The Greek theater and its drama

by Roy C. Flickinger

FOOTNOTES

[1] Cf. Hermann Deckinger, Die Darstellung der persönlichen Motive bei Aischylos und Sophokles (1911), p. 1.

[2] Cf. Aristotle Poetics 1449a8. The other passages cited in this paragraph are ibid. 1449b33 and 1450a10, 1450b17-21, 1453b1-3, 1462a12, and 1462a14-17.

[3] Cf. his paper entitled “Dramatic Criticism and the Theatre” in Creative Criticism, p. 56 (1917).

[4] Cf. Aristotle Rhetoric 1403b33 (Jebb’s translation). This statement needs to be interpreted in the light of [pp. 190 f.], below.

[5] Cf. op. cit., p. 56. The italics are mine.

[6] Cf. Clayton Hamilton, The Theory of the Theatre (1910), p. 3; and J. B. Matthews, North American Review, CLXXXVII (1908), 213 f.: “They believe that the playhouse has now, has had in the past, and must always have a monopoly of the dramatic form. They cannot recognize the legitimacy of a play which is not intended to be played. They know that the great dramatist of every period when the drama has flourished has always planned his plays for performance in the theater of his own time, by the actors of his own time, and before the spectators of his own time”; and The Independent, LXVIII (1910), 187: “In other words, the literary quality is something that may be added to a drama, but which is not essential to its value as a play in the theater itself.”

[7] Cf. Conversations with Eckermann, March 28, 1827 (Oxenford’s translation).

[8] Cf. The Inn of Tranquillity (1912), p. 277.

[9] Cf. Classical Philology, IX (1914), 96.

[10] Cf. Euripides and His Age (1913), p. 89. See [p. 217], below.

[11] Cf. The Theatre of Ideas (1915), pp. 9 ff. (copyrighted by the George H. Doran Company).

[12] Cf. Welcker, Nachtrag zu der Schrift über die Aeschylische Trilogie nebst einer Abhandlung über das Satyrspiel (1826); Furtwängler, “Der Satyr aus Pergamon,” Berliner Winckelmannsfest Programm, XL (1880); U. von Wilamowitz-Möllendorff, Einleitung in die griechische Tragödie [Vol. I of his edition of Euripides’ Heracles (1889)], pp. 43 ff. and Neue Jahrbücher für das klassische Altertum, XXIX (1912), 464 ff.; Bethe, Prolegomena zur Geschichte des Theaters im Altherthum (1896); G. Körte, “Satyrn und Böcke,” in Bethe’s Prolegomena, pp. 339 ff.; Wernicke, “Bockschöre und Satyrdrama,” Hermes, XXXII (1897), 290 ff.; Schmid, Zur Geschichte des gr. Dithyrambus (1901); Reisch, “Zur Vorgeschichte der attischen Tragödie,” in Festschrift Theodor Gomperz (1902), pp. 451 ff.; Crusius, s.v. “Dithyrambos,” in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopädie, V, 1203 ff. (1903); Dieterich, “Die Entstehung der Tragödie,” Archiv für Religionswissenschaft, XI (1908), 163 ff. [Kleine Schriften, pp. 414 ff.]; Farnell, Cults of the Greek States, V, 85 ff., and especially pp. 224 ff. (1909), and “The Megala Dionysia and the Origin of Tragedy,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, XXIX (1909), xlvii; Ridgeway, The Origin of Tragedy with Special Reference to the Greek Tragedians (1910), and The Dramas and Dramatic Dances of Non-European Races in Special Reference to the Origin of Greek Tragedy (1915), reviewed by Flickinger in Classical Weekly, XI (1918), 107 ff.; Nilsson, “Der Ursprung der Tragödie,” Neue Jahrbücher für das klassische Altertum, XXVII (1911), 609 ff. and 673 ff.; Jane Harrison, Themis, a Study of the Social Origins of Greek Religion (1912); Murray, “The Ritual Forms Preserved in Greek Tragedy,” in Miss Harrison’s Themis, pp. 341 ff.; Flickinger, “Tragedy and Satyric Drama,” Classical Philology, VIII (1913), 261 ff.; and Cook, Zeus, a Study in Ancient Religion, I (1914), 665 ff. and 695 ff.

[13] Cf. Lawson, Annual of British School at Athens, VI (1900), 125 ff.; Dawkins, ibid., XI (1905), 72 ff.; and Wace, ibid., XVI (1910), 232 ff.

[14] Cf. Suidas, s.v. “Phrynichus.”

[15] Cf. Euripides the Rationalist, p. 243.

[16] Cf. von Wilamowitz, Neue Jahrbücher f. kl. Altertum, XXIX (1912), 474, and Cook, Zeus, I, xiii f.

[17] Cf. his Aristotle on the Art of Poetry, p. 135. This opinion is confirmed by the fact that men of such importance as Thespis and Phrynichus are not so much as mentioned in the Poetics.

[18] Cf. Poetics 1449a9-11: γενομένη <δ’> ἀπ’ ἀρχῆς αὐτοσχεδιαστική, ... καὶ ἡ μὲν ἀπὸ τῶν ἐξαρχόντων τὸν διθύραμβον.

[19] Cf. Laws 700 B: καὶ ἄλλο (sc. εἶδος ᾠδῆς) Διονύσου γένεσις, οἶμαι, διθύραμβος λεγόμενος.

[20] Cf. Bergk, Poetae Lyrici Graeci⁴, II, 404, fr. 77:

ὡς Διονύσοι’ ἄνακτος καλὸν ἐξάρξαι μέλος

οἶδα διθύραμβον, οἴνῳ συγκεραυνωθεὶς φρένας.

[21] Cf. ibid., III, 559, fr. 1, vs. 16.

[22] Cf. Olymp. XIII, 18 f.:

ταὶ Διονύσου πόθεν ἐξέφανεν

σὺν βοηλάτᾳ χάριτες διθυράμβῳ;

Βοηλάτᾳ is usually explained by reference to the ox prize, cf. schol. Plato, Republic, 394C: εὑρεθῆναι μὲν τὸν διθύραμβον ἐν Κορίνθῳ ὑπὸ Ἀρίονός φασι. τῶν δὲ ποιητῶν τῷ μὲν πρώτῳ βοῦς ἔπαθλον ἦν, τῷ δὲ δευτέρῳ ἀμφορεύς, τῷ δὲ τρίτῳ τράγος, ὃν τρυγὶ κεχρισμένον ἀπῆγον. Kern, Crusius, and Ridgeway, however, refer it to the practice of an Arcadian community, the Cynaethaens, of whom Pausanias (viii. 19. 1) speaks as follows: “And as to the things most worthy of mention there is a shrine of Dionysus there, and in the winter season they celebrate a festival, in which men who have anointed themselves with oil lift up a bull from the herd, whatever one the god himself puts in their minds to lift, and carry it to the shrine. Such was their manner of sacrifice.” Cf. Pauly-Wissowa, V, 1041 and 1206, and Origin of Tragedy, p. 6.

[23] Cf. Kaibel, Comicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, p. 115, fr. 132;

οὐκ ἔστι διθύραμβος ὅκχ’ ὕδωρ πίῃς.

[24] Published by Rabe in Rheinisches Museum für Philologie, LXIII (1908), 150.

[25] Cf. Aristotle’s Poetics 1448b1: καὶ τὸ ποιεῖν αὐτοὶ [sc. οἱ Δωριεῖς] μὲν δρᾶν, Ἀθηναίους δὲ πράττειν προσαγορεύειν. In referring to this passage von Wilamowitz says: “So viel wahr ist, dass δρᾶμα in der Tat ein Fremdwort ist; man redet im Kultus nur von δρώμενα”; cf. op. cit., p. 467, n. 3.

[26] Cf. Haigh, The Tragic Drama of the Greeks (1896), p. 17, n. 1, and Pickard-Cambridge in Classical Review, XXVI (1912), 54. It is also possible that Arion’s employment of a new generic term (δράματα) for his dithyrambs is alluded to. Herodotus may have taken it as a matter of course that everyone knew what this new name was and consequently failed to mention it, thus leaving the passage ambiguous.

[27] Cf. Suidas, s.v. “Arion”: λέγεται καὶ τραγικοῦ τρόπου εὑρετὴς γενέσθαι καὶ πρῶτος χορὸν στῆσαι <κύκλιον> καὶ διθύραμβον ᾆσαι καὶ ὀνομάσαι τὸ ᾀδόμενον ὑπὸ τοῦ χοροῦ καὶ σατύρους εἰσενεγκεῖν ἔμμετρα λέγοντας. I cannot agree with Reisch, op. cit., p. 471, and Pickard-Cambridge, op. cit., p. 54, in thinking that this notice refers to three separate types of performances instead of one.

[28] See [p. 7, n. 4], above.

[29] Cf. Pickard-Cambridge, op. cit., p. 55.

