Ireland under the Stuarts and During the Interregnum, Vol. 2 (of 3), 1642-1660

by Richard Bagwell

FOOTNOTES:

[138] Carte’s Ormonde, iii. 55-65; Owen O’Neill to Ormonde, March 24, 1648-9; to Plunket and Barnewall, March 25; Relation from Ireland, April 13—all in Contemp. Hist. of Affairs.

[139] Observations on the Articles of Peace, May 1649, in Milton’s prose works, Bohn’s ed. ii. 139. The articles with Ormonde’s and Jones’s letters and the Representation of the Belfast Presbytery are given in full.

[140] Agreement between Monck and O’Neill, May 8, 1649, with other papers, reprinted in Contemp. Hist. ii. 216 sqq.

[141] O’Neill’s Journal; Monck’s letters ut sup.; The Present Condition of Dublin (two letters), London, June 22, 1649.

[142] Ormonde’s account is in a letter to the King, August 8, and in one to Lord Byron, September 29, Carte’s Original Letters, ii. 392, 407; and see his answer to the Jamestown prelates, October 2, 1650, in appendix 48 to Cox’s Hibernia Anglicana. Colonel John Moore to Fairfax, August 4, Egerton MSS. 2618, f. 36. Jones’s account, dated August 6, is in Cary’s Memorials of the Civil War, ii. 159; Clarendon’s account is virtually Ormonde’s, Hist. of the Rebellion, Ireland, pp. 77-79; Walsh’s Hist. of the Remonstrance, p. 609; the account given by Bellings, vii. 127, does not differ materially from Clarendon’s. The discipline of Ormonde’s heterogeneous army was probably bad. The author of the Aphorismical Discovery, ii. 102, says the Lord Lieutenant ‘kept rather a mart of wares, a tribunal of pleadings, or a great inn of play, drinking, and pleasure, than a well-ordered camp of soldiers.’ For the topography of the battle I have used Mr. Ellington Ball’s article in the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, vol. xxxii. For the plunder taken see Contemp. Hist. iii. 158, and a version of Jones’s account rather fuller than that given by Cary in Z. Grey’s Examination of Neal, iv. appendix 6. As to the state of the garrison see Two Great Fights in Ireland, London, 1649, and a Bloody Fight at Dublin, July 4.

[143] Ormonde to the Prince of Wales, January 22, 1648-9, in appendix to Carte’s Ormonde, No. 601; Lord Byron to Ormonde, March 30 and April 1, 1649, N.S., in Carte’s Original Letters, i. 237, and October 12, ib. 319; Charles II. to Ormonde, February 2, 1649-50, in Carte’s Ormonde, i. 108.

[144] MS. quoted in Warburton’s Life of Rupert, iii. 281; Hyde to Fanshawe, January 21, 1648-9, ib. 279; Rupert’s letter of April 12, ib. 288; Prince of Wales to Ormonde, Carte MSS. vol. lxiii. f. 570; letters of Blake and Deane, May 22, July 10, Leyborne-Popham Papers, pp. 17-21; Carte’s Ormonde, ii. 65; Relation taken at Havre, April 13, 1649, printed from the Clarendon MSS. in Contemp. Hist. ii. 204, where it is noted that Rupert had met Ormonde at Cork; Sir W. Penn’s Memorials, i. 291.

[145] Cromwell’s speech to the officers is in Clarke Papers, ii. 200, and in the appendix to the new edition of Carlyle. For the episode of the Levellers, which hardly belongs to Irish history, see Gardiner’s Commonwealth, chap. 2, and as to Broghill, ib. i. 106.

[146] It is evident from the dates collected in Gardiner’s Commonwealth, i. 115, 116, that Monck went from London to Milford and back again between August 1 and 10. Cromwell’s letter to his daughter Dorothy, August 13, ‘aboard the John’; Robert Coytmor to Popham, August 25; Blake to same, September 10; Deane to same, September 14, in Leyborne-Popham Papers, Hist. MSS. Comm.

[CHAPTER XXXI]
CROMWELL IN IRELAND, 1649

Reception of Cromwell in Dublin, August 1649.

He restores discipline.

Civil liberty for peaceful people.

Jones had pretty well cleared Dublin of all but Protestants, and it is, therefore, not surprising that the new Lord Lieutenant was received with much rejoicing. He made a speech, of which no full report is extant, promising favour and reward to all who helped ‘against the barbarous and bloodthirsty Irish, and all their adherents and confederates, for the propagating of the Gospel of Christ, the establishing of truth and peace, and restoring of this bleeding nation of Ireland to its former happiness and tranquillity.’ And the people shouted ‘We will live and die with you.’ When he had had a week to look about him, he found that profane swearing and drunkenness were prevalent, and issued a declaration to the citizens against them. These offences were forbidden both by civil and military law, and all officers and soldiers were ordered under the severest penalties to co-operate with the mayor in suppressing them. A separate declaration to the army recited the too frequent practice of ‘abusing, robbing, pillaging, and executing cruelties upon the country people.’ He was resolved, he said, to put down such wickedness by the most stringent enforcement of the articles of war, and officers found negligent would be cashiered. A free market was granted to all in every garrison, and ready money was to be always paid. A general protection was granted till January 1, during which time the inhabitants of the country would have time to make up their minds. Those who intended to plough and sow were to apply to the Attorney-General or other authorised persons for further protection. Some officers who appeared incorrigible were actually got rid of, and proper discipline was henceforth established.[147]

The garrison of Drogheda.

