely putting those means of defence a little in order, which ought by rights always to be so, if it was not for the ultra-unwise economy of Parliaments and Chambers. Without, at least, comparative security by means of well-regulated measures of defence, no country, be it great or small, can be considered as possessing National Independence. I must say that in Austria, at least Schwartzenberg, they are very much intoxicated. I hope they will grow sober again soon. It was very kind of you to have visited the poor Orleans Family. Rarely one has seen a family so struck in their affections, fortunes, happiness; and it is a sad case. Those unfortunate Spanish marriages have much contributed to it; even angelic Louise had been caught by l'honneur de la maison de Bourbon.... Your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
THE NEW MILITIA BILL
Osborne, 12th March 1852.
The Queen must now answer Lord Derby on the questions which form the subjects of his three last communications.
With regard to the Militia Bill, she must admit that her suggestions are liable to the objections pointed out by Lord Derby, although they would offer advantages in other respects. The Queen will therefore sanction the measure as proposed, and now further explained by Lord Derby.
The despatches transmitted from the Foreign Office referring to the Swiss question23 could not fail to give the Queen as much satisfaction as they did to Lord Derby, as they show indications of a more conciliatory intention, for the present at least. As Switzerland has yielded, France and Austria ought to be satisfied, and the Queen only hopes we may not see them pushing their demands further after a short interval!
The probability of a war with the Burmese is a sad prospect. The Queen thinks, however, that the view taken by Lord Dalhousie of the proceedings at Rangoon, and of the steps now to be taken to preserve peace, is very judicious, and fully concurs with the letter sent out by the Secret Committee. She now returns it, together with the despatch.
The despatches from Prince Schwartzenberg to Count Buol are satisfactory in one sense, as showing a readiness to return to the English Alliance, but unfortunately only under the supposition that we would make war upon liberty together; they exhibit a profound ignorance of this country.24 The Queen is quite sure that Lord Derby will know how to accept all that is favourable in the Austrian overtures without letting it be supposed that we could for a moment think of joining in the policy pursued at this moment by the great Continental Powers. As Lord Derby's speech has been referred to by Prince Schwartzenberg, it would furnish the best text for the answer. The President seems really to have been seriously ill.
Footnote 23: The French had been pressing the Swiss Government to expel refugees, and Austria supported the French President.
Footnote 24: Lord Derby had urged that a more conciliatory message should accompany Lord Granville's last despatch, which, because of its unfriendly tone, Count Buol had delayed sending on to Vienna. The precise language (he said) must depend on what information Count Buol could supply.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
Osborne, 14th March 1852.
The Queen has received this morning Lord Derby's letter respecting the St Albans' Disfranchisement Bill, and is glad to hear that Lord Derby means to take up this Bill as dropped by the late Government. Whether the mode of transferring these seats proposed by Lord Derby will meet with as little opposition in Parliament as he anticipates, the Queen is not able to form a correct judgment of. It may be liable to the imputation of being intended to add to the power of the landed interest. This might not be at all objectionable in itself, but it may be doubtful how far the House of Commons may be disposed to concur in it at the present moment. This will be for Lord Derby to consider, but the Queen will not withhold her sanction from the measure.
She knows that Lord John Russell meant to give the vacant seats to Birkenhead. Are not there two seats still vacant from the Disfranchisement of Sudbury? and would it not be better (if so) to dispose of all four at the same time? There is an impression also gaining ground that, with a view to prevent the Franchise being given exclusively to Numbers, to the detriment of Interests, it might be desirable to give new seats to certain corporate bodies, such as the Scotch Universities, the Temple and Lincoln's Inn, the East India Company, etc., etc.25
Footnote 25: The Government eventually proposed that the four seats taken from St Albans and Sudbury should be assigned to South Lancashire and the West Riding; but, on the ground that a Ministry on sufferance should confine itself to necessary legislation, Mr Gladstone induced the House by a great majority to shelve the proposal.
Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria.
MR DISRAELI
House of Commons, 15th March 1852.
(Monday night.)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to your Majesty, informs your Majesty of what occurred in the House of Commons this evening.
Mr Villiers opened the proceedings, terse and elaborate, but not in his happiest style. He called upon the House to contrast the state of the country at the beginning of the year and at the present moment. But he could not induce the House to believe that "all now was distrust and alarm."
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in reply, declined to bring forward in the present Parliament any proposition to change our commercial system, and would not pledge himself to propose in a future Parliament any duty on corn. He said a duty on corn was a measure, not a principle, and that if preferable measures for the redress of agricultural grievances than a five-shilling duty on corn (mentioned by Mr Villiers) could be devised, he should adopt them—a declaration received with universal favour on the Government side.
Lord John Russell replied to the Chancellor of the Exchequer in consequence of some notice by the former of the strange construction of a new Opposition to force a Dissolution of Parliament by a Minister who, three weeks ago, had declared such Dissolution inexpedient. It was not a successful speech.
THE OPPOSITION
The great speech on the Opposition side was that of Sir James Graham: elaborate, malignant, mischievous. His position was this: that Lord Derby, as a man of honour, was bound to propose taxes on food, and that if he did so, revolution was inevitable.
Mr Gladstone and Lord Palmerston both spoke in the same vein, the necessity of immediate Dissolution after the passing of the "necessary" measures; but the question soon arose, What is "necessary"?
Lord Palmerston thought the Militia Bill "necessary," upon which the League26 immediately rose and denied that conclusion.
There seemed in the House a great reluctance to avoid a violent course, but a very general wish, on the Opposition side, for as speedy a Dissolution as public necessity would permit.
The evening, however, was not disadvantageous to the Government. All which is most humbly submitted to your Majesty, by your Majesty's most dutiful Subject and Servant,
B. Disraeli.
Footnote 26: The members belonging to the Manchester School of Politics.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE QUESTION OF DISSOLUTION
Osborne, 17th March 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—I delayed writing till to-day as I wished to see the papers first, and be able to give you an account of the first Debate in the two Houses. They are not satisfactory, because both Lord Derby and Mr Disraeli refuse to give a straightforward answer as to their policy, the uncertainty as to which will do serious harm.27 The Opposition are very determined, and with right, to insist on this being given, and on as early a Dissolution as possible. The Government will be forced to do this, but it is very unwise, after all this agitation for the last five years and a half, not [to] come forward manfully and to state what they intend to do. We tried to impress Lord Derby with the necessity of this course, and I hoped we had succeeded, but his speech has not been what it ought to have been in this respect.
The President seems more occupied at home than abroad, which I trust he may remain.
Stockmar is well.... One thing is pretty certain—that out of the present state of confusion and discordance, a sound state of Parties will be obtained, and two Parties, as of old, will again exist, without which it is impossible to have a strong Government. How these Parties will be formed it is impossible to say at present. Now, with Albert's love, ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 27: This uncertainty led to the Anti-Corn-Law League, which had been dissolved in 1846, being revived.
Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria.
House of Commons, 19th March 1852.
(Friday night, twelve o'clock.)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to your Majesty, lays before your Majesty what has taken place in the House of Commons to-night.
At the commencement of public business, Lord John Russell, in a very full House, after some hostile comments, enquired of Her Majesty's Ministers whether they were prepared to declare that Her Majesty will be advised to dissolve the present Parliament, and call a new one, with the least possible delay consistent with a due regard to the public interest, in reference to measures of urgent and immediate necessity.
The question was recommended by Lord John Russell as one similar to that put to him in 1841 by Sir Robert Peel.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer in reply observed that there was a distinction between the position of the present Ministry and that of Lord John Russell in 1841, as in that and in the other precedents quoted in 1841 by Sir Robert Peel, the Ministry had been condemned by a vote of the House of Commons.
He said it was not constitutional and most impolitic for any Ministers to pledge themselves to recommend their Sovereign to dissolve Parliament at any stated and specific time, as circumstances might occur which would render the fulfilment of the pledge injurious or impracticable; that it was the intention of the Ministers to recommend your Majesty to dissolve the present Parliament the moment that such measures were carried which were necessary for your Majesty's service, and for the security and good government of your Majesty's realm; and that it was their wish and intention that the new Parliament should meet to decide upon the question of confidence in the Administration, and on the measures, which they could then bring forward in the course of the present year.
This announcement was very favourably received.
The discomfiture of the Opposition is complete, and no further mention of stopping or limiting supplies will be heard of.
All which is most humbly submitted to your Majesty by your Majesty's most dutiful Subject and Servant,
B. Disraeli.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
INTERVIEW WITH LORD DERBY
Buckingham Palace, 22nd March 1852.
We came to Town from Osborne the day before yesterday, and saw Lord Derby yesterday afternoon, who is in very good spirits about the prospect of affairs. He told the Queen that he thought he might state that the Government had gained a good deal of ground during the last week, and that there was now a general disposition to let the necessary measures pass Parliament, and to have the dissolution the end of June or beginning of July. He hoped the Queen did not think he had gone too far in pledging the Crown to a Dissolution about that time; but it was impossible to avoid saying as much as that a new Parliament would meet in the autumn again, and have settled the commercial policy before Christmas.
To the Queen's questions, whether there would not be great excitement in the country produced by the General Election, and whether Parliament ought not to meet immediately after it, he replied that he was not the least afraid of much excitement, and that there was great advantage in not meeting Parliament immediately again, as the Government would require a few months to prepare its measures, and to take a sound view of the new position of affairs. He anticipated that there would be returned a large proportion of Conservatives, some Free Traders, some Protectionists; but not a majority for the re-imposition of a duty on corn, certainly not a majority large enough to justify him in proposing such a Measure. Now he was sure he could not with honour or credit abandon that Measure unless the country had given its decision against it; but then he would have most carefully to consider how to revise the general state of taxation, so as to give that relief to the agricultural interest which it had a right to demand.
PROTECTION
He had received the most encouraging and flattering letters from the agriculturists of different parts of the country, all reposing the most explicit confidence in him, and asking him not to sacrifice the Government for the sake of an immediate return to Protection. They felt what Lord Derby must say he felt himself, that, after the fall of this Government, there would necessarily come one of a more democratic tendency than any the country had yet had to submit to. He thought most politicians saw this, and would rally round a Conservative standard; he knew that even many of the leading Whigs were very much dissatisfied with the company they find themselves thrown into and alarmed at the progress of Democracy.
Albert.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Buckingham Palace, 23rd March 1852.
... Here matters have improved rather for the Government, and it seems now that they will be able to get through the Session, to dissolve Parliament at the end of June or beginning of July, and to meet again in November. And then Protection will be done away with. If only they had not done so much harm, and played with it for six long years! What you say of the advantage of having had Governments from all parties we have often felt and do feel; it renders changes much less disagreeable. In the present case our acquaintance is confined almost entirely to Lord Derby, but then he is the Government. They do nothing without him. He has all the Departments to look after, and on being asked by somebody if he was not much tired, he said: "I am quite well with my babies!..."
Victoria R.
Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria.
House of Commons, 29th March 1852.
(Monday night.)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to your Majesty, informs your Majesty of what has occurred in the House of Commons to-night.
Mr Secretary Walpole introduced the Militia Bill in a statement equally perspicuous and persuasive.
Opposed by Mr Hume and Mr Gibson, the Government Measure was cordially supported by Lord Palmerston.
Lord John Russell, while he expressed an opinion favourable to increased defence, intimated a preference for regular troops.
Mr Cobden made one of his cleverest speeches, of the cosmopolitan school, and was supported with vigour by Mr Bright. A division is threatened by the ultra-Movement party, but the Chancellor of the Exchequer hopes to ward it off, and is somewhat sanguine of ultimate success in carrying the Measure.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Buckingham Palace, 30th March 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—Many thanks for your dear letter of the 26th, which I received on Saturday. Here we shall have some trouble with our Militia Bill, which all of a sudden seems to have caused dissatisfaction and alarm. Lord Derby is quite prepared to drop Protection, as he knows that the Elections will bring a Free Trade, though a Conservative majority. Mr Disraeli (alias Dizzy) writes very curious reports to me of the House of Commons proceedings—much in the style of his books....
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
ENGLAND AND ITALY
Windsor Castle, 10th April 1852.
The Queen hopes that both Lord Derby and Lord Malmesbury will give their earnest attention to the change in the politics of Italy, which is evidently on the point of taking place, according to the enclosed despatch from Mr Hudson.28 What Count Azeglio29 says in his Memorandum with respect to Austria is perfectly just. But France, as the champion of Italian liberty and independence, would become most formidable to the rest of Europe, and Louis Napoleon, in assuming for her this position, would be only following the example of his uncle, which we know to be his constant aim.30
Footnote 28: British Envoy at Turin.