[30] Cf. Suidas, s.v. “Thespis”: Θέσπις Ἰκαρίου πόλεως Ἀττικῆς, τραγικὸς ἑκκαιδέκατος ἀπὸ τοῦ πρώτου γενομένου τραγῳδιοποιοῦ Ἐπιγένους τοῦ Σικυωνίου τιθέμενος, ὡς δέ τινες, δεύτερος μετὰ Ἐπιγένην· ἄλλοι δὲ αὐτὸν πρῶτον τραγικὸν γενέσθαι φασί.

[31] Cf. Suidas, s.v., Photius, s.v., and Apostolius xiii. 42: Ἐπιγένου τοῦ Σικυωνίου τραγῳδίαν εἰς τὸν Διόνυσον ποιήσαντος, ἐπεφώνησάν τινες τοῦτο· ὅθεν ἡ παροιμία.

[32] Cf. The Origin of Tragedy, p. 58.

[33] About a dozen explanations in addition to those discussed in the text are listed and criticized in Classical Philology, VIII (1913), 269 ff.

[34] Cf. Jacoby, Das Marmor Parium, p. 14: ἀφ’ οὖ Θέσπις ὁ ποιητὴς [ὑπεκρίνα]το πρῶτος, ὃς ἐδίδαξη [δρ]ᾶ[μα ἐν ἄ]στ[ει καὶ ἆθλον ἐ]τέθη ὁ [τ]ράγος, ἔτη ΗΗ𐅄[ΔΔ·], ἄρχοντος Ἀθ[ήνησι] ... ναιου τοῦ προτέρου.

[35] Cf. op. cit., ρ. 468: “An der Tatsache, dass in älterer Zeit dem Tragödenchor ein Bock als Preis (der als Opferthier und Opferschmaus dienen sollte), gegeben wurde, wie dem Dithyrambenchor zu gliechem Zwecke ein Stier, daran zu zweifeln ist kein Grund.”

[36] Cf. op. cit., p. 59: “Since the interpretation of τραγῳδία as the ‘song of the men in goat-costume’ must be given up, the word can be interpreted as the ‘song around’ or ‘for the goat’—whether the goat be sacrifice or prize.”

[37] Cf. Eusebius’ Chronica, Ol. 47, 2 (591-590 B.C.; Armenian version, Ol. 48, 1): τοῖς ἀγωνιζομένοις παρ’ Ἕλλησι τράγος ἐδίδοτο, ἀφ’ οὖ καὶ τραγικοὶ ἐκλήθησαν. Jerome’s Latin version reads: “his temporibus certantibus in agone (de voce add. R) tragus, id est hircus, in praemio dabatur. Unde aiunt tragoedos nuncupatos.”

[38] Contrary to Herodotus, these choruses were τραγικοί only after the transfer, not before—a negligible error.

[39] Of course, it is possible to argue that goats may have been sacrificed to Adrastus and that τραγικός and τραγῳδός were consequently older terms than is maintained in the text; this would also explain why the goat was continued as a prize after the sacrifice proper had been given over to Melanippus. Cf., however, Farnell, Cults of the Greek States, V, 233 and note d.

[40] Cf. Plato Minos 321A: ἡ δὲ τραγῳδία ἐστὶ παλαιὸν ἐνθάδε, οὐχ ὡς οἴονται ἀπὸ Θέσπιδος ἀρξαμένη οὐδ’ ἀπὸ Φρυνίχου, ἀλλ’ εἰ θέλεις ἐννοῆσαι, πάνυ παλαιὸν αὐτὸ εὑρήσεις ὂν τῆσδε τῆς πόλεως εὕρημα.

[41] Cf. Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion² (1908), p. 568. Of course, I do not mean to deny that impersonation was subsequently borrowed from true drama by rites of various kinds which had not contained it at first. This situation probably obtained with reference to the Eleusinian mysteries in their later forms.

The indebtedness of tragedy to epic poetry for subject matter, dignity of treatment and of diction, and development of plot, including such technical devices as recognition (ἀναγνώρισις) and reversal of situation (περιπέτεια) is too well established to require argument. Aeschylus is said to have declared that his tragedies were “slices from Homer’s bountiful banquets” (Athenaeus, p. 347E). The pertinent passages from Aristotle’s Poetics have been conveniently assembled by Throop, “Epic and Dramatic,” Washington University Studies, V (1917), 1 ff.

[42] Cf. Plutarch Solon xxix. If Thespis treated the traditional myths with some freedom, that may have added to Solon’s anger.

[43] Cf. Diogenes Laertius iii. 56: τὸ παλαιὸν ἐν τῇ τραγῳδίᾳ πρότερον μὲν μόνος ὁ χορὸς διεδραμάτιζεν, ὕστερον δὲ Θέσπις ἕνα ὑποκριτὴν ἐξεῦρεν ὑπὲρ τοῦ διαναπαύεσθαι τὸν χορόν.

[44] Cf. The Origin of Tragedy, p. 60.

[45] Cf. Hiller, Rheinisches Museum für Philologie, XXXIX (1884), 329.

[46] Cf. Horace Ars Poetica, vs. 276:

dicitur et plaustris vexisse poemata Thespis.

[47] Cf. Kleine Schriften, p. 422, and Neue Jahrbücher für das klassische Altertum, XXIX (1912), 474.

[48] Cf. Suidas, s.v. “Thespis”: μνημονεύεται δὲ τῶν δραμάτων αὐτοῦ Ἆθλα Πελίου ἢ Φόρβας, Ἱερεῖς, Ἠίθεοι, Πενθεύς.

[49] Cf. Diogenes Laertius v. 92. Both Aristoxenus and Heraclides were pupils of Aristotle.

[50] Cf. Ridgeway, op. cit., p. 69.

[51] Cf. Suidas, s.v. οὐδὲν πρὸς τὸν Διόνυσον (quoted on [p. 29, n. 2], below).

[52] The cognomen was due to the belief that the image and cult were derived from Eleutherae. At Eleutherae itself, however, his cognomen would naturally be different. There he was known as Διόνυσος Μελάναιγις, “Dionysus of the Black-Goat-Skin.” From this fact an abortive attempt has recently been made to derive a new explanation for tragic performances being denominated “goat-songs”; cf. Classical Philology, VIII (1913), 270.

[53] Cf. Marmor Parium (quoted on [p. 14, n. 2], above).

[54] Cf. Poetics 1449a19 ff., Bywater’s translation.

[55] Cf. op. cit., p. 472. This exegesis has now been commended by Pickard-Cambridge; cf. Classical Review, XXVI (1912), 53. Cornford has expressed the same view by means of a neat paraphrase: ἐκ σατυρικοῦ εἰς σεμνὸν μετέβαλεν, cf. The Origin of Attic Comedy (1914), p. 214, n. 1. Gomperz’ translation (1897) reads as follows: “Was das Wachstum ihrer Grossartigkeit anlangt, so hat sich das Trauerspiel im Gegensatze zur ursprünglichen Kleinheit der Fabeln und der zum Possenhaften neigenden Artung der Diction ihres satyrspielartigen Ursprungs wegen erst spät zu höherer Würde erhoben.... Ursprünglich hatte man sich nämlich, da die Dichtung satyrhaft und mehr balletartig war, des trochäischen Tetrameters bedient.”

[56] Cf. Poetics 1449a22 f., Butcher’s translation.

[57] In 467 B.C. Aristias concluded his tragedies with the Palaestae, “a satyric drama of his father Pratinas” (cf. arg. Aesch. Seven against Thebes). It is generally supposed that this was a posthumous piece. But Professor Capps suggests that Pratinas may frequently have provided a satyr-play for someone’s else trilogy, and thus explains the disproportionate number of satyric dramas in Pratinas’ list and of tragedies in other poets’ lists.

[58] Cf. Suidas, s.v. “Pratinas”: ... Φλιάσιος, ποιητὴς τραγῳδίας, ἀντηγωνίζετο Αἰσχύλῳ τε καὶ Χοιρίλῳ, ἐπὶ τῆς ἑβδομηκοστῆς Ὀλυμπιάδος, καὶ πρῶτος ἔγραψε Σατύρους ... καὶ δράματα μὲν ἐπεδείξατο νʹ, ὦν Σατυρικὰ λβʹ. ἐνίκησε δὲ ἅπαξ. Note that the earliest name was simply Σάτυροι, “satyrs.” Murray has proposed another interpretation of Suidas’ phrase: “I take this to mean that Pratinas was the first person to write words for the revelling masquers to learn by heart. Thespis, like many early Elizabethans, had been content with a general direction: ‘Enter Satyrs, in revel, saying anything’” (incorporated in Miss Harrison’s Themis, p. 344). Nevertheless, he adds that he “does not wish to combat” the other view.

[59] Fig. 3 is taken from Furtwängler and Reichhold, Griechische Vasenmalarei, first series, II, Pls. 11-12. The membrum virile has been omitted in the reproduction.

