CHAPTER XXII
1853
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Windsor Castle, 4th January 1853.
My dearest Uncle,—... Our new Government will really, I think, command a large support, and, I trust, be of duration, which is a great object. Their only difficulty will be the Budget.
The coldness and tardiness of the Northern Powers in recognising our new bon Frère annoys him very much, and produces a bad effect in France. I don't think it is wise. Unnecessary irritation may produce real mischief. To squabble about how to call him, after having praised and supported him after the Coup d'État, seems to me very kleinlich and inconsistent, and I think our conduct throughout has been much more dignified....
I have read with pleasure the loyal addresses of the Chambers, and with peculiar satisfaction the allusion to Leopold's visit to England. Let him and Philippe come here often and regularly, and let them study this country and her laws à fond—it will do them more good than all the studying and reading in the world. They all three express most warmly to us their hopes of returning to us soon. Do let us have the hope of seeing you in February. It would be delightful!... I must now wish you good-bye. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
HEADMASTERSHIP OF ETON
London, 9th January 1853.
... Lord Aberdeen also begs to mention to your Majesty that he saw Dr Hawtrey yesterday and in signifying your Majesty's gracious intentions1 towards him, took an opportunity of expressing in very strong terms the great importance of the choice of his successor as Headmaster of Eton, and described the requisite qualifications for such a situation, as well as the objections to which some appointments might be liable. Lord Aberdeen was perfectly understood by Dr Hawtrey, although no name was mentioned; and the subject was regarded as being of the utmost importance, not only to the school itself, but to the nation at large.
Footnote 1: Dr E. C. Hawtrey was advanced to the Provostship of Eton upon the death of the Rev. Francis Hodgson. Dr C. O. Goodford succeeded to the Headmastership.
Lady Augusta Bruce to the Duchess of Kent.
MARRIAGE OF EMPEROR NAPOLEON
Rue de Varennes 65, 31st January 1853.
Dearest Madame,—I fear that I shall not be able to add much to the newspaper account of yesterday's ceremony,2 for it was one the impression of which is best conveyed by a simple and accurate description of the scene, and of those arrangements and details which combined to render its effect gorgeous and dazzling. Apart, however, from the historical interest attached to it as one of the very curious acts of the extraordinary Drama now enacting in France, the impression produced was one that would be called forth by a magnificent theatrical representation, and little more. This seemed to be the public feeling, for though multitudes thronged the streets, the day being dry, they appeared to be animated by curiosity chiefly, and that sober curiosity which now characterises the people of Paris, wearied as they are of novelty and excitement. As far as one can judge, it does not seem that the lower orders take much interest in this marriage; the ambition and vanity of his partisans have been wounded by it, and, of course, his enemies do not scruple to calumniate and slander the unfortunate object of his choice disgracefully.
It is very difficult to ascertain anything like truth as regards her, but her beauty and engaging manners will, it is thought by many, gain for her, for a time at least, a greater amount of popularity than his friends who now blame the marriage expect. That he is passionately in love with her no one doubts, and his countenance on late occasions, as well as yesterday, wore a radiant and joyous expression very unusual. She, on the contrary, showed a considerable amount of nervousness at the Civil Marriage, and was as pale as death yesterday—however, even with the high and determined spirit she is supposed to have, this might be expected. Lady Cowley had been kind enough to send us an invitation, of which we were tempted to avail ourselves.3 Nothing could be more splendid than the decorations of the Cathedral—velvet and ermine—gold and silver—flags and hangings of all colours were combined and harmonised with the splendid costumes of the Clergy, the uniforms, civil and military, and the magnificent dresses of the ladies. The greatest mistake was the conflict of lights—the windows not having been darkened, though countless thousands of wax candles were lighted. The music was very fine.... The object of our neighbours seemed to be to scan and criticise the dress of the Bride, and the wonderful penetration and accuracy of their eagle glances was to us something incredible! Certainly, though unable ourselves at such a distance to appreciate the details of her dress or the expression of her countenance, we saw her distinctly enough to be able to say that a more lovely coup d'œil could not be conceived. Her beautifully chiselled features and marble complexion, her nobly set-on head, her exquisitely proportioned figure and graceful carriage were most striking, and the whole was like a Poet's Vision! I believe she is equally beautiful when seen close, but at a distance at which we saw her the effect was something more than that of a lovely picture, it was aerial, ideal. On the classically shaped head she wore a diamond crown or diadem, round her waist a row of magnificent diamonds to correspond, and the same as trimming round the "basques" of her gown. Then a sort of cloud or mist of transparent lace enveloped her, which had the effect of that for which, when speaking of the hills in Scotland, Princess Hohenlohe could find no English word, "Duft." I hope your Royal Highness will not think me very much carried by what pleases the eye. I felt all the while that one could view the matter but as an outside show; as such, in as far as she was concerned, it was exquisitely beautiful—and I suppose that a sort of national prejudice made me attribute the grace and dignity of the scene, for what there was of either came from her, to the blood of Kirkpatrick!!!
The carriages were ugly and the Procession by no means fine, and those in which the Bridal party afterwards travelled to St Cloud, were driven by individuals in the famous theatrical costume of the well-known "Postillon de Longjumeau!"4
Footnote 2: The Emperor of the French was married to Mademoiselle Eugénie de Montijo on the 29th of January. William Kirkpatrick, her maternal grandfather, had been a merchant and American Consul at Malaga, and had there married Françoise de Grivegnéc. Their third daughter, Maria Manuela, married, in 1817, the Count de Téba, a member of an illustrious Spanish family, who in 1834 succeeded his brother as Count de Montijo, and died in 1839. His widow held an influential social position at Madrid, and her elder daughter married the Duke of Alba in 1844, while she herself, with Eugénie, her younger daughter, settled in Paris in 1851.
Footnote 3: Lord Cowley had been specifically instructed by the Government to attend the marriage and be presented to the Empress.
Footnote 4: A comic opera, written by Adolphe Adam, and performed at Paris in 1836.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
THE EMPRESS
Laeken, 4th February 1853.
My dearest Victoria,—Receive my best thanks for your gracious letter of the 1st. Since I wrote to you le grand événement a eu lieu! We truly live in times where at least variety is not wanting; the only mischief is that like drunkards people want more and more excitement, and it therefore will probably end by what remains the most exciting of all—War. Amusing and interesting war is, it must be confessed, more than anything in the world, and that makes me think that it must be the bouquet when people will be blasé of everything else. I enclose a letter from our Secretary of Legation at Madrid, Baron Beyens, who married a great friend of the Queen, Mademoiselle de Santa Cruz, and is much au fait of all things that interest the public just now. It seems by what I learned from Paris that the Empress communicated to a friend a communication of son cher époux when she expressed her sense of her elevation to such eminence; as it may interest you and Albert, I will make an extract of it here: "Vous ne me parlez, ma chère enfant, que des avantages de la position que je vous offre, mais mon devoir est de vous signaler aussi ses dangers; ils sont grands, je serai sans doute à vos côtés l'objet de plus d'une tentative d'assassinat; indépendamment de cela, je dois vous confier que des complots sérieux se fomentent dans l'armée. J'ai l'œil ouvert de ce côté et je compte bien d'une manière ou d'autre prévenir toute explosion; le moyen sera peut-être la guerre. Là encore il y a de grandes chances de ruine pour moi. Vous voyez donc bien que vous ne devez pas avoir de scrupules pour partager mon sort, les mauvaises chances étant peut-être égales aux bonnes!"
I was sorry to hear of Lord Melbourne's, i.e., Beauvale's, death. I knew him since 1814, and found him always very kind. For poor Lady Melbourne, who devoted herself so much, it is a sad blow. We are longing for a little cold, but it does not come though we have some east wind. I am held back in some of the most essential measures for the defence of the country by the tricks of the Chamber. I see that the Manchester party shines in unusual Bright-ness and Cobden-ness by a degress of absurdity never as yet heard of. In the American War the Quakers refused to fight; they did not besides like the extremities the States had gone to against the mother country; but not to defend its own country against probable invasion is truly too much.
Pray have the goodness to give my best love to Albert, and believe me, ever my dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Windsor Castle, 8th February 1853.
My dearest Uncle,—I have to thank you for two most kind letters of the 4th and 7th (which I have just received) with very interesting enclosures, which shall be duly returned. The little report of what the Emperor said to the Empress is very curious, and tallies with what I have also heard of his thinking much more of the insecurity of his position than he used to do. The description of the young Empress's character is an interesting one, and also agrees with what I had heard from those who know her well. It may be in her power to do much good—and I hope she may. Her character is made to captivate a man, I should say—particularly one like the Emperor.
I am sorry that you have had trouble with your Parliament. Ours begins its work on Thursday. The accounts of the support which our Government will receive are most satisfactory, and the Cabinet is most harmonious.... Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
THE CZAR AND TURKEY
London, 8th February 1853.
... Lord John Russell read at the Cabinet a despatch received from your Majesty's Minister at St Petersburg, giving an account of an interview with the Emperor, at which His Majesty appeared to expect an early dissolution of the Turkish Empire, and proposed in such a case to act in perfect concert with the British Government. Lord John also read the rough draft of a proposed answer to this despatch, which, with slight alterations, was fully approved.5
Lord Aberdeen does not think there is anything very new in this demonstration by the Emperor. It is essentially the same language he has held for some years, although, perhaps, the present difficulties of Turkey may have rendered him more anxious on the subject....
Footnote 5: See Introductory Note, [p. 431]. The Emperor had, no doubt, misunderstood the attitude of the British Ministry in 1844 on this subject, and regarded Lord Aberdeen as in full sympathy with himself.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
THE LEADERSHIP
Chesham Place, 12th February 1853.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he has waited till to-day in order to be able to give some account of the appearance of the House of Commons.
Lord John Russell's statement of measures to be proposed was well received, but as it did not contain reform was a disappointment to a part of the House. Mr Walpole spoke privately to Lord John Russell as to his future position in leading the Government in the House of Commons without office. Mr Walpole said it was neither illegal nor unconstitutional, but might prove inconvenient as a precedent.
The Speaker said in conversation there was clearly no constitutional objection, but that the leadership of the House was so laborious that an office without other duties ought to be assigned to it....
Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell.
LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S DEFENCE
Windsor Castle, 13th February 1853.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of yesterday, and was very glad to hear that he considers the aspect of the House of Commons as favourable to the Government.