Footnote 29: Premier of Sardinia.
Footnote 30: Lord Derby in reply, after reviewing the whole matter, counselled non-interference, the keeping of a vigilant watch on French and Austrian actions, encouragement of Sardinia in her constitutional action, and the making use of any opportunity to secure both the independence of Piedmont and the reform of the Papal Administration.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
FRANCE AND ITALY
Windsor Castle, 13th April 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Derby's letter of the 11th inst., in which he states very clearly the difficulties which stand in the way of an active interference of this country in the affairs of Italy. The Queen did not mean to recommend in her letter of the 10th on this subject any active interference, as she is of opinion that our present want of due influence in Italy is chiefly owing to our former ill-judged over-activity. The Queen agrees therefore entirely with Lord Derby in thinking that "all that can be done now is carefully to watch the proceedings of France and Austria in this matter, so as to profit by every good opportunity to protect the independence of Piedmont, and, if possible, produce some improvement in the internal Government of Rome," and she would accordingly like to see her respective Foreign Ministers instructed in this sense.
The Queen continues, however, to look with apprehension to the possible turn which the affairs of Italy may take, proceeding from the political views of the President. It is not improbable that he may act now that he is omnipotent upon the views contained in his celebrated letter to Edgar Ney in 1849, which were at the time disapproved by the Assembly.31 He will feel the necessity of doing something to compensate the French for what they have lost by him at home, to turn their attention from home affairs to those abroad, and to the acquisition of power and influence in Europe; and certainly, were he to head Italian liberty and independence, his power of doing mischief would be immense. After all, such an attempt would not be more inconsistent for him than it was for General Cavaignac, as President of the République Démocratique, to get rid of the Roman Republic, and to reinstate the Pope by force of arms.
The Queen wishes Lord Derby to communicate this letter to Lord Malmesbury, from whom she has also just heard upon this subject.
Footnote 31: In this letter the President of the Republic had expressed his admiration at the conduct of the French troops in the Roman expedition under General Oudinot, and his warm approval of the policy that led to the campaign.
Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria.
House of Commons, 19th April 1852.
(Monday night, half-past twelve.)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to your Majesty, reports to your Majesty that, after a dull debate, significant only by two of the subordinate Members of the late Administration declaring their hostility to the Militia Bill, Lord John Russell rose at eleven o'clock and announced his determination to oppose the second reading of it.32 His speech was one of his ablest—statesmanlike, argumentative, terse, and playful; and the effect he produced was considerable.
Your Majesty's Government, about to attempt to reply to it, gave way to Lord Palmerston, who changed the feeling of the House, and indeed entirely carried it away in a speech of extraordinary vigour and high-spirited tone.
The Ministers were willing to have taken the division on his Lordship sitting down, but as the late Government wished to reply, the Chancellor of the Exchequer would not oppose the adjournment of the debate.
The elements of calculation as to the division are very complicated, but the Chancellor of the Exchequer is still inclined to believe that the second reading of the Bill will be carried.
Footnote 32: This tactical blunder, much condemned at the time, estranged many of the Whigs from Lord John.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
THE BUDGET
Buckingham Palace, 25th April 1852.
The Queen wishes to remind Lord Derby that the time for the presentation of the Budget to the House of Commons being very close at hand, none of the Measures referring to the finances of the country which the Government may have to propose have as yet been laid before her.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
Buckingham Palace, 26th April 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Derby's explanation of his views with regard to the Budget,33 and will be glad to see him on Wednesday at three o'clock. She had been alarmed by vague rumours that it was the intention of the Government to propose great changes in the present financial system, which, with an adverse majority in the House of Commons and at the eve of a Dissolution, must have led to much confusion. She thinks the course suggested by Lord Derby to consider the Budget merely as a provisional one for the current year, by far the wisest, the more so as it will leave us a surplus of £2,000,000, which is of the utmost importance in case of unforeseen difficulties with Foreign Powers.34
Footnote 33: Its chief feature was a renewal of the expiring Income Tax.
Footnote 34: Accordingly, no financial changes were proposed until after the General Election. See post, [p. 406].
Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria.
House of Commons, 26th April.
(Monday night, twelve o'clock.)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to your Majesty, reports to your Majesty that the Militia Bill has been carried (second reading) by an immense majority.
| For | 315 | |
| Against | 165 |
The concluding portion of the debate was distinguished by the speeches of Mr Sidney Herbert and Mr Walpole, who made their greatest efforts; the first singularly happy in his treatment of a subject of which he was master, and the last addressing the House with a spirit unusual with him.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
FRANCE AND THE BOURBONS
Buckingham Palace, 27th April 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—I thank you much for your kind and affectionate letter of the 23rd. I have somehow or other contrived to lose my day, for which reason I can only write a very short letter. It seems to be generally believed that Louis Napoleon's assumption of the title of Emperor is very near at hand, but they still think war is not likely, as it would be such bad policy.
What you say about the ill-fated Spanish marriages, and the result of the poor King's wishing to have no one but a Bourbon as Queen Isabel's husband being that the French won't have any Bourbon, is indeed strange. It is a melancholy result.
I shall certainly try and read Thiers' Révolution, Consulat, et Empire, but I can hardly read any books, my whole lecture almost being taken up by the immense quantity of despatches we have to read, and then I have a good deal to write, and must then have a little leisure time to rest, and de me délasser and to get out. It is a great deprivation, as I delight in reading. Still, I will not forget your recommendation.
I am sorry to say nothing is definitely settled about our dear Crystal Palace. With Albert's love, ever your truly devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to Mr Disraeli.
Buckingham Palace, 1st May 1852.
The Queen has read with great interest the clear and able financial statement which the Chancellor of the Exchequer made in the House of Commons last night, and was glad to hear from him that it was well received.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury.
Buckingham Palace, 13th May 1852.
With respect to this despatch from Lord Howden,35 the Queen wishes to observe that hitherto we have on all similar occasions declined accepting any Foreign Order for the Prince of Wales, on account of his being too young and not even having any of the English Orders. Might this not therefore be communicated to Lord Howden?
Footnote 35: British Minister at Madrid.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
AFFAIRS IN FRANCE
Osborne, 27th May 1852.
The Queen returns the enclosed most interesting letters. It is evident that the President is meeting with the first symptoms of a reviving public feeling in France; whether this will drive him to hurry on the Empire remains to be seen. All the Foreign Powers have to be careful about is to receive an assurance that the Empire does not mean a return to the policy of the Empire, but that the existing Treaties will be acknowledged and adhered to.
The session seems to advance very rapidly. The Queen hails Lord Derby's declaration of his conviction that a majority for a duty on corn will not be returned to the new Parliament, as the first step towards the abandonment of hostility to the Free Trade on which our commercial policy is now established, and which has produced so flourishing a condition of the finances of the country.
Mr Disraeli's speech about Spain was very good, though he had certainly better not have alluded to Portugal.
We return to Town to-morrow.
Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria.
House of Commons, 21st June 1852.
(Nine o'clock.)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to your Majesty, reports to your Majesty that Lord John Russell introduced to the notice of the House of Commons to-night the recent Minute of the Committee of Council on Education.
Lord John Russell made a languid statement to a rather full House. His speech was not very effective as it proceeded, and there was silence when he sat down.
Then Mr Walpole rose and vindicated the Minute. He spoke with animation, and was cheered when he concluded.
Sir Harry Verney followed, and the House very much dispersed; indeed the discussion would probably have terminated when Sir Harry finished, had not Mr Gladstone then risen. Mr Gladstone gave only a very guarded approval to the Minute, which he treated as insignificant.
It was not a happy effort, and the debate, for a while revived by his interposition, continued to languish until this hour (nine o'clock), with successive relays of mediocrity, until it yielded its last gasp in the arms of Mr Slaney.
The feeling of the House of Commons, probably in this representing faithfully that of the country, is against both the violent parties in the Church, and in favour of a firm, though temperate, course on the part of the Crown, which may conciliate a vast majority, and tend to terminate dissension.
Queen Victoria to Mr Walpole.
DISTURBANCES AT STOCKPORT
Buckingham Palace, 1st July 1852.
The Queen is much distressed at the account she has read in the papers of the dreadful riot at Stockport,36 alas! caused by that most baneful of all Party feelings, religious hatred,37 and she is very anxious to know what Mr Walpole has heard.
Footnote 36: The Church question was brought into the political arena in the General Election, which was now in progress; much violence was manifested during the contest.
Footnote 37: "It is additional proof, if more were wanting," wrote Mr Walpole in reply, "that all Parties should forbear as much as possible from the ostentatious parade of anything that can provoke either the one or the other."
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
Laeken, 23rd July 1852.
My dearest Victoria,—... We are very much plagued by our Treaty with France. Victor Hugo has written a book against Louis Napoleon, which will exasperate him much, and which he publishes here; we can hardly keep Victor Hugo here after that.38 The great plague of all these affairs is their constant return without the least advantage to any one from the difficulties they created.... Your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Footnote 38: Victor Hugo (1802-1885) had founded the journal, L'Evénement, in 1848: he was exiled in 1851, and published Napoléon le Petit in Belgium. After the fall of the Empire he returned to France, and in 1877 published his Histoire d'un Crime.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
Osborne, 26th August 1852.
The Queen has been considering the subject of the vacant Garter, and the names which Lord Derby proposed to her. She is of opinion that it would not be advisable on the whole to give the Garter to Lord Londonderry; that the Duke of Northumberland has by far the strongest claim to this distinction. At the same time, the Queen would have no objection to bestow it on Lord Lonsdale, if this is desirable, in order to facilitate any Ministerial arrangements which Lord Derby may have in contemplation.
F.M. The Duke of Wellington, K.G.
From a miniature at Apsley House
To face p. 392, Vol. II.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
THE QUEEN INHERITS A FORTUNE
Laeken, 10th September 1852.
My dearest Victoria,—... That Mr Neild39 should have left that great fortune to you delighted me; it gives the possibility of forming a private fortune for the Royal Family, the necessity of which nobody can deny. Such things only still happen in England, where there exists loyalty and strong affection for Royalty, a feeling unfortunately much diminished on the Continent of Europe, though it did exist there also....
Footnote 39: John Camden Neild, an eccentric and miserly bachelor, nominally a barrister, died on the 30th of August, bequeathing substantially the whole of his fortune (amounting to half a million) to the Queen. As there were no known relatives, the Queen felt able to accept this legacy; but she first increased the legacies to the executors from £100 to £1000 each, made provision for Mr Neild's servants and others who had claims on him, restored the chancel of North Marston Church, Bucks, where he was buried, and inserted a window there to his memory.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
DEATH OF DUKE OF WELLINGTON
Balmoral, 17th September 1852.
The death of the Duke of Wellington40 has deprived the Country of her greatest man, the Crown of its most valuable servant and adviser, the Army of its main strength and support. We received the sad news on an expedition from Allt-na-Giuthasach to the Dhu Loch (one of the wildest and loneliest spots of the Highlands) at four o'clock yesterday afternoon. We hurried home to Allt-na-Giuthasach, and to-day here, where it became important to settle with Lord Derby the mode of providing for the command of the Army, and the filling up of the many posts and places which the Duke had held.
Footnote 40: The Duke passed away at Walmer on the 14th of September, in his eighty-fourth year.
I had privately prepared a list of the mode in which this should be done, and discussed it with Victoria, and found, to both Lord Derby's and our astonishment, that it tallied in every point with the recommendations which he had thought of making.
I explained to Lord Derby the grounds upon which I thought it better not to assume the Command myself, and told him of the old Duke's proposal, two years ago, to prepare the way to my assuming the Command by the appointment of a Chief of the Staff, on Sir Willoughby Gordon's death, and the reasons on which I then declined the offer. Lord Derby entirely concurred in my views, and seemed relieved by my explanation; we then agreed that for the loss of authority which we had lost with the Duke, we could only make up by increase in efficiency in the appointments to the different offices. That Lord Hardinge was the only man fit to command the Army.
He should then receive the Command-in-Chief. The Ordnance which he would vacate should be given to Lord Fitzroy Somerset, hitherto Military Secretary (with the offer of a peerage).41 The Constableship of the Tower to Lord Combermere; the Garter to Lord Londonderry; the Grenadier Guards and the Rifle Brigade to me; the Fusiliers vacated by me to the Duke of Cambridge (or the Coldstream, Lord Strafford exchanging to the Fusiliers); the 60th Rifles vacated by me to Lord Beresford; the Rangership of the Parks in London to George (Duke of Cambridge); the Wardenship of the Cinque Ports to Lord Dalhousie; the Lieutenancy of Hampshire to Lord Winchester. I reserved to me the right of considering whether I should not assume the command of the Brigade of Guards which the Duke of York held in George IV.'s time, to which William IV. appointed himself, and which has been vacant ever since Victoria's accession, although inherent to the Constitution of the Guards.