[60] Cf. op. cit., I, 696 f.

[61] This was originally assembled by Hartwig in Römische Mittheilungen, XII (1897), 89 ff. and Wernicke, op. cit. It is now conveniently summarized by Cook, op. cit., pp. 697 ff.

[62] Fig. 4 is taken from Baumeister, Denkmäler, Fig. 422. The two craters at Deepdene are illustrated in Cook, op. cit., Pl. XXXIX, Figs. 1-2.

[63] The three dinoi are discussed by Miss Bieber in Athenische Mitteilungen, XXXVI (1911), 269 ff. and Pl. XIII, Figs. 1-3 and Pl. XIV, Figs. 1-5. My Figs. 5-7 are taken from her publication, corresponding to Pl. XIII, Fig. 1, Pl. XIV, Fig. 4, and Pl. XIV, Figs, 1 and 2 respectively. Cook maintains that all six vases are descended from a fresco by Polygnotus, op. cit., pp. 700 f.; but this suggestion seems improbable.

[64] Cf. De Prott, “De Amphora Neapolitana Fabulae Satyricae Apparatum Scaenicum Repraesentante,” in Schedae Philologicae Hermanno Usener Oblatae (Bonn, 1891), pp. 47 ff. It seems strange that De Prott should mar his own interpretation by supposing the figure whom I have called Hesione to be a Muse. The Scythian cap ought to be decisive.

[65] Cf. Miss Bieber, op. cit., Pl. XIV, Fig. 3.

[66] Except the eleventh and twelfth choreutae on the Naples crater ([Fig. 4]), viz., the figure with a lyre near the middle of the lower row and the fully clad figure next to the last on the right. If De Prott is correct in considering these figures choreutae, they must be regarded (I suppose) as having not yet completed their make-up.

[67] Fig. 8 is taken from Baumeister, Denkmäler, Fig. 424. The choreutae in this scene are not to be understood as having no tails; their position does not permit this feature to be seen, cf. Haigh, The Attic Theatre³, p. 293, note.

[68] Cf. Etymologicum Magnum, s.v.: τραγῳδία: ... ἢ ὅτι τὰ πολλὰ οἱ χοροὶ ἐκ σατύρων συνίσταντο, οὓς ἐκάλουν τράγους σκώπτοντες ἢ διὰ τὴν τοῦ σώματος δασύτητα ἢ διὰ τὴν περὶ τὰ ἀφροδίσια σπουδήν· τοιοῦτον γὰρ τὸ ζῷον. ἢ ὅτι οἱ χορευταὶ τὰς κόμας ἀνέπλεκον, σχῆμα τράγων μιμούμενοι.

[69] Cf. Horace Ars Poetica, vss. 220 f:

carmine qui tragico vilem certavit ob hircum,

mox etiam agrestis Satyros nudavit, etc.

[70] Cf. Suidas and Photius, s.v. οὐδὲν πρὸς τὸν Διόνυσον and Apostolius xiii. 42. After giving the explanation of this phrase already cited on [p. 12, n. 3], above, they continue: βέλτιον δὲ οὕτως, τὸ πρόσθεν εἰς τὸν Διόνυσον γράφοντες τούτοις ἠγωνίζοντο, ἅπερ καὶ Σατυρικὰ ἐλέγετο· ὕστερον δὲ μεταβάντες εἰς τὸ τραγῳδίας γράφειν, κατὰ μικρὸν εἰς μύθους καὶ ἱστορίας ἐτράπησαν, μηκέτι τοῦ Διονύσου μνημονεύοντες, ὅθεν τοῦτο καὶ ἐπεφώνησαν. καὶ Χαμαιλέων ἐν τῷ Περὶ Θέσπιδος τὰ παραπλήσια ἱστορεῖ. The word παραπλήσια leaves it doubtful for how much of this notice Chamaeleon (Aristotle’s pupil) should be held responsible. But at the most his accountability cannot extend beyond explaining the introduction of non-Dionysiac themes; the side remarks are Byzantine.

[71] Cf. von Wilamowitz, N. Jahrbücher f. kl. Altertum, XXIX (1912), 461, and Tanner, Transactions American Philological Association, XLVI (1915), 173 ff.

[72] Fig. 9 is taken from the Journal of Hellenic Studies, XI (1890), Pl. XI, and is reproduced by permission of the Council of the Hellenic Society.

[73] Reisch, op. cit., pp. 456 f., considers the goat-men Pans, or choreutae in some such comedy as Eupolis’ Αἶγες.

[74] Cf. Nauck, Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, p. 69, fr. 207:

τράγος γένειον ἆρα πενθήσεις σύ γε.

The use of the nominative τράγος instead of a vocative is harsh, and Shorey, Classical Philology, IV (1909), 433 ff., interprets the line as an abbreviated comparison with ὡς omitted: “<If you kiss that fire>, you’ll be the goat (in the proverb) who mourned his beard.” Of course, this play must have been written considerably before 456 B.C., the year of Aeschylus’ decease.

[75] Cf. Oxyrhynchus Papyri, IX (1912), 59:

νέος γὰρ ὢν ἀνὴρ

πώγωνι θάλλων ὡς τράγος κνήκῳ χλιδᾷς.

[76] Cf. Euripides’ Cyclops, vss. 79 f.:

δοῦλος ἀλαίνων

σὺν τᾷδε τράγου χλαίνᾳ μελέᾳ.

Reisch thinks the goatskin characterized the chorus as shepherds; cf. op. cit., p. 458, note; Ridgeway considers it “the meanest form of apparel that could be worn by a slave”; cf. Origin of Tragedy, p. 87.

[77] Fig. 10 is taken from Höber, Griechische Vasen, Fig. 57 (1909).

[78] Cf. Reinach, Repertoire des Vases Peints, I, 193, or Baumeister, Denkmäler, Supplementtafel, Fig. 7.

[79] Cf. op. cit., p. 459. The possibility of direct borrowing had already been denied by Wernicke, op. cit., pp. 302-6. Wernicke’s objections are not altogether convincing.

[80] Fig. 11 is taken from a photograph for which I am indebted to Professor Heinrich Bulle. He was also kind enough to express the following judgment with regard to the inscription: “Ich kann nicht mit Ch. Fränkel, Satyr- und Bakchennamen auf Vasenbildern (1912), S. 35, der Lesung von Schulze (Göttinger gel. Anz. 1896, S. 254) ΣΙΒΥΡΤΑΣ zustimmen; denn die Inschrift ist ja rechtslaüfig. Man kann übrigens auch deutlich an dem Kleinerwerden der Buchstaben sehen, dass der Zeichner von links nach rechts geschrieben hat. Ich glaube mit Urlichs, (Verzeichniss d. Antikensammlung d. Univ. Wurzburgs, I, S. 50), dass es eine einfache Verschreibung aus ΣΑΤΥΡΟΣ ist.” The membrum virile has been omitted in the reproduction.

[81] Cf. the contemporaneous sileni in connection with the “wagon-ship” of Dionysus; see [Fig. 65] and [p. 121], below.

[82] Why “almost” is inserted here does not appear. Many Greek divinities are mentioned on Ridgeway’s pages, but none is recognized as “totally independent” of the cult of the dead.

[83] Cf. his Dramas and Dramatic Dances, etc., pp. 63, 337, 385, and passim.

[84] Cf. Marrett, Classical Review, XXX (1916), 159.

[85] Cf. Zieliński, Die Gliederung der altattischen Komödie (1885); Humphreys, “The Agon of the Old Comedy,” American Journal of Philology, VIII (1887), 179 ff.; Poppelreuter, De Comoediae Atticae Primordiis (1893); A. Körte, “Archäologische Studien zur alten Komödie,” Jahrbuch d. archäologischen Instituts, VIII (1893), 61 ff.; Loeschcke, Athenische Mittheilungen, XIX (1894), 518, note; Bethe, Prolegomena zur Geschichte des Theaters im Alterthum (1896), pp. 48 ff.; Mazon, Essai sur la Composition des Comédies d’Aristophane (1904); Capps, “The Introduction of Comedy into the City Dionysia,” University of Chicago Decennial Publications, VI (1904), 266 ff., and in Columbia University lectures on Greek Literature (1912), pp. 124 ff.; Navarre, “Les origines et la structure technique de la comédie ancienne,” Revue des Études anciennes, XIII (1911), 245 ff.; White, The Verse of Greek Comedy (1912); Cornford, The Origin of Attic Comedy (1914), reviewed by Flickinger in Classical Weekly, VIII (1915), 221 ff.; and Ridgeway, The Dramas and Dramatic Dances of Non-European Races with an Appendix on the Origin of Greek Comedy (1915), reviewed by Flickinger, Classical Weekly, XI (1918), 109 f.

[86] I am indebted to Professor Capps for this translation; the word is generally taken to mean “masks” here.