Lord John alludes for the first time in his letter to a question on which the Queen has not hitherto expressed her opinion to him personally, viz., how far the proposed new arrangement of Lord John's holding the leadership of the House of Commons without office was constitutional or not?6 Her opinion perfectly agrees with that expressed by Mr Walpole to Lord John. If the intended arrangement were undoubtedly illegal it would clearly never have been contemplated at all; but it may prove a dangerous precedent.
The Queen would have been quite prepared to give the proposition of the Speaker "that the leadership of the House of Commons was so laborious, that an Office without other duties ought to be assigned to it," her fullest and fairest consideration, upon its merits and its constitutional bearings, which ought to have been distinctly set forth before her by her constitutional advisers for her final and unfettered decision.
What the Queen complains of, and, as she believes with justice, is, that so important an innovation in the construction of the executive Government should have been practically decided upon by an arrangement intended to meet personal wants under peculiar and accidental circumstances, leaving the Queen the embarrassing alternative only, either to forego the exercise of her own prerogative, or to damage by her own act the formation or stability of the new Government, both of paramount importance to the welfare of the Country.
Footnote 6: See ante, pp. [417], [421].
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Chesham Place, 13th February 1853.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He cannot forbear from vindicating himself from the charge of forming or being party to an arrangement "intended to meet personal wants under peculiar and accidental circumstances, leaving the Queen the embarrassing alternative only, either to forego the exercise of her own prerogative, or to damage by her own act the formation or stability of the new Government—both of paramount importance to the welfare of the Country."
Lord John Russell has done all in his power to contribute to the formation of a Ministry in which he himself holds a subordinate situation, from which nearly all his dearest political friends are excluded, and which is held by some to extinguish the party which for eighteen years he has led.
He has done all this in order that your Majesty and the Country might not be exposed to the evil of a weak Ministry liable to be overthrown at any moment, formed whether by Lord Derby, or by himself at the head of one party only.
But in consenting to this arrangement he was desirous to maintain his honour intact, and for this purpose he asked before the Ministry was formed for the honour of an Audience of your Majesty, that he might explain all the circumstances of his position.
This Audience was not granted, and Lord John Russell has never been in a situation to explain to your Majesty why he believes that his leading the House of Commons without office is not liable to any constitutional objection.
The Speaker and Mr Walpole both concur that no constitutional objection to this arrangement exists, but should your Majesty wish to see the arguments briefly stated by which Lord John Russell has been convinced, he should be happy to be allowed to lay them before your Majesty.
The Earl of Clarendon to Queen Victoria.
THE REFUGEE QUESTION
25th February 1853.
Lord Clarendon presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and humbly begs to state that Count Colloredo7 called upon him this afternoon.... Count Colloredo then said that he had another and more disagreeable subject to discuss with Lord Clarendon. He commenced by reading a note from Count Buol8 complaining bitterly of the refugees, and the manner in which they abused the hospitality afforded them in this country, and attributing in great measure to the proclamations of Kossuth and Mazzini the late insurrection at Milan, and the attempt on the Emperor's life.9 This note expressed a hope and belief that some measure would at once be adopted by your Majesty's Government to remove the just complaints of Allied Governments, and intimated that should this hope not be spontaneously realised some measures on the part of those Governments would become necessary for their own protection as well as to mark their sense of the wrong done to them by England.
Lord Clarendon said that your Majesty's Government were as indignant as that of Austria could be at the disgraceful abuse of the protection afforded to these refugees; but he could hold out no hope of any legislation for the purpose of sending them out of the country.
Count Colloredo did not disguise his annoyance and disappointment at this, and seemed to attribute it to want of goodwill on the part of your Majesty's Government, which he felt sure would have the support of public opinion in proposing such a measure as his Government desired.
The discussion became rather warm, and Lord Clarendon thought it right to remark that too much importance might be given to these proclamations and too little to the causes which at home might lead the subjects of Austria to manifest their discontent by revolutionary outbreaks, nor could we conceal from ourselves that the complaints about the refugees were occasionally directed against the free institutions which gave them protection, and that we were not always viewed with favour as presenting the single but prosperous exception to that system of government which otherwise would now almost be uniform in Europe.10
Footnote 7: Austrian Ambassador.
Footnote 8: Austrian Prime Minister.
Footnote 9: Kossuth and Mazzini were in England, prosecuting their schemes against Austria; the Austrian Government attributed to them the Milanese rising, and the recent attempt to assassinate the Emperor Francis Joseph at Vienna.
Footnote 10: The Refugee Question was debated in the House of Lords on the 4th of March.
Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston.
Buckingham Palace, 9th March 1853.
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter, and the reports on the Militia which she returns, having marked several parts in them which show an absence of the most important requisites. Already in October the Queen observed upon the want of arms for the Militia, and was invariably answered that they would be immediately provided. But by these reports this seems still not to be the case.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
PRINCE MENSCHIKOFF
Laeken, 18th March 1853.
My Dearest Victoria,—Receive my best thanks for your gracious letter of the 15th. I trust that the bitter cold weather we have now again will not displease you. I fear Albert's heavy cold will not be the better by the east wind which makes one shiver. I am thunderstruck by a telegraph despatch from Marseilles of the 17th, which declares that Prince Menschikoff has not succeeded, and has therefore given orders for the Russian fleet to come to Constantinople.11 Heaven grant that these news may not be true, though bad news generally turn out correct. I am so sorry to see the Emperor Nicholas, who had been so wise and dignified since 1848, become so very unreasonable. In Austria they are still a good deal excited. One can hardly feel astonished considering circumstances; I trust that reflection may induce them to modify their measures. The Italian Nobles have shown themselves great fools by acting as they have done, and thereby giving an opening to social revolution. By some accident we have been within these few days well informed of some of the movements of the good people that enjoy an asylum in England. Kossuth is now the great director and favourite, and Republics are everywhere to spring up, till he (Kossuth) is to be again Dictator or Emperor somewhere.... Europe will never recover that shock of 1848.
My dearest Victoria, your truly devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Footnote 11: See Introductory Note, ante, pp. [431]-2.
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
THE "HOLY PLACES"
London, 22nd March 1853.
Lord Aberdeen presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He encloses a letter from Lord Cowley, which shows a considerable degree of irritation on the part of the French Government, and of embarrassment in consequence of the rash step they have taken in ordering the departure of their fleet from Toulon to the Greek Waters.12 If no catastrophe should take place at Constantinople, as Lord Aberdeen hopes and believes, this irritation will probably subside, and they may find us useful in assisting them to escape from their difficulty with respect to the "Holy Places."
Lord Aberdeen has seen the Instructions of Prince Menschikoff, which relate exclusively to the claims of the Greek Church at Jerusalem; and although these conditions may humiliate Turkey, and wound the vanity of France, there is nothing whatever to justify the reproach of territorial aggression, or hostile ambition. If the Turkish Government, relying upon the assistance of England and France, should remain obstinate, the affair might become serious; but even then, Lord Aberdeen is convinced that no final step will be taken by the Emperor, without previous communication to England.
Much depends upon the personal character of Prince Menschikoff. If he can command himself sufficiently to wait for the arrival of Lord Stratford, Lord Aberdeen does not doubt that the matter will be settled, without coming to extremities....
Footnote 12: Even before the Conference met, Menschikoff's overbearing conduct and demeanour had induced Napoleon to despatch the French Fleet from Toulon to Salamis, to watch events.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
THE CZAR CONCILIATORY
Windsor Castle, 23rd March 1853.
The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of yesterday, and returns Lord Cowley's. Everything appears to her to depend upon the real nature of the demands made by Russia, and the Queen was therefore glad to hear from Lord Aberdeen that he found nothing in Prince Menschikoff's instructions to justify the reproach of territorial aggression or hostile ambition. Still the mode of proceeding at Constantinople is not such as would be resorted to towards a "sick friend for whose life there exists much solicitude." This ought clearly to be stated to Baron Brunnow, in the Queen's opinion.
The two Drafts to Sir H. Seymour and Lord Cowley struck the Queen as very temperate, conciliatory, and dignified.
The Earl of Clarendon to Queen Victoria.
29th March 1853.
Lord Clarendon presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and humbly begs to state that he had this afternoon a satisfactory interview with the French Ambassador, who told him that the Emperor had to a certain extent been deceived upon the Eastern Question, and that he had given his decision without fully considering the matter in all its bearings. But that he had since viewed it in a different light, and had so far recognised the propriety of the course adopted by your Majesty's Government, that if the sailing order had not been improperly published in the Moniteur the French Fleet should not have quitted Toulon.
Count Walewski further stated that the Persons who had thus advised the Emperor, finding that their views were not supported by facts as they hoped, had endeavoured to throw the blame upon England and to show that France had been abandoned and Russia preferred by your Majesty's Government, and that hence had arisen the want of cordiality and good feeling with respect to which Lord Clarendon some days ago spoke to Count Walewski. He, however, assured Lord Clarendon that all this had now passed away, and that the Emperor was as anxious as ever for a good understanding with England, and particularly upon all matters connected with the East. Lord Clarendon expressed great satisfaction that this momentary difference between the two Governments should be at an end.
Count Walewski in confidence requested Lord Clarendon to impress upon Lord Cowley the necessity of often seeing the Emperor, and not trusting to the Minister, when any question of difficulty arose.
Count Walewski said the Emperor was particularly anxious that your Majesty should know that the liberation of the Madiai13 was owing to the interference which the French Legation had been instructed by the Emperor to use in their behalf.
Footnote 13: Two persons, husband and wife, domiciled in Florence, who had embraced the English reformed religion. In 1852 they were seized, imprisoned in separate dungeons, and subjected to great hardships. Lords Shaftesbury and Roden went to Florence and appealed to the Grand Duke on their behalf, but were unsuccessful. In March 1853, however, after the British Government had interposed, the two were released, a pension being provided for them by public subscription.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Windsor Castle, 29th March 1853.
My dearest Uncle,—I have to thank you very much for your kind letter of the 25th....
I hope that the Oriental Question will be satisfactorily settled. From all the confidential reports we have received from the Emperor of Russia, I think I may safely say that though he has treated the Sultan rather overbearingly and roughly, there is no alteration in his views—and no wish whatever on his part to appropriate Constantinople or any of those parts to himself—though he does not wish us, or France or Austria or Greece, to have it either. But he thinks the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire very imminent, which I really think is not the case. The Russians accuse us (as we have preached moderation) of being too French—and the French of being too Russian!....
