National Ideals
In closing let me quote once more from Mr. Cox, mostly from an address before the Iroquois Club at Chicago, March 25, 1920.
“Public officers are the representatives of government and they promote or diminish confidence in our institutions either by wisdom or error. Never before has there been such a pressing necessity for plain good faith on the part of those in whose hands rests governmental power as exists today.
“We must give immediate attention to matters of domestic concern. Our whole economic status seems to be unnatural. Prices are high and they will remain so until we seriously dedicate our efforts to the wiping away of things that came with the war.
“A considerable factor in the high cost of living is the continuance of the excess profits tax. In establishing the selling price of its product, every business establishment sets aside a reasonable profit and then adds to it the amount that must be paid to the government. This is done in turn by the manufacturer, the jobber, the distributor and the retailer, the inevitable result being a staggering cost to the consumer.
“Approximately four billion dollars will be necessary to conduct the department of government and to meet sinking fund and interest charges. Almost half of this could be derived by applying a tax of from one to one and one-half per cent on the volume of business done by any going concern. It would be a simple matter to collect this tax; the tax-payer would not be confused by it, and it would be neither cause nor alibi for excessive prices.
“I favor the abolishment of the federal inheritance tax just as soon as we can get along without it. This method of taxation should be left to the states. Tax on inheritance is based upon the principle of government being compensated for service rendered in conveying property from one generation to another. A man makes a will and it has a definite force and effect because the law legalizes it. The right is given to him by the state and the process of the distribution of his estate is thru the agency of local government. The federal authority has nothing to do with it, therefore the compensation for services rendered should be to the states.
“There is some hysteria over the subject of active elements in this country that are menacing to the government. There is no immediate danger in the situation, altho it might easily be aggravated if the governmental policy of restraint and common sense that has endured thru the years, were to become one of force and terrorism. There must be no compromise with treason, but the surest death to Bolshevism is exposure of the germ of the disease itself to the sunlight of public view. In the old days, the treatment for scarlet fever consisted of an intensive attack on the high temperature of fever. The result was a reaction on vital organs that left permanent affliction. Now the fever, under restraint, is permitted to run its course and what was once regarded as a very serious ailment is little more than a simple malady.
“We must protect ourselves against extremes in America. The horrors and tragedies of revolution can be charged to them. If government is assailed, its policy must not become vengeful. Our fathers in specifying human freedom, and providing guarantees for its preservation, recognized that among the necessary precautions was the protection of individual right against governmental abuses.
“If the alien, ignorant of our laws and customs, cowers in fear of our government, he is very apt to believe that things are much the same the world over, and he may become an easy convert to the doctrines of resistance. The skies will clear, but meanwhile, government must be firm yet judicial, uninfluenced by the emotionalism that breeds extremes. The less government we have, consistent with safety to life and property, the better for both happiness and morals. A policeman on every corner would be a bad index to the citizenship of the community, for it would reflect a foolish concept of conditions by the municipal officers.
“In this, I merely seek to give point to the necessity now that the war is over, of junking the most of our institutions devoted to war, and scaling governmental machinery down to the very point of necessity and efficiency. It is idle to talk of reducing governmental expense if the nation has to be armed to the teeth, and vast armies and navies will be necessary if the concerted plan of international peace fails. The guarantee against war is credit against which a debit charge must be made, and after all, this is the very crux of the controversy over the League of Nations.
“Finally, there can be no result worth while unless the nations of the earth assume a definite obligation one to another. The mere promise of this country to place its responsibility on the shifting sands of congressional caprice is a travesty to human intelligence. We are seeking to shake ourselves free from the cost of war, and yet the task of readjustment along the line of constructive economy is faced at the very outset with the question of what our military and naval policy shall be.
“Let us meet these questions as brave and unselfish men, with our eyes focused on the star of righteousness. Let us be liberal, but practical; let us be kind, but firm; let us be patient, but persistent. The great need today is not more government, but better government; not government in the interest of any one class, but government in the interest of all classes, yes, in the interest of all nations.”
In this little volume, I have attempted a review, as fair minded as lay in my powers, of salient facts in the life of one of America’s conspicuous citizens. I can not in my own judgment class Governor Cox as at present more than that—one of a rather large group of America’s conspicuous citizens. Not a eulogy of a presidential candidate, but a record of the facts with which the American public should be familiar—this was my purpose.
And yet, I shall not deny that in this simple objective I hope for a further result. That result must come if better knowledge begets better judgment.
Such a pitiful mass of mere comment we meet everywhere about men in public life! Campaign pyrotechnics, political bombast, editorial puffs—or bitter attacks, untruthful insinuations, appeals to blind prejudice!—and only here and there, amid all such chaff, a kernel of fact!
Hence this presentation of the life of Cox—not opinions about Cox, not words surrounding Cox, but the facts inherent in Cox, what he said, what he did, what life he has lived to this day.
I should welcome nothing more than a similar presentation of the life of Senator Harding, written by a sincere admirer, yet one whose admiration does not make him blind to objective truths.
That I admire the man Cox is evident from this volume. This admiration is based partly upon my observations thru personal contact and partly upon my observation of the things this man has done. His record as governor is truly remarkable and it may be that we shall yet discover in this simple, plain Ohio newspaper publisher, one of America’s historically great men.
But far more than in the man Cox am I interested in the principles for which he stands. He is the exponent today of all our forces of liberalism. And liberalism in my opinion is a synonym for true Americanism, not the rhetorical Americanism of phrase makers, but genuine Americanism.
A well-known Boston business man a few days ago accosted me thus:
“Mr. Babson,” he said, “you are known as an adviser for business interests, an expert on finance, an authority on investments. Why do you ally yourself with political interests that are hostile to all our financial interests?”
I answered him by saying:
“I advise investors as honestly as I know how regarding their investment problems. I also reserve the right and the duty to express myself to the public as honestly as I know how regarding public problems. I am not in the slightest allied to any political group; but my financial interests must not and will not taint my political views.
“Incidentally, I am not publishing advice regarding Mr. Cox. I am simply a recorder of facts, including facts which are anything but campaign material in behalf of the governor’s political advancement.
“But if I were to put the proposition on sordid grounds, I might, if it were not against my principles to mix political views with the pure routine of business statistics and business forecast, proceed to show why the financial interests should ally themselves at this hour with all the forces of liberalism.
“For the question of the hour is not embodied in the issues as they appear before the public. These issues are but the expressions of the fundamental issue,—the contest of liberalism and reaction.
“If we have a period of reactionary rule for the next four years, not only will labor suffer, but all industry must surely soon suffer the consequences—the consequences of attempting to fight the inevitable onward march of Father Time.
“Reactionary business men in America do not appear to realize that they are walking hand in hand with the ultra-radicals. In England, the financial interests have awakened, for there the ultra-radicals are plainly on record as opposed above all else to the compromises of liberalism because as they frankly admit, such liberalism ‘tends to preserve the present system of society instead of hastening the upheaval.’
“The greatest danger in America today comes from those who, seeing the steam escaping from the safety valve, are crying loud to shut the valve.”
THE END