Sir Arthur Aston.

Cromwell’s advance.

Ormonde’s first care when he had rallied after Rathmines was to garrison Drogheda with about 2000 foot and 300 horse, the flower of his remaining force, and to victual it for a long siege. Ludlow and Bate say the majority of the garrison were English, but this has been denied by modern critics, and there is really no satisfactory evidence on the point. The choice of a Roman Catholic governor may be thought to indicate that the defenders were mainly Irish, but Sir Arthur Aston had been governor of Oxford under the late King’s immediate eye, and no Royalist would be likely to take offence at his appointment. Wood says he brought ‘the flower of the English veterans’ to Ireland. Aston was a brave soldier, and had made a good defence of Reading against Essex, but he was an unpopular man, and Clarendon, who was at Oxford during his command there, has little good to say of him. He lost a leg from the effects of a fall ‘when curvetting on horseback in Bullingdon Green before certain ladies.’ At Drogheda he had much trouble with ladies who insisted on corresponding with Jones. A boy was employed to carry letters, ‘whom, I fear, is of too small a size to be hanged.’ Ormonde did not think there was any serious plot, expressing an opinion that ‘woman is given much to make little factions.’ On September 2, Aston sent out men to seize the neighbouring castles, but Cromwell’s advanced parties were beforehand with him, and no outlying obstacle could be raised against his main body. Next day the infantry made its appearance with some small field-pieces, and the Boyne was forded at Oldbridge, but the garrison sallied forth and drove them back. In announcing this small success to Ormonde the governor hoped ‘shortly to understand of his Excellency’s march with a gallant army.’[148]

Siege of Drogheda, Sept. 3-11.

The town carried by storm.

No quarter.

An avenger of blood.

On August 31 Cromwell mustered a field force consisting of eight regiments of foot and six of horse, with some dragoons, in a field three miles north of Dublin. He marched next day and encamped next night at Ballygarth on the Nanny River, very near Julianstown, where the English forces had been routed eight years before. On September 3, Cromwell’s lucky day, he was close to Drogheda, where there was a week’s delay before the batteries could be got ready, and the heavy guns landed below the town. On the 7th, Aston made a successful sally, but without in any way interrupting the assailants’ preparations. On the morning of the 10th Cromwell summoned the town in the name of Parliament. ‘To the end,’ he wrote, ‘effusion of blood may be prevented, I thought fit to summon you to deliver the same into my hands to their use. If this be refused you will have no cause to blame me.’ Aston did refuse, and a cannonade was opened against the south-east angle of the town, one battery being against the east, and the other against the south side of St. Mary’s Church. The steeple fell, but the breach did not prove practicable until the next day. Some of the siege guns carried shot of sixty-four pounds weight, and the cannon of the defenders must have been quite overmatched. No regular approaches were necessary, and about five on the second day the breach was assaulted. The stormers were repulsed once, according to Cromwell and Ludlow, twice according to Royalist accounts. The general entered the breach himself at the head of a reserve of infantry, who carried the church and some trenches which the defenders had made inside the walls. These inner works really helped the assailants, for they prevented Aston from using his cavalry. The bank was too steep for the English horse, but the foot soldiers seized the entrenchments and drove a large part of the garrison ‘into the Mill-mount, a place very strong and of difficult access, being exceeding high, having a good graft and strongly palisaded; the governor, Sir Arthur Aston, and divers considerable officers being there, our men getting up to them were ordered by me to put all to the sword; and, indeed, being in the heat of action, I forbade them to spare any that there were in arms in the town.’ This is Cromwell’s own account, and he estimates the slain at about 2000. A part of the defenders were driven across the bridge and as far as St. Sunday’s Gate, at the far end of the town, where a tower was occupied, as was another near the west gate. About a hundred took refuge in St. Peter’s Church tower, which was fired by Cromwell’s orders. The parties near the two gates surrendered next day, and in one case, where fatal shots had been fired, ‘the officers were knocked on the head, and every tenth man of the soldiers killed and the rest shipped for the Barbadoes; the soldiers in the other tower were all spared as to their lives only, and shipped likewise for the Barbadoes. I am persuaded that this is a righteous judgment of God upon these barbarous wretches, who have imbrued their hands in so much innocent blood, and that it will tend to prevent the effusion of blood for the future, which are the satisfactory grounds to such actions, which otherwise cannot but work remorse and regret.’ Sir Arthur Aston was known to be fond of money, and it was rumoured that much was hidden in his wooden leg. This turned out not to be the case, but 200 gold pieces were found in his belt. According to Wood’s account he was actually despatched with this wooden leg. Several friars were in the town, and they were all killed. That some others of the slain were not soldiers is at least highly probable, for Cromwell himself mentions ‘many inhabitants,’ and in this the case of Drogheda does not differ from a hundred others, in which no special blame rests on the general. Ormonde says not a word about women having suffered; but Bate, who was not in Ireland, states in a book published in the following year that ‘there was not any great respect had to either sex.’ The stories attributed to Thomas Wood, the great antiquary’s brother, rest entirely on hearsay evidence, and Thomas was a noted buffoon.[149]

The carnage lasted for two days.