Now with Albert's love, ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Queen Victoria to Lord Clarendon.
Windsor Castle, 30th March 1853.
The Queen has received Lord Clarendon's letter with great satisfaction. We are now reaping the fruits of an honest and straightforward conduct, and the Queen hopes Lord Clarendon will likewise in all future cases of difficulty arrest the mischief, sure to arise from a continuance of mutual suspicion between this Country and any Power, by at once entering upon full and unreserved explanations, on the first symptoms of distrust.
As the Emperor deserves great credit, if he really caused the liberation of the Madiai, the Queen wishes Lord Clarendon to express to Count Walewski her feelings on this subject.
The Emperor of Russia to the Prince Albert.
THE CZAR'S LETTER
| St. Pétersbourg, le | 8 — 20 | Avril 1853. |
Monseigneur,—J'allais Vous adresser mes félicitations sincères pour l'heureuse délivrance de Sa Majesté la Reine, quand Votre aimable lettre est venue me prévenir.14 Veuillez donc, Monseigneur, être persuadé, que c'est avec grande joie, que ma femme et moi, nous avons appris cet heureux événement, et j'ose aussi vous prier de déposer aux pieds de Sa Majesté mes humbles hommages et félicitations. Je me flatte n'avoir pas besoin de Vous assurer tous deux, Monseigneur, de toute la sincérité des sentiments d'affection que je Vous porte. Cette fois j'ose y joindre mes remercîments bien sentis à Sa Majesté la Reine, pour l'indulgence et l'attention qu'Elle a daigné prêter aux communications dont j'avais chargé directement Sir Hamilton Seymour, qui a le mérite seul d'avoir su transmettre mes intentions avec une fidélité et une exactitude parfaites.
Je crois que dans peu Sa Majesté la Reine sera dans le cas de se persuader, que Son sincère et fidèle ami l'a prévenue à temps de ce qu'il prévoyait devoir infailliblement arriver; non certes dans l'intention d'être un prophète de mauvais augure, mais dans la conviction intime, que ce n'est que la confiance la plus intime, la plus complette et la plus parfaitte identité de vues entre Sa Majesté et Son très humble serviteur, c. à. d. entre l'Angleterre et la Russie, que peuvent commander aux événements et conjurer de terribles catastrophes!
Maintenant nous nous entendons, et je m'en remets à Dieu pour tout ce qui doit arriver.
C'est avec la plus haute considération et la plus sincère amitié que je serais, toujours, Monseigneur, de Votre Altesse Royale le tout dévoué Cousin,
Nicolas.
Footnote 14: The fourth son of the Queen and Prince, afterwards Duke of Albany, was born on the 7th of April at Buckingham Palace.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
BIRTH OF PRINCE LEOPOLD
Buckingham Palace, 18th April 1853.
My dearest Uncle,—My first letter is this time, as last time, addressed to you; last time it was because dearest Louise, to whom the first had heretofore always been addressed, was with me—alas! now, she is no longer amongst us! I can report very favourably of myself, for I have never been better or stronger or altogether more comfortable.
Stockmar will have told you that Leopold is to be the name of our fourth young gentleman. It is a mark of love and affection which I hope you will not disapprove. It is a name which is the dearest to me after Albert, and one which recalls the almost only happy days of my sad childhood; to hear "Prince Leopold" again, will make me think of all those days! His other names will be George Duncan Albert, and the Sponsors, the King of Hanover, Ernest Hohenlohe, the Princess of Prussia and Mary Cambridge.
George is after the King of Hanover, and Duncan as a compliment to dear Scotland.... Ever your devoted Niece and Child,
Victoria R.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
MR GLADSTONE'S BUDGET
Chesham Place, 19th April 1853.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and is happy to say that Mr Gladstone's statement last night was one of the most powerful financial speeches ever made in the House of Commons.15
Mr Pitt in the days of his glory might have been more imposing, but he could not have been more persuasive.
Lord John Russell is very sanguine as to the success of the plan, both in the House of Commons and in the country.
Footnote 15: Mr Gladstone's Budget imposed a duty for the first time on the succession to real property; he retained the Income Tax for two years longer, at its then rate of sevenpence in the pound on incomes above £150, and extended it, at the rate of fivepence in the pound, to incomes between £100 and £150. Ireland was made subject to the tax, but received relief in other directions. Remissions of indirect taxes were also made, and one of these, the repeal of the Advertisement Duty, was carried against the Government.
The Prince Albert to Mr Gladstone.
Buckingham Palace, 19th April 1853.
My dear Mr Gladstone,—I must write to you a line in order to congratulate you on your success of last night. I have just completed a close and careful perusal of your speech, which I admire extremely, and I have heard from all sides that the effect it has produced is very good. Trusting that your Christian humility will not allow you to become dangerously elated, I cannot resist sending you the report which Lord John Russell made to the Queen for your perusal; knowing that it will give you pleasure, and that these are the best rewards which a public man can look for. Ever yours truly,
Albert.
Mr Gladstone to the Prince Albert.
Downing Street, 19th April 1853.
Sir,—I have to offer my most humble and grateful thanks to Her Majesty for graciously allowing me to know the terms in which Lord John Russell's kindness allowed him to describe the statement made by me last night in the House of Commons; and to your Royal Highness for the letter which your Royal Highness had been pleased to address to me.
The reception which you, Sir, gave to my explanation on the 9th instant of the propositions I had to submit to the Cabinet, was one of the first and best omens of their favourable fortune.
As a Servant of the Crown, deeply sharing in that attachment which all servants of Her Majesty must feel both to her Throne and Person, I venture to hope that the propositions of the Government declared through me, are in accordance with our faith and loyalty to Her Majesty.
For myself, Sir, I am most thankful, if it can be said that I have not by my own defects injured a good and an honest cause; my only title to reward lies in sincerity of purpose, and by such testimony as that of your Royal Highness I am already much more than duly rewarded....
I return the letter of Lord John Russell, and I pray your Royal Highness to believe me, Sir, your most dutiful and most obedient Servant,
W. E. Gladstone.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
THE INDIA BILL
Osborne, 27th May 1853.
The Queen has read Lord Aberdeen's letter of yesterday with great concern. She had been much surprised to hear from Lord John Russell on the 24th that "in concert with Sir Charles Wood and Sir James Graham, he had settled last night to propose to the Cabinet on Wednesday to delay the measure (on the Indian Government) till next Session, and that Sir James Graham had stated that Lord Aberdeen would be ready to assent to this course."16 She did not answer Lord John until she should have heard from Lord Aberdeen himself. From the explanation he has now given to the Queen, she must say that it would have a very bad effect if the measure were withdrawn at the eleventh hour, and after all that has been publicly and privately stated.17 Nothing damages a Government more than the appearance of vacillation and uncertainty of purpose, and no Government ought to shun this more than the present. The fact of a dissension in the Cabinet on a vital point, which it cannot be hoped will remain concealed, must besides much impair its vigour and power....
The Queen earnestly hopes that it will not become necessary to change the course announced by the Government.
Footnote 16: The India Bill, which passed during the Session, threw open the lucrative patronage of the Company (whose existence was continued but with less absolute control) to competition. The Mutiny, and the resulting legislation of 1858, tended subsequently to overshadow Sir Charles Wood's measure.
Footnote 17: The matter had been referred to a Cabinet Committee, reported upon, agreed to in full Cabinet, proposed to and sanctioned by the Queen and announced to Parliament.
The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria.
THE EMPEROR FRANCIS JOSEPH
Laeken, 3 June 1853.
My dearest, best Victoria,—... The young Emperor18 I confess I like much, there is much sense and courage in his warm blue eye, and it is not without a very amiable merriment when there is occasion for it. He is slight and very graceful, but even in the mêlée of dancers and Archdukes, and all in uniform, he may always be distinguished as the Chef. This struck me more than anything, as now at Vienna the dancing is also that general mêlée which renders waltzing most difficult.... The manners are excellent and free from pompousness or awkwardness of any kind, simple, and when he is graciously disposed, as he was to me, sehr herzlich und natürlich. He keeps every one in great order without requiring for this an outré appearance of authority, merely because he is the master, and there is that about him which gives authority, and which sometimes those who have the authority cannot succeed in getting accepted or in practising. I think he may be severe si l'occasion se présente; he has something very muthig. We were several times surrounded by people of all classes, and he certainly quite at their mercy, but I never saw his little muthig expression changed either by being pleased or alarmed. I trust that this family connection may mitigate the only impression which in Austria has created a hostile feeling, viz. the suspicions in Palmerston's time that it had become a plan of England to destroy the Austrian Empire. After the attentat on the Emperor the impression on those who are attached to their country was, and still is, that in England a sort of menagerie of Kossuths, Mazzinis, Lagranges, Ledru Rollins, etc., is kept to be let occasionally loose on the Continent to render its quiet and prosperity impossible. That impression, which Lord Aberdeen stated in the House of Lords at the end of April, is strong everywhere on the Continent, in Prussia as it is in Austria, and even here our industriels are convinced of it. About what is to be done by way of graciousness on your part we will consider.... Ever, my dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,
Leopold R.
Footnote 18: Francis Joseph, Emperor of Austria.
The Duke of Newcastle to Queen Victoria.
7th June 1853.
The Duke of Newcastle presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour of bringing under your Majesty's notice a desire for some time past felt by the Archbishop of Canterbury, and by others interested in the welfare of the Church of England in the Colonies, that the extensive See of Capetown should be divided, and that a new Bishopric of Grahamstown should be erected.
An endowment of £10,000 for the proposed See has lately been provided by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts.
The Duke of Newcastle under these circumstances hopes that your Majesty will approve of the erection of this new See, and has the honour to recommend to your Majesty that, in that case the Rev. J. W. Colenso should be appointed to it.
Mr Colenso at present holds a living in the Diocese of Norwich, he was second wrangler at Cambridge, and was at one time tutor to two of the sons of the late Sir Robert Peel at Harrow.
The Duke of Newcastle has received a very high character of Mr Colenso from his Diocesan, and the Archbishop of Canterbury considers him a fit person to be recommended to your Majesty.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE KING OF HANOVER
Buckingham Palace, 22nd June 1853.