Footnote 41: He became Lord Raglan.
Lord Derby had thought of George for the Command-in-Chief, as an alternative for Lord Hardinge, but perceived that his rank as a Major-General and youth would hardly entitle him to such an advancement. He would have carried no weight with the public, and we must not conceal from ourselves that many attacks on the Army which have been sleeping on account of the Duke will now be forthcoming.
Victoria wishes the Army to mourn for the Duke as long as for a member of the Royal Family.
Lord Derby proposes a public funeral, which cannot take place, however, before the meeting of Parliament in November. He is to find out how this is to be accomplished on account of the long interval.
The correspondence here following42 shows what doubts exist as to the person in whom the Command of the Army is vested in case of a vacancy. I consider Lord Palmerston's letter as a mere attempt to arrogate supreme power for his Office,43 which rests on no foundation. The Secretary at War has no authority whatever except over money, whilst the Commander-in-Chief has no authority to spend a penny without the Secretary at War.
Albert.
Footnote 42: These letters, which are of no special importance, contained a statement from Lord Palmerston to the effect that the appointment to the Commandership-in-Chief was vested in the Secretary at War.
Footnote 43: Lord Palmerston had held the office of Secretary at War from 1809 to 1828.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON
Balmoral, 17th September 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—I am sure you will mourn with us over the loss we and this whole nation have experienced in the death of the dear and great old Duke of Wellington. The sad news will have reached you, I doubt not, on Wednesday or yesterday. We had gone on Wednesday, as I had mentioned, to our little Shiel of Allt-na-Giuthasach to spend two days there, and were enjoying ourselves very much on a beautiful expedition yesterday, and were sitting by the side of the Dhu Loch, one of the severest, wildest spots imaginable, when one of our Highlanders arrived bringing a letter from Lord Derby (who is here), confirming the report which we had already heard of—but entirely disbelieved—and sending me a letter from Lord Charles Wellesley, saying that his dear father had only been ill a few hours, and had hardly suffered at all. It was a stroke, which was succeeded rapidly by others, and carried him off without any return of consciousness. For him it is a blessing that he should have been taken away in the possession of his great and powerful mind and without a lingering illness. But for this country, and for us, his loss—though it could not have been long delayed—is irreparable! He was the pride and the bon génie, as it were, of this country! He was the GREATEST man this country ever produced, and the most devoted and loyal subject, and the staunchest supporter the Crown ever had. He was to us a true, kind friend and most valuable adviser. To think that all this is gone; that this great and immortal man belongs now to History and no longer to the present, is a truth which we cannot realise. We shall soon stand sadly alone; Aberdeen is almost the only personal friend of that kind we have left. Melbourne, Peel, Liverpool—and now the Duke—all gone!
You will kindly feel for and with us, dearest Uncle.
Lord Hardinge is to be Commander-in-Chief, and he is quite the only man fit for it.
Albert is much grieved. The dear Duke showed him great confidence and kindness. He was so fond of his little godson Arthur—who will now be a remaining link of the dear old Duke's, and a pleasant recollection of him. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
Laeken, 17th September 1852.
My dearest Victoria,—You will be much grieved at the loss of the Duke. It must give you satisfaction to think that you were always kind to him, and that he was very sincerely devoted to you and appreciated Albert. Since 1814 I had known much of the Duke; his kindness to me had been very marked, and I early discovered that he was very favourable to my marriage with Charlotte, then already in agitation. Since, he was always kind and confidential, even in those days of persecution against me, the result of the jealousy of George IV.; he never was influenced by it, or had the meanness of many who, in the days of misfortune, quickly leave one. The only case in which we were at variance was about the boundaries of Greece. He had some of the old absolute notions, which in that case were not in conformity with the real interests of England and of Europe. Even last year he spoke so very kindly to me on the subject of our Continental affairs. Rarely fickle Fortune permits a poor mortal to reach the conclusion of a long career, however glorious, with such complete success, so undisturbed by physical or moral causes. The Duke is the noblest example of what an Englishman may be, and to what greatness he may rise in following that honourable and straight line.
When one looks at the Manchester school, compared to the greatness to which men like the Duke raised their country, one cannot help to be alarmed for the future. You are enjoying the Highlands, but the weather seems also not very favourable; here it is uncertain, and at times very cold.... Your truly devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
The Prince Albert to the Earl of Derby.
FUNERAL ARRANGEMENTS
Balmoral, 22nd September 1852.
My dear Lord Derby,—The Queen wishes me to answer your kind letter of yesterday.
Her letter to you and to Mr Walpole of this morning will have apprised you that she sanctions the Guard of Honour having been placed at Walmer, and the Duke's body having been taken possession of formally on the part of the Crown.
It would be a great pity if Lord Fitzroy were to be obliged to decline the Peerage on account of poverty; at the same time it may be difficult to relieve him from the payment of fees by a public grant. Under these circumstances, rather than leave Lord Fitzroy unrewarded, and a chance of his feeling mortified at a moment when his cheerful co-operation with Lord Hardinge is so important to the public service—the Queen would herself bear the expense of the fees. If this were to hurt Lord Fitzroy's feelings, you could easily manage it so that he need never know from what source the £500 came. The Queen leaves this matter in your hands. Ever yours truly,
Albert.
Queen Victoria to Mr Walpole.
Balmoral Castle, 22nd September 1852.
The Queen has just received Mr Walpole's letter of the 20th, informing her of the difficulty of having the Funeral Service, according to the Liturgy, performed twice; she trusts, however, that means may be found to enable the Queen's intentions to be carried out, as communicated to Mr Walpole in Lord Derby's official letter. Whether this is to be done by leaving the body for two months without the Funeral Service being read over it, or by reading the Funeral Service now in the presence of the family, and treating the Public Funeral more as a translation of the remains to their final place of rest, the Queen must leave to be decided by those who have the means of personally sounding the feelings of the Duke's family, the dignitaries of the Church, and the public generally.
An impressive religious ceremony might certainly be made of it at St. Paul's, even if the actual Funeral Service should not be read on the occasion....
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
Windsor Castle, 23rd October 1852.
Shortly after the formation of Lord Derby's Government, the Queen communicated to him a Memorandum respecting the necessity of attending to our national defences on a systematic plan. The Queen would now wish to hear how far we have advanced in this important object since that time. Lord Derby would perhaps call on the General Commanding-in-Chief, the Master-General of the Ordnance, and the First Lord of the Admiralty, as well as the Home Secretary, to make a report upon this. It will soon be necessary to consider what will have to be done for the future to complete the various plans. The Queen is no alarmist, but thinks that the necessity of our attending to our defences once having been proved and admitted by Parliament and two successive Governments, we should not relax in our efforts until the plans then devised are thoroughly carried out.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
LOUIS NAPOLEON
Windsor Castle, 26th October 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—... I must tell you an anecdote relating to Louis Napoleon's entry into Paris, which Lord Cowley wrote over, as going the round of Paris. It is: that under one of the Triumphal Arches a Crown was suspended to a string (which is very often the case) over which was written, "Il l'a bien mérité." Something damaged this crown, and they removed it—leaving, however, the rope and superscription, the effect of which must have been somewhat edifying!
It is not at all true that foreign Officers are not to attend at the funeral of the dear old Duke; on the contrary, we expect them from Prussia, Austria, and Russia, and the Duke of Terceira (whom we shall see to-night) is already come from Portugal to attend the ceremony.
I must now conclude. With Albert's love, ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury.
Windsor Castle, 8th November 1852.
As we seem to be so near the declaration of the Empire in France, and as so many opinions are expressed on the subject of the title to be assumed by Louis Napoleon, the Queen is anxious to impress Lord Malmesbury with the importance of our not committing ourselves on this point, and not giving our allies to understand that we shall join them in not acknowledging Napoleon III.44 Objectionable as this appellation no doubt is, it may hardly be worth offending France and her Ruler by refusing to recognise it, when it is of such importance to prevent their considering themselves the aggrieved party; any attempt to dictate to France the style of her Ruler would strengthen Louis Napoleon's position; our object should be to leave France alone, as long as she is not aggressive.
All of this should be well weighed.
Footnote 44: Louis Napoleon himself claimed no hereditary right to the Imperial dignity, but only that conferred by election: he acknowledged as national all the acts which had taken place since 1815, such as the reigns of the later Bourbons and of Louis Philippe. (See Memoirs of an ex-Minister.)
The Prince Albert to Viscount Hardinge.
NATIONAL DEFENCES
Windsor Castle, 8th November 1852.
My dear Lord Hardinge,—In reference to our conversation of yesterday, and the Queen's request to Lord Derby that he should call upon the different departments of the Admiralty, Army, Ordnance, and Home Office to furnish a report as to how far the measures begun last spring to put our defences in a state of efficiency have been carried out, and what remains to be done in that direction—I beg now to address you in writing. The object the Queen wishes to obtain is, to receive an account which will show what means we have really at our disposal for purposes of defence, ready for action at the shortest possible notice, and what remains to be done to put us into a state of security, what the supply of the wants may cost (approximately), and what time it would require.
As it will be not only convenient but necessary that the Horse Guards and Ordnance should consult together and combine their deliberations, I beg this letter to be understood to apply as well to Lord Raglan as to yourself, and that you would meet and give the answer to the Queen's questions conjointly.
(A detailed list follows.)
These questions would all present themselves at the moment when we received the intelligence of a threatened coup de main on the part of Louis Napoleon, when it would be too late to remedy any deficiency. The public would be quite ready to give the necessary money for our armament, but they feel with justice that it is unfair to ask them for large sums and then always to hear, We are quite unprepared. They don't understand and cannot understand details, but it is upon matters of detail that our security will have to depend, and we cannot be sure of efficiency unless a comprehensive statement be made showing the whole.
I beg this to be as short as possible, and if possible in a tabular shape. Ever yours truly,
Albert.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
Windsor Castle, 13th November 1852.
The Queen was very sorry to hear from Lord Derby and Mr Disraeli that Mr Villiers' Motion45 will create Parliamentary difficulties.
With respect to the financial statement, she must most strongly impress Lord Derby with the necessity of referring to our defenceless state, and the necessity of a large outlay, to protect us from foreign attack, which would almost ensure us against war. The country is fully alive to its danger, and Parliament has perhaps never been in a more likely state to grant what is necessary, provided a comprehensive and efficient plan is laid before it. Such a plan ought, in the Queen's opinion, to be distinctly promised by the Government, although it may be laid before Parliament at a later period.
Footnote 45: This Motion, intended to extort a declaration from the House in favour of Free Trade, and describing the Corn Law Repeal as "a just, wise, and beneficial measure," was naturally distasteful to the Ministers. Their amour-propre was saved by Lord Palmerston's Amendment omitting the "odious epithets" and affirming the principle of unrestricted competition.
Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria.
FINANCIAL POLICY
London, 14th November 1852.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs permission to enclose an answer to the Address for your Majesty's approbation, and which should be delivered, if your Majesty pleases, to the House of Commons to-morrow.
Referring to a letter from your Majesty, shown to him yesterday by Lord Derby, the Chancellor of the Exchequer also begs permission to state that, in making the financial arrangements, he has left a very large margin for the impending year (April 1853-4), which will permit the fulfilment of all your Majesty's wishes with respect to the increased defence of the country, as he gathered them from your Majesty's gracious expressions, and also from the suggestion which afterwards, in greater detail, His Royal Highness the Prince deigned to make to him.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer will deeply consider the intimation graciously made in your Majesty's letter to Lord Derby as to the tone on this subject to be adopted in the House of Commons, and he will endeavour in this, and in all respects, to fulfil your Majesty's pleasure.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer fears that he sent to your Majesty a somewhat crude note from the House of Commons on Thursday night, but he humbly begs your Majesty will deign to remember that these bulletins are often written in tumult, and sometimes in perplexity; and that he is under the impression that your Majesty would prefer a genuine report of the feeling of the moment, however miniature, to a more artificial and prepared statement.
Queen Victoria to Mr Disraeli.
Windsor Castle, 14th November 1852.
The Queen has received with much satisfaction Mr Disraeli's letter of this day's date, in which he informs her of his readiness to provide efficiently for the defence of the country, the call for which is very urgent. Lord Malmesbury, with whom the Prince has talked very fully over this subject, will communicate further with Mr Disraeli and Lord Derby on his return to Town to-morrow.
The Marquis of Dalhousie to Queen Victoria.