Richard Talbot.

Demoralisation of Ormonde’s followers.

That a garrison duly summoned should be put to the sword after the storming of their works was not contrary to the laws of war in those days. Ormonde speaks of ‘the book of Martyrs, and the relation of Amboyna,’ but the case of Magdeburg would have been more to the point. Ludlow says ‘The slaughter was continued all that day and the next, which extraordinary severity, I presume, was used to discourage others from making opposition,’ but he says nothing more, though he did not love Cromwell. ‘And truly I believe,’ wrote Oliver to Bradshaw, ‘this bitterness will save much effusion of blood.’ The charge that many were killed after quarter given may be founded on fact, but if quarter was anywhere promised it was by persons not authorised to give it, for Cromwell himself says that he forbade it immediately after entering the town. English and Irish alike were treated as accomplices in the Ulster massacre, though very few even of the latter could have had anything to say to it. Among those who escaped was Cornet Richard Talbot, afterwards Duke of Tyrconnel, who owed his safety to the humanity of Colonel John Reynolds. According to Hugh Peters the total number slain was 3552, the loss to the Parliamentarians being only sixty-four, while Cromwell estimates his killed at under a hundred, but with many wounded. Aston expected to be relieved, and was himself expected to hold out much longer. He complained that ammunition ran out fast, but it was certainly not exhausted when Cromwell forced the place, and Ormonde expressly states that there was enough for a long siege. He was not in a position to do anything, though he had about 3000 men, for they were demoralised by the Rathmines disaster, and decreased daily, either by going to their own homes, ‘or by the revolt of some officers and many private soldiers, the rest showing such dejection of courage, and upon all occasions of want, which are very frequent with us, venting their discontent in such dangerous words, that it was held unsafe to bring them within that distance of the enemy, as was necessary to have kept him united, and consequently, one side of the town open to receive continual supplies.’ As many as forty-three troopers deserted in one batch. Colonel Mark Trevor, with a strong party of horse, was in charge of ammunition and provisions at Ardee, but was unable to approach Drogheda on the north side.[150]

Ormonde’s treaty with O’Neill, Oct. 20.

Terms of their agreement.

Even before the loss of Drogheda, Ormonde saw clearly that his only chance was in an alliance with Owen Roe O’Neill, who could still dispose of 6000 foot and 500 horse. He wrote to him immediately after the battle of Rathmines, and a few days later sent John Leslie, Bishop of Raphoe, and Audley Mervyn to confer with him. They were followed by the ubiquitous Daniel O’Neill, who was believed to have influence with his silent uncle. Immediately before the attack on Drogheda, Charles II. wrote from St. Germains to the Irish general, urging him to return to his allegiance, and Father Thomas Talbot, an elder brother of the more famous Richard, was sent by him to Ireland. Talbot was directed by Ormonde to carry his letters to Owen O’Neill, along with others for his nephew, ‘and to proceed by the said Daniel his advice and direction, and not otherwise.’ The negotiations ended in a treaty, but this was not concluded until October 20, and a great deal had happened in the meantime. The terms finally agreed upon were that the Kilkenny peace should include Ulster, and that O’Neill should be general of that province with 6000 foot and 800 horse. In case of his death or removal, the provincial nobility and gentry were to nominate a successor for the approval of the King’s Lord Lieutenant. A part of the Ulster army co-operated with Ormonde, but O’Neill was already ill and unable to lead them himself after the capture of Drogheda.[151]

Dundalk and Trim abandoned

Carlingford, Newry, Lisburn, and Belfast taken.

Coleraine taken.

Death of O’Neill, Nov. 6.

His last letter to Ormonde.

His character.