[87] Cf. Aristotle’s Poetics 1449a37-b9.

[88] The phallus was a representation of the membrum virile, and such ceremonies were primarily intended to secure fertility.

[89] Cf. Aristotle’s Poetics 1449a9-13.

[90] The second is, of course, the personification of Increase; the first is not so obvious. Some connect it with Demeter; it has also been proposed to interpret it as the Cretan form of ζημία, “damage.” The one would therefore represent the productive and the other the destructive powers; cf. Macan’s edition ad loc. This would accord very neatly with Cornford’s positive and negative charms.

[91] Cf. Jacoby, Das Marmor Parium, p. 13: ἀφ’ οὑ ἐν Ἀθ[ήν]αις κωμω[ιδῶν χο]ρ[ὸς ἐτ]έθη, [στη]σάν[των πρώ]των Ἰκαριέων, εὑροντος Σουσαρίωνος, καὶ ᾆθλον ἐτέθη πρῶτον ὶσχάδω[ν] ἄρσιχο[ς] καὶ οἴνου με[τ]ρητής, [ἔτη .... The exact date is not determinable but is limited to a period of twenty years by other entries just before and after this one.

[92] Figs. 12 and 13 are taken, by permission of the Council of the Hellenic Society, from the Journal of Hellenic Studies, II (1881), Pl. XIV, A1 and B1; Fig. 14 from Poppelreuter, op. cit., p. 8; and Figs. 15 and 16 from Robinson, Boston Museum Catalogue of Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Vases (1893), p. 136.

[93] Cf. Capps, University of Chicago Decennial Publications, VI, 286, and American Journal of Philology, XXVIII (1907), 186 f.

[94] The divisions of tragedy are discussed on [pp. 192 f.], below. Five of the terms applied to the divisions of comedy appear also in tragedy, viz., prologue, parodus, episode, stasimum, and exodus; several, if not all, of the five seem to have originated in tragedy.

[95] From this second half of the parabasis comedy developed another epirrhematic division to which Zieliński also gave the name of syzygy. This was not exclusively choral, however, stood at no definite point in the play, and differed in still other respects from the epirrhematic syzygy of the parabasis. Three syzygies appear in Aristophanes’ Acharnians and Birds, none in his Lysistrata, Women in Council, and Plutus. Cf. White, op. cit., § 677. Since it is apparent that such syzygies are not primary in origin, they have been ignored in the foregoing discussion.

[96] Or at least reflect its influence; cf. the syzygies mentioned in the last note.

[97] Cf. Cornford, op. cit., p. 46.

[98] Cf. White, “An Unrecognized Actor in Greek Comedy,” Harvard Studies, XVII (1906), 124 f.

[99] Cf. Zieliński, op. cit., p. 190.

[100] Published by Usener in Rheinisches Museum f. Philologie, XXVIII (1873), 418.

[101] Cf. Aristophanes’ Clouds, vss. 537 ff. (Rogers’ translation). The original of “filthy symbols” is σκύτινον καθειμένον. It has therefore been suggested, especially since there seems to be an allusion to a phallus even in the Clouds (vs. 734), that Aristophanes is not to be understood as discontinuing the use of the phallus altogether in this play, but merely as abandoning the φαλλος καθειμένος in favor of the less indecent φαλλὸς ἀναδεδεμένος. Both types are seen in [Fig. 17].

[102] Figs. 17-19 are taken from Körte, op. cit., p. 69 (Fig. 1), p. 78 (Fig. 3), and p. 80 (Fig. 5), respectively. In Fig. 17 there are only three actors; the end figures are flute-players. Körte believes this scene to be taken from Middle Comedy. In Fig. 19 the phallus has been omitted.

[103] Figs. 20 and 21 are taken from Körte, op. cit., p. 91 (Fig. 8), and Baumeister’s Denkmäler, Fig. 2099, respectively. The phallus has been omitted from some of the actors.

[104] Cf. Aristotle’s Poetics 1448a31 f.

[105] Those who admit this claim rest under the necessity of placing the introduction of actors at this early date. This would mean that comedy had actors before tragedy did! On the other hand, the reader needs to be warned that I place the introduction of comic actors later than most writers.

[106] Cf. Aristophanes’ Wasps, vs. 57, and Kock, Comicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, I, 9 f., fr. 2 (Ecphantides), and I, 323, fr. 244 (Eupolis).

[107] Von Wilamowitz’ skepticism with regard to Megarian comedy, however, has not gained many converts; cf. “Die megarische Komödie,” Hermes, IX (1875), 319 ff.

[108] Cf. Navarre, op. cit., p. 268. The same fact is brought out more graphically in the lithographic table at the close of Zieliński’s book.

[109] The episodes referred to in this sentence are more properly termed “mediating scenes” in contradistinction to the true episodes (5) which follow the parabasis (cf. White, The Verse of Greek Comedy, §§ 679 f.). Twenty-six connecting links of this sort occur in Aristophanes, twenty of them just before an agon or parabasis. Syzygies are also employed to extend the length of the play, especially in the first half (cf. [p. 41, n. 1], above).

[110] Cf. Aristotle’s Poetics 1448a32-4.

[111] Cf. Aristophanes’ Frogs, vss. 416-30, Rogers’ translation. The original is more vulgar than would be tolerable in an English translation.

[112] Cf. Kaibel, Comicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, p. 18.

[113] Some would interpret this passage as meaning that Cratinus was the first to observe the aesthetic law that not more than three persons should participate in the same conversation (cf. Rees, The So-called Rule of Three Actors in the Classical Greek Drama, p. 9, n. 1). When the only speakers were the individual choreutae, who were twenty-four in number, such a restriction must have been unheard of. On the other hand, if it should prove true that Megarian actors were brought in before the time of Cratinus, then we must suppose that their number was at first in excess of three and was reduced to three by him. Of course, the use of but three actors in the tragedy and comedy of this period would automatically result in not more than three persons participating in a conversation and so in the observance of the aesthetic law. This statement, however, is subject to the qualification that the chorus leaders continued to have speaking parts both in comedy (see [p. 44], above), and in tragedy (cf. [pp. 164 f.] and [169], below), and that a fourth actor was occasionally employed (cf. [pp. 171] and [182], below). In any case I am of the opinion that conscious formulation of the aesthetic law was not made until Hellenistic times (see [pp. 187 f.], below).

[114] Cf. Aristophanes’ Knights, vss. 522 f., Rogers’ translation.

[115] Cf. “The Introduction of Comedy into the City Dionysia,” University of Chicago Decennial Publications, VI, 266 ff.

[116] Cf. Columbia University Lectures on Greek Literature, p. 130.

[117] Cf. Cornford, op. cit., pp. 179 and 193, n. 1; see [p. 48], above.

[118] It is unfortunate that there is at present no satisfactory book dealing with the Greek theater on the structural side. English readers are practically restricted to Haigh’s The Attic Theatre, revised by Pickard-Cambridge in 1907, which devotes nearly one hundred pages to a summary and criticism of the different views. But this work has already been off the press for a decade and on the main issue, viz., as to whether the Greek theater of the classical period was provided with a raised stage for actors, makes too many concessions to the traditional view. For German readers, on the other hand, the situation is not a great deal better. Dörpfeld’s book has been before the public for over twenty years, and in the interim his opinions have necessarily changed on many points. He has promised a thoroughly revised second edition, which is demanded also by the excavation of additional theaters and by the publication of numerous special articles. But it is hardly likely that this promise will ever be redeemed. The only comfort is to be derived from the fact that, as works of major importance have appeared, Dörpfeld has promptly published critiques which have often been of such length as to furnish convenient restatements of his views. These more recent works in German, however, have attempted merely to force a modification of certain details in Dörpfeld’s position; they are in no wise calculated to serve as independent presentations of the whole matter or as a means of orientation for the uninitiated.

From the extensive bibliographical material which is available it is manifestly impossible to cite more than a fraction here. The outstanding books are Dörpfeld-Reisch, Das griechische Theater (1896), defended against reviewers and partially modified in “Das griechische Theater Vitruvs,” Athenische Mittheilungen, XXII (1897), 439 ff., and XXIII (1898), 326 ff.; Puchstein, Die griechische Bühne (1901), answered by Dörpfeld in Athenische Mittheilungen, XXVIII (1903), 383 ff.; and Fiechter, Die baugeschichtliche Entwicklung des antiken Theaters (1914), summarized by its author and criticized by Dörpfeld in Jahrbuch d. arch. Instituts, Anzeiger, XXX (1915), 93 ff. and 96 ff., respectively. Other important publications are von Wilamowitz-Möllendorff, “Die Bühne des Aischylos,” Hermes, XXI (1886), 597 ff.; Todt, “Noch Einmal die Bühne des Aeschylos,” Philologus, XLVIII (1889), 505 ff.; Capps, “Vitruvius and the Greek Stage,” University of Chicago Studies in Classical Philology, I (1893), 3 ff.; Bethe, Prolegomena zur Geschichte des Theaters im Alterthum (1896), and “Die hellenistischen Bühnen und ihre Decorationen,” Jahrbuch d. arch. Instituts, XV (1900), 59 ff. (answered by Dörpfeld in “Die vermeintliche Bühne des hellenistischen Theaters,” ibid., XVI [1901], 22 ff.); Petersen, “Nachlese in Athen: Das Theater des Dionysos,” ibid., XXIII (1908), 33 ff.; and Versakis, “Das Skenengebäude d. Dionysos-Theaters,” ibid., XXIV (1909), 194 ff., answered by Dörpfeld, ibid., pp. 224 ff. Still other titles will be cited as they are needed in the discussion. See also [p. 221], below. For reports on the excavations of various theaters the reader should consult the bibliographical references given by Dörpfeld-Reisch and Fiechter in their footnotes.