LORD DALHOUSIE
Government House, 23rd November 1852.
The Governor-General still retains some hope of seeing general peace restored in India before he quits it finally, as your Majesty's Ministers and the Court of Directors have some time since requested him not to retire from its administration in January next, as he had intended to do.
Many private considerations combined to draw him homewards, even though the honour and the advantages of retaining this Office were willingly recognised. But the gracious approbation with which his services here have been viewed was a sufficient motive for continuing them for some time longer, if they were thought profitable to the State.
Your Majesty has very recently been pleased to bestow upon him a still further distinction, which calls not merely for the expression of his deep and humble gratitude to your Majesty, but for a further devotion to your Majesty's service of whatever power he may possess for promoting its interests.
That your Majesty should prefer him at all to an Office of such traditional distinction as the Wardenship was an honour to which the Governor-General would never at any time have dreamt of aspiring. But by conferring it upon him thus—during his absence—and above all, by conferring it upon him in immediate succession to one whom he must all his life regard with reverence, affection, and gratitude—your Majesty has surrounded this honour with so much of honourable circumstance that the Governor-General is wholly unable to give full expression to the feelings with which he has received your Majesty's goodness.
The Governor-General is very sensible that in him, as Lord Warden, your Majesty will have but a sorry successor to the Duke of Wellington in every respect, save one. But in that one respect—namely in deep devotion to your Majesty's Crown, and to the true interests of your Empire—the Governor-General does not yield even to the Master he was long so proud to follow.
INDIA AND THE DUKE
In every part of India the highest honours have been paid to the memory of the Duke of Wellington, which your Majesty's Empire in the East and its armies could bestow.
Even the Native Powers have joined in the homage to his fame. In the mountains of Nepaul the same sad tribute was rendered by the Maharajah as by ourselves, while in Mysore the Rajah not only fired minute guns in his honour, but even caused the Dusserah, the great Hindoo festival, to be stopped throughout the city, in token of his grief.
Excepting the usual disturbance from time to time among the still untamed mountain tribes upon our north-western border, there is entire tranquillity in India. The season has been good, and the revenue is improving.
Respectfully acknowledging the letter which he had lately the honour of receiving from your Majesty, and the gracious message it contained to Lady Dalhousie, who, though much improved in health, will be compelled to return to England in January, the Governor-General has the honour to subscribe himself with the utmost respect and gratitude, your Majesty's most obedient, most humble, and devoted Subject and Servant,
Dalhousie.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE FUNERAL
Windsor Castle, 23rd November 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—What you say about Joinville has interested us very much, and we have confidentially communicated it to Lord Derby, who is never alarmed enough. There is, however, a belief that the Orleans family have been very imprudent, and that Louis Napoleon has heard things and expressions used which did a great deal of harm, and Lord Derby begged me to warn them very strongly and earnestly on this point; I cannot do much, but I think you might, for in fact they might unintentionally compromise us seriously. The Government are rather shaky; Disraeli has been imprudent and blundering, and has done himself harm by a Speech he made about the Duke of Wellington, which was borrowed from an éloge by Thiers on a French Marshal!!!46
You will have heard from your children and from Charles how very touching the ceremony both in and out of doors was on the 18th. The behaviour of the millions assembled has been the topic of general admiration, and the foreigners have all assured me that they never could have believed such a number of people could have shown such feeling, such respect, for not a sound was heard! I cannot say what a deep and wehmtühige impression it made on me! It was a beautiful sight. In the Cathedral it was much more touching still! The dear old Duke! he is an irreparable loss!
We had a great dinner yesterday to all the Officers. There is but one feeling of indignation and surprise at the conduct of Austria 47 in taking this opportunity to slight England in return for what happened to Haynau48 for his own character. Ernest Hohenlohe was extremely anxious you should know the reason why he may possibly appear one evening at the Elysée (they are gone for three or four days to Paris).
Louis Napoleon being excessively susceptible, and believing us to be inimical towards him, we and the Government thought it would not be wise or prudent for my brother-in-law, just coming from here, purposely to avoid him and go out of his way, which Louis Napoleon would immediately say was my doing; and unnecessary offence we do not wish to give; the more so as Stockmar was presented to him at Strasburg, and received the Légion d'honneur. I promised to explain this to you, as Ernest was distressed lest he should appear to be timeserving, and I said I was sure you would understand it.
I must end in a hurry, hoping to write again on Thursday or Friday. Dear Stockmar is very well and most kind. He is much pleased at your children spending some time with him every day. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 46: Marshal Gouvion de St Cyr.
Footnote 47: In sending no representative to the funeral of the Duke of Wellington.
Footnote 48: See ante, [p. 267].
The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria.
CONFUSION OF PARTIES
Downing Street, 25th November 1852.
(Thursday, four p.m.)
Lord Derby, with his humble duty, in obedience to your Majesty's gracious commands of this morning, proceeds to report to your Majesty what he finds to have taken place and to be in contemplation; but the accounts of the latter are so conflicting and contradictory, that his report must be as unsatisfactory to your Majesty as the state of the case is unintelligible to himself.
On arriving in London, Lord Derby called on Mr Disraeli, and found that late last night he had had, by his own desire, a private interview with Lord Palmerston, who had come to his house with that object; that Lord Palmerston's language was perfectly friendly towards the Government; that he assured Mr Disraeli that his only object in offering his Amendment was to defeat Mr Villiers; that if that could be done, it was a matter of indifference to him which Amendment was adopted; and he concluded by declaring that though he sat by Mr Sidney Herbert in the House of Commons, and was an old personal friend, he did not act in concert with him or with Mr Gladstone; and that he did not see, on their part, any disposition to approach the Government! After this declaration Mr Disraeli felt that it would be useless and unwise to sound him farther as to his own ulterior views, and the conversation led to nothing.
As Lord Derby was walking home, he was overtaken by Lord Jocelyn, who stated, in direct opposition to what had been said by Lord Palmerston, that he, and the other two gentlemen named, were consulted upon, and had concocted the proposed Amendment; and that they were decidedly acting together. He was present at a dinner of the Peelite Party yesterday at Mr Wortley's, when Speeches were made, and language held about the reunion of the Conservative Party, resulting, however, in a declaration that if your Majesty's servants did not accept Lord Palmerston's Amendment, they, as a body, would vote in favour of Mr Villiers. Lord Derby has been farther informed that they are willing to join the Government, but that one of their conditions would be that Lord Palmerston should lead the House of Commons, Mr Gladstone refusing to serve under Mr Disraeli. This, if true, does not look like an absence of all concert.
To complete the general confusion of Parties, the Duke of Bedford, who called on Lady Derby this morning, assures her that Lord John Russell does not desire the fall of your Majesty's present Government, and that in no case will he enter into any combination with the Radical Party, a declaration quite at variance with the course he has pursued since Parliament met.
Of course Lord Derby, in these circumstances, has not taken any step whatever towards exercising the discretion with which your Majesty was graciously pleased to entrust him this morning.49 He much regrets having to send your Majesty so unsatisfactory a statement, and has desired to have the latest intelligence sent up to him of what may pass in the House of Commons, and he will endeavour to keep your Majesty informed of any new occurrence which any hour may produce.
Half-past six.
Lord Derby has just heard from the House of Commons that Sir James Graham has given the history of the framing of the Amendment, and has expressed his intention, if Lord Palmerston's Amendment be accepted, to advise Mr Villiers to withdraw. Mr Gladstone has held the same language; there appears to be much difference of opinion, but Lord Derby would think that the probable result will be the adoption of Lord Palmerston's proposition. He fears this will lead to a good deal of discontent among the supporters of the Government; but a different course would run imminent risk of defeat.
Footnote 49: The Queen had allowed him to enter into negotiations with the Peelites and Lord Palmerston on the distinct understanding that the latter could not receive the lead of the House of Commons.
Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria.
LORD PALMERSTON
House of Commons, 26th November 1852.
(Half-past one o'clock a.m.)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to your Majesty, reports to your Majesty that the House of Commons has this moment divided on Mr Villiers' resolution, and in a House of nearly 600 members they have been rejected by a majority of 80.50
The debate was very animated and amusing, from the rival narratives of the principal projectors of the demonstration, who, having quarrelled among themselves, entered into secret and—in a Party sense—somewhat scandalous revelations, to the diversion and sometimes astonishment of the House.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer deeply regrets that, having been obliged to quit the House early yesterday, he was unable to forward a bulletin to your Majesty.
He has fixed next Friday for the Budget.
Footnote 50: Lord Palmerston's Amendment (See ante, [p. 399].) was carried instead, and Protection was thenceforward abandoned by Mr Disraeli and his followers.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
MR DISRAELI AND MR GLADSTONE
Windsor Castle, 28th November 1852.
Before the Council held yesterday we saw Lord Derby, who seemed much pleased with the result of the Division, though a good deal galled by the tone of the Debate.
Lord Derby had heard it said that Mr Sidney Herbert, although very bitter in his language, had not meant to be hostile to the Government, but felt that he owed the duty to speak out to the memory of Sir Robert Peel; that he was glad to have thrown the load off his mind. Lord Derby then read us a letter from Lord Claud Hamilton, who had seen Mr Corry (one of the Peelites), who had given him to understand that they would not serve under the leadership of Mr Disraeli; that they were ready, on the other hand, to serve under Lord Palmerston. This put all further negotiation out of the question, for, independently of the Queen objecting to such an arrangement, he himself could not admit of it. On my question why Mr Gladstone could not lead, he replied that Mr Gladstone was, in his opinion, quite unfit for it; he had none of that decision, boldness, readiness, and clearness which was necessary to lead a Party, to inspire it with confidence, and, still [more], to take at times a decision on the spur of the moment, which a leader had often to do. Then he said that he could not in honour sacrifice Mr Disraeli, who had acted very straightforwardly to him as long as they had had anything to do with each other, and who possessed the confidence of his followers. Mr Disraeli had no idea of giving up the lead.
We could quite understand, on the other hand, that the colleagues of Sir Robert Peel could not feel inclined to serve under Mr Disraeli.
Under these circumstances we agreed that nothing should be done at present, and that it must be left to time to operate changes, that much must depend upon the success which Mr Disraeli may have with his Budget, and that the knowledge that Lord Palmerston could not obtain the lead would oblige those who wished to join to think of a different combination.
Lord Derby owned (upon my blunt question) that he did not think Mr Disraeli had ever had a strong feeling, one way or the other, about Protection or Free Trade, and that he would make a very good Free Trade Minister.
The Queen was anxious to know what Lord Derby thought Lord George Bentinck (if now alive) would do in this conjunction. Lord Derby's expression was "he would have made confusion worse confounded" from his excessive violence.
Albert.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury.
RECOGNITION OF THE EMPIRE
Osborne, 2nd December 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Malmesbury's letter, and returns the enclosure from Lord Cowley. Under these circumstances the course recommended to be pursued by Lord Malmesbury51 appears also to the Queen as the best. It is evident that we have no means of making Louis Napoleon say what he will not, nor would any diplomatic form of obtaining an assurance from him give us any guarantee of his not doing after all exactly what he pleases. Our honour appears therefore to be best in our own keeping. Whatever he may say, it is in our note of recognition that we must state what we recognise and what we do not recognise.
Footnote 51: Lord Malmesbury advised that a formal repetition of the interpretation and assurances as to the use of the numeral "III" in the Imperial title, already verbally made by the President and the French Ambassador, should be demanded. This was duly obtained. On the 2nd of December, the anniversary of the coup d'état, the Imperial title was assumed; on the 4th, the Empire was officially recognised.
The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria.
St James's Square, 3rd December 1852.
(Friday night, twelve o'clock p.m.)
Lord Derby, with his humble duty, ventures to hope that your Majesty may feel some interest in hearing, so far as he is able to give it, his impression of the effect of Mr Disraeli's announcement of the Budget52 this evening. Lord Derby was not able to hear quite the commencement of the Speech, having been obliged to attend the House of Lords, which, however, was up at a quarter past five, Mr Disraeli having then been speaking about half an hour. From that time till ten, when he sat down, Lord Derby was in the House of Commons, and anxiously watching the effect produced, which he ventures to assure your Majesty was most favourable, according to his own judgment after some considerable experience in Parliament, and also from what he heard from others. Mr Disraeli spoke for about five hours, with no apparent effort, with perfect self-possession, and with hardly an exception to the fixed attention with which the House listened to the exposition of the views of your Majesty's servants. It was altogether a most masterly performance, and he kept alive the attention of the House with the greatest ability, introducing the most important statements, and the broadest principles of legislature, just at the moments when he had excited the greatest anxiety to learn the precise measures which the Government intended to introduce. The Irish part of the question was dealt with with remarkable dexterity, though probably a great part of the point will be lost in the newspaper reports. It is difficult to foresee the ultimate result, but Lord Derby has no hesitation in saying that the general first impression was very favourable, and that, as a whole, the Budget seemed to meet with the approval of the House.
