FOOTNOTES:
[123] Bellings, vii. 37; Rushworth, vii. 1060; Carte’s Ormonde, ii. 24-31.
[124] Bellings, vii. 37-58, where the documents are all given. The episcopal declaration is dated April 27. Rinuccini’s Embassy, pp. 380-391. The printed declaration and protestation of Lord Inchiquin and his officers, dated May 6, 1648, attributes their action to the fact that the Independents had denied them supplies.
[125] Rinuccini’s Embassy, p. 393. The articles with Inchiquin in Confederation and War, vi. 235; the Excommunication in Aphorismical Discovery, i. 194; Bellings, vii. 69.
[126] O’Neill’s Journal; Bellings, vii. 98, 104; Aphorismical Discovery, i. 240.
[127] Walsh’s Remonstrance, xlvi.; the Queries, ib., appendix 1; Bellings, vii. 103-12; Inchiquin to Ormonde, May 29, 1648, in Carte’s Ormonde, iii.
[128] Bellings, vii. 104-108; O’Neill’s Journal, September, 1648.
[129] Documents in Contemporary Hist., i. 745-754, September and October, 1648.
[130] Carte’s Ormonde, ii. 39-41; the King to Ormonde, October 28, in Carte’s Original Letters; Ormonde to Sir R. Blake, Walker’s Discourses, p. 71.
[131] Rinuccini’s Embassy, August and September; Hardiman’s Hist. of Galway; Letter to the Pope, September 17, in Confederation and War, vi. 280; ib., 300.
[132] Hill’s Macdonnells of Antrim, pp. 278-303; Bellings, vii. 114; Carte’s Ormonde, ii. 42.
[133] Benn’s Hist. of Belfast, p. 122; Rushworth, vii. 1277, 1282, 1386; Lodge’s Peerage, vi. 244.
[134] Ormonde to the Prince of Wales from Cork, November 27, 1648, in Confederation and War, vii. 149; Carte’s Ormonde, iii. 44-47. On December 12, Digby reported, but without believing the story, that a ‘she correspondent’ of Jermyn had told him that Inchiquin had agreed with the Derby House Committee and promised to give up Ormonde, Carte MSS. vol. 63, f. 565.
[135] Articles of peace, proclamation of same, and circular of prelates, January 17, 1648-9, in Confederation and War, vii. 184-213. The Commissioners of Trust were Viscounts Dillon and Muskerry, Lord Athenry, Alexander MacDonnell (Antrim’s brother), Sirs Lucas Dillon, Nicholas Plunket, and Richard Barnewall, Geoffrey Brown, Donogh O’Callaghan, Turlagh O’Neill, Miles O’Reilly, and Gerald Fennell Esquires.
[136] Rinuccini’s Embassy, October 31, 1648; Sir Richard Blake to Rinuccini and to the town of Galway, October 19, with enclosure, in Confederation and War, vi. 294; Notes by Ormonde in Contemp. Hist. i. 756.
[137] Rinuccini’s Embassy, pp. 436, 467. The Pope’s words to Rinuccini, as reported by Father Roe to Peter Walsh, were Temerarie te gessisti,—Hist. of the Remonstrance, xxxiv. Castlehaven alludes to them, and may have had his information from either Roe or Walsh. Macmahon to the Pope in Spicilegium Ossoriense, i. 303; Robert Meynell to Hyde and Cottington, Rome, October 18, 1849, in Clarendon S.P., and Father Roe to Hyde, Nov. 27, ib.
[CHAPTER XXX]
RINUCCINI TO CROMWELL, 1649
Ormonde’s commanding position.
He tries to gain O’Neill.
O’Neill, Jones and Coote.