Ormonde had given directions to burn and abandon Dundalk and Trim, but the garrisons fled in too great haste, leaving their guns behind them. Having secured these important places Cromwell sent Venables to join Coote, while he turned his own steps southwards. Carlingford, which contained the largest magazine in Ulster, capitulated after some well-directed shots had been fired at Captain Fern’s frigate; seven cannon and a thousand muskets, with much powder and many pikes, fell into the victor’s hands. Newry also surrendered on articles. At Lisburn, Trevor with his cavalry surprised Venables’ camp by night and very nearly gained a complete victory, but the trained soldiers soon recovered from their panic, and re-formed in a position where horsemen could not reach them. Trevor had to fall back as far as the Bann, and Belfast capitulated soon afterwards, leaving guns and powder to the enemy. A large number of the Scotch inhabitants were driven out. Coote made himself master of Coleraine, and by the end of November Ormonde reported that Carrickfergus, Charlemont, and Enniskillen were the only considerable Ulster garrisons still in Royalist hands. Before that time Owen Roe O’Neill had died at Cloughoughter, in Cavan. In the previous May he had likened Ormonde to Baal, and rejoiced that he was one of those who had not bowed the knee; but he saw clearly that it would be necessary to join either the King’s or the Parliament’s party, though opposed to both, unless help came from abroad. He was driven to extremity, and could not otherwise support his army, which he regarded as the last hope of Ireland. It was with this object that he had dealings with Coote, Monck, and Jones, and was driven finally to unite with Ormonde, to whom he wrote only five days before his death. ‘Being now in my death-bed,’ he wrote, ‘I call my Saviour to witness that, as I hope for salvation, my resolution, ways, and intentions from first to last of these unhappy wars tended to no particular ambition or private interest of my own, notwithstanding what was or may be thought to the contrary, but truly and sincerely to the preservation of my religion, the advancement of his Majesty’s service, and just liberties of this nation, whereof, and of my particular reality and willingness to serve your Excellency (above any other in this kingdom), I hope that God will permit me to give ample and sufficient testimony in the view of the world ere it be long.’ He concludes by recommending his son Henry to Ormonde’s care. As a soldier all accounts agree in praising O’Neill, whose word was always kept, and who is not charged with any acts of cruelty or unnecessary severity. Of his patriotism there can be no doubt, but of Ireland as a separate nation he seems to have had no definite idea. He was a Royalist, and his natural leaning would have been towards Ormonde as the special representative of the Crown. But he was above all things attached to the religion of Rome, and Rinuccini’s ban weighed heavily upon him. It was this that separated him so long from his natural ally, while it did not prevent him from helping Monck and Coote. ‘The Bishop of Raphoe and Sir Nicholas Plunket,’ wrote Daniel O’Neill, ‘have agreed upon an expedient about the excommunication which has so troubled that superstitious old uncle of mine in his sickness that I could render him to no reason.’ The expedient was a letter signed by Plunket and Barnewall on behalf of the nuncio’s opponents in the late Confederation, who agreed to petition the Pope to remove his censure, and also to write a sort of apology ‘in a loving and friendly manner’ to Rinuccini himself.[152]

Siege of Wexford, Oct. 1-11.

Ulster troops in the town

Proposals of the governor.

Terms offered by Cromwell

After a few days’ rest in Dublin, Cromwell marched towards Wexford. Fortified posts near Delgany, at Arklow, ‘which was the first seat and honour of the Marquis of Ormonde’s family,’ and at Limerick, ‘the ancient seat of the Esmonds,’ were taken without firing a shot. Ferns and Enniscorthy also surrendered without resistance, and on October 1 the army came before Wexford, where there was a garrison under Colonel David Synnott, who was an old adherent of Preston, and therefore not very popular with the townsmen, who had favoured the nuncio. Two days later a summons was sent in the usual terms ‘to the end effusion of blood may be prevented,’ and Synnott was willing to parley, but Cromwell refused any truce during negotiations, ‘because our tents are not so good a covering as your houses.’ It was arranged that four persons should come out under safe conduct, but while Cromwell was expecting them Castlehaven managed to introduce 1500 Ulster foot on the north side of the town, and Synnott then changed his mind. The safe conduct was withdrawn, and in the meantime Jones led a party of horse and foot round to the long point of Rosslare, at the end of which was a fort whose defenders at once took to the water and were all captured by the Parliamentary fleet. The weather was rough, and it took some days to land the siege train, but all was ready by the evening of the 10th. The battery was placed at the south-east corner of the town opposite the castle, which was outside the wall, Cromwell seeing that if it was once taken the town could make little further resistance. After nearly a hundred shots had been fired, ‘the governor’s stomach came down,’ and he sent out four representatives on safe conduct with written propositions, which Cromwell forwarded to Lenthall ‘for their abominableness, manifesting also the impudency of the men.’ The principal demands were that the inhabitants should for ever have liberty publicly to profess and practise the Roman Catholic religion, retaining all the churches and religious houses without interference, that Bishop French and his successors should have full jurisdiction in the diocese of Ferns, that the garrison should march out with flying colours, and be escorted to Ross with all their arms and other possessions, and that the townsmen should be guaranteed their municipal privileges, lives, and properties. Cromwell engaged to protect the civilians, to give private soldiers leave to go home, ‘with their wearing clothes,’ on condition of bearing arms no more against Parliament, and to spare the lives of the officers, they remaining prisoners of war.[153]

Dissensions among the garrison.

The castle surrendered.

Great slaughter after the assault.