Footnote 52: Increase of the House Tax, reduction of the Malt and Tea duties, and relaxation of Income Tax in the case of farmers, were the salient features of the Budget.
Queen Victoria to the Emperor of the French.
THE QUEEN TO THE EMPEROR
Osborne House, 4th December 1852.
Sir, my Brother,—Being desirous to maintain uninterrupted the union and good understanding which happily subsist between Great Britain and France, I have made choice of Lord Cowley, a peer of my United Kingdom, a member of my Privy Council, and Knight Commander of the Most Honourable Order of the Bath, to reside at your Imperial Majesty's Court in the character of my Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary. The long experience which I have had of his talents and zeal for my service assures me that the choice which I have made of Lord Cowley will be perfectly agreeable to your Imperial Majesty, and that he will prove himself worthy of this new mark of my confidence. I request that your Imperial Majesty will give entire credence to all that Lord Cowley shall communicate to you on my part, more especially when he shall assure your Imperial Majesty of my invariable attachment and esteem, and shall express to you those sentiments of sincere friendship and regard with which I am, Sir, my Brother, your Imperial Majesty's good Sister,
Victoria R.
To my good Brother,53 the Emperor of the French.
Footnote 53: The Czar persisted in addressing him as Mon cher Ami.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury.
Osborne, 6th December 1852.
The Queen has this morning received Lord Malmesbury's letter of yesterday, relative to Count Walewski's audience. The manner in which Lord Malmesbury proposes this should be done the Queen approves, and only wishes Lord Malmesbury to communicate with the proper authorities in order that the Fairy may be at Southampton at the right hour, and the Frigate, as suggested, in attendance off Osborne or Cowes, according to what the weather may be. The landing at Osborne Pier, in wet or stormy weather, is very bad, particularly for a lady.
The Queen wishes that the Count and Countess Walewski should come down here with Lord Malmesbury on Thursday next, and we should receive them at half-past one. We wish then that they should all three dine and sleep here that day.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury.
A SECRET PROTOCOL
Osborne, 8th December 1852.
The Queen was very much surprised to receive this morning in a box from Lord Malmesbury, without any further explanation, a secret Protocol54 signed by the representatives of the four great Powers at the Foreign Office on the 3rd instant.
A step of such importance should not have been taken without even the intention of it having been previously mentioned to the Queen, and her leave having been obtained. She must therefore ask for an explanation from Lord Malmesbury. Though the purport of the Protocol appears to the Queen quite right, she ought not to allow the honour of England to be pledged by her Minister without her sanction.
The exact wording of a document of that nature is a matter of such serious importance that it requires the greatest consideration, and it is a question with the Queen whether it be always quite safe to adopt entirely what is proposed by Baron Brunnow, who is generally the rédacteur of such documents.
Footnote 54: By this Protocol Louis Napoleon was to be recognised as Emperor by Great Britain, Austria, Prussia, and Russia.
The Earl of Malmesbury to Queen Victoria.
Foreign Office, 13th December 1852.
Lord Malmesbury presents his humble duty to the Queen. He thought it advisable to acquaint your Majesty as soon as possible with a conversation which Count Walewski had held of his own accord in reference to Her Serene Highness the Princess Adelaide of Hohenlohe,55 and he requested Lord Derby to repeat it to your Majesty.
Lord Malmesbury was not mistaken in believing that the Count had not alluded idly to the subject, as he this day called on Lord Malmesbury, and stated to him that the Emperor of the French had not decided to negotiate a marriage with the Princess of Wasa;56 but, on the contrary, was rather averse to such an alliance; that he was anxious, on the contrary, to make one which indirectly "resserrerait les liens d'amitié entre l'Angleterre et la France," and that with this view he wished Lord Malmesbury to ascertain from your Majesty whether any objections would be raised on the part of your Majesty, or of the Princess Adelaide's family, to his contracting a marriage with Her Serene Highness. Your Majesty may suppose that he received this intimation by a simple assurance that he would submit the French Emperor's sentiments to your Majesty, and he added that he foresaw a serious difficulty to the project in the fact that the Princess was a Protestant. Count Walewski was evidently sincere in the earnestness with which he spoke of the subject, and the impatience with which he pressed Lord Malmesbury to inform your Majesty of his proposal.
Footnote 55: The Queen's niece, daughter of Princess Hohenlohe.
Footnote 56: The Princess Caroline Stéphanie, daughter of Prince Gustavus de Wasa, who was son of the last King of Sweden of the earlier dynasty.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
THE EMPEROR'S PROPOSED MARRIAGE
Osborne, 14th December 1852.
The Queen sends to Lord Derby a communication which she has received from Lord Malmesbury.
The Queen is sorry to have been put in a situation which requires on her part a direct answer, which to have been spared would have been in every respect more prudent and safe. As it is, however, the Queen is fully aware that the answer she is forced to give may really have, or may hereafter be made appear to have, political consequences disadvantageous to our political relations with France, and injurious to the Queen's personal character.
The Queen therefore encloses for Lord Derby a draft of the answer she intends to give to Lord Malmesbury,57 asking that Lord Derby will not only give these matters his fullest consideration, but that he will return to the Queen the draft as soon as possible, with such of his suggestions or alterations as he may think advisable to propose to her.
The Queen must also express her decided wish that Lord Derby will not allow Lord Malmesbury to move a single step in this affair without it has been previously concerted with Lord Derby.58
Footnote 57:
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury.
[Draft.]
Osborne, 14th December 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Malmesbury's letter of yesterday, reporting his conversation with Count Walewski, who had asked him to ascertain from the Queen "whether any objections would be raised on her part or on that of the Princess Adelaide's family to his (the Emperor's) contracting a marriage with Her Serene Highness."
In a question which affects the entire prospects and happiness of a third person, and that person being a near and dear relation of hers, the Queen feels herself conscientiously precluded from forming an opinion of her own, and consequently from taking the slightest part in it either directly or indirectly. The only proper persons to refer to for the consideration of and decision on so serious a proposal are the parents of the Princess and the Princess herself.
Footnote 58: In his reply Lord Derby observed that it did not appear to him that the matter was at present in so critical a position. Lord Malmesbury would have little difficulty in showing Count Walewski, without any interruption of a friendly entente, that the intended overtures were not likely to be favourably received. He suggested that Lord Malmesbury should be instructed to treat the proposition as emanating, not from the Emperor, but unofficially, from Count Walewski; and that he should, also unofficially, dissuade him from pressing the subject further; such course could have no injurious effect upon the political aspect of Europe. Lord Derby could not understand how the affair, however it might turn out, could affect the Queen's "personal character."
He suggested that the following words should be substituted for the last paragraph: "And while she fully appreciates the desire expressed by Count Walewski on the part of his Government, 'de resserrer les liens de l'amitié entre l'Angleterre et la France,' she feels bound to leave the consideration and decision of so serious a proposal to the unbiassed judgment of the parents of the Princess and the Princess herself, the only persons to whom such a question can properly be referred. The Queen thinks it right to add that being fully persuaded of the strong religious persuasion of the Princess, of the extreme improbability of any change of opinion on her part, and of the evils inseparable from a difference of opinion on such a subject between the Emperor and his intended Consort, she wishes Lord Malmesbury to place this consideration prominently before Count Walewski, before he takes any other step in the matter, which he appears to have brought unofficially under the consideration of Lord Malmesbury."
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
THE QUEEN AND LORD MALMESBURY
Osborne, 16th December 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Derby's letter of the 14th inst. She did not intend to complain personally of Lord Malmesbury, who, the Queen is sure, was most anxious to do the best he could under the circumstances; but she still thinks that a question of such importance should not have been brought immediately before her for her decision; and although Lord Derby states his opinion that Lord Malmesbury had no alternative but to promise to Count Walewski that he would bring "the Emperor's sentiments before the Queen," the very suggestion Lord Derby now makes, viz. "that Lord Malmesbury should be instructed to treat the proposition as emanating, not from the Emperor, but unofficially from Count Walewski, and that he should also unofficially dissuade him from pressing the matter further"—shows that there was an alternative.
Lord Derby and Lord Malmesbury alone can know, whether, after what may have passed in conversation between Lord Malmesbury and Count Walewski, this course still remains open.
THE QUEEN'S OPINION
There can be no doubt that the best thing would be to terminate this affair without the Queen being called upon to give any opinion at all.
Lord Derby seems to treat the matter as of much less importance than the Queen, but he will admit that, if the alliance is sought by the Emperor, "pour resserrer les liens d'amitié entre la France et l'Angleterre," the refusal of it on the part of the Queen must also have the opposite effect. The responsibility of having produced this effect would rest personally with the Queen, who might be accused of having brought it about, influenced by personal feelings of animosity against the Emperor, or by mistaken friendship for the Orleans family, or misplaced family pride, etc., etc., etc. The acceptance of the proposal, on the other hand, or even the consummation of the project without her direct intervention, cannot fail to expose the Queen to a share in the just opprobrium attaching in the eyes of all right-thinking men to the political acts perpetrated in France ever since 2nd December 1851. And, while it would appear as if her Family did not care for any such considerations, so long as by an alliance they could secure momentary advantages, it would give the other Powers of Europe, whom the Emperor seems to be disposed to treat very unceremoniously (as shown by Lord Cowley's last reports) the impression that England suddenly had separated herself from them, and bound herself to France for a family interest pursued by the Queen.
These are the dangers to "the Queen's personal character," which presented themselves to her mind when she wrote her last letter, and which Lord Derby says remained unintelligible to him.
The Queen wishes Lord Derby to show this letter to Lord Malmesbury, whom, under the circumstances, she thinks it best not to address separately. They will be now both in the fullest possession of the Queen's sentiments, and she hopes will be able to terminate this matter without the expression of an opinion on the part of the Queen becoming necessary.
The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria.
DEFEAT OF THE MINISTRY
St James's Square, 17th December 1852.
(4 a.m.)
Lord Derby, with his humble duty, regrets to have to submit to your Majesty that the House of Commons, from which he has this moment returned, has rejected the resolution for the increase of the House Tax, by a majority of either nineteen or twenty-one.59 This majority is so decisive, especially having been taken on a question which was understood to involve the fate of the Government, as to leave Lord Derby no alternative as to the course which it will be his duty to pursue; and although, as a matter of form, it is necessary that he should consult his Colleagues, for which purpose he has desired that a Cabinet should be summoned for twelve o'clock, he can entertain no doubt but that their opinion will unanimously concur with his own; that he must humbly ask leave to resign into your Majesty's hands the high trust which your Majesty has been pleased to repose in him. Lord Derby, with your Majesty's permission, will endeavour to do himself the honour of attending your Majesty's pleasure this evening; but it is possible that he may not be able to find the means of crossing,60 in which case he trusts that your Majesty will honour him with an audience to-morrow (Saturday) morning. Lord Derby trusts he need not assure your Majesty how deeply he feels the inconvenience and annoyance which this event will occasion to your Majesty, nor how anxious will be his desire that your Majesty should be enabled with the least possible delay to form an Administration possessing more of the public confidence. He will never cease to retain the deepest and most grateful sense of the gracious favour and support which he has on all occasions received at your Majesty's hands, and which he deeply regrets that he has been unable to repay by longer and more efficient service.
Footnote 59: This memorable debate and its sensational ending, with the notable speeches from Disraeli and Gladstone, has been repeatedly described. See, e.g., Morley's Gladstone and McCarthy's History of our own Times. The Times leader (quoted by Mr Morley) was cut out and preserved by the Queen.
Footnote 60: To Osborne.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
LORD DERBY'S RESIGNATION
Osborne, 18th December 1852.