Having pacified the Confederates and driven away Rinuccini, Ormonde was now for the moment almost master of Ireland. If he could only regain Dublin before Cromwell was ready, the chances of war and politics might yet turn in the young King’s favour. He attempted to win over O’Neill, who had still 5000 foot and 300 horse, though many chiefs had deserted him and 2000 of his men had gone to Spain under O’Sullivan Bere. O’Neill was willing to accept the peace if he might be allowed 6000 foot and 800 horse at the expense of the country, but the Commissioners of Trust, with whom all such questions rested, would not agree to more than 4000 foot and 600 horse. When at last they yielded it was only on condition that the regiments of Sir Phelim O’Neill and others who had deserted the Ulster general should form part of the force. Suspecting ill-faith, Owen O’Neill turned to Jones and Monck, from whom he might expect a supply of powder, and the former actually sold him some. Ormonde then approached Michael Jones, but he refused to abandon those from whom he held his command. Coote professed himself ready to obey the King’s orders as soon as his Majesty was in a position to enable him to do so safely. He was, however, deserted by some of Sir Robert Stewart’s old officers, who seized Enniskillen, imprisoned Sir William Cole, and declared for the King. Ormonde pressed Charles to come to Ireland, but Scotch influences proved too strong.[138]
Charles II. proclaimed, February.
Ormonde and Jones.
Attitude of Jones.
Milton and the Ulster Scots.
The Scots a hired army.
Ormonde and Cromwell compared.
All the treaties with the Irish condemned.
Ormonde went to Cork early in February in order to communicate with Prince Rupert. At Youghal on his return he heard of the King’s execution, and immediately proclaimed Charles II. The same was done wherever his authority extended, and the new sovereign lost no time in renewing his commission as Lord Lieutenant with the fullest powers. His negotiations with O’Neill at this time had no result, but he had some hope that the King’s execution would detach Michael Jones from the Parliament. There was, he said, an evident intention to abolish monarchy, ‘unless their aim be first to constitute an elective kingdom and Cromwell or some such John of Leyden being elected then by the same force to establish a perfect Turkish tyranny.’ Nothing better could be expected from ‘the dregs and scum of the House of Commons picked and awed by the army,’ which was all that remained of the ancient constitution. Jones in his answer pointed out that the peace just concluded scarcely gave any protection to Protestants, and that none was to be expected from a Papist army. His business was not to meddle in affairs of State, but to carry out the work for which he was appointed. The intermeddling of Irish governors with English parties had always had the effect of weakening the colony, and Ormonde himself had provided a case in point by sending most of his English army across the channel, and thus very nearly abandoning Ireland to the rebels. The English interest could evidently only be preserved by the English, and it was upon that ground that he had surrendered Dublin to the Parliament, ‘from which clear principle I am sorry to see your lordship now receding.’ Jones said nothing either in approval or condemnation of the King’s execution, but he did not allow it to affect his action. The Scots in Ulster, while condemning it unreservedly, did not think it a reason for supporting Ormonde. The Presbytery of Belfast were chiefly anxious to overthrow the sectaries who had departed from the Solemn League and Covenant, and even showed an intention of tolerating all religions, even ‘paganism and Judaism.’ But they were scarcely less bitter against those who ‘combined themselves with Papists and other notorious malignants.’ Milton, who was just beginning his career as Latin secretary, was employed by the House of Commons to answer both Ormonde and the Ulster presbyters. With the latter he had little difficulty, for they admitted that Ireland was dependent upon England and not upon Scotland. ‘The Presbytery of Belfast, a small town in Ulster,’ said the poet, should have enough to do in overseeing their own flock, without meddling in affairs of State. The House of Commons were accused of seizing upon the King’s person, ‘but was he not surrendered into their hands an enemy and captive by their own subordinate and paid army of Scots in England?’ And Knox, who was the founder of Scotch presbytery, ‘taught professedly the doctrine of deposing and of killing kings.’ Ormonde on his part made a great mistake in comparing Cromwell to John of Leyden, for never was any man more unlike the Puritan chief than the polygamous scoundrel who had enjoyed a brief royalty at Münster. Cromwell, said Milton, had ‘done in few years more eminent and remarkable deeds whereon to found nobility in his house though it were wanting, and perpetual renown to posterity, than Ormonde and all his ancestors put together can show from any record of their Irish exploits, the widest scene of their glory.’ Dealing with the articles of the peace in greater detail than Jones had done, Milton shows that the Protestants of Ireland were really left at the mercy of those who were more or less responsible for the massacres. The cessation of 1643 and the abortive articles of 1646 were open to the same objection, but this last treaty went further in proposing to give an Irish Parliament power to repeal Poynings’ Act, and by abandoning the militia, ‘a trust which the King swore by God at Newmarket he would not commit to his Parliament of England, no, not for an hour.’ Nor did Milton omit to notice the article ‘more ridiculous than dangerous’ which provided for the repeal of laws against ploughing by the tail and burning in the straw, showing how ‘indocible and averse from all civility and amendment,’ the Irish rebels were.[139]
O’Neill and Monck.