My dearest Uncle,—Many thanks for your kind letter of the 17th, which I could not answer on my usual day (yesterday), as we were the whole day at the Camp, where there was a Review, at which I rode. It was a very fine sight, but my enjoyment was a good deal spoilt by the nervousness which I was in at having my poor blind cousin19 on horseback next to me—led. It is a sad sight, and one which keeps me in a constant state of anxiety, as one is afraid of saying or doing anything which may pain or distress him, or of his meeting with any accident; but he manages it wonderfully well, hardly ever makes a mistake, and manages so well at dinner. He is very cheerful, kind, and civil, and would be very good looking if it were not for his poor eyes. He likes to go everywhere and do everything like anybody else, and speaks of things as if he saw them....
The Oriental Question is at a standstill. It is the Emperor of Russia who must enable us to help him out of the difficulty. I feel convinced that War will be avoided, but I don't see how exactly. Our Troops looked beautiful yesterday. I wish your young people could see our Camp.20
With Albert's love, believe me, ever, your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 19: King George V. of Hanover.
Footnote 20: Lord Stratford de Redcliffe had insisted that the disputed points as to the guardianship of the Holy Places, and the Russian demand for a Protectorate over the Christian subjects of the Sultan, should be kept distinct. After the former had been arranged and the latter had been rejected by the Porte acting under Lord Stratford's advice, Menschikoff abruptly quitted Constantinople, and the Russian troops, crossing the Pruth, invaded the Danubian principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia (now united as Roumania). In England, meanwhile, a military encampment had been established at Chobham.
The Earl of Dalhousie to Queen Victoria.
DEATH OF LADY DALHOUSIE
12th July 1853.
Lord Dalhousie presents his humble duty to your Majesty, most gratefully acknowledging the gracious words which your Majesty has addressed to him in the time of his great affliction.21
Your Majesty has been pleased for many years to honour him with frequent marks of personal distinction. He is indeed most keenly sensible of the favour which bestowed them all. But his deep gratitude must ever be given to the goodness which dictated the touching assurance he has now received of your Majesty's interest in the piteous fate of one who for eighteen years has been all the world to him, whose patient, gentle spirit, and whose brave heart had turned aside so many perils, and who yet has sunk at last under the very means on which all had securely reckoned as her certain safety.
Lord Dalhousie ought not perhaps to have uttered even this much of his sorrow, but your Majesty's truly gracious words have melted it from his heart; and still encourage him to believe that your Majesty will not regard it as obtrusive.
Lord Dalhousie will not mingle the other topics, on which it is his duty to address your Majesty, with this respectful expression of the enduring gratitude, with which he has the honour to subscribe himself, your Majesty's most obedient, most humble, and most faithful Subject and Servant,
Dalhousie.
Footnote 21: Lady Dalhousie died on the 6th of May, on her passage home from India.
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
PALMERSTON'S ATTITUDE
London, 11th September 1853.
Lord Aberdeen presents his most humble duty to your Majesty....
Lord Aberdeen has by no means forgotten the conversation to which your Majesty has referred; but after full consideration he believes that the safest and best course has been adopted.22 Trusting to your Majesty's gracious condescension, and the confidence with which Lord Aberdeen has been honoured, he will humbly venture to lay before your Majesty, without any reserve, the motives which have induced him to offer this advice to your Majesty.
The situation of Lord Palmerston is peculiar.23 Unless he should continue to be a cordial member of your Majesty's Government, he may very easily become the leader of Opposition. Lord Aberdeen is at this moment ignorant of his real views and intentions. He has been recently more than once thwarted in his endeavours to press a hostile policy upon the Cabinet; and it has been reported to Lord Aberdeen that he has expressed himself in terms of great hostility. This cannot perhaps be avoided, and is only the result of taking different views of the public interest; but it is very essential that Lord Palmerston should have no personal or private cause of complaint against Lord Aberdeen. From his office of Home Secretary he might naturally expect to have the honour of attending your Majesty; and should this not be the case he might probably resent it and attribute it to the jealousy and ill-will of Lord Aberdeen. But whether he did this, or not, himself, the Public and the Press would not fail to do so, and would convert this neglect into the ground of the most hostile and bitter attacks.
Your Majesty may perhaps be aware that there is no amount of flattery which is not offered to Lord Palmerston by the Tory party, with the hope of separating him altogether from the Government.
Lord Aberdeen fully admits that this step which he has humbly proposed to your Majesty may fail to produce any good effect, and that it may even be turned hereafter to the injury of the Government; but, at all events, Lord Aberdeen's conscience will be clear; and if Lord Palmerston has any generous feelings, it is not impossible that he may appreciate favourably a proceeding which cannot but afford him personal satisfaction.
Footnote 22: Lord Aberdeen had suggested that it would be advisable for several reasons that Lord Palmerston should be invited to Balmoral as Minister in attendance, and he accordingly went there on the 15th of September.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon.
Balmoral, 24th September 1853.
The Queen has this morning received Lord Clarendon's letter of the 22nd inst. She has not been surprised at the line taken by Austria, who, Lord Clarendon will remember, the Queen never thought could be depended upon, as she is not in that independent position which renders a National Policy possible. The accounts from Constantinople are very alarming, and make the Queen most anxious for the future. She quite approves of the steps taken by the Government. The presence of the Fleets at Constantinople in case of general disturbance will take from the Emperor of Russia what Lord Cowley calls his coup de Théâtre à la Sadlers Wells, viz.: the part of the generous protector of the Sultan and restorer of Order.24
Footnote 23: Lord Palmerston and Lord John Russell led the war party in the Cabinet; but the latter was pledged to the introduction of a Reform Bill, while the former was opposed to the scheme. Lord Aberdeen's pacific views were making him increasingly unpopular in the country.
Footnote 24: Even after the Russian occupation of the Principalities, which the Russian Minister, Count Nesselrode, had described as not an act of war, but a material guarantee for the concession by Turkey of the Russian demands, the resources of diplomacy were not exhausted. The Four Powers—England, France, Austria, and Prussia—agreed, in conference at Vienna, to present a note for acceptance by Russia and the Porte, to the effect (inter alia) that the Government of the Sultan would remain faithful "to the letter and to the spirit of the Treaties of Kainardji and Adrianople relative to the protection of the Christian religion." This was most unfortunately worded, but, however, the clause had obtained the sanction of the English Government, and the Czar expressed his willingness to accept it. Lord Stratford, however, saw the danger underlying the ambiguity of the language, and, under his advice, the Porte proposed as an amendment the substitution of the words "to the stipulations of the Treaty of Kainardji, confirmed by that of Adrianople, relative to the protection by the Sublime Porte of the Christian religion." The Russian Government refused to accept this amendment, and from that moment war was inevitable. The British Fleet under Admiral Dundas had been sent from Malta to the East at the beginning of June.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
THE VIENNA NOTE
Balmoral, 25th September 1853.
The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of the 23rd, and is very thankful to him for this full and lucid statement of the present very critical situation.
She transmits to him a memorandum containing our views, drawn up by the Prince with the desire he might also communicate it to Lord Clarendon.25
The Queen must say she now rejoices the Fleets should be on their way to Constantinople.
God grant that any outbreak at Constantinople may yet be averted.
Footnote 25: The Memorandum stated that it would be fruitless further to attempt to settle the dispute by the "Rédaction" of Notes to be exchanged between Turkey and Russia, or the choice of particular words and expressions in public documents designed in order to avoid naming the real objects in dispute.
"It is evident" (it was added) "that Russia has hitherto attempted to deceive us in pretending that she did not aim at the acquisition of any new Right, but required only a satisfaction of honour and a re-acknowledgment of the Rights she already possessed by Treaty; that she does intend and for the first time lays bare that intention, to acquire new Rights of interference which the Porte does not wish to concede and cannot concede, and which the European Powers have repeatedly declared she ought not to concede....
"If the views of Russia, for instance, with regard to 'Modification III. of the Note,' were to prevail, the extension of the advantages and privileges enjoyed by Christian communities, in their capacity as foreigners, to the Greeks generally, with the Right granted to Russia to intercede for them to this effect, would simply make foreigners of 10,000,000 of the subjects of the Porte, or depose the Sultan as their sovereign, putting the Emperor of Russia in his place."
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
London, 6th October 1853.
... The Cabinet will meet to-morrow; and Lord Aberdeen will have the honour of humbly reporting to your Majesty the result of their discussions. It will be Lord Aberdeen's endeavour to prevent any rash decision; and, above all, to keep open the possibility of peaceful communications. No doubt, it may be very agreeable to humiliate the Emperor of Russia; but Lord Aberdeen thinks that it is paying a little too dear for this pleasure, to check the progress and prosperity of this happy country, and to cover Europe with confusion, misery, and blood.
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
MOVEMENTS OF THE FLEET
London, 7th October 1853.
Lord Aberdeen presents his humble duty to your Majesty. As your Majesty will expect to hear from him to-day, he has the honour of addressing your Majesty, although he could wish that it had been in his power to give your Majesty a more full and satisfactory account of the decisions of the Cabinet. The meeting was very long, and considerable difference of opinion prevailed in the course of the discussion. At length, however, Lord Aberdeen is happy to say there was such an agreement as ensured a certain degree of unanimity. With this view, it was determined to adhere to a defensive principle of action in the East. The Fleets may perhaps be already at Constantinople; but, at all events, they are to be brought there forthwith, and to be stationed either there or in the Bosphorus, unless the Russians should cross the Danube, or make any attack upon the Turkish possessions on the coast of the Black Sea. In this case, the combined Fleets would enter the Black Sea, for the defence of the Turkish territory.
Considering the position we have already assumed in this unfortunate affair, perhaps it was impossible to do less than this; and as there is very little chance of Russia undertaking any active hostilities of the nature apprehended, it may reasonably be hoped that no actual collision will take place. At the same time it must be recollected that Russia will regard the entrance of line of battle-ships into the Black Sea as a virtual declaration of war against herself.
There is yet no confirmation of the actual declaration of war by the Porte, and although there is no reason to suspect any serious impediment to the decision of the Divan being fulfilled, it is rather strange that intelligence to this effect has not been received. If Lord Stratford should see great cause for apprehension at the prospect of the Turks in the prosecution of hostilities, it is just possible that by his influence he may have arrested the progress of their warlike measures; but probably this is too much to hope. At all events, Lord Aberdeen trusts that the path of negotiation is not finally closed, and that, notwithstanding the equivocal position of Great Britain in this contest, it may still be possible to employ words of conciliation and peace....
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
WAR IMMINENT
Balmoral, 10th October 1853.