Yesterday evening Lord Derby arrived from Town formally to tender his resignation. We retired to the Queen's room after dinner with him to hear what he had to say on the crisis. He complained of the factiousness of the Opposition, which he and his Party hoped, however, not to imitate; was ready to support, as far as he could, any Administration which was sincerely anxious to check the growth of democracy. He said his calculations at the close of the Elections had been found almost to a man verified in the late vote: 286 members voting with the Government, and these were their regular supporters; the other half of the House was composed of 150 Radicals, 50 of the so-called Irish Brigade, 120 Whigs, and 30 Peelites. It was clear that, if all these combined, he would be outvoted, though none of these Parties alone numbered as much as half of his. However, he had heard lately from good authority that the Whigs and Peelites had come to an agreement, and were ready to form an Administration on Conservative principles, to the exclusion of the Radicals, under the lead of Lord Aberdeen. Although only 150 strong, they thought, that with all the talent they had at their command, they would be able to obtain the confidence of the country, and hold the balance between the two extreme Parties in the House. He felt that after having failed to obtain the confidence of Parliament himself, he could do nothing else than retire at once, and he advised the Queen to send for Lord Lansdowne, who knew better than anybody the state of Parties, and would give the best advice. He did not advise the Queen to send for Lord Aberdeen at once, because, if it were reported that he had given this advice, many of his Party—who had already been distressed at his declaration to them that if he was defeated he would withdraw from public life—would think it necessary to join Lord Aberdeen as their new appointed leader; and then the other half, which felt the deepest indignation at the treatment they had received from the Peelites, would throw themselves into a reckless alliance with the Radicals, to revenge themselves upon the new Government, so the great Conservative Party would be broken up, which it was so essential for the country to keep together and moderate.
I interrupted Lord Derby, saying that, constitutionally speaking, it did not rest with him to give advice and become responsible for it, and that nobody therefore could properly throw the responsibility of the Queen's choice of a new Minister upon him; the Queen had thought of sending for Lord Lansdowne and Lord Aberdeen together. This, Lord Derby said, would do very well; he knew that, strictly speaking, the Sovereign acted upon her own responsibility, but it was always said on such occasions, for instance, "Lord John advised the Queen to send for Lord Derby," etc., etc.
He then gave it rather jokingly as his opinion that he thought less than 32 could hardly be the number of the new Cabinet, so many former Ministers would expect to be taken in; the Whigs said 36. Lord John Russell was designated for the Home Office, Lord Canning for the Foreign, Mr Gladstone for the Colonial Department, Lord Clanricarde for the Post Office, Lord Granville for Ireland. These were the reports.
Albert.
Queen Victoria to the Marquis of Lansdowne.
Osborne, 18th December 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Lansdowne's letter, from which she was very sorry to learn that he is suffering from the gout. Although the Queen was very anxious to have consulted with him before taking a definite step for the formation of a new Government consequent on the resignation of Lord Derby, she would have been very unhappy if Lord Lansdowne had exposed his health to any risk in order to gratify her wishes. Time pressing, she has now sent a telegraphic message to Lord Aberdeen to come down here alone, which, from the terms of the Queen's first summons, he had thought himself precluded from doing. Should Lord Lansdowne not be able to move soon, Lord Aberdeen will confer with him by the Queen's desire immediately on his return to Town.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
LORD ABERDEEN SUMMONED
Osborne, 19th December 1852.
Lord Aberdeen arrived here at three o'clock and reported that he had seen Lord Lansdowne, and had come to a perfect understanding with him; he had also consulted with his friends, and with Lord John Russell. It would now depend upon the decision of the Queen whom she would charge with the formation of a Government. The Queen answered that she thought Lord Lansdowne was too old and infirm to undertake such arduous duties, and that she commissioned Lord Aberdeen. He replied he was fully aware of his own unworthiness for the task, and had expressed his disinclination to Lord Lansdowne, while Lord Lansdowne, on the other hand, had pressed him to take the responsibility himself; but since the Queen had commissioned him, he wished to say that it was of the greatest importance that only one person should be charged with the task and be responsible for it, and that the new Government should not be a revival of the old Whig Cabinet with an addition of some Peelites, but should be a liberal Conservative Government in the sense of that of Sir Robert Peel; he thought this would meet with the confidence of the country, even if excluding the Radicals. Lord Aberdeen said he meant to propose to the Queen Lord John Russell as Leader of the House of Commons and Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, which he thinks he would accept. (The Queen sanctioned this.) He would then consult Lord John upon his appointments, but he (Lord Aberdeen) would be responsible, taking care that Lord John should be satisfied. There was no doubt that Lord John had full claims to be Prime Minister again, but that he could give him no greater proof of confidence, having been his opponent all his life, than to give him the lead of the House of Commons, which made him virtually as much Prime Minister as he pleased, and the Foreign Office combined with it would satisfy Lord John as following the precedent of Mr Fox. The Peelites would not have served under Lord Lansdowne, much less under Lord John; but a great many Whigs even objected to Lord John. This was a temporary and undeserved unpopularity, and still Lord John remained the first man in the country, and might be Prime Minister again. The Peelites would know and learn to respect him when meeting him in office. Lord Aberdeen hoped even many Conservatives now going with Lord Derby would support such a Government, but to preserve to it a Conservative character, two Secretaries of State at least must be Peelites.
We next talked of Lord Palmerston, whom we agreed it would be imprudent to leave to combine in opposition with Mr Disraeli. Lord Aberdeen had thought of Ireland for him; we felt sure he would not accept that. I gave Lord Aberdeen a list of the possible distribution of offices, which I had drawn up, and which he took with him as containing "valuable suggestions." He hoped the Queen would allow him to strengthen himself in the House of Lords, where there was nobody to cope with Lord Derby, by the translation of Sir James Graham or Mr S. Herbert, if he should find this necessary. Sir James might gain in moving from the House of Commons, as he lately fettered himself with inconvenient Radical pledges. He felt he would have great difficulty in the formation of his Government, for although everybody promised to forget his personal wishes and interests, yet when brought to the test such professions were often belied. The difficulty of measures lies chiefly in the Budget, as the Income Tax would have to be settled, and he was anxious to keep a good surplus. As to Reform, he felt that, considering the Queen to have recommended it by a Speech from the Throne, and Lord John to have actually introduced a Measure as Prime Minister, the door could not be closed against it; but it might be postponed for the present, and there was no real wish for it in the country.
He was very sorry that the Government had been upset, and if the Budget had been such that it could have been accepted he should much have preferred it. Lord Derby seemed very much offended with him personally for his speech in the House of Lords. Lord Aberdeen kissed hands, and started again at four o'clock.
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
LORD ABERDEEN
(Undated.)61
Lord Aberdeen, with his humble duty, begs to inform your Majesty, that on his return from Osborne last night, he saw Lord Lansdowne and Lord John Russell, and found them inLORD JOHN RUSSELL the same disposition with respect to the formation of the new Administration. This morning, however, Lord John Russell, partly from an apprehension of the fatigue of the Foreign Office, and partly from the effect likely to be produced on his political friends by his acceptance of office, has expressed his unwillingness to form part of the Administration, although anxious to give it his best support. Lord Aberdeen has discussed this matter very fully with Lord John, and has requested him not to decide finally until to-morrow morning, which he had promised accordingly. In the meantime, Lord Aberdeen humbly submits to your Majesty that his position is materially affected by this irresolution on the part of Lord John. Had he not felt warranted in relying upon Lord John's co-operation, he would not have ventured to speak to your Majesty with the confidence he yesterday evinced. With the most earnest desire to devote himself to your Majesty's service, it becomes doubtful whether he could honestly venture to attempt the execution of your Majesty's commands should Lord John persevere in his present intention. At all events, nothing further can be done until this matter shall be decided; and Lord Aberdeen will have the honour of reporting the result to your Majesty.
Footnote 61: Apparently written on the 20th of December 1852.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Chesham Place, 20th December 1852.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and is grateful for your Majesty's condescension in informing him that your Majesty has charged the Earl of Aberdeen with the duty of constructing a Government.
Lord John Russell is desirous of seeing a durable Government, and he will consider with the utmost care how far he can, consistently with his own honour and his health and strength, contribute to this end.62
Footnote 62: He consulted Lord Lansdowne, and Macaulay, happening to call, threw his influence into the scale in favour of his serving under Aberdeen (Walpole's Russell, chap, xxiii.).
Mr Disraeli to the Prince Albert.
MR DISRAELI AND PRINCE ALBERT
Downing Street, 20th December 1852.
Sir,—I have the honour to return to your Royal Highness the State paper63 which your Royal Highness entrusted to me. I have not presumed to keep a copy of it, but my memory is familiar with its contents, and in case hereafter there may be any opportunity formed to forward the views of your Royal Highness in this respect, I may perhaps be permitted, if necessary, again to refer to the document.
I hope I am not presumptuous if, on this occasion, I offer to your Royal Highness my grateful acknowledgments of the condescending kindness which I have received from your Royal Highness.
I may, perhaps, be permitted to say that the views which your Royal Highness had developed to me in confidential conversation have not fallen on an ungrateful soil. I shall ever remember with interest and admiration the princely mind in the princely person, and shall at all times be prepared to prove to your Royal Highness my devotion. I have the honour to remain, Sir, your Royal Highness's most obedient Servant,
B. Disraeli.
Footnote 63: It is impossible to ascertain what this was; it was probably one of the Prince's political Memoranda.
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
London, 20th December 1852.
Lord Aberdeen, with his humble duty, begs to inform your Majesty that Lord John Russell has finally decided not to undertake the Foreign Office, being influenced, Lord Aberdeen fully believes, by domestic considerations, and contrary to the advice of all the most important of his political friends. Lord Lansdowne has done his utmost to shake the resolution, but in vain. Lord John proposes to be in the Cabinet, without office, but to lead the Government business in the House of Commons. Lord Aberdeen thinks this arrangement objectionable, and a novelty, although the Duke of Wellington was Leader in the House of Lords for two years without office when Lord Hill was Commander-in-Chief. If the arrangement should be found untenable in a Parliamentary view, Lord John would consent to accept a nominal office, such as Chancellor of the Duchy. It is with great regret that Lord Aberdeen makes this announcement to your Majesty, as his own position is greatly weakened by this change; but he does not think it a sufficient reason for abandoning the attempt to serve your Majesty, which he feared might have been the case if Lord John had persevered in his intention of not forming part of the Administration.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
THE QUEEN'S ANXIETY
Osborne, 21st December 1852.
The Queen has to acknowledge the receipt of Lord Derby's letter. She has since read his Speech in the House of Lords announcing his resignation most attentively, and must express her doubts, whether that Speech was calculated to render easier the difficult task which has been thrown upon the Queen by the resignation of her late Government.64
Footnote 64: Lord Derby severely attacked Lord Aberdeen, in his absence, and declared himself the victim of a factious combination.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
Osborne, 21st December 1852.
The Queen received Lord Aberdeen's letter early this morning, the contents of which have filled her with no little anxiety.
Still, she relies on the spirit of patriotism which she knows animates all the parties concerned, and which she feels sure will ultimately prevail over all difficulties, and enable a strong Government to be formed, which the country so earnestly demands and requires. The Queen is not surprised at Lord John Russell's fearing the fatigue of the Foreign Office, together with the lead in the House of Commons, which Lord Aberdeen's wish to show him entire confidence had prompted him to offer to Lord John; but this difficulty, she trusts might easily be obviated. We intend leaving this place for Windsor to-morrow morning, and being there by two o'clock.
The Queen would wish to see Lord Aberdeen there in the course of the afternoon—either at three, four, or five—whichever time is most convenient to him, and requests him to let her find a line from him on her arrival, informing her of the hour at which he will come. Any letter, however, sent by the bag to-night or by a messenger will reach the Queen here to-morrow morning, as we do not go before a quarter to ten, and the Queen trusts therefore that Lord Aberdeen will let her hear as soon as possible how matters stand.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Osborne, 21st December 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—Many thanks for your dear and kind letter of the 17th, which was as ever full of love and affection; but you know very well that your affectionate child will never allow any mention of your "leaving the premises." You know—too well—how sacred duties of any kind are, and above all, those of a King, and in these days; and how impossible it is for us to shirk or abandon any of those duties which God has imposed on us.
You will have heard of our crisis, and of the resignation of the Government; its overthrow was inevitable; but we must now get a strong and durable Government, one combined of the best Conservatives and Liberals, which is what the country expects, demands, and requires. Lord Aberdeen has undertaken the task, but I cannot yet announce, as I wish I could, the formation of the new Government. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
You will receive a small parcel for my dear Charlotte for Christmas Eve, and I have directed some prize Christmas beef to be forwarded to Leo, which I hope he will approve of.
The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria.
LORD DERBY'S JUSTIFICATION
St James's Square, 22nd December 1852.