Considering the state of affairs, Cromwell’s terms were not very hard, but there were divided counsels in Wexford. Synnott did not command confidence, and Ormonde, who appeared near the river, sent Sir Edmund Butler to supersede him with a further relief of 500 men. There was no truce during negotiations, and Captain James Stafford, who commanded in the castle, was so much alarmed that he surrendered his post before Synnott’s answer was given. The men on the nearest part of the town wall were panic-stricken when they saw what had happened, and the Cromwellians scrambled over the battlements with the help of their pikes. Sir Edmund Butler had just arrived, but had no time to ferry over his men, and was killed by a shot while attempting to rejoin them by swimming. Barricades and cables had been drawn across the streets, and the passage of the assailants was hotly disputed by the garrison and by many armed citizens. The final contest was in the market-place, and the total number slain between soldiers and townsfolk was not far short of 2000. The loss of the besiegers was trifling, perhaps not more than twenty. For this slaughter Cromwell is not personally liable as he is for Drogheda, and he expresses some regret for it, but not very much. He mentions two instances in which, as he was informed, the Wexford people showed little mercy to others. ‘About seven or eight score poor Protestants were put by them into an old vessel, which being, as some say, bulged by them, the vessel sank, and they were all presently drowned in the harbour. The other was thus: they put divers Protestants into a chapel (which since they have used for a mass-house, and in which one or more of their priests were now killed), where they were famished to death.’ A very large number of guns and several valuable ships were taken. As at Drogheda, little or no mercy was shown to priests or friars, the deaths of seven Franciscans being particularly recorded. As to the tradition of 300 women being slaughtered, the story first appears in Macgeohegan’s history, published in 1758, and Bishop French, writing in 1673, made no mention of anything of the kind. A contemporary account says ‘There was more sparing of lives of the soldiery part of the enemy here than at Drogheda.’ An empty town remained in the victors’ hands.[154]

New Ross taken, Oct. 19.

Cromwell on liberty of conscience.

Inchiquin’s men join Cromwell.

Less than a week after the capture of Wexford, Cromwell marched to New Ross, on the right bank of the Barrow, below its junction with the Nore. There was then no bridge, and Ormonde with Castlehaven and Lord Montgomery of Ards were able to ferry over 2500 men into the town, many of them under Cromwell’s very eyes. The governor was Lucas Taaffe, who made some show of resistance when Cromwell appeared and sent the usual summons ‘to avoid effusion of blood.’ Two days later a breach was effected, and Colonel Ingoldsby was chosen by lot to lead the stormers. Taaffe knew very well that the case was hopeless, and accepted the very liberal terms offered. The garrison were to march away with colours flying and with their arms, leaving the artillery behind, and ‘protection from the injury and violence of the soldiers’ was guaranteed to the inhabitants. Those who wished to depart with their goods were given three months to think it over. ‘For what you mention,’ wrote Cromwell, ‘concerning liberty of conscience, I meddle not with any man’s conscience, but if by liberty of conscience you mean a liberty to exercise the mass, I judge it best to use plain dealing, and to let you know, where the Parliament of England have power, that will not be allowed of.’ He told Lenthall that there was nothing to prevent the garrison from recrossing the river without his leave. About 500 English soldiers of the garrison, many of them from Munster, here joined Cromwell, as they had probably been long anxious to do. There was a considerable delay after this, for Oliver was determined before moving to make a satisfactory bridge for access to Kilkenny and the interior generally. Before the work was completed Cork and Youghal surrendered, and Inchiquin’s once formidable army practically ceased to exist.[155]

Broghill adheres to Cromwell.

Broghill and Inchiquin.

Cork, Kinsale, and Youghal join Cromwell. November.

Lord Broghill had played a very important part in the earlier years of the civil war, his last considerable exploit being the relief of Youghal in September 1645. He was never on very cordial terms with Inchiquin, but could work with him as the champion of the Protestant interest in Munster. The scene changed when Inchiquin deserted the Parliament, and Ormonde was fain to ally himself with the Kilkenny Confederates. Broghill retired to Marston Bigot in Somersetshire, which his father had bought for him, and waited there for the times to disentangle themselves. The execution of Charles I. seems to have been too much for him, and the Royalist idea prevailed so far that he was preparing to go to Spa, nominally for the gout, but really to be within reach of Charles II. According to the Rev. Thomas Morrice, who is the sole and not very trustworthy authority for this passage of Broghill’s life, Cromwell visited him at this juncture, and offered him his choice between the Tower and a general’s command in Ireland. He accepted the latter on the understanding that he was not expected to fight against any but the Irish. It is at all events certain that he was with Cromwell not very long after his arrival in Ireland, and that he told Inchiquin that he served upon some such terms and would be glad to do him personal service, ‘though, perhaps, I might not believe it.’ The promise of a general’s commission is doubtful from what Ludlow says, but work was soon found for Broghill, who, in Cromwell’s own words had ‘a great interest in the men that came from Inchiquin.’ At the beginning of November 1649, he was at Cork and Youghal as a commissioner for Munster, along with Sir William Fenton, the two famous seamen Blake and Deane, and Colonel Phaire, who was on duty at the late King’s execution. The military authority was at first in Phaire’s hands, but a troop of reformadoes—that is, unemployed officers—was given to Broghill, and before Christmas he was in command of at least 1200 horse. Kinsale was the first Munster garrison to declare for Cromwell; Cork soon followed, and commissioners from the English inhabitants were with him before he left Ross. Their first request, ‘out of a sense of the former good service and tender care of the Lord of Inchiquin to and for them,’ was that he should enjoy his estate and have his arrears paid up to the last peace, and that an Act of oblivion should be passed in his favour. This article Cromwell refused to answer, but promised that Inchiquin’s defection should not be remembered to their prejudice, and that their charter should be renewed in its old form. Similar terms were given to the Youghal people, who abstained by Broghill’s advice from making any conditions. He informed Cromwell that he and his colleagues were received at Youghal ‘with all the real demonstrations of gladness an overjoyed people were capable of.’[156]