They combine against Ormonde and Inchiquin.
O’Neill helps Coote.
George Monck was governor of Ulster for the Parliament. Being deserted by the Scots under Sir Robert Stewart and Sir George Monro, he found it hard to maintain himself, but he was able to victual Londonderry, Coleraine, Greencastle, and Lisburn. He himself lay at Dundalk, where he feared to be attacked on all sides. To keep O’Neill from joining with Ormonde was therefore his chief object. Sooner or later O’Neill would have had to accept the Lord Lieutenant’s overtures, for he was entirely cut off from the sea and had no other means of replenishing his stock of powder. Monck, who knew that help was coming from England, resolved to give the necessary powder on condition of an offensive and defensive alliance for three months, during which O’Neill bound himself to make no terms with Ormonde or Inchiquin or with any opponent of the Parliament. Each of these two silent men, who were soldiers and not politicians, thought the preservation of his army the first object. O’Neill was responsible to no one; but Monck took the precaution of reporting all he had done to Cromwell, who would understand the military argument, and see that political prudery was out of place in the midst of war. The immediate result of the treaty was to reduce the activity of the Scots by whom Londonderry was beset. Later on Coote followed Monck’s example, and O’Neill’s help enabled him to hold out until relief came from England. Ormonde, on the other hand, drove O’Neill out of Leinster, Maryborough, Athy, and other garrisons being taken by Castlehaven during the month of May.[140]
Ormonde before Dublin, June.
Rupert gave no help.
Inchiquin takes Drogheda, June 28.
Monck gives powder to O’Neill,
but Inchiquin captures it.
O’Neill relieves Londonderry.
On June 19 Ormonde, with 7000 foot and 3000 horse, advanced almost to the walls of Dublin, and fixed his camp at Finglas, about three miles north of the town, his tents being visible to the besieged. Jones had nearly as many foot, besides armed citizens, but only about 500 horse. Outside the capital Parliament now held only Drogheda, Trim, and Dundalk in Leinster. Jones had no hay or oats for horses and oxen, and was short of provisions, there being neither fish nor flesh in the market; but while the sea was open that was not likely to last, though a more enterprising general might perhaps have succeeded in a sudden attack. The army, however, as it turned out, was not a very good one, and doubtless Ormonde knew it. Rupert was at Kinsale with his piratical fleet, and Ormonde urged him to blockade Dublin, but the prince either could not or would not comply while the possibility existed, and after Blake’s arrival on May 22 even the possibility ceased. Pressed probably by want of forage Jones sent most of his cavalry to Drogheda, but they were attacked on the road by Inchiquin and suffered great loss. Inchiquin was then detached with 2000 foot and 1500 horse to beleaguer Drogheda, and on the 28th it capitulated. The garrison were allowed to go where they pleased, and a few joined Jones, but the greater part went over to Ormonde. O’Neill’s chief strength was at this time in Cavan and Monaghan, and at the beginning of May he held a provincial council at Belturbet, where it was decided to help Coote if he would give the necessary ammunition. This negotiation failed at the time, and in June O’Neill drew down with 3000 men to the neighbourhood of Dundalk, where he encamped. Monck was ready to give the powder if O’Neill would bring it off, and Colonel Ferral with the requisite carts and an escort of 500 men was sent on this duty. From the town to the camp was only about seven miles, and the road was open. Inchiquin found out what was going on, and sent Colonel Trevor with a strong body of horse to attack the convoy. The Irish soldiers had got drunk in Dundalk, and made but a poor resistance, so that the stores