Lord Derby, with his humble duty, learns with the deepest regret, by the note which he has just had the honour of receiving, that the statement which he felt it his duty to make in the House of Lords has appeared to your Majesty not calculated to render easier the difficult task which has been thrown upon your Majesty by the resignation of himself and his colleagues. Lord Derby begs humbly, but most sincerely, to assure your Majesty that nothing could have been farther from his intention than to let fall a single word which could increase the difficulties of the present position. He feels the full extent of those difficulties, and he may perhaps be forgiven if he entertains a strong opinion that a due appreciation of their magnitude might have been expected to have some weight with those Conservative statesmen, whose opposition thrown into the adverse scale turned the balance against your Majesty's servants, and rendered their retirement from office inevitable. Lord Derby does not affect to deny that he thinks he has some reason, personally and politically, to find fault with the course which they have pursued: but to suffer any such consideration to influence his public conduct, with regard to the Government now in process of formation, would be entirely at variance with his sense of public duty, and inconsistent with the deep gratitude which he must ever feel for the confidence with which your Majesty has honoured him. Lord Derby confesses himself at a loss to understand in what manner Lord Aberdeen can be enabled to reconcile the many and serious discrepancies, in matters both of Church and State, which would appear to exist among his presumed future colleagues; but it will give him unfeigned satisfaction to see these difficulties surmounted in such a sense as to enable him to give to the Government his independent support; and in the meantime it is his determination honestly to undertake the task, difficult as it must be, of keeping together a powerful Party, without the excitement of opposition to a Government by which their own leaders have been superseded, and of some members of which they think they have reason to complain; and even to induce that Party to give it their support, whenever they can do so consistently, with their own conscientious convictions.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
THE NEW GOVERNMENT
Windsor Castle, 22nd December 1852.
We arrived here from Osborne at half-past one, and saw Lord Aberdeen at half-past five, who reported the progress he had made in the formation of his Government.
The Chancellorship.—He had hoped to be able to offer to Lord St Leonards to remain, but Lord John Russell insisted, on the part of his Party (which he personally regretted to have to do), that the Chancellor should be a Liberal; Lord Aberdeen in consequence recommended Lord Cranworth.
The Presidency of the Council.—The Duke of Newcastle, who might have done for Ireland, but whose presence in the House of Lords would be a great support to Lord Aberdeen.
The Privy Seal.—The Duke of Argyll, to whom he had, however, not yet applied.
The Secretaries of State.—It appeared that Lord Palmerston had repented of his decision, for he had addressed Lord Lansdowne, and told him that he gave him his proxy—putting himself entirely into his hands, feeling sure that he would take care of his honour. Lord Lansdowne, who had been throughout very kind in his exertions to bring about the junction of Parties, was now engaged to prevail upon him to take the Home Office. We congratulated Lord Aberdeen upon this symptom, which augured confidence in his success. Lord Aberdeen said that when he saw Lord Palmerston, who then declined office, nothing could have exceeded the expressions of his cordiality; he had even reminded him that in fact they were great friends (!!!) of sixty years' standing, having been at school together. We could not help laughing heartily at the Harrow Boys and their friendship. The Foreign Office Lord John had again positively refused, contrary to the advice of all his friends, and to please Lady John. This arrangement failing, Lord Clarendon was to undertake it, but Lord Clarendon was now gone himself to try to persuade Lord, or rather Lady, John to accept—at least temporarily—declaring his readiness to take it off his hands at any time if he should find the work too heavy. Lord Aberdeen had no hope, however, of Lord Clarendon's success. Then there would come the grave Constitutional Question of establishing the novelty of a Leader in the House of Commons who held no office. Lord John had seen the danger of being exposed to the reproach that he had slipped into office without having gone through the popular ordeal of a re-election, and had proposed to obviate this by accepting the Stewardship of the Chiltern Hundreds, and then having himself re-elected for the City of London. But this would not meet all the objections, for it would still be considered unconstitutional that he should lead the business of the Government in the House of Commons without the responsibility of office. The Leader of the House of Commons was an irresponsible person, and Lord John's saying: "I shall represent you (Lord Aberdeen) in the House of Commons," would be equally unconstitutional. Lord John must therefore be prevailed upon to take the Chancellorship of the Duchy of Lancaster, though he felt no inclination to become the successor of Mr Christopher. Lord Aberdeen read a Memorandum of Lord John's, containing his political views on the crisis and the principles of the new Government, of which he is to send the Queen a copy.
For the Colonial Office.—Lord Aberdeen wavered between Sir J. Graham and Mr Gladstone; either could be this, or Chancellor of the Exchequer. Lord John wished Sir James as Chancellor of the Exchequer. We argued the greater capabilities of Sir James for the Administration of the Colonies, and Mr Gladstone for the Finances.
Chancellor of the Exchequer—therefore, Mr Gladstone.
Admiralty—Mr Sidney Herbert.
Board of Control—Sir C. Wood.
Board of Trade—Lord Granville.
Board of Works—Sir F. Baring.
(Baring and Wood being the two men whom Lord John had insisted on having on the Treasury Bench sitting by his side.)
Postmaster—Lord Canning.
Secretary-at-War—Mr Cardwell.
These would form the Cabinet. Upon Ireland no decision had been come to, though Lord Granville was generally pointed out as the best Lord-Lieutenant.
Lord Aberdeen was very much pleased with the entire confidence existing between him and Lord John. The Budget would be a formidable difficulty, as in fact the Government would be an Income Tax Government.
Lord Derby's intemperate and unconstitutional behaviour would do no good to the Government; many of his friends were disgusted. Lord Clanwilliam had called his speech in the House of Lords "a great outrage." The Radicals might be conciliated in some of the lower Offices by the appointment of Mr Charles Villiers, Sir William Molesworth, and others.
The Earl of Malmesbury to Queen Victoria.
THE EMPEROR OF THE FRENCH
Foreign Office, 23rd December 1852.
Lord Malmesbury presents his humble duty to the Queen, and considers it right to inform your Majesty that Count Walewski again asked him yesterday where the Prince of Hohenlohe was now residing, adding that it was the intention of the Emperor to send a person to see him, and ascertain his feelings with respect to a marriage between him and the Princess Adelaide. Lord Malmesbury confined himself to replying that he did not know. Lord Malmesbury might perhaps in his private capacity endeavour to discourage these advances, but as long as he has the honour of being one of your Majesty's Ministers, it appears to him that your Majesty will be personally the least committed by his interfering as little as possible in the matter.
The Emperor is becoming extremely irritable at the delay of the three great Powers in recognising the Empire, and he has said to M. Hübner that, as they had plenty of time to agree among themselves what course they should pursue when it was proclaimed, he cannot understand how Austria and Prussia can in the face of Europe humiliate themselves by waiting for the orders of Russia—"les ordres de la Russie."
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury.
Windsor Castle, 23rd December 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Malmesbury's letter. She thinks he is acting very judiciously in giving Count Walewski no advice whatever as long as he holds the Seals of Office.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
NEW APPOINTMENTS
Windsor Castle, 23rd December 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's communication of this morning, and was pleased to hear that Lord John has finally accepted the Foreign Office. She has also received the second communication, with the List of the distribution of Offices. The Queen thinks it of such importance that the Cabinet should be now announced to the world as complete, that she is unwilling to throw any difficulties in the way. At the same time, she must observe that in some instances the changes are, in her opinion, not for the better. Sir J. Graham will be very unpopular in the Navy; his achievements at the Admiralty in former times65 were all retrenchments, and have since proved in many instances injurious to the Service. The Secretary-at-War ought properly to be left out of the Cabinet for the well working of the Army;66 the President of the Board of Trade has always been in the Cabinet, and in Lord Granville's case, even the Vice-President. Lord Granville will have a difficulty as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, being one of the chief lessees of the Duchy, and, the Queen believes, even engaged in a law-suit against it. The Queen has no objection to Sir William Molesworth67 at the Office of Works. She hopes that the Presidency of the Council will be filled at once, for which Lord Clarendon would be best.
Amongst the Under-Secretaries of State, the Queen wishes merely to express her objection at seeing Mr B. Osborne68 at the Foreign Office. The Queen sees Lord Chandos's69 name as Secretary to the Treasury; she would be very much pleased to see his services secured. All the other proposals she approves.
The Queen must repeat in conclusion that she considers the rapid completion of the Government of the first importance, even if none of the points the Queen has alluded to should be amended.
Footnote 65: From 1830 to 1834.
Footnote 66: The Secretary-at-War was not a Secretary of State.
Footnote 67: M.P. for Southwark; well known as a philosophical writer, the first member of the Radical Party included in any Ministry.
Footnote 68: Mr Bernal Osborne, a well-known speaker at the time, became Secretary of the Admiralty.
Footnote 69: Afterwards, as Duke of Buckingham, Secretary for the Colonies and Governor of Madras.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
THE NEW CABINET
Windsor Castle, 24th December 1852.
The Queen has this moment received Lord Aberdeen's letter, reporting that new difficulties have arisen in the completion of the Government by new proposals made by Lord John Russell, since the Queen's sanction had been given to the arrangements submitted to her by Lord Aberdeen, which had then been agreed to by Lord John Russell. The Queen begins to fear serious mischief from the long duration of the crisis. It must weaken the prestige of the new Government, and, instead of smoothing difficulties, is, from the nature of things, rather calculated to invite new ones. The Queen has, in her letter of yesterday, stated some objections she felt, but added that she would waive them all for the satisfaction of the immediate want of the country (a strong Government), and she must express her hope that political parties will not fall short in patriotic spirit of the example she has thus herself set.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
[Draft—from recollection.]
Windsor Castle, 24th December 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of this afternoon, and is very glad to hear that he has overcome the difficulties which he mentioned this morning, and that he has secured the services of Lord Lansdowne in the Cabinet. She hopes, however, that Lord Aberdeen will remain firm on the other points, as difficulties are never overcome by yielding to more than can be fairly demanded.
Memorandum by Queen Victoria.
Windsor Castle, 25th December 1852.
Lord Aberdeen came this afternoon to announce the completion of his Cabinet.
From many of them answers have not yet been received.
The day before it looked very bad. Lord John Russell had sent in such a list of persons whom he required in the Cabinet (Sir Francis Baring, Sir George Grey, etc., etc.), that, having been very yielding hitherto, Lord Aberdeen was obliged to be peremptory in his refusal. Now that the Cabinet was formed on a due proportion, he was inclined to let Lord John have his own way pretty much with regard to the minor Offices, considering that he brought 250 followers, and he (Lord Aberdeen) only 50.
It was to Lord Clarendon that the persuasion of Lady John was finally due, but Lord Aberdeen had to add his own promise to that of Lord Clarendon, that the latter would take the Foreign Office whenever she thought Lord John ought to be relieved from it.
Lady Palmerston had been most anxious to bring her husband into office again; Lord Aberdeen had seen the first symptom of their joint wish in the earnestness with which Lord Palmerston's friends declared in all places that, had he been well enough, he would certainly have voted against the Government.
Lord Lansdowne's exertions and Lord Clarendon's disinterestedness were beyond all praise.
Of the Derbyites, he heard that most of them would be very quiet, and many would be very friendly.
Lord Breadalbane is to be Lord Chamberlain. We recommend a trial to get Lord Jersey to remain as Master of the Horse.
Victoria R.
The Prince Albert to the Earl of Aberdeen.
Windsor Castle, 26th December 1852.
My dear Lord Aberdeen,—I have heard rumours of some appointments in the Household, for which the writs are to be moved to-morrow. As you have not yet placed before the Queen your recommendations, I merely write this to you, fearing that the "Whig Party" may deal out places before you have had an opportunity of taking the Queen's pleasure. Ever yours truly,
Albert.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
LORD DERBY'S FAREWELL AUDIENCE
Windsor Castle, 27th December 1852.
Lord Derby had his audience of leave yesterday afternoon. He repeated his thanks to the Queen for the support and countenance she had given him throughout the period he had been allowed to serve her, adding his regrets that his services could not have been more efficient or longer. One thing only distressed him in taking leave, and that was the idea that the Queen might think he had unnecessarily raised difficulties to the formation of a new Government by his Speech in the House of Lords. Now, it had been incumbent upon him to show to his Party that he had not quitted office on light grounds, after the sacrifices of opinion they had brought in order to support him; he had to prove that the vote in the House of Commons was not an accidental vote, but the preconcerted Union of all Parties (in opposition) against him, which gave them a real majority. We replied that it was not his opinion on the late division, to the expression of which the Queen had objected, but to that of an opinion on the character of the new Government which the Queen had not yet formed. It was of the greatest importance to keep that in suspense, and the declaration that Lord Derby knew Lord Aberdeen to profess Conservative opinions of his own (Lord Derby's) shade, had at once given the alarm to the Radicals, and made them insist upon a greater proportion of Liberals in the Cabinet. Lord Derby rejoined he had expressed his doubts as to how these differences could be reconciled; and he did not see now how this was to be done. How could Lord Aberdeen and Lord John Russell agree upon the Foreign Policy, for instance? The Queen replied that Lord John's views were very sound and moderate, and that the line of Foreign Policy he had formerly had to pursue had been forced upon him by Lord Palmerston, who had never left a question for the decision of the Cabinet to which he had not already given a decided bias.