[119] For a slight variability in the application of the word orchestra see [p. 83] and nn. [1] and [2], below; see also [p. 72, n. 3].

[120] Fig. 22 is specially drawn and does not exactly reproduce any single theatrical structure. Fig. 23 is taken, simplified and slightly altered, from Dörpfeld-Reisch, Das griechische Theater, Pl. VIII (a).

[121] Dörpfeld claims that the name was given because the speakers stood there in addressing the public assemblies and that the same place was known as the theologium when used by divinities; cf. Athenische Mittheilungen, XXIII (1898), 348 f., and XXVIII (1903), 395, and Jahrbuch d. arch. Instituts, Anzeiger, XXX (1915), 98. Reisch thought that logium was the name of some kind of special structure in the orchestra; cf. Das griechische Theater, p. 302. Inscriptions prove the presence of a logium in the Delian theater in 279 B.C. (εἰς τὸ λογεῖον τῆς σκηνῆς) and 180 B.C. (τὴν κατασκευὴν τῶν πινάκων τῶν ἐπὶ τὸ λογεῖον); cf. Homolle, Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique, XVIII (1894), 162 and 165, and Robinson, American Journal of Philology, XXV (1904), 191; but they do not make its nature clear. Personally I am of the opinion that at Athens speakers always stood in the orchestra to address the public assemblies until the building of the Nero stage about 67 A.D.; cf. Flickinger, Plutarch as a Source of Information on the Greek Theater (1904), p. 55, and see [p. 102], below. My present view, therefore, is that logium suffered a change of meaning, being first applied to the top of the proscenium and being used for elevated action of various kinds, as explained in the text, and afterward being applied to the stage as the place of actors and public speakers. In either case, it referred to the same general part of the theater, viz., an elevated platform in front of the scene-building. But the original application of this term is one of the most perplexing problems in connection with scenic antiquities, and it is earnestly to be hoped that additional evidence may be brought to light which will unmistakably reveal its earlier history. The word does not appear in literature until Roman times (thrice in Plutarch), but then indisputably means “stage.” See next paragraph in text.

[122] “Theater” (θέατρον) is derived from θεᾶσθαι, to “see,” and was originally applied to the space occupied by the spectators. The wider meaning was a natural but later development. It is customary to employ the Latin term cavea (“an excavated place”) to express the narrower meaning.

[123] Fig. 24 is taken from Wilberg’s drawing, simplified by the omission of numerous details, in Forschungen in Ephesos, II, Fig. 96. I am responsible for the addition of the names.

[124] That this platform (or rather its equivalent in purely Roman theaters) might be conventionally regarded as the roof of the scene-building appears from Seneca Medea, vs. 973 (Medea speaking): “excelsa nostrae tecta conscendam domus,” and vs. 995 (Jason speaking): “en ipsa tecti parte praecipiti imminet.”

[125] The word occurs only in Pollux, Onomasticon, IV, § 127.

[126] Dörpfeld applies the term to the first story of the purely Greek (stageless) theater (see [p. 100], below).

[127] For a discussion of the technical terms from the traditional standpoint, cf. A. Müller, “Untersuchungen zu den Bühnenalterthümern,” Philologus, Supplementband, VII (1899), 3 ff. Many of the terms, notably σκηνή, have numerous secondary meanings; cf. Flickinger, Plutarch as a Source of Information on the Greek Theater, pp. 23 ff., and Scherling, De Vocis Σκηνή, Quantum ad Theatrum Graecum Pertinet, Significatione et Usu (1906). Thymele is sometimes extended in application so as to denote the whole orchestra; hence θυμελικός was sometimes applied to purely orchestral performers (or their performances) in contradistinction to those who came into more immediate relationship with the scene-building and who were in consequence known as σκηνικοί (see [pp. 96 f.], below).

[128] Fig. 25 is taken from a photograph by Professor D. M. Robinson.

[129] Figs. 26 f. are taken from photographs by Dr. A. S. Cooley; Fig. 28 from one by Professor D. M. Robinson.

[130] Fig. 1 is taken from a photograph furnished by Professor D. M. Robinson.

[131] Fig. 29 is specially drawn and is based upon several different drawings.

[132] Fig. 30 is taken from Wieseler’s Theatergebäude und Denkmäler d. Bühnenwesens bei den Griechern und Römern, Pl. I, Fig. 1, and is magnified two diameters as compared with the original coin. See also the medallion on the outside cover, which is reproduced from the British Museum Catalogue of Greek Coins, Attica, Megaris, Aegina, Pl. XIX, Fig. 8. Fig. 31 is from a photograph by Dr. A. S. Cooley.

[133] Fig. 32 is redrawn, with slight alterations, from Dörpfeld-Reisch, Das griechische Theater, Pl. II. The age of the different remains is indicated in colors in ibid., Pl. I.

[134] Cf. Photius, s.v. ἴκρια. τὰ ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ, ἀφ’ ὤν ἐθεῶντο τοὺς Διονυσιακοὺς αγῶνας πρὶν ἤ κατασκευασθῆναι τὸ ἐν Διονύσου θέατρον; likewise s.v. ληναῖον and ὀρχήστρα.

[135] Cf. Suidas, s.v. Πρατίνας ... ἀντηγωνίζετο δὲ Αὶσχύλῳ τε καὶ Χοιρίλῳ, ἐπὶ τῆς ἑβδομηκοστῆς Ὀλυμπιάδος, ... ἐπιδεικνυμένου δὲ τούτου συνέβη τὰ ἴκρια, ἐφ’ ὧν ἑστήκεσαν οἱ θεαταί πεσεῖν. καὶ ἐκ τούτου θέατρον ᾠκοδομήθη Ἀθηναίοις. It is also possible that the orchestra in the precinct of Dionysus is somewhat earlier than is maintained in the text, possibly going back to the vicinity of 534 B.C., and that it was the earlier and less substantial seats near it which collapsed ca. 499 B.C.

[136] Figs. 33 f. are taken from photographs by Dr. A. S. Cooley. The position of these stones is marked by B and C respectively in Fig. 32. Another arc of the same orchestral circle is indicated by a cutting in the native rock near the east parodus, A in Fig. 32.

[137] Fig. 32a is taken from F. Noack, Σκηνὴ Τραγική, eine Studie über die scenischen Anlage auf der Orchestra des Aischylos und der anderen Tragiker (1915), p. 3.

[138] Possibly the seats did not go back of this road at this period; they certainly did in the fourth century ([Fig. 32]).

[139] Cf. Dignan, The Idle Actor in Aeschylus (1905), p. 13, n. 14.

[140] Or in the south half of the old orchestra in case the orchestra was moved fifty feet nearer the Acropolis at this time (see [p. 68], below).

[141] Cf. Aristotle’s Poetics 1449a18, and Vitruvius, De Architectura, VII, praefatio, § 11.

[142] Dörpfeld, following Reisch, is willing to accept a date as early as 421-415 B.C., cf. Das griechische Theater, pp. 21 f.

[143] Fig. 35 is taken from Fiechter, op. cit., Fig. 14.

[144] So Furtwängler, “Zum Dionysostheater in Athen,” Sitzungsberichte d. bayer. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu München, philosophisch-philologische u. historische Classe, 1901, p. 411; Puchstein, op. cit., pp. 137 ff.; E. A. Gardner, Ancient Athens, pp. 435 f. and 448; and Fiechter, op. cit., p. 11. Dörpfeld, on the contrary, would attribute these foundations to the Lycurgus theater in the next century; cf. Das griechische Theater, pp. 59 ff.

[145] Cf. Dörpfeld, “Das griechische Theater zu Pergamon,” Athenische Mittheilungen, XXXII (1907), 231; but differently in Das griechische Theater, pp. 61 ff.

[146] As in the Hellenistic theater ([Fig. 38]).

[147] Except possibly at Thoricus (see [p. 103], below).