were captured and most of the escort killed or taken. O’Neill immediately fell back to Clones and renewed his negotiations with Coote, who was now willing to give thirty barrels of powder with sufficient match, and either three hundred beeves or 400l. in money. As soon as O’Neill approached Londonderry the Scots marched away, and the bulwark of the North was threatened no more. Inchiquin was left free to deal with Dundalk, which Monck had no idea of surrendering, had his men allowed him to hold it. But they were hungry, they were unpaid, and to their eyes it seemed that their chief was engaged in an unholy transaction with the authors of the Ulster massacre. Dundalk opened its gates and Monck was allowed to go where he pleased. He went to England to tell his own story.[141]
Ormonde encamps at Rathmines.
Inchiquin is detached to Munster.
Battle of Rathmines, August 2.
Total defeat of the Royalists.
After Drogheda and Dundalk were taken Ormonde crossed the Liffey and established his camp at Rathmines, leaving Lord Dillon at Finglas with a small force. On the same day Jones received a reinforcement of 1500 foot and 600 horse under Reynolds and Venables, and the chance of taking Dublin was proportionately diminished, for the garrison had become more numerous than the besieging army. ‘We had it,’ says Ormonde, ‘from many good hands out of England and from Dublin, that Cromwell was at the seaside ready to embark for this kingdom, and that his design was for Munster.’ Lest Cork, Kinsale, and Youghal should fall while Dublin was still untaken it was decided by a council of war to send Inchiquin to Munster with three regiments of horse. This proved fatal, but it was supposed that Cromwell meant to land the greater part of his army in the south, and his intention was made known by some who came in the ships which brought fresh troops to Jones. Ormonde realised that if he did not take Dublin before Cromwell came he was not likely to take it after. He diverted the conduit which brought the Dodder water from near Templeoge to Dublin, and thus stopped the mills, though there was still enough to drink from other sources. Wheat was selling in Dublin at 5l. 10s. a quarter and rye at 4l. 10s., yet the garrison would hardly starve while they had command of the river, but it was different with the horses who depended upon the grazing of the meadows between Trinity College and the mouth of the Dodder. Having first reduced Rathfarnham, which annoyed his rear, Ormonde decided to fortify Baggotrath Castle, which stood near the point where Waterloo Road now joins Upper Baggot Street, and thus deprive Jones’s cavalry of their supply of fodder. Soon after dark on the night of August 1 he sent Purcell with 1500 men to occupy the place, which had already been examined carefully, and he expected to find tenable entrenchments there in the morning. The distance was scarcely a mile, and Purcell had been at Baggotrath during the day; but he wandered about all night, and when the morning broke nothing had been done. This was attributed to the treachery of a guide, and Peter Walsh says Edmund O’Reilly, afterwards Archbishop of Armagh, had been engaged in conducting an intrigue between Owen O’Neill and Jones, and that he was guilty of betraying the camp at Rathmines. Ormonde sat up during the night to write despatches, but rode to Baggotrath with the first light. He found very little progress made with the entrenchments, while the garrison of Dublin were evidently on the alert and busily moving about under shelter of their works. Jones had 4000 foot and 1200 horse under arms, having at first no intention but to prevent the Royalists from establishing themselves on the shore, but the first encounter gradually developed into a general engagement, when the superior quality of the Parliamentarian troops soon became manifest. Expecting no attack, Ormonde had lain down to rest about nine o’clock, and some of his officers left their posts, so that the troops were partly surprised. He himself was roused by the firing about ten, and most of his men made but slight resistance, ‘many of them running away towards the hills of Wicklow, where some of them were bred, and whither they knew the way but too well.’ The fighting continued for about two hours and ended in a complete rout, the cavalry dispersing after the death of their commander, Sir William Vaughan. Jones’s loss in killed was not above twenty, and he reported that he had taken 2517 prisoners and that 4000 Royalists were killed; but the latter figure is doubtless much exaggerated. A vast quantity of arms and stores of all kinds fell into the victor’s hands. Ormonde escaped with very few followers, having totally failed to rally his broken regiments, but that portion of his army which had remained on the north bank of the Liffey escaped to Drogheda and Trim. Many of Inchiquin’s old soldiers afterwards took service with Jones, and not a few of Ormonde’s did the same, declaring with loud shouts that they would return to their own countrymen. Jones secured all the guns, and Ormonde lost his papers, besides ‘velvets, silk, scarlets, wines, grocery, and some convenient quantity of money.’ He went to Kilkenny, and a week after started for Drogheda with 300 horse. Jones, who had moved northwards to attack that town, thereupon withdrew into Dublin and awaited Cromwell’s arrival. Rathfarnham, Maynooth, and other strong places near Dublin fell into the victor’s hands, but Ormonde took Ballyshannon immediately after the battle, persuading the governor that Dublin had surrendered. When the truth was known Inchiquin’s soldiers in Munster began to desert and enter the Parliamentary ranks.[142]
Charles II. invited to Ireland.
But Scotch influences prevail.
The peace was signed on January 17, and on the 22nd Ormonde sent Lord Byron to invite the Prince of Wales to Ireland. If he could bring money and supplies with him he would be doubly welcome, but in any case his presence would be of the greatest value. All England and Scotland were either engaged in rebellion or subdued by the rebels, otherwise Ormonde would not have invited the Prince ‘so far from the more vital part of his hopes.’ Byron found Charles at the Hague nearly two months later surrounded by Scotch lords, who were for the most part opposed to an Irish venture, though Montrose strongly favoured it. On his way through Paris Byron had seen Henrietta Maria, who thought the change of her son’s condition from prince to king ‘an argument rather to hasten than retard his repair thither.’ Charles himself was anxious to go, but he had no money and the States would give none unless he would go to Scotland and take the Covenant. Among the Scots the extreme Presbyterians even insisted on his parting with Montrose. The idea of going to Ireland was not abandoned for some months, but the means were wanting, and Charles spent some time at St. Germains, where he divided his attentions between Lucy Walter and Mademoiselle de Montpensier. He reached Jersey in the middle of September, and there heard for the first time of the defeat at Rathmines. Henry Seymour, who carried a garter for Ormonde, was sent to find out how things were really going in Ireland, but the news of the fall of Drogheda and of Cromwell’s progress arrived before he could start. When he reached Ireland he found Ormonde still anxious for the King’s appearance, but he must have seen that the cause was hopeless. Seymour was back in Jersey about the end of January 1650, and Charles left the island, which he had found intolerably dull, about a fortnight later. He went to Breda to make arrangements for becoming a covenanted King of Scotland and for denouncing Ormonde’s treaty with the Irish Confederates, with which he had before declared himself highly satisfied.[143]
Prince Rupert at Kinsale.
His behaviour in Ireland.
Blockaded by Blake.