Did Lord Derby know that Lord Palmerston gave it out everywhere that, had he been well enough, he should certainly have voted against the Government? Lord Derby could only say that he had allowed his son-in-law, Lord Jocelyn, to go to Italy under the firm conviction that Lord Palmerston would refuse to join Lord Aberdeen or Lord John Russell!
Lord Derby took leave after five o'clock.
Albert.
The Countess of Derby to the Marchioness of Ely.70
LADY DERBY'S LETTER
St James's Square, 27th December 1852.
My dearest Lady Ely,—Lord Derby told me that he saw you yesterday, but only for a moment. I think he was nervous about his audience of leave, but he returned deeply touched by the kindness of manner of the Queen and the Prince. I cannot resist saying to you that, during the last year, he has been more and more impressed with the admirable qualities of the Queen, and her noble straightforwardness on all occasions, and her unvarying kindness have inspired him with the strongest attachment (if I may venture so to express his feelings for Her Majesty). During that week of terrible suspense he continually said to me that his chief anxiety and regret were caused by the fear of leaving the Queen, particularly before he had had time and power to do more in her service. I am writing in haste, having much to do this last day in Town, but I have very often wished that the Queen knew how warmly and sincerely Lord Derby is devoted to her service. He is also very grateful to the Prince, for whose abilities he has the highest admiration, often speaking of his wonderful cleverness. I am delighted to hear that the Queen is so well; he said she was looking remarkably well yesterday. He told me that Her Majesty used some kind expression about myself. If you should have an opportunity of saying to Her Majesty how grateful I am for all her former kindness, I should be very much obliged to you. Ever yours very affectionately,
Emma Derby.
Footnote 70: Submitted to the Queen by Lady Ely.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
THE NEW MINISTRY
Windsor Castle, 28th December 1852.
The delivery of the Seals of Office of the outgoing Ministers into the Queen's hands, and her bestowal of them upon the new Ministers, took place to-day.
Of the former, Mr Disraeli seemed to feel most the loss of office.
We saw Lord Aberdeen for some time, who submitted the names of all the persons he recommended for the subordinate Offices, of whom he will send a list. We asked him what might have passed between the last Session and this to chill his feelings for Lord Derby, who maintained that up to the Dissolution he had sent him messages to say that he perfectly agreed with him, except on the Commercial Policy, and that he never would join the Whigs. Lord Aberdeen disclaimed all knowledge of such messages, though he acknowledged to have been very friendly to Lord Derby. At the General Election, however, it appeared to him that there was such a total want of principle in him and his Party, pledging themselves for Protection in one place and Free Trade in another, and appearing consistent only on one point, viz. their hatred to Sir Robert Peel's memory and his friends, that he became determined to have nothing to do with them.
The formation of the Government appeared to give satisfaction to the country, though of course the number of the disappointed must be even larger than usual on such occasions. Lord Canning seemed very much hurt at not being taken into the Cabinet, and felt inclined to refuse the Post Office. We agreed upon the impolicy of such a step, and encouraged Lord Aberdeen to press him. Lord Clanricarde, and particularly Lord Carlisle, were very much grieved at being left out altogether, but there was no help for it; for each man taken in from one side, two would be proposed from the other, and the Cabinet was just large enough to work.
We saw Lord Lansdowne after the Council, who seemed well satisfied with the Government, a combination he had so much and so long wished. Lord Carlisle's annoyance was the only thing which personally grieved him. He said that from the moment he had read Mr Disraeli's Budget he had felt sure that the Government would fall immediately; the country would never submit to a new tax with a surplus in the Exchequer.
MR DISRAELI
Lord John Russell, whom we saw afterwards, seemed in very good health and spirits. He told us that the peaceful parting scene in the House of Commons had been his doing; he had told Mr Walpole that he thought Mr Disraeli ought to make an apology to the House for the language he had used, and which had given pain to a great many persons; and on Mr Walpole's saying that that was a very delicate thing to tell Mr Disraeli, he had allowed it to be told him as a message from him (Lord John). Mr Disraeli declared his readiness, provided others would do the same, and declared they had meant no offence.71 We owned that we had been astonished to find them of a sudden all so well bred. We asked what Lord Palmerston had been about during the crisis? Lord John told us in reply that Lord Palmerston had certainly been disposed to join Lord Derby's Government, but always said he could not do so alone; that if eight of them were to join, then they would have the majority in the Cabinet. He also said that he believed Lord Palmerston would have voted for some parts of the Budget and against others. Lord John does not think that that large Party of Lord Derby's will long keep together, that some would vote for the Government, others might try to raise a Protestant cry.
Lord Palmerston looked excessively ill, and had to walk with two sticks from the gout.
Footnote 71: "Mr Disraeli ... with infinite polish and grace asked pardon for the flying words of debate, and drew easy forgiveness from the member (Mr Goulburn), whom a few hours before he had mocked as 'a weird sibyl'; the other member (Sir James Graham), whom he could not say he greatly respected, but whom he greatly regarded; and the third member (Sir C. Wood), whom he bade learn that petulance is not sarcasm, and insolence is not invective. Lord John Russell congratulated him on the ability and the gallantry with which he had conducted the struggle, and so the curtain fell." Morley's Gladstone, Book III. chap. viii.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Windsor Castle, 28th December 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—Your dear letter of the 24th reached me on Monday, and I thank you warmly for it. The success of our excellent Aberdeen's arduous task and the formation of so brilliant and strong a Cabinet would, I was sure, please you. It is the realisation of the country's and our most ardent wishes, and it deserves success, and will, I think, command great support.... It has been an anxious week, and just on our happy Christmas Eve we were still very uneasy.
As I mean to write again before this year runs out, and I have a long Council with outgoing and incoming Ministers this afternoon, you will excuse my taking leave here. Ever your truly devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
The Princess Hohenlohe to Queen Victoria.
THE SUGGESTED MARRIAGE
Langenburg, 30th December 1852.
My dearest Victoria,—According to your wish and our promise, we send this servant with the most unwelcome news that yesterday morning M. de Jaux arrived here and told Ernest (as you will see by his letter to Albert) that the Count Walewski wishes to have an interview with him to confer on the subject we know of. A quarter of an hour before I received this letter from Uncle Leopold, which I sent in Ernest's letter to Ada, and in which he speaks his opinion that we ought not to say "No" at once, before telling Ada of it. This is very much against my wish and Ernest's, for we both would like to make an end of the affair as soon as possible, but cannot, as we see the truth of what Uncle Leopold says. I send a letter to Mamma to you, and one for Ada. Mamma knows of it, as she wrote to me the other day, and I leave it to you, dearest Victoria, if you or Mamma will tell the poor child of the transaction. She will be in great distress. I wish she may at once say "No," but am not sure of it; and in our letters we have not said anything for the thing, but nothing against also but what naturally is to be said against it. She will not know what to do, and I am sure you and Mamma will not put it to her in too favourable a light, as we are of the same opinion on the subject; but yet there may be some things in its favour too. I wish you would make Charles come to us—if you think it wise to do so—and he not only will try to engage us to it. But there may be so many reasons for or against which in a letter it is not possible to explain all, and which we could not answer in time; besides by him we might learn more accurately what Ada feels: but I leave it quite to your and Albert's judgment, if this would be a good plan. I am in great distress, you well may think, my dearest Victoria. Oh! if we could but say "No" at once!...
Many thanks, my dearest Victoria, for your kind letter of the 22nd. In the papers I have been following with the greatest interest what has been said on the formation of the new Ministry; there is one name though which frightens me—Lord Palmerston. Let me wish you joy of the New Year; may it bring peace not only to the nations, but also to us. Every blessing and happiness to you, dear Albert, and your children, and for me your love and affection, which is a blessing to your devoted Sister,
Feodora.
Ernest also wishes you all possible happiness. If Ada has the wish to see the Emperor before she decides, what is to be done?
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
NEW YEAR WISHES
Windsor Castle, 31st December 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—On this, the last day of the old year, allow me to offer my most ardent wishes for many and happy returns of the New Year to you and yours. May it be one of peace and prosperity to us all, and may we have the happiness of seeing you again. May we still hope to see you this winter or not?
Our Government is very satisfactorily settled. To have my faithful friend Aberdeen as Prime Minister is a great happiness and comfort for me personally. Lord Palmerston is terribly altered, and all his friends think him breaking. He walks with two sticks, and seemed in great suffering at the Council, I thought. I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
TO CHAPTER XXII
The opening of the year 1853 saw a strong Coalition Ministry in power; the necessity of a cordial understanding with France was obvious, but bitter and indiscreet attacks on the Emperor of the French were made by certain members of the Government, for which Mr Disraeli took them severely to task. Lord John Russell, who had been appointed Foreign Secretary, resigned that office in February, in favour of Lord Clarendon, being unable to bear the twofold burden of the Leadership of the House and the Foreign Office. Though the arrangement was questioned, he continued during the year to lead the House without office. A Canadian Clergy Reserves Bill, an India Bill, introducing competitive examination into the Civil Service, and various measures of Metropolitan improvement were passed. A more important feature of the Session was Mr Gladstone's first Budget, dealing comprehensively with the Income Tax, and imposing a duty on successions to real property.
The Eastern Question, however, overshadowed all other interests. For some time a dispute had existed between the Latin and Greek Churches as to the guardianship of the Holy Places (including the Church of the Holy Sepulchre) in Palestine. After long negotiations between the French and Russian Governments, as representing these Churches, an indecisive judgment was pronounced by the Porte, which, however, so incensed Russia that she began to make warlike demonstrations, and sent Prince Menschikoff to Constantinople to make peremptory requisitions as to the Holy Places.
In the meanwhile, the Czar had made confidential overtures to Sir Hamilton Seymour, the British Ambassador at St Petersburg, representing the Sultan as a very "sick man," and suggesting that, on the dissolution of his Empire, a concerted disposal of the Turkish dominions should be made by England and Russia; these conversations were reported at once to the British Government. Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, who had been sent to represent British interests at Constantinople, arrived there after Prince Menschikoff, and a settlement of the disputes as to the Holy Places was then easily effected, Lord Stratford insisting on this question being kept independent of any other issue. But Prince Menschikoff had come to the conference with instructions to keep an ulterior object in view, namely, to advance a claim, by means of a strained interpretation of the Treaty of Kainardji of 1774, of a Russian protectorate over the Christian subjects of the Sultan. Influenced by Lord Stratford, the Porte rejected the claim, and, in retaliation, the Czar occupied the Danubian Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia, characterising the step not as an act of war, but a material guarantee of Russia's just rights. The French Emperor, anxious to divert the attention of his subjects from domestic politics, was making preparations for war; and similar preparations were also being made in England.
Negotiations took place between the Powers with a view of averting war, and a document known as the Vienna Note, to which Great Britain and France were parties, and which Russia accepted, was proffered to the Sultan: again Lord Stratford interposed to prevent its acceptance, and, when the Russian Government subsequently announced its own interpretation of the Note, it was apparent that the Western Powers had been mistaken as to its purport.
An Ultimatum, requiring the evacuation of the Principalities, was sent by the Porte to Russia and rejected: war broke out, and the first encounter at Oltenitza, on the 4th of November, resulted in favour of Turkey. Meanwhile both the British and French fleets had been sent to the East, and, on the declaration of war, the British Admiral was instructed to take any action he thought fit to prevent Russian aggression on Turkish territory. On the 30th of November the Turkish Fleet in Sinope Harbour was destroyed by the Russian squadron, this occurrence provoking profound indignation in England, though it had been urged both within the Cabinet and outside that the despatch of the combined Western Fleets through the Dardanelles was more likely to appear as a defiance to Russia than a support to Turkey.
Earlier in the year Lord Aberdeen had desired to retire, but enquiry soon disclosed that Lord John Russell no longer had the influence necessary to form a Ministry, and in the face of danger Lord Aberdeen remained at his post. But there were sharp dissensions in the Cabinet, especially between Lord Palmerston, representing the anti-Russian party, on the one hand, and on the other Lord Aberdeen, who distrusted the Turks, and Mr Gladstone, who disavowed any obligation to uphold the integrity of the Ottoman Empire. In December, Lord Palmerston resigned office, the ostensible reason being his opposition to the contemplated Reform Bill of the Government. The real cause was his opinion that apathy was being shown by his colleagues in reference to the Eastern Question; however, after arrangements had been made for replacing him, he was, at his own desire, re-admitted to the Cabinet.