I had a long interview with Sir James Graham this morning, and told him that Lord Aberdeen's last letter to the Queen and him26 made us very uneasy. It was evident that Lord Aberdeen was, against his better judgment, consenting to a course of policy which he inwardly condemned, that his desire to maintain unanimity at the Cabinet led to concessions which by degrees altered the whole character of the policy, while he held out no hope of being able permanently to secure agreement. I described the Queen's position as a very painful one. Here were decisions taken by the Cabinet, perhaps even acted upon, involving the most momentous consequences, without her previous concurrence or even the means for her to judge of the propriety or impropriety of course to be adopted, with evidence that the Minister, in whose judgment the Queen placed her chief reliance, disapproved of it. The position was morally and constitutionally a wrong one. The Queen ought to have the whole policy in spirit and ultimate tendency developed before her to give her deliberate sanction to it, knowing what it involved her in abroad and at home. She might now be involved in war, of which the consequences could not be calculated, chiefly by the desire of Lord Aberdeen to keep his Cabinet together; this might then break down, and the Queen would be left without an efficient Government, and a war on her hands.LORD ABERDEEN OVERBORNE Lord Aberdeen renounced one of his chief sources of strength in the Cabinet, by not making it apparent that he requires the sanction of the Crown to the course proposed by the Cabinet, and has to justify his advice by argument before it can be adopted, and that it does not suffice to come to a decision at the table of the Cabinet. Sir James Graham perfectly coincided with this view and offered to go up to Town immediately. The Queen wrote the letter to Lord Aberdeen ... which Sir James takes up with him. He shall arrive at Windsor on Friday (14th), and Lord Aberdeen is to have an Audience on Saturday. Sir James will tell him that the Queen wants his deliberate opinion on what course is best to be followed, and that the course once adopted should be steadily and uninterruptedly pursued.
Albert.
Footnote 26:
The Earl of Aberdeen to Sir James Graham.
Submitted to the Queen.
Argyll House, 8th October 1853.
My dear Graham,—... When we met, Clarendon made a sort of résumé of what had taken place before we all separated, but ended with no specific proposal. After a few interlocutory remarks from different quarters, Palmerston proposed his plan. Lord John faintly supported it in general terms, but did not seem much in earnest about it. I said that it appeared to involve the necessity of a declaration of war against Russia, and the calling together Parliament forthwith. Gladstone strongly argued against the proposal. Clarendon then read an outline of his proposed instructions, which were a great abatement from Palmerston's plan. We came at last to a sort of compromise; our great difficulty being now to deal with the question of entering the Black Sea. I consented to this being done, provided it was strictly in defence of some point of attack on Turkish territory. I have no fear that this will take place; and as long as we abstain from entering the Black Sea, Peace may be possible between us and Russia. We have thus assumed a strictly defensive position, which for the moment may be sufficient, and will enable us to carry on negotiations; but this cannot last long. Under the character of defensive war, we should inevitably become extensively engaged. Should the Turks be at all worsted, which is probable, of course we must increase our assistance. We should have a French army, and perhaps English money—all for defence.
The aspect of the Cabinet was, on the whole, very good. Gladstone, active and energetic for Peace; Argyll, Herbert, C. Wood, and Granville, all in the same sense. Newcastle, not quite so much so, but good; Lansdowne, not so warlike as formerly; Lord John warlike enough, but subdued in tone; Palmerston urged his views perseveringly, but not disagreeably. The Chancellor said little, but was cordially peaceful. Molesworth was not present, there having been some mistake in sending the notice.
On the whole, therefore, yesterday passed off well enough; but we shall see what to-day will bring us. Not a syllable was said in the Cabinet on any other subject. Lord John seemed in good humour; he came to see me a few minutes before the Cabinet. I told you that I had spoken to Gladstone very fully; but I did not press any decision respecting domestic matters, as it would at this moment be quite unseasonable. Nevertheless, it must not be forgotten altogether. Yours, etc., etc.,
Aberdeen.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon.
LORD STRATFORD'S INSTRUCTIONS
Balmoral, 11th October 1853.
The Queen has received Lord Clarendon's letter. She had written to Lord Aberdeen that she felt it her duty to pause before giving her consent to the measures decided on in the Cabinet, until she should have received an explanation on the views which dictated that decision, and of the ulterior steps involved in it; and Sir James Graham is gone up to Town, verbally to explain more fully the Queen's feelings. She has now received and read the Despatches, which have in the meantime been sent off to their points of destination without having received her sanction!
The draft to Vienna the Queen thinks very ably argued, and justly to define the present position of the question at issue.27
The instructions to Lord Stratford,28 on the other hand, appear to her very vague, and entrusting him with enormous powers and a latitude of discretion which is hardly to be called safe. As matters have now been arranged, it appears to the Queen, moreover, that we have taken on ourselves in conjunction with France all the risks of a European war, without having bound Turkey to any conditions with respect to provoking it. The hundred and twenty fanatical Turks constituting the Divan at Constantinople are left sole judges of the line of policy to be pursued, and made cognisant at the same time of the fact that England and France have bound themselves to defend the Turkish Territory! This is entrusting them with a power which Parliament has been jealous to confide even to the hands of the British Crown. It may be a question whether England ought to go to war for the defence of so-called Turkish Independence; but there can be none that if she does so, she ought to be the sole judge of what constitutes a breach of that independence, and have the fullest power to prevent by negotiation the breaking out of the war.
The Queen would wish copies of the enclosed papers to be sent for her use as soon as convenient.
Footnote 27: In this despatch Lord Clarendon, after referring to the interpretation which Count Nesselrode had put upon the Vienna Note, and the Russian rejection of it as amended by the Porte, told Lord Westmorland that it would be useless and dishonourable to recommend it in its unaltered form, that the Czar was contending for privileges for Christian subjects of the Porte not hitherto enjoyed by them, and that a war embarked upon in such a cause would be without parallel in history.
Footnote 28: Authority had been given to Lord Stratford to employ the British Fleet in the manner he might deem most fit for defending Turkish territory from aggression, and he was instructed that if the Russian Fleet left Sebastopol, the British Fleet was to pass through the Bosphorus.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
RESENTMENT OF THE CZAR
Windsor Castle, 16th October 1853.
We saw Lord Aberdeen yesterday. He went with us through the whole of the proceedings of the last six weeks with respect to the Eastern Question. Regretted Count Nesselrode's Note,29 which Baron Brunnow owned nobody would regret more than the Count himself, acknowledged the weakness of Austria, felt sure of Lord Stratford's insincerity towards him and the Government,... as he had to Lord Aberdeen's certain knowledge called "the conduct of the Government infamous" and declared "he would let the world know that his name was Canning." He acknowledged the disadvantage of the course adopted by the Cabinet, which left the Turks at liberty to do as they pleased; he had to concede this to the Cabinet, which would otherwise have been broken up by Lord John and Lord Palmerston. Had he known what the Queen's opinion was, he might have been more firm, feeling himself supported by the Crown, but he had imagined from her letters that there was more animosity against Russia and leaning to war in her mind.
Footnote 29: In this despatch to Baron Meyendorff, the Austrian Foreign Minister, the Count had disclosed the fact that the Russian interpretation of the Vienna Note differed from that of the other Powers.
Yet, under all the adverse circumstances Lord Aberdeen saw still reason for hope that a peaceable settlement could be obtained. The French were ready to do anything we pleased, go to war, remain at peace, etc., etc.; in fact, Louis Napoleon had experienced the great advantage for his position of the Alliance with England.... Lord Stratford was thoroughly frightened, and had made a proposal himself, which accordingly he would support con amore. The Emperor of Russia had failed in his attempt to form a Northern League against the Western Powers.... The Emperor complained bitterly of the conduct of the Powers, who had disgraced him before the world by making him accept a Note, and sanctioning its alteration by Turkey; "now they should do what they pleased and settle matters with Turkey first, and bring him only what was settled and fixed, he was wearied of the whole business, and anxious to get rid of it for ever."
What Lord Aberdeen now proposed was to follow the Emperor's advice and agree with Turkey upon a Note, leaving out all that she had objected to in the Vienna Note as Lord Stratford recommended, and taking as much as possible Redschid Pasha's own words to found the proposal of it upon the declaration made by the Emperor at Olmütz to the Powers, that he sought for no new right, privilege, or advantage, but solely for the confirmation of the legal status quo, but accompanying this with a declaration, that if Turkey created needless difficulties and tried to evade a peaceful settlement the Powers would withdraw their support and leave her to fight her own battle. We went over the Documents which are not yet settled, even between Lord Aberdeen and Lord Clarendon, and will require the greatest caution in their wording. It is evident that the Turks have every inducement not to let this opportunity slip in going to war with Russia, as they will probably never find so advantageous a one again, as the whole of Christendom has declared them in the right, and they would fight with England and France actively on their side!
LORD JOHN AND THE PREMIERSHIP
At home, Lord Aberdeen said matters do not stand much better. Lord John has convinced himself that, under present circumstances it would not do for him to ask Lord Aberdeen to retire from the Prime Ministership and let him step in in his place; perhaps he has found out also that the Peelites will not serve under him; his own Whig colleagues would very much regret if not object to such a change, and that Lord Palmerston could not well submit to the arrangement. So he told Lord Aberdeen that he had given up that idea; it was clear, however, that he was now looking for an opportunity to break up the Government on some popular ground, which it was impossible to hope that he should not find. He now had asked for the immediate summoning of Parliament, called for by the state of the Oriental Question. This would create the greatest alarm in the country, and embarrassment to the Government, and was therefore resisted. Lord Aberdeen told Lord John quite plainly he knew what the proposal meant—he meant to break up the Government. "I hope not," was Lord John's laughing reply.
The Queen taxed Lord Aberdeen with imprudence in talking to Lord John of his own readiness to leave office, which he acknowledged, but called very natural in a man of seventy. Lord John was dissatisfied with his position;... upon Lord Aberdeen telling him that he had the most powerful and honourable position of any man in England as leader of the House of Commons, he answered, "Oh, there I am quite happy!"
I asked how under such circumstances that all-important measure of Parliamentary Reform, upon which the future stability and well-being of the Country so much depended, was to be matured and brought forward? Lord Aberdeen replied that Lord John had it all ready and prepared in his pocket, and told Lord Aberdeen so, adding, however, that under present circumstances there was no use in bringing it forward, to which Lord Aberdeen added: "You mean unless you sit in the chair which I now occupy?" Lord John laughed.