Prince Rupert left Helvoetsluys January 21, 1649, with ‘three flagships, four frigates and one prize ... in company with the Amsterdam, a Dutch ship of 1000 tons, and two others of less burden.’ His own second-rate had but forty sailors and eighty soldiers instead of the normal complement of 300. The frigates, whose business it was to prey upon merchantmen, were a little better manned. The Duke of York was invited to sail with this fleet, but Hyde says he was dissuaded by ‘his old Presbyterian counsellors.’ Rupert was blown as far as Crookhaven, but by the end of the month he had collected his ships at Kinsale. Fanshawe was at hand to receive such part of the expected plunder as might help to fill the exiled King’s exchequer, and Hyde impressed upon him the importance of maintaining friendly relations between Rupert and Ormonde. The Prince of Wales wrote to the same effect, but Rupert preferred to play an obscure game of his own and to intrigue with Antrim, O’Neill, and the Irish generally against the Lord Lieutenant. As a sea-rover he was at first successful enough, keeping a squadron at Scilly, which had revolted from the Parliament, and announcing his intention to make a second Venice of the little archipelago. A great many prizes were taken, but Rupert lost one frigate, taken at sea by Parliamentarian cruisers. His great difficulty was want of men, but he picked them up wherever he could about the Irish coast in sufficient numbers to man some extra ships. The depredations upon commerce lasted until May, when a powerful fleet under Deane, Popham, and Blake came before Kinsale. Towards the end of June Rupert made a show of attempting to break through the blockade, but had to draw back without fighting. He had greatly strengthened the fortifications at the harbour’s mouth, which prevented the republican squadron from entering. Then provisions and crews began to dwindle again, and nothing more was attempted throughout the summer. In October Blake was driven off the coast by a storm. Rupert seized the opportunity to slip out, and Ireland knew him no more. His presence at Kinsale had no real influence on events.[144]
Cromwell sent to Ireland.
Broghill persuaded to serve.
When there had been a difficulty about getting soldiers for Ireland in the spring of 1647 the officers in Saffron Walden church, had shouted ‘Fairfax and Cromwell and we all go.’ Skippon was chosen, much against his will, but he never crossed the channel. It was not till March 1649 that Cromwell was appointed, and he hesitated to accept the command. He was ready to go where Parliament sent him, but could hope for no success unless the soldiers were satisfied as to their pay and arrears. He was much impressed with the importance of reducing Ireland, lest England should be attacked by Presbyterians and Papists at once. He would rather see the Cavaliers triumphant than the Scots, but a predominant Irish interest would be the most dangerous of all. The money difficulties were got over, and it was decided to send 12,000 men to Ireland, the regiments casting lots for the danger or honour. No individual was forced to go against his will, but those who refused were dismissed from the army, and their places easily filled by volunteers. The troubles with the Levellers followed, and it was not till July that Cromwell was ready to start. His first idea was to land in Munster, where the allegiance of Inchiquin’s troops was known to be shaken, but reinforcements were sent to Jones, which enabled him to win the battle of Rathmines. In the meantime Broghill, who had been for some time inactive and thought of joining Charles abroad, was gained over by Cromwell on the understanding that he was expected to fight only against the Irish.[145]
Cromwell leaves London, July 10.
Lands at Dublin, August 15.
On July 10 Cromwell left London ‘in very noble equipage, with coaches and six horses apiece, his lifeguard of eighty, who had all been officers, and a great number of attendants.’ Many well-wishers accompanied him as far as Brentford. It was fifty years and a few weeks since Essex had started on his ill-fated expedition with the same title of Lord Lieutenant. Cromwell was at Bristol four days later, where he spent some days with his wife and other members of his family. A hundred thousand pounds, the want of which had doubtless caused this delay, was despatched at the end of the month, and he then pushed on to Milford Haven, where he saw Monck, who probably dissuaded him from going with his whole force to Munster. Cromwell was on board ship on August 13, and ‘as sea-sick,’ says Hugh Peters, ‘as ever I saw a man in my life,’ but before sailing he had the news of Rathmines, which he described as ‘an astonishing mercy.’ He reached Dublin two days later, with about 3000 men in thirty-five vessels. Ireton, with a second and stronger division, contained in seventy-seven ships, went as far as the mouth of Youghal harbour, where he, perhaps, expected a welcome; but the pear was not yet ripe, and he was soon driven by stress of weather to Dublin. By the middle of September the whole force was assembled in and about the Irish capital.[146]