Inchiquin attempts a diversion,

but is defeated.

After the capture of Ross Cromwell lay there for about a month, his men being occupied in making a bridge of boats over the Barrow, below its junction with the Nore. He ordered the invalided soldiers in Dublin to march along the coast to Wexford, which they did to the number of 1200, of whom nearly one-third were cavalry. Many of them were but imperfectly recovered. At Glascarrig near Cahore Inchiquin set upon them with a greatly superior force, the detachment sent to meet them not arriving in time. ‘But it pleased God,’ says Cromwell, ‘we sent them word by a nearer way, to march close and be circumspect,’ so that they were not entirely surprised. Inchiquin overtook their rear, but the passage was narrow between high sand-hills and the sea, so that the number of his cavalry was of comparatively little advantage. After a sharp fight the Dublin party were victorious, and pursued Inchiquin’s men for a short distance, after which they proceeded to Wexford without further molestation. Not many fell on either side, but Colonel Trevor, who had showed so much enterprise as a cavalry leader, was dangerously wounded.[157]

The bridge at Ross.

Carrick-on-Suir taken.

Cromwell was very ill during a part of his stay at Ross, but the bridge greatly impressed the Irish with a sense of his power as Cæsar’s had impressed the Germans in an earlier age. ‘A stupendous work,’ says the author of the ‘Aphorismical Discovery,’ ‘for there were two main rivers, Nore and Barrow, joining there unto one bed, and the sea-tide passing over the town in the said rivers six or seven miles, he was building this bridge upon this swift and boisterous-running tide-water with barrels, planks, casks and cables.’ Ormonde had a superior force in the neighbourhood, but the dissensions between his officers and between the English and Irish elements of his army made it impossible to risk a pitched battle. Taaffe made an unsuccessful attempt to destroy the unfinished bridge, and Cromwell lost no time in fortifying Rosbercon, on the Kilkenny bank. Ireton and Jones occupied Inistioge without fighting, but found the bridge at Thomastown broken down and the walled town garrisoned, while the bulk of Ormonde’s army retired towards Kilkenny. The road into Tipperary was, however, open from Inistioge, and Reynolds was detached with a body of cavalry to Carrick-on-Suir. While he was parleying with the garrison at one gate, a part of his men surprised the other and took more than a hundred prisoners, the remainder escaping in boats over the Suir. The castle, ‘one of the ancientest seats belonging to the Lord of Ormonde,’ made no further resistance, and Cromwell with the main body of his army, having taken Knocktopher by the way, passed through Carrick towards Waterford, which he summoned on November 21.[158]

Siege of Waterford Nov.-Dec.

Castlehaven relieves Duncannon,

but is refused admission to Waterford.

Waterford was unassailable from the left bank of the Suir, and Cromwell, like Mountjoy before him, had to cross at Carrick. Before the naval superiority of the Parliament could be made available it was necessary to secure the forts at Duncannon and Passage below the city. Duncannon had been in the hands of the Confederates since 1645, and was commanded by Captain Thomas Roche, a very incompetent officer. Jones was detached from Ross with 2000 men to besiege the place, and he took Ballyhack, commanding the ordinary communication between the Fort and Waterford. Parliamentary ships lay near, and seeing that Duncannon was in danger Ormonde sent Captain Edward Wogan to supersede Roche. As a deserter from the Parliamentary army Wogan fought with a rope round his neck, and he restored the courage of the garrison. Ormonde then sent Castlehaven to Passage opposite Ballyhack, whence he managed to get to Duncannon in a boat. After consultation with Wogan, Castlehaven returned, and that night embarked eighty horses without riders in boats, which slipped into Duncannon on the tide. Wogan mounted officers and picked men on the horses thus provided, and immediately attacked the Parliamentary camp. The appearance of cavalry where there had been none before seemed to indicate the approach of an army, and the siege was raised next morning. After this piece of service Ormonde made Castlehaven governor of Waterford with 1000 men, but the citizens refused to admit him or his soldiers.[159]

Ormonde garrisons Waterford.