We discussed the probable consequences of Lord John's retirement. Lord Aberdeen thought that Lord Palmerston, Lord Lansdowne, and even Lord Clarendon would secede with him, but this by no means implied that the whole party would; Lord Palmerston would not coalesce with Lord John, but try for the lead himself; Lord Clarendon quite agreed with Lord Aberdeen, and had been very angry with Lord John, but was personally under great obligations to him, and Sir James Graham had (as he said) been very much struck with the change of tone in Lord Clarendon at the last meeting of the Cabinet. Most of the Liberals seemed very much pleased with their situation. Sir James Graham had, of his own accord, told Lord Aberdeen that, in the event of Lord John's secession, he himself could not well sit in the House of Commons under so much younger a man as Mr Gladstone as Leader. He knew that there would be objections to his assuming the lead himself, but he would be quite ready to go to the House of Lords to support Lord Aberdeen.
Albert.
The Emperor of Russia to Queen Victoria.30
THE CZAR'S LETTER
| Tsarsko, ce | 18 — 30 | Octobre 1853. |
Madame,—Votre Majesté connaît, je l'espère, les sentiments d'affection sincère qui m'attachent à Sa personne, depuis que j'ai eu l'honneur de L'approcher. Il m'a semblé qu'Elle daignait aussi m'accorder quelque bienveillance. A la veille d'événements, peut-être fort graves, qu'Elle daigne donc excuser si je m'adresse droit à Elle, pour essayer de prévenir des calamités, que nos deux pays ont un égal intérêt à éviter. J'ose le faire avec d'autant plus de confiance, que longtemps encore avant que les affaires d'Orient eussent pris la fâcheuse tournure qu'elles ont acquise depuis, je m'étais adressé directement à votre Majesté, par l'entremise de Sir Hamilton Seymour, pour appeler votre attention, Madame, sur des éventualités, alors encore incertaines, mais déjà fort probables à mes yeux, et que je désirais éclaircir, avant tout, avec le Cabinet Anglais, pour écarter autant qu'il m'était possible, toute divergence d'opinion entre nous. La correspondance d'alors, qu'Elle daigne de la faire relire atteignit son but, car elle mettait le Gouvernement Anglais au fait de mes plus intimes pensées sur ces graves éventualités, tandis que, je devais au moins le penser ainsi, j'obtiens en réponse un égal exposé des vues du Gouvernement de votre Majesté.
Sûrs ainsi de ce que nous désirions de part et d'autre, par quelle fatalité devons-nous donc, Madame, en venir à une mésintelligence aussi prononcée, sur des objets qui paraissaient convenus d'avance, où ma parole est engagée vis-à-vis de votre Majesté, comme je crois celle du Gouvernement Anglais engagée de même vis-à-vis de moi.
C'est à la justice, au cœur de votre Majesté que j'en appelle, c'est à Sa bonne foi et à Sa sagesse que je m'en mets qu'Elle daigne de décider entre nous.
Devons nous rester, comme je le souhaite ardemment, dans une bonne intelligence également profitable à nos deux États, ou juge-t-Elle, que le pavillon Anglais doive flotter près du croissant, pour combattre la croix de Saint André!!!
Telle que soit la détermination de votre Majesté, qu'Elle veuille être persuadée de l'inaltérable et sincère attachement avec lesquels je ne cesserais d'être, de votre Majesté, le tout dévoué frère et ami,
Nicolas.
Je prie votre Majesté de vouloir bien faire mes amitiés à Monseigneur le Prince Albert.
Footnote 30: Greville calls the writing of this letter an unusual step; but in sending it to Lord Aberdeen and Lord Clarendon, the Queen observed that its despatch was an important and advantageous fact, as it both committed the Czar personally, and enabled her to state certain truths to him, as well as to explain privately the views which guided her own and her Ministers' conduct.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
LORD STRATFORD'S PROPOSAL
Windsor Castle, 5th November 1853.
Although the Queen will have the pleasure of seeing Lord Aberdeen this evening, she wishes to make some observations on the subject of Lord Stratford's last private letters communicated to her yesterday by Lord Clarendon.31 They exhibit clearly on his part a desire for war, and to drag us into it. When he speaks of the sword which will not only have to be drawn, but the scabbard thrown away, and says, the war to be successful must be a "very comprehensive one" on the part of England and France, the intention is unmistakable, and it becomes a serious question whether we are justified in allowing Lord Stratford any longer to remain in a situation which gives him the means of frustrating all our efforts for peace. The question becomes still graver when it is considered that General Baraguay d'Hilliers seems from Lord Cowley's account of his conversation with him equally anxious for extreme measures.
The Queen must express her surprise that Lord Stratford should have coolly sent on so preposterous a proposal as Redschid Pasha's note asking for a Treaty of Alliance, the amalgamation of our Fleets with the Turkish one, and the sending of our surplus ships to the "White" Sea (!) without any hesitation or remark on his part. As the note ends, however, by saying that the Porte desires que les points ci-dessus émenés (sic) soient appréciés par les Cours d'Angleterre et de France, et que ces Cours veuillent bien déclarer leur intention d'agir en conséquence, this appears to the Queen to afford an admirable opportunity for stating plainly and strongly to the Turkish Government that we have no intention of being used by them for their own purposes. This time such a declaration might be handed in to the Turkish Government, so that there can be no mistake about the matter for the future.
The Queen encloses the letter and note, and wishes Lord Aberdeen to show her letter to Lord Clarendon.
Footnote 31: Lord Stratford had written that Redschid Pasha was unable to make head against his warlike colleagues, and that unless some proposal of a decidedly satisfactory kind should come from Vienna very soon, there would be no chance of avoiding hostilities. Lord Stratford added that he had obtained a promise that no act of hostility should take place on the Turkish side before the expiration of fifteen days, and concluded with the words: "I fear that war is the decree of Fate, and our wisest part will be to do what we can to bring it to a thoroughly good conclusion."
Queen Victoria to the Emperor of Russia.
THE QUEEN TO THE CZAR
Windsor Castle, ce 14 Novembre 1853.
Sire et très cher Frère,—C'est avec une profonde et sincère satisfaction que je viens de recevoir la lettre que V.M.I. a bien voulu m'écrire le 18/30 Octobre. Je suis vivement touchée des sentiments affectueux que vous m'y témoignez. V.M. me connaît assez pour savoir combien ils sont réciproques.
Je vous remercierai également, Sire, de la franchise avec laquelle vous me parlez des complications actuelles; je ne saurais mieux répondre aux loyales intentions de V.M. qu'en lui exprimant à mon tour, et avec toute droiture, mes opinions à ce sujet, car c'est là, j'en suis sûre, le meilleur moyen de conserver utilement une amitié bien véritable.
J'ai, mon cher Frère, conformément à votre désir, relu les communications confidentielles que vous avez bien voulu me faire, ce printemps, par l'intermédiaire du bon Sir Hamilton Seymour, et les réponses que mon Gouvernement a reçu l'ordre d'adresser à V.M.
Bien qu'une différence d'opinion très notable devînt alors évidente entre V.M. et moi relativement à la manière d'envisager l'état de la Turquie et l'appréciation de sa vitalité, le Mémorandum de V.M. en date du 3/15 Avril vint néanmoins dissiper de la manière la plus heureuse ces fâcheuses appréhensions; car il m'annonçait que, si nous n'étions pas d'accord sur l'état de santé de l'Empire Ottoman, nous l'étions cependant sur la nécessité, pour le laisser vivre, de ne point lui faire des demandes humiliantes, pourvu que tout le monde en agît de même, et que personne n'abusât de sa faiblesse pour obtenir des avantages exclusifs. V.M. dans ce but, daigna même se déclarer prête "à travailler de concert avec l'Angleterre à l'œuvre commune de prolonger l'existence de l'Empire Turque, en évitant toute cause d'alarme au sujet de sa dissolution."
J'avais de plus la conviction qu'il n'existait et ne pouvait exister au fond aucune divergence d'opinion entre nous au sujet des réclamations relatives aux Lieux-Saints, réclamations qui, j'avais droit de le croire, constituaient le seul grief de la Russie contre la Porte.
Je mets, Sire, la confiance la plus entière dans la parole que V.M. a bien voulu me donner alors, et, que les assurances subséquentes, dues à votre amitié, sont venues confirmer, en me donnant la connaissance de Vos intentions. Personne n'apprécie plus que moi la haute loyauté de V.M., et je voudrais que les convictions que j'ai à cet égard pussent seules résoudre toutes les difficultés. Mais quelle que soit la pureté des motifs qui dirigent les actions du Souverain même le plus élevé par le caractère, V.M. sait que ses qualités personnelles ne sont point suffisantes dans des transactions internationales par lesquelles un État se lie envers un autre en de solennels engagements; et les véritables intentions de V.M. ont été à coup sûr méconnues et mal interprétées, à cause de la forme donnée au réclamations adressées à la Porte.
Ayant à cœur, Sire, d'examiner ce qui avait pu produire ce fâcheux malentendu, mon attention a été naturellement attirée par l'article 7 du Traité de Kainardji; et je dois dire à V.M. qu'après avoir consulté, sur le sens qui pouvait avoir été attaché à cet article, les personnes les plus compétentes de ce pays-ci; après l'avoir relu ensuite moi-même, avec le plus sincère désir d'impartialité, je suis arrivée à la conviction que cet article n'était point susceptible de l'extension qu'on y a voulu donner. Tous les amis de V.M. ont, comme moi, la certitude que vous n'auriez point abusé du pouvoir, que vous eût ainsi été accordé; mais une demande de ce genre, pouvait à peine être acceptée par un Souverain qui tient à son indépendance.
Je ne cacherai pas davantage à V.M. l'impression douloureuse qu'a produit sur moi l'occupation des Principautés. Cette occupation a causé, depuis les quatres derniers mois, une perturbation générale en Europe, et pourrait amener des événements ultérieurs que je déplorerais d'un commun accord avec V.M. Mais, comme les intentions de V.M. envers la Porte sont, je le sais, amicales et désintéressées, j'ai toute confiance que vous trouverez le moyen de les exprimer et mettre à exécution de manière à détourner de plus graves dangers, que tous mes efforts, je vous assure, tendront sans cesse à empêcher. L'attention impartiale avec laquelle j'ai suivi les causes qui ont fait échouer jusqu'à présent toutes les tentatives de conciliation, me donne la ferme conviction qu'il n'existe pas d'obstacle réel qui ne puisse être écarté ou promptement surmonté avec l'assistance de V.M.