[148] Cf. pseudo-Plutarch X Oratorum Vitae, 841D and 852C.

[149] Cf. Dörpfeld, “Das Theater von Ephesos,” Jahrbuch d. arch. Instituts, Anzeiger, XXVIII (1913), 38.

[150] Dörpfeld, “Das Theater von Ephesos,” Jahrbuch d. arch. Instituts, Anzeiger, XXVIII (1913), 40 f.

[151] Fig. 38 is taken from Dörpfeld-Reisch, Das griechische Theater, Fig. 26.

[152] Cf. ibid., p. 63. This shift has been disputed by many but is defended by Fiechter, op. cit., pp. 9 ff.

[153] Cf. Dörpfeld, Das griechische Theater, p. 89.

[154] Cf. ibid., p. 89; Athenische Mittheilungen, XXII (1897), 459; XXIII (1898), 330 and 347; and XXVIII (1903), 414. For the Graeco-Roman stage see [pp. 80 ff.] and [110 f.], below.

[155] Fig. 39 is from a photograph taken by Dr. Lewis L. Forman and furnished by Dr. A. S. Cooley. Owing to its change of function, in Roman times the orchestra was sometimes known as the κονίστρα (= the Latin arena); owing to its change of shape, it was sometimes called σῖγμα from its resemblance to the semicircular form of the Greek letter Ϲ.

[156] Fig. 40 is taken from Dörpfeld-Reisch, Das griechische Theater, Fig. 32.

[157] Fig. 41 is from a photograph belonging to Northwestern University; the stone steps at the left and another slab at the right do not appear in this view (see [Fig. 39]). For the latest interpretation and drawing of the frieze, cf. Cook, Zeus, I, 708 ff., and the pocket at end of his volume.

[158] Fig. 42 is taken from Athenische Mittheilungen, XXII (1897), 452.

[159] Vitruvius, of course, speaks of Roman feet, which are equal to 11.65 English inches.

[160] Fig. 43 is taken from Athenische Mittheilungen, XXII (1897), 453. This drawing differs somewhat from that given in Das griechische Theater, Fig. 66, which was prepared while Dörpfeld was still of the opinion that Vitruvius was describing the Hellenistic theater and had misapprehended the function of its proscenium (see [p. 81], below). He now includes the proscenium at the back of the stage in the scaenae frons.

[161] Whatever scaena may mean in Latin, in scaena in this context is at least equivalent to “on the stage.”

[162] Cf. [p. 61, n. 2], above and [pp. 96 f.], below.

[163] Cf. Pollux Onomasticon iv, § 123: καὶ σκηνὴ μὲν ὑποκριτῶν ἴδιον, ἡ δὲ ὀρχήστρα τοῦ χοροῦ.

[164] Cf. ibid., iv, § 127: εἰσελθόντες δὲ κατὰ τὴν ὀρχήστραν ἐπὶ τὴν σκηνὴν ἀναβαίνουσι διὰ κλιμάκων.

[165] Dörpfeld’s views were first given general publicity in the Appendix to Müller’s Lehrbuch der griechischen Bühnenalterthümern (1886), pp. 415 f., but were not published in full until 1896. They have suffered modification in several material points since then.

[166] Cf. De Architectura v. 8, 2: “ita his praescriptionibus qui voluerit uti, emendatas efficiet theatrorum perfectiones.”

[167] This is now Dörpfeld’s name for what he at first called the Asia Minor type; cf. Athenische Mittheilungen, XXVIII (1903), 389 and 414. The latter term was unfortunate as suggesting a geographical restriction which had no basis in fact.

[168] Cf. Plutarch Life of Pompey, c. xlii.

[169] It is significant that Vitruvius seems to have depended upon Asia Minor rather than the Greek mainland for his knowledge of Greek architecture; cf. Noack, “Das Proscenion in der Theaterfrage,” Philologus, LVIII (1899), 16 ff.

[170] Cf. Athenische Mittheilungen, XXII (1897), 439 ff.

[171] Cf. Athenische Mittheilungen, XXII (1897), 443, 449 f., and 454, and Fiechter, op. cit., pp. 59 ff.

[172] It is easy to see why he should do so. When Hellenistic theaters were made over into Graeco-Roman structures, several rows of seats were often removed, resulting in a drop of several feet between the auditorium and the orchestra (see [p. 116], below, and [Fig. 24]). So distinct a line of demarcation could scarcely be ignored in favor of any less clearly marked boundary. In fact, the orchestra in the narrowest sense (see next note) was sometimes not indicated at all in the Graeco-Roman theaters.

[173] The word is applied also to a still more restricted space which in some Graeco-Roman and most earlier theaters is marked off by a circular boundary.

[174] Of course, Dörpfeld and Fiechter cite only a fraction of the instances available (others are given in Puchstein’s table, op. cit., p. 7), but it is to be inferred that they bring forward those which are most favorable to their own position and most difficult for their opponents to explain. For example, the proscenium of the Hellenistic theater in Athens was about thirteen feet (English) high, which exceeds Vitruvius’ maximum. Consequently Fiechter says nothing about it. In general, the Hellenistic proscenia were higher than the Graeco-Roman stages.

[175] Doubtless for the reason that in the pitlike Graeco-Roman orchestra the smaller circle really was not needed and often was not indicated (see [p. 83, n. 1]).

[176] Cf. Dörpfeld, Athenische Mittheilungen, XXVIII (1903), 403 and 405.

[177] Cf. Bethe, Jahrbuch d. arch. Instituts, XV (1900), 71 f., and Dörpfeld, ibid., XVI (1901), 35 f.

[178] Cf. Athenische Mittheilungen, XXVIII (1903), 424 ff. The arguments advanced in this article are reaffirmed as still valid in Jahrbuch d. arch. Instituts, Anzeiger, XXX (1915), 99 ff.

[179] Cf. Hermes, XXI (1886), 603.

[180] Cf. “The Greek Stage According to the Extant Dramas,” Transactions of the American Philological Association, XXII (1891), 5 ff. Similar results were obtained by White, “The ‘Stage’ in Aristophanes,” Harvard Studies, II (1891), 159 ff.

[181] Fig. 45 is from a photograph belonging to the University of Chicago. The inscription beneath the seat reads: “Of the priest of Dionysus Eleuthereus.”

[182] Cf. scholium on vs. 299 of the Frogs: ἀποροῦσι δέ τινες πῶς ἀπὸ τοῦ λογείου περιελθὼν καὶ κρυφθεὶς ὄπισθεν τοῦ ἱερέως τοῦτο λέγει. φαίνονται δὲ οὐκ εἶναι ἐπὶ τοῦ λογείου ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ τῆς ὀρχήστρας.

[183] Cf. Graeber, De Poetarum Atticorum Arte Scaenica (1911), p. 4.

[184] Cf. Rees, “The Function of the Πρόθυρον in the Production of Greek Plays,” Classical Philology, X (1915), 128 and n. 2. For other interpretations consistent with a stageless theater, cf. White, Harvard Studies, II (1891), 164 ff., and Capps, Transactions of the American Philological Association, XXII (1891), 64 ff. A convenient summary from the pro-stage point of view may be found in Haigh, The Attic Theatre³, pp. 166 f.

[185] Cf. Aristotle’s Poetics 1456a29, and see [pp. 144 ff.], below.

[186] Cf. White, op. cit., p. 167, note, and Robert, “Zur Theaterfrage,” Hermes, XXXII (1897), 447.

[187] See [pp. 99], [116 f.], [134 f.], and [144-49], below. Cf. Capps, “The Chorus in the Later Greek Drama,” American Journal of Archaeology, X (1895), 287 ff.; Körte, “Das Fortleben des Chors im griechischen Drama,” N. Jahrbücher f. kl. Altertum, V (1900), 81 ff.; Flickinger, “ΧΟΡΟΥ in Terence’s Heauton and Agathon’s ΕΜΒΟΛΙΜΑ,” Classical Philology, VII (1912), 24 ff.; and Duckett, Studies in Ennius (1915), pp. 53 ff.

[188] See [p. 147], below, and cf. Graf, Szenische Untersuchungen zu Menander (1914), p. 14. The same motive appears also in the fifth century, in Euripides’ Phoenician Maids, vss. 192 ff., and Phaethon (Nauck, Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, p. 602, fr. 773, vss. 10 ff.); cf. Fraenkel, De Media et Nova Comoedia (1912), p. 71, and Harms, De Introitu Personarum in Euripidis et Novae Comoediae Fabulis (1914), p. 60; see [p. 282], below.

[189] The former phrase occurs in Aristotle’s Poetics 1453a27, 1455a28, 1459b25, and 1460a15, and Demosthenes xix, p. 449, § 337; the latter in Aristotle’s (?) Poetics 1452b18 and 25, Aristotle’s Problems 918b26, 920a9, and 922b17, and Demosthenes xviii, p. 288, § 180. Cf. Richards, Classical Review, V (1891), 97, and XVIII (1904), 179, and Flickinger, “The Meaning of ἐπὶ τῆς σκηνῆς in Writers of the Fourth Century,” University of Chicago Decennial Publications, VI (1902), 11 ff., and “Scaenica,” Transactions of the American Philological Association, XL (1909), 109 ff.