Inchiquin repulsed from Carrick, Nov. 24.

While Cromwell was threatening Waterford, Ormonde brought his whole army to Carrick, the recapture of which he left to Taaffe and Inchiquin, while he marched on with the tidal river between him and the Parliamentary host. The city was open on the river side, and there was no difficulty in ferrying over 1500 Ulster soldiers with Lieut.-General Ferrall as governor. Jones had previously succeeded in occupying Passage, ‘a very large fort with a castle in the midst of it, having five guns planted in it, and commanding the river better than Duncannon.’ The garrison surrendered on condition of quarter only, and Ballyhack being already in Cromwell’s hands, Waterford was pretty thoroughly cut off from the sea. The attempt to recapture Carrick failed, perhaps for want of a good engineer, for the assailants’ mine exploded to their own injury, and without damaging the wall. Reynolds’s men spared their ammunition and defended themselves mainly with stones. The gates were burned, but quickly barricaded inside with rubble, and Inchiquin, having no stock of provisions, was forced to retreat with heavy loss. Ormonde on his return was very nearly captured, for he expected to find Carrick in the hands of friends, and had to ride twenty miles round to join his men at Clonmel. He met the Tipperary rustics flying in all directions with their portable goods, so as to escape being plundered by the soldiers.[160]

The siege of Waterford raised, Dec. 2.

Death of Michael Jones.

Ormonde’s difficulties.

Ormonde said that if the weather ‘proved but as usual at this time of the year,’ Cromwell might be repulsed from Waterford. Two days later the siege was abandoned for this very reason, a great part of the men being sick, and Cromwell marched to Kilmacthomas on ‘as terrible a day’ as he had ever known. He found poor quarters, but in the morning was encouraged by a messenger from Broghill, who lay at Dungarvan, which had lately surrendered to him, with about twelve or thirteen hundred men. Michael Jones died at Dungarvan of ‘a pestilent and contagious spotted fever,’ contracted during a cold and wet march, and Cromwell lamented his loss both as a friend and as a public servant. The Parliamentary cause certainly owed him a great deal, though there is reason to believe that he did not approve of the execution of Charles I. At the moment Ferrall made an attempt to recover Passage, the loss of which made it very difficult to victual Duncannon, but Colonel Sankey was despatched with 320 men from Cappoquin, and after a sharp fight succeeded in taking about the same number of prisoners. Ferrall retreated into Waterford, where Ormonde was himself present, though the mayor absolutely refused to let his troops cross the river, saying that an increase of the garrison would cause a famine in the town. It was proposed to quarter them in huts outside the walls, but even this was rejected, and Passage remained in the enemy’s hands, though an overwhelming force was ready to attempt its relief. Wogan was among the prisoners taken by Sankey, and Cromwell seriously thought of hanging him; but he was sent to Cork, whence he soon escaped, and went to England to seek the adventure which has made him famous.[161]

Ormonde’s apparent superiority in numbers.

Cromwell in Munster.

He is reinforced.

When Cromwell broke up from before Waterford on December 2, he had not more than 3000 effective infantry in the field, the garrisons taking up many and sickness accounting for more. Ferrall had as many men in Waterford as there were besieging him, and the whole of Ormonde’s army was ten or twelve thousand including O’Neill’s men, who were at least 7000 and all effective, ‘these being the eldest sons of the Church of Rome, most cried up and confided in by the clergy.’ The rest were old English, Irish, some Protestants, some Papists, and other popish Irish. The interests of Ormonde, Clanricarde, Castlehaven, Muskerry, Taaffe, and the rest provided a formidable force, who could live on the country, for there were scarce twenty natives favourable to Parliament. ‘God hath blessed you,’ Cromwell wrote, ‘with a great tract of land in longitude, along the shore, yet it hath but a little depth into the country,’ and the inhabitants were so robbed by their neighbours that they could give little help. Therefore it was still necessary to send money and stores from England, and to maintain a strict naval blockade, lest supplies should reach the enemy from abroad. But Ormonde had to disperse his men in winter quarters for want of means to support them in the field, and Cromwell did the same, his headquarters being at Youghal. He spent the short winter days in visiting Cork and other Munster garrisons. The tradition is that he went to Glengariffe, where the ruins of ‘Cromwell’s bridge’ may still be seen, but there seems to be no evidence of his having gone further west than Kinsale. His applications to Parliament for help were not in vain, for 1500 fresh men were sent to Dublin about this time, and a few weeks later Henry Cromwell came to Youghal with further reinforcements, followed by thirteen ships laden with oats, beans, and pease. The sick men recovered with rest and dry lodgings, and by the end of January Cromwell was able to take the field again.[162]

Broghill’s campaign, November.

Cork.

Kinsale and Bandon.

Baltimore, &c.