Je n'abandonne point l'espoir de cet heureux résultat, même après les tristes conflits qui ont fait couler le sang dans les Principautés; car j'ai la foi en Dieu que lorsque de toute part les intentions sont droites et lorsque les intérêts bien entendus sont communs, le Tout-Puissant ne permettra pas que l'Europe entière qui contient déjà tant d'éléments inflammables, soit exposée à une conflagration générale.
Que Dieu veille sur les jours de V.M.; et croyez, Sire, à l'attachement sincère avec lequel je suis, Sire et cher Frère, de votre Majesté Impériale, la bien bonne Sœur et Amie,
Victoria R.
Albert est très sensible au souvenir de V.M. et me prie de le mettre à vos pieds.
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
LORD ABERDEEN'S SCRUPLES
London, 26th November 1853.
Lord Aberdeen presents his humble duty to your Majesty. The Cabinet met to-day for the consideration of the overtures made by the French Government for the settlement of the Eastern Question.32 These proposals were in substance adopted; although a considerable change was made in their form, and in some of their details. The step now taken is evidently wise; but Lord Aberdeen can scarcely venture to hope that it will be attended with success. Pacific language is accompanied with insulting and hostile acts; and it remains to be seen what effect will be produced on the Emperor of Russia by the entrance of English and French ships of war into the Black Sea, under the pretext of bringing off Consuls from Varna, and of looking after the grain-ships at the Sulina mouth of the Danube. This information has hitherto been only communicated by telegraph; but it is calculated to lead to serious consequences, of which Lord Stratford must be perfectly well aware.
Footnote 32: The Emperor had made certain suggestions to Lord Cowley, which the British Government were willing to adopt; but the anti-Russian feeling was increasing daily in the nation, and, as will be seen from the Queen's letter of the 27th of November, Lord Stratford seemed resolved on war.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
Osborne, 27th November 1853.
The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of yesterday. She is sorry to find that after all a considerable change was made in the form of the French proposal. She is not aware at present of what that change consists in and is therefore unable to form an opinion as to the effects of its introduction, but she quite concurs in Lord Aberdeen's apprehensions with regard to the effect of Lord Stratford's orders to the Fleet. The perusal of Lord Stratford's Despatches of the 5th inst. has given the Queen the strongest impression that, whilst guarding himself against the possibility of being called to account for acting in opposition to his instructions, he is pushing us deeper and deeper into the War policy which we wish to escape. Wherefore should three poor Turkish steamers go to the Crimea, but to beard the Russian Fleet and tempt it to come out of Sebastopol, which would thus constitute the much desired contingency for our combined Fleets to attack it, and so engage us irretrievably!
The Queen must seriously call upon Lord Aberdeen and the Cabinet to consider whether they are justified in allowing such a state of things to continue!
The Emperor of Russia to Queen Victoria.
THE CZAR TO THE QUEEN
| S. Pétersbourg, le | 2 — 14 | Décembre 1853. |
Madame,—Je remercie votre Majesté d'avoir eu la bonté de répondre aussi amicalement que franchement à la lettre que j'ai eu l'honneur de lui écrire. Je la remercie également de la foi qu'elle accorde à ma parole,—je crois le mériter, je l'avoue,—28 années d'une vie politique, souvent fort pénible, ne peuvent donner le droit à personne d'en douter.
Je me permets aussi, contrairement à l'avis de votre Majesté, de penser, qu'en affaires publiques et en relations de pays à pays, rien ne peut être plus sacré et ne l'est en effet à mes yeux que la parole souveraine, car elle décide en dernière instance de la paix ou de la guerre. Je ne fatiguerais certes pas l'attention de votre Majesté par un examen détaillé du sens qu'elle donne à l'article 7 du Traité de Kainardji; j'assurerais seulement, Madame, que depuis 80 ans la Russie et la Porte l'ont compris ainsi que nous le faisons encore. Ce sens-là n'a été interrompu qu'en derniers temps, à la suite d'instigations que votre Majesté connaît aussi bien que moi. Le rétablir dans son réception primitive et la justifier par un engagement plus solennel, tel est le but de mes efforts, tel il sera, Madame, quand même le sang devrait couler encore contre mon vœu le plus ardent; parce que c'est une question vitale pour la Russie, et mes efforts ne lui sont impossibles pour y satisfaire.
Si j'ai dû occuper les Principautés, ce que je regrette autant que votre Majesté, c'est encore Madame, parce que les libertés dont ces provinces jouissent, leurs ont été acquises au prix du sang Russe, et par moi-même Madame les années 1828 et 29. Il ne s'agit donc pas de conquêtes, mais à la veille d'un conflit que l'on rendait de plus en plus probable, il eût été indigne de moi de les livrer sûrement à la main des ennemis du Christianisme, dont les persécutions ne sont un secret que pour ceux qui veulent l'ignorer. J'espérais avoir répondu ainsi aux doutes et aux regrets de votre Majesté avec la plus entière franchise. Elle veut bien me dire qu'Elle ne doute pas qu'avec mon aide le rétablissement de la paix ne soit encore possible, malgré le sang répandu; j'y réponds de grand cœur, Oui, Madame, si les organes des volontés de votre Majesté exécutent fidèlement ses ordres et ses intentions bienveillantes. Les miennes n'out pas varié dès le début de cette triste épisode. Reculer devant le danger, comme vouloir maintenant autre chose que je n'ai voulu en violant ma parole, serait au-dessous de moi, et le noble cœur de votre Majesté doit le comprendre.
J'ajouterais encore que son cœur saignera en apprenant les horreurs qui se commettent déjà par les hordes sauvages, près desquels flotte le pavillon Anglais!!!
Je la remercie cordialement des vœux qu'Elle veut bien faire pour moi; tant que ma vie se prolongera ils seront réciproqués de ma part. Je suis heureux de le Lui dire, en l'assurant du sincère attachement avec lequel je suis, Madame, de votre Majesté, le tout dévoué Frère and Ami,
Nicolas.
Je me rappelle encore une fois au bon souvenir de Son Altesse Royale le Prince Albert et le remercie également de ses paroles obligeantes.
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
LORD PALMERSTON AND REFORM
London, 6th December 1853.
... As Lord John Russell will have the honour of seeing your Majesty to-morrow, he will be able to explain to your Majesty the present state of the discussions on Reform, and the progress of the Measure.33 Lord Aberdeen feels it to be his duty to inform your Majesty that on Saturday evening he received a visit from Lord Palmerston, who announced his decided objection to the greater part of the proposed plan.34 He did this in such positive terms that Lord Aberdeen should imagine he had made up his mind not to give the Measure his support; but Lord John entertains considerable doubt that such is the case.
Lord Aberdeen thinks it by no means improbable that Lord Palmerston may also desire to separate himself from the Government, in consequence of their pacific policy, and in order to take the lead of the War Party and the Anti-Reformers in the House of Commons, who are essentially the same. Such a combination would undoubtedly be formidable; but Lord Aberdeen trusts that it would not prove dangerous. At all events, it would tend greatly to the improvement of Lord John's Foreign Policy.
Footnote 33: On the 19th of November Lord John had written to the Queen outlining the Reform proposals of the Committee of the Cabinet. The Queen subsequently wrote to make additional suggestions, e.g., for finding a means of bringing into the House official persons or men without local connections, and for dealing with Ministerial re-elections.
Footnote 34: Lord Palmerston wrote to Lord Lansdowne, giving an account of the affair:—
"Carlton Gardens, 8th December 1853.
"My dear Lansdowne,—I have had two conversations with Aberdeen on the subject of John Russell's proposed Reform Bill, and I have said that there are three points in it to which I cannot agree.
"These points are—the extent of disfranchisement, the extent of enfranchisement, and the addition of the Municipal Franchise in Boroughs to the pound;10 Householder Franchise....
"We should by such an arrangement increase the number of bribeable Electors, and overpower intelligence and property by ignorance and poverty.
"I have told Aberdeen that I am persuaded that the Measure as proposed by John Russell and Graham will not pass through the two Houses of Parliament without material modifications, and that I do not choose to be a party to a contest between the two Houses or to an Appeal to the Country for a Measure of which I decidedly disapprove; and that I cannot enter into a career which would lead me to such a position, that, in short, I do not choose to be dragged through the dirt by John Russell. I reminded Aberdeen that on accepting his offer of Office, I had expressed apprehension both to him and to you, that I might find myself differing from my Colleagues on the question of Parliamentary Reform.
"I have thought a good deal on this matter. I should be very sorry to give up my present Office at this moment: I have taken a great interest in it, and I have matters in hand which I should much wish to bring to a conclusion. Moreover, I think that the presence in the Cabinet of a person holding the opinions which I entertain as to the principles on which our Foreign Affairs ought to be conducted, is useful in modifying the contrary system of Policy, which, as I think, injuriously to the interests and dignity of the Country, there is a disposition in other quarters to pursue; but notwithstanding all this. I cannot consent to stand forward as one of the Authors and Supporters of John Russell's sweeping alterations. Yours sincerely,
Palmerston".
The Prince Albert to the Earl of Aberdeen.
LORD PALMERSTON'S POSITION
Osborne, 9th December 1853.
My dear Lord Aberdeen,—The Queen has consulted with Lord John Russell upon the Reform plan, and on the question of Lord Palmerston's position with regard to it; and he will doubtless give you an account of what passed. She wishes me, however, to tell you likewise what strikes her with respect to Lord Palmerston. It appears to the Queen clear that the Reform Bill will have no chance of success unless prepared and introduced in Parliament by a united Cabinet; that, if Lord Palmerston has made up his mind to oppose it and to leave the Government, there will be no use in trying to keep him in it, and that there will be danger in allowing him to attend the discussions of the Cabinet, preparing all the time his line of attack; that if a successor to him would after all have to be found at the Home Office, it will be unfair not to give that important member of the Government full opportunity to take his share in the preparation and deliberation on the measure to which his consent would be asked. Under these circumstances it becomes of the highest importance to ascertain—
1. What the amount of objection is that Lord Palmerston entertains to the Measure;
2. What the object of the declaration was, which he seems to have made to you.
This should be obtained in writing, so as to make all future misrepresentation impossible, and on this alone a decision can well be taken, and, in the Queen's opinion, even the Cabinet could alone deliberate.