[190] Cf. Athenaeus, p. 211 B.

[191] Cf. Diodorus Siculus xi. 10, Plutarch Life of Brutus, c. xlv, and Life of Demetrius, c. xxxii, and Lucian (?), Lucius sive Asinus, § 47.

[192] Cf. American Journal of Philology, XVIII (1897), 120.

[193] Cf. Aristotle’s Poetics 1460a11-17.

[194] Cf. Aristotle (?) Poetics 1452b24 f.

[195] Cf. Clemens Alexandrinus (Potter), p. 688, and Vitruvius viii, praefatio § 1. Incidentally it may be remarked that Euripides’ philosophizing and personal views are found in his choral odes no less than in the histrionic parts of his plays (see [p. 140], below).

[196] Cf. Frei, De Certaminibus Thymelicis (1900), pp. 14 and 15. The dissertation provoked a controversy between Bethe and Dörpfeld; cf. Bethe, “Thymeliker und Skeniker,” Hermes, XXXVI (1901), 597 ff., and Dörpfeld, “Thymele und Skene,” ibid., XXXVII (1902), 249 ff. and 483 ff.

[197] Cf. Athenische Mittheilungen, XXVIII (1903), 420 f.

[198] The Greek text has already been quoted on p. 78, nn. 1 and 2.

[199] Cf. Clouds, vss. 1486 ff. A somewhat similar use of ladders is mentioned in Euripides’ Bacchanals, vss. 1212 ff.

[200] Cf. Pollux iv. 124: τὸ δὲ ὑποσκήνιον κίοσι καὶ ἀγαλματίοις κεκόσμηται πρὸς τὸ θέατρον τετραμμένοις, ὑπὸ τὸ λογεῖον κείμενον.

[201] Also, the front wall of this room, just as σκηνή is not only the scene-building as a whole but also its front wall; cf. Flickinger, Plutarch as a Source of Information on the Greek Theater, pp. 43 f.

[202] Cf. Athenische Mittheilungen, XXVIII (1903), 418 ff.

[203] Robert would emend the text so that the statement would explain the proscenium instead of the hyposcenium; cf. Hermes, XXXII (1897), 448. In that case ὑπό must mean “behind,” a possible meaning, and Pollux would be speaking of the proscenium in a theater with a stage. Pollux includes the proscenium in his catalogue of theater parts (see [pp. 97 f.], above), but does not define it.

[204] Cf. Plutarch Life of Lycurgus, c. vi, and Flickinger, Plutarch as a Source of Information on the Greek Theater (1904), p. 52.

[205] Cf. Plutarch Life of Demetrius, c. xxxiv.

[206] Cf. Plutarch Praecepta Gerendae Reipublicae 823B, and see [p. 59, n. 1], above.

[207] Cf. Plutarch’s Life of Aratus, c. xxiii: ἐπιστήσας δὲ ταῖς παρόδοις τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς αὐτὸς ἀπὸ τῆς σκηνῆς εἰς τὸ μέσον προῆλθε. For other interpretations, cf. Robert, Hermes, XXXII (1897), 448 ff.; Müller, Philologus, Supplementband, VII (1899), 52 f. and 90 f.; Dörpfeld, Athenische Mittheilungen, XXVIII (1903), 421 ff., etc.

[208] A convenient chronological table of the extant theaters is given by Fiechter, op. cit., pp. 24-27.

[209] Fig. 46 is taken from Dörpfeld-Reisch, Das griechische Theater, Fig. 50. Figs. 47-52 are from photographs by Dr. A. S. Cooley.

[210] Figs. 53-54 are redrawn from Dörpfeld-Reisch, Das griechische Theater, Figs. 44-45, respectively; Fig. 55 is from a photograph by Dr. A. S. Cooley.

[211] Cf. Pollux Onomasticon iv, § 132: αἱ Χαρώνιοι κλίμακες.

[212] Cf. Fossum in American Journal of Archaeology, II (1898), 187 ff. and Pl. IV; see [p. 288, n. 2], below.

[213] A convenient series of excerpts from the Delian inscriptions is given by Haigh, The Attic Theatre³, pp. 379 ff.

[214] Fig. 56 is taken from Dörpfeld-Reisch, Das griechische Theater, Fig. 35; and Fig. 57 is from a photograph of the German Archaeological Institute at Athens.

[215] ... ἀγω] νοθετήσας τὸ προσκήνιον καὶ τοὺς πίν[ακας, and ... ἱερεὺ]ς γενόμενος ⸺ τὴν σκηνὴν καὶ τὰ θυρώμ[ατα τῷ Ἀμ]φιαράῳ. For the functions of an agonothete, see [pp. 271 f.], below. For the θυρώματα, cf. Dörpfeld in Athenische Mittheilungen, XXVIII (1903), 394, and Jahrbuch d. arch. Instituts, Anzeiger, XXX (1915), 102; wrongly interpreted in Das griechische Theater, p. 109.

[216] Fig. 58 is taken from Athenische Mittheilungen, XXII (1897), Pl. X.

[217] Cf. Dörpfeld in Athenische Mittheilungen, XXII (1897), 458, and XXVIII (1903), 429.

[218] Fig. 59 is taken from Niemann’s drawing in Forschungen in Ephesos, II, Pl. VIII; and Figs. 60-62 are from drawings by Wilberg, ibid., Figs. 5, 56, and 57, respectively. Cf. also Dörpfeld, “Das Theater von Ephesos,” Jahrbuch d. arch. Instituts, Anzeiger, XXVIII (1913), 37 ff.

[219] Fig. 63 is redrawn from Athenische Mittheilungen, XXIII (1898), Pl. XI; the cross-hatched walls belong to the Graeco-Roman rebuilding. Fig. 64 is from a photograph taken by Professor C. P. Bill and furnished by Dr. A. S. Cooley.

[220] Cf. Dörpfeld, in Athenische Mittheilungen, XXII (1897), 456 ff.

[221] Cf. Dörpfeld, ibid., XXII (1897), 458 f.; XXIII (1898), 337; and XXVIII (1903), 426.

[222] Cf. Duckett, Studies in Ennius (1915), p. 70.

[223] Cf. the works mentioned on pp. [xvii] and [xx f.], above. There is no special literature on this subject.

[224] Cf. chaps. iv and ix and the bibliographies on [pp. 196] and [318], below.

[225] A drachma contained six obols and was worth about eighteen cents without making allowance for the greater purchase value of money in antiquity.

[226] Cf. Haigh, The Attic Theatre (3d ed. by Pickard-Cambridge, 1907), p. 1.

[227] The affirmative side of the question is presented by Haigh, op. cit., pp. 324 ff.; the negative by Rogers, Introduction to Aristophanes’ Women in Council (1902), pp. xxix ff.

[228] Cf. Frickenhaus, “Der Schiffskarren des Dionysos in Athen,” Jahrbuch d. arch. Instituts, XXVII (1912), 61 ff. Fig. 65 originally appeared as Beilage I, Fig. 3, in connection with this article. It is taken from a drawing by Signor G. Gatti, a photograph of which was furnished me through the courtesy of Professor Ghisardini, Director of the Museo Civico at Bologna.

[229] Cf. Plautus’ The Casket, vss. 89 f.:

per Dionysia

mater pompam me spectatum duxit,

and vss. 156 ff.:

fuere Sicyoni iam diu Dionysia.

mercator venit huc ad ludos Lemnius,

isque hic compressit virginem, adulescentulus,

<vi>, vinulentus, multa nocte, in via.

For the differences between Old Comedy, Middle Comedy, and New Comedy, see [p. 39], above.

[230] Cf. his Preface to Bajazet.

[231] Cf. Ribbeck, Rheinisches Museum, XXX (1875), 145.

[232] Cf. Aristotle’s Poetics 1456a6 and 1453a19.

[233] Cf. ibid., 1451b25.

[234] Cf. Oxyrhynchus Papyri, IX (1912), 30 ff.

[235] For still further developments in the history of satyric drama see [pp. 198 f.], below.

[236] Cf. Kock, Comicorum Atticorum Fragmenta, II, 90, fr. 191.

[237] Cf. Freytag’s Technique of the Drama², translated by MacEwan, p. 75, and Hense, Die Modificirung der Maske in der griechischen Tragödie² (1905), pp. 2 f.

[238] Cf. Lounsbury, Shakespeare as a Dramatic Artist (1902), p. 175 (italics mine).

[239] Cf. ibid., p. 204. The passages referred to are Sophocles’ Philoctetes, vss. 38 f., 649 f., and 696-99, and Antigone, vss. 1016-22 and 1080-83. The expressions employed in the Greek could be seriously objected to only by the most fastidious.

[240] Cf. Haigh, The Attic Theatre³, p. 2.

[241] Cf. argument, Demosthenes’ Against Midias, §§ 2 f.

[242] In addition to the works mentioned on pp. [xvii] and [xx f.], above, cf. Decharme, Euripides and the Spirit of His Dramas (1892), translated by Loeb (1906); Capps “The Chorus in the Later Greek Drama,” American Journal of Archaeology, X (1895), 287 ff.; Helmreich, Der Chor bei Sophokles und Euripides (1905); A. Körte, “Das Fortleben des Chors im gr. Drama,” N. Jahrb. f. d. kl. Altertum, V (1900), 81 ff.; Flickinger, “ΧΟΡΟΥ in Terence’s Heauton, The Shifting of Choral Rôles in Menander, and Agathon’s ἘΜΒΟΛΙΜΑ,” Classical Philology, VII (1912), 24 ff.; Stephenson, Some Aspects of the Dramatic Art of Aeschylus (1913); Fries, De Conexu Chori Personae cum Fabulae Actione (1913); and Duckett, Studies in Eunius (1915).

[243] Nevertheless, it has been ignored by certain recent writers on the origin of tragedy, cf. Classical Philology, VIII (1913), 283.

[244] Whether the satyric chorus was increased at the same time is unknown. In Fig. 4, which represents a satyric drama of about 400 B.C., not more than twelve choreutae are represented.

[245] For the differences between sileni and satyrs and for their appearance on the stage, see [pp. 24-32].

[246] Cf. the scholia to Sophocles’ Ajax, vs. 134, to Euripides’ Phoenician Maids, vs. 202, etc.

[247] Conversations with Eckermann, July 5, 1827 (Oxenford’s translation).

[248] Cf. Graeber, De Poetarum Atticorum Arte Scaenica (1911), pp. 56 ff.

[249] Cf. Flickinger, op. cit., pp. 28 ff.

[250] Cf. Aristotle’s Poetics, 1456a26 ff.

[251] Cf. Philologus, LXX (1911), 497 f.

[252] Cf. Revue des Études anciennes, XIII (1911), 273.

[253] In the Jernstedt fragment; cf. Capps, Four Plays of Menander, pp. 98 f.

[254] Cf. Kock, Comicorum Atticorum Fragmenta, II, 333 f., fr. 107.

[255] Cf. Verrall, Euripides the Rationalist, p. 219, note.

[256] Cf. Archer, Play-making, p. 142.

[257] Cf. The Origin of Attic Comedy, p. 107.

[258] Cf. Zur Dramaturgie des Äschylus (1892), p. 135.

[259] Cf. Euripides’ Helen, vs. 184, and Medea, vss. 131 ff.

[260] Cf. Euripides’ Hecabe, vs. 105, and Electra, vss. 168 ff.

[261] Cf. Sophocles’ Maidens of Trachis, vs. 103, and Ajax, vs. 143, Euripides’ Hippolytus, vss. 129 ff., etc.

[262] Cf. Sophocles’ Oedipus the King, vs. 144, and Antigone, vss. 164 f., Euripides’ Trojan Women, vss. 143-45, Aristophanes’ Clouds, vs. 269, Peace, vss. 296 ff., Birds, vss. 310 f., and Plutus, vs. 255, etc.

[263] Cf. Verrall’s edition of Euripides’ Ion (1890), p. lx.

[264] Cf. p. 89 of his edition (1896).

[265] Cf. John Dennis, The Impartial Critick (1693).

[266] Cf. Tovey, Letters of Thomas Gray, II, 293 f.

[267] Cf. Dennis, op. cit.

[268] Four Plays of Euripides (1905), pp. 125-30.

[269] Cf. Murray, Euripides and His Age (1913), p. 238.

[270] Thucydides Mythistoricus (1907), p. 147 (italics mine).

[271] In addition to the works mentioned on pp. [xvii] and [xx f.], above, cf. Detscheff, De Tragoediarum Graecarum Conformatione Scaenica ac Dramatica (1904); Rees, “The Meaning of Parachoregema,” Classical Philology, II (1907), 387 ff.; The So-called Rule of Three Actors in the Classical Greek Drama (1908); “The Number of the Dramatic Company in the Period of the Technitae,” American Journal of Philology, XXXI (1910), 43 ff., and “The Three Actor Rule in Menander,” Classical Philology, V (1910), 291 ff.; O’Connor, Chapters in the History of Actors and Acting in Ancient Greece (1908); Leo, Der Monolog im Drama (1908), and Plautinische Forschungen² (1912), pp. 226 ff.; Listmann, Die Technik des Dreigesprächs in der griechischen Tragödie (1910); Kaffenberger, Das Dreischauspielergesetz in der griechischen Tragödie (1911); Foster, The Divisions in the Plays of Plautus and Terence (1913); Stephenson, Some Aspects of the Dramatic Art of Aeschylus (1913); Graf, Szensiche Untersuchungen zu Menander (1914); and Conrad, The Technique of Continuous Action in Roman Comedy (1915), reviewed by Flickinger in Classical Weekly, X (1917), 147 ff.

Fig. 66 is taken from Baumeister’s Denkmäler, Fig. 1637. The apparent height of the tragic actors is said to have been increased by means of the ὄγκος projecting above the head and of thick-soled boots (κόθορνοι), both represented in Fig. 66. The employment of such paraphernalia rests upon late evidence, however, and has been disputed for fifth-century tragedy; cf. for example Smith, “The Use of the High-soled Shoe or Buskin in Greek Tragedy of the Fifth or Fourth Centuries B.C.,” Harvard Studies, XVI (1905), 123 ff. For the costumes of comic actors, see [pp. 46 f.], above.

[272] Cf. Capps, “The Introduction of Comedy into the City Dionysia,” University of Chicago Decennial Publications, VI, 269, n. 37.

[273] Cf. Tanner, Transactions of American Philological Association, XLVI (1915), 185-87. For Sophocles, cf. Jebb’s Electra, p. lvii.

[274] Cf. Rees, Classical Philology, V (1910), 291 ff., and Kaffenberger, op. cit., p. 10.

[275] Cf. C. F. Hermann, De Distributione Personarum inter Histriones in Tragoediis Graecis (1840), pp. 32-34.

[276] Cf. Prescott, “Three Puer-Scenes in Plautus and the Distribution of Rôles,” Harvard Studies, XXI (1910), 44. It ought to be added that some authorities deny that Prometheus was represented by a dummy, believing that this tragedy belonged to the three-actor period (see further, [p. 228], below).

[277] Cf. Lewes, Life of Goethe², p. 424.

[278] Cf. Four Plays of Euripides (1905), pp. 1 ff.

[279] Cf. the scholium on vs. 93.

[280] Cf. Devrient, Das Kind auf der antiken Bühne (1904).

[281] Cf. Oxyrhynchus Papyri, VI (1908), 69.

[282] Cf. Rees, American Journal of Philology, XXXI (1910), 43 ff.

[283] Cf. Horace Ars Poetica, vs. 192; see also [p. 53, n. 1], above.

[284] Cf. Leo, Rheinisches Museum für Philologie, LII (1897), 513.

[285] Cf. Seneca’s Agamemnon, vss. 981 ff.

[286] Cf. Lounsbury, Shakespeare as a Dramatic Artist, pp. 111 f.

[287] Cf. U. von Wilamowitz-Möllendorff, Herakles², I, 119, note, and Euripides Alcestis, vss. 393 ff.

[288] Cf. Aristotle’s Rhetoric 1403b33, quoted as the motto of this chapter.

[289] Cf. Play-making, p. 129.

[290] Cf. The So-called Rule of Three Actors in the Classical Greek Drama, pp. 45-60.

[291] In addition to the works mentioned on pp. [xvii] and [xx f.], above, cf. A. T. Murray, On Parody and Paratragoedia in Aristophanes (1891); Mazon, “Sur le Proagôn,” Revue de Philologie, XXVII (1903), 263 ff.; Rees, “The Significance of the Parodoi in the Greek Theater,” American Journal of Philology, XXXII (1911), 377 ff.; Graeber, De Poetarum Atticorum Arte Scaenica (1911); Robert, Die Masken der neueren attischen Komödie (1911); and the bibliography listed on [p. 318], below.

[292] Cf. Acharnians, vss. 501 ff., Starkie’s edition, excursus V, and Croiset, Aristophanes and the Political Parties at Athens, pp. 42 ff. (Loeb’s translation).

[293] Cf. Demosthenes’ Against Midias, § 74.

[294] It probably began upon the tenth day of Elaphebolion (cf. Adams, Transactions of American Philological Association, XLI [1910], 60 ff.) and closed on the fifteenth.

[295] Cf. the Introduction to Hayley