Broghill, who was now Master of the Ordnance, left Youghal about the middle of November with 500 foot and 300 horse. A fort with three guns on the Corkbeg peninsula partially commanded Cork harbour, and had annoyed Blake’s ships. Captain Courthope, ‘who knew not only the commander of it, but every particular soldier in it, so well persuaded and terrified them that they delivered up the fort’ without fighting. At Belvelly, commanding the strait between the mainland and the island on which Queenstown now stands, Colonel Pigott had a strong castle and three Irish companies. Broghill had formerly ‘particularly well known’ this officer, and in half an hour’s private conversation satisfied him that it was a national quarrel. At Cork, Broghill found 700 armed inhabitants and 500 foot soldiers, who received him ‘with as great a joy as is almost imaginable.’ A messenger came from Kinsale to offer that town to the Parliament, and a detachment was sent strong enough to check the garrison of the fort. At Bandon, Colonel Courtney, ‘who had ever been my particular friend,’ stood for the King; but the townsmen and most of the soldiers were English Protestants, and he could but surrender. Broghill armed the inhabitants, and nearly all the officers and soldiers ultimately joined him. The people showed ‘at least an equal joy to our reception at Cork.’ The bridge at Bandon enabled Broghill to march straight to the south side of Kinsale harbour, where Rupert had greatly strengthened the fort, which was held by 400 Irish under a Scotch governor. The works were too strong to attack before the return of Blake’s fleet, but the regiment inside was commanded by ‘an Irish Protestant, a great sufferer by the rebellion; an ancient dependant of our [the Boyle] family, and one particularly recommended to my care by my father,’ who set the governor aside, and persuaded the soldiers to capitulate. After this Baltimore, Castlehaven, Crookhaven, and Timoleague surrendered without giving Broghill the trouble of a march, and Mallow did the same, thus securing the only bridge over the Blackwater, except that at Cappoquin, which was already in Parliamentary hands. Colonel Crosby was detached to see what could be done in Kerry. Cromwell might well say that Broghill had a great interest in the men and in the districts which were lately Inchiquin’s, and that there could have been no rebellion if every county had contained an Earl of Cork.[163]

Surrender of Carrickfergus, Nov. 2.

While Cromwell was building his bridge at New Ross, Dalziel was closely besieged in Carrickfergus by Coote and Venables. It was the most important place in Ulster, and the Scotch veteran made good terms for himself and his men, agreeing to surrender on December 13 if not relieved in the meantime. A few days before that date Sir George Monro with Lords Montgomery and Clandeboye, collected a force which Coote, on the report of deserters, estimated at 2000 foot and 800 horse, their object being to relieve Carrickfergus. On December 1 they were at Comber and next day at Newtownards. After a good deal of manœuvring Coote took up his quarters at Lisburn, while Monro crossed the Laggan somewhere between that place and Moira. On their return upon the Antrim side of the river, Coote allowed them to pass him, and then attacked their rear ‘upon a boggy pass on the plain of Lisnesreane.’ Sir Theophilus Jones, who had come out of Lisburn with his cavalry, met with little resistance, and during a pursuit of ten miles over 1000 were killed with scarcely any loss to the victors. Monro and Montgomery fled to Charlemont, most of their Scots followers leaving them, and Carrickfergus was then surrendered in due course.[164]

The Clonmacnoise decrees, Dec. 4.

Toleration not to be expected.

“Idle Boys” excommunicated.

Rinuccini having departed and O’Neill being dead, the Irish were as sheep having no shepherd. Stubborn resistance was made in detail, but there was very little concerted action after Cromwell’s arrival. The remains of the Confederacy still adhered to Ormonde, but it became evident after the last peace that he could never rally the native population. Under these circumstances twenty bishops, with the procurators of three others, the abbot of Holy Cross and the Provincials of the Dominicans and Franciscans, met at Clonmacnoise on December 4, of their own mere motion as they were careful to set forth. After some days’ deliberation they announced that nothing could be done without unity, and that past differences must be laid aside. It was, they said, the evident intention of Cromwell and his masters to root out the Catholic religion, which could only be done by getting rid of the people and recolonising the country, ‘witness the numbers they have already sent hence for the tobacco islands and put enemies in their places.’ Cromwell had told the governor of Ross that he meddled with no man’s conscience, but that a liberty to exercise the mass would nevertheless not be allowed of. This was naturally quite enough for the clergy, and doubtless for most laymen also. The formal decrees of Clonmacnoise were embodied in four articles. By the first fasting and prayer were ordered ‘to withdraw from this nation God’s anger, and to render them capable of his mercies.’ By the second the people were warned that no mercy or clemency could be expected ‘from the common enemy commanded by Cromwell by authority from the rebels of England.’ By the third the clergy were ordered under severe penalties to preach unity, ‘and we hereby manifest our detestation against all such divisions between either provinces or families, or between old English and old Irish, or any of the English or Scotch adhering to his Majesty.’ The last decree was one of excommunication against the highwaymen called Idle Boys, and against all who relieved them. Clergymen were forbidden on pain of suspension to give them the Sacrament or to bury them in consecrated ground.[165]