Should Lord Palmerston have stated his objections with the view of having the Measure modified it will be right to consider how far that can safely be done, and for the Queen, also, to balance the probable value of the modification with the risk of allowing Lord Palmerston to put himself at the head of the Opposition Party, entailing as it does the possibility of his forcing himself back upon her as leader of that Party.
Should he on the other hand consider his declaration as a "notice to quit," the ground upon which he does so should be clearly put on record, and no attempt should be made to damage the character of the Measure in the vain hope of propitiating him. Ever yours truly,
Albert.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
LORD PALMERSTON RESIGNS
Osborne, 16th December 1853.
Lord Aberdeen arrived yesterday and returned to-day to meet the Cabinet to-morrow. Lord Palmerston has sent in his resignation in a short note to Lord Aberdeen, a further correspondence with Lord John and Lord Lansdowne, Lord Aberdeen put into my hands, and I have copied the two most important letters which follow here.
Lord John is reported as very angry, calling Lord Palmerston's conduct "treacherous," a term Lord Aberdeen hardly understands, as against him he has been perfectly consistent with regard to the Reform Measure, from the beginning, and had frequently denied the necessity of Reform.... Lord Aberdeen had advised Lord John to show boldness and energy, and to undertake the Home Office at once himself; this would have a great effect under the difficulties of the circumstances, would show that he was in earnest and determined to carry his Reform Measure. Lord John seemed hit by the idea, but asked for time to consider; after seeing Lady John, however, he declined.
Lord Aberdeen's fears are still mainly as to the Eastern Question, Lord John pressing for war measures. Lord Aberdeen had followed my advice, and had a long explanation on the subject, in which they both agreed that their policy should be one of Peace, and he thought matters settled when Lord John now asks for contingent engagements to make war on Russia if her forces cross the Danube (which Lord Aberdeen thinks quite uncalled for), and to convoy the Turkish expeditions in the Black Sea, even if directed against Russian territory, etc., etc. The Cabinet is certain not to agree to either of these propositions.
When Lord Aberdeen announced the intended rupture with Lord Palmerston to Lord John, he drily said: "Well, it would be very awkward for you if Palmerston quarrels one day with you about Reform, and I the next about Turkey!"
There can be no doubt that Lord Palmerston will at once try to put himself at the head of the late Protectionist party, and, with the present indifference of the Country upon Reform, the fate of the Bill is by no means certain. On the question of Peace or War, Lord Aberdeen is quite certain that the House of Commons will adopt no war resolutions.
Much will depend, however, on the line taken by Lord Lansdowne, who has great influence in the House of Lords, and whose secession would spread great alarm over the Country as to the real tendency of the Measure (which the Duke of Newcastle describes as in fact a great increase of power to the land35). We agree that the Queen should write to him to prevent any hasty step.
The Queen sanctioned the offer of the Home Office to Sir George Grey, and of a seat in the Cabinet to Mr Cardwell (the President of the Board of Trade).
Albert.
Footnote 35: I.e., the landed interest.
Queen Victoria to the Marquis of Lansdowne.
LORD LANSDOWNE AND REFORM
Osborne, 16th December 1853.
The Queen has been made very anxious by the Resignation of Lord Palmerston, but still more so by hearing that Lord Lansdowne has not been able to reconcile himself to the Measure of Reform as now proposed in the Cabinet, which has caused Lord Palmerston's withdrawal. Lord Lansdowne is aware of the paramount importance which the Queen attaches to a safe settlement of that question, and to the maintenance of her present Government; and she would press upon Lord Lansdowne not to commit himself to a final determination before she shall have an opportunity of seeing him. The Queen will go to Windsor on Thursday, and hold a Council on Friday, at which it may perhaps be convenient to Lord Lansdowne to attend, and it will give the Queen the greatest pleasure to find that Lord John Russell has succeeded in removing Lord Lansdowne's objections.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon.
LORD STRATFORD'S DESPATCH
Osborne, 17th December 1853.
The Queen returns the enclosed Draft and Despatch to Lord Clarendon.
She has never been so much perplexed respecting any decision she has had to make, as in the present instance. She has read Lord Stratford's Despatch (358) over several times, and she is struck, every time more, with the consummate ability with which it is written and argued; but also with the difficulty in which it places the person reading it to extract distinctly what the Porte will be prepared to concede.
The concluding passage of the Draft involves the most important consequences. As the Queen understands it, it promises war with Russia in a given contingency, but the contingency is: Russia rejecting terms which are "in their spirit and character such as Your Excellency sets forth in your Despatch." The Queen finds it impossible to make such tremendous consequences dependent upon such vague expressions. The more so, as "the spirit and character" alluded to, appears to her to be, as if purposely, obscure.
When Lord Stratford says, that the Turks would be satisfied "with a renewal in clear and comprehensive terms of the formal Declarations and Treaties already existing in favour of the Porte"—the Queen cannot understand what is meant—as all the former Treaties between Russia and Turkey have certainly not been in favour of the Porte. Nor is it clear to the Queen whether "the clear and unquestionable deliverance from Russian interference applied to spiritual matters" is compatible with the former treaties.
Whilst the Queen, therefore, perfectly agrees in the principle that, should Russia "for its own unjustifiable objects, show herself regardless of the best interests of Europe" by rejecting every fair term, the time will have arrived "for adopting measures of more active coercion against her"—she cannot sanction such a Declaration except on terms which are so clear in themselves as to exclude all misinterpretation.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon.
SINOPE
(Undated.)
The Queen has received Lord Clarendon's letter of the 19th, and enclosures. She approves the Draft to Vienna, and asks to have a copy of it, together with the Despatch from Lord Westmorland to which it refers.
She also approves of the Draft to Lord Cowley, with certain exceptions, viz., on the second page our accordance with the views of the French Government "upon the utterly unjustifiable course that Russia has pursued," etc., is stated. If, as the Queen must read it, this refers to the affair at Sinope,36 it is a dangerous assertion, as we have yet no authentic account of the circumstances of the case, which would make it possible to judge what degree of justification there might have been. The sentence should, at any rate, be qualified by some expression such as "as far as we know," or "should present accounts prove correct," etc.
The word "utterly" might under any circumstances be left out, as a state of War is in itself a justification of a battle.
On page four the words "by sea" will have to be added to make the statement precise and correct.
The concluding sentence, the Queen must consider as tantamount to a declaration of war, which, under the guarded conditions however attached to it, she feels she cannot refuse to sanction. It would, in the Queen's opinion, be necessary, however, distinctly and fully to acquaint the Russian Government with the step now agreed upon.
Lord Palmerston's mode of proceeding always had that advantage, that it threatened steps which it was hoped would not become necessary, whilst those hitherto taken, started on the principle of not needlessly offending Russia by threats, obliging us at the same time to take the very steps which we refused to threaten.
The Queen has to make one more and a most serious observation. The Fleet has orders now to prevent a recurrence of such disasters as that of Sinope. This cannot mean that it should protect the Turkish Fleet in acts of aggression upon the Russian territory, such as an attack on Sebastopol, of which the papers speak. This point will have to be made quite clear, both to Lord Stratford and the Turks.
The Queen would also wish to have copies of the Draft, when corrected, of Lord Cowley's Despatch.
Footnote 36: On the 30th of November the Russian Fleet from Sevastopol attacked the Turkish squadron in the harbour of Sinope, a naval station in the Black Sea, and destroyed it. The feeling in the country against Russia was greatly inflamed by the incident, which was referred to as the "massacre of Sinope."
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
PUBLIC FEELING
Windsor Castle, 25th December 1853.
Lord Aberdeen had an Audience of the Queen yesterday afternoon. He reported that some of his colleagues, Sir C. Wood, the Duke of Newcastle, and Mr Gladstone, had been very anxious that Lord Palmerston should be readmitted into the Cabinet; they had had interviews with him in which he had expressed his hope to be allowed to reconsider his step. Lady Palmerston had been most urgent upon this point with her husband. All the people best conversant with the House of Commons stated that the Government had no chance of going on with Lord Palmerston in opposition, and with the present temper of the public, which was quite mad about the Oriental Question and the disaster at Sinope. Even Sir W. Molesworth shared this opinion.
Lord Palmerston had written a letter to Lord Aberdeen, in which he begs to have his resignation considered as not having taken place, as it arose entirely from a misapprehension on his part, his having believed that none of the details of the Reform Measure were yet open for consideration, he had quite agreed in the principle of the Measure! Lord Aberdeen saw Lord John and Sir J. Graham, who convinced themselves that under the circumstances nothing else remained to be done. Lord Aberdeen having asked Lord John whether he should tell the Queen that it was a political necessity, he answered: "Yes, owing to the shabbiness of your colleagues," to which Lord Aberdeen rejoined: "Not shabbiness; cowardice is the word."
Lord Aberdeen owns that the step must damage the Government, although it ought to damage Lord Palmerston still more. Lord John's expression was: "Yes, it would ruin anybody but Palmerston."
Lord Aberdeen thinks, however, that he can make no further difficulties about Reform, and he, Lord John, and Graham were determined to make no material alterations in the Bill. Graham is suspicious lest the wish to get Palmerston in again, on the part of a section of the Cabinet, was an intrigue to get the Measure emasculated. Lord Aberdeen does not believe this....
Lord Aberdeen describes Lord John's feeling as very good and cordial towards him. He, Lord John, had even made him a long speech to show his gratitude for Lord Aberdeen's kindness to him.
Albert.
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
PALMERSTON RESUMES OFFICE
London, 26th December 1853.
Lord Aberdeen, with his most humble duty to your Majesty, has the honour of enclosing copies of Lord Palmerston's letter to him,37 and of his answer. Lord Aberdeen was not without some apprehension of receiving a rejoinder; but instead of which, a note arrived this morning, merely asking if a Cabinet was likely to be summoned in the course of the week, as he was going into the country; in fact, a note just as if nothing whatever has taken place!
Footnote 37: Lord Palmerston wrote: "I find ... that I was mistaken in inferring from your letter that the details of the intended Reform Bill had been finally settled by the Government, and that no objection to any part of those details would be listened to." He went on to say that, under the circumstances, he could not decline to comply with the wish of many members of the Government that he should withdraw his resignation.
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Printed by Hazell, Watson & Viney, Ld. London and Aylesbury. Paper supplied by John Dickinson & Co., Ld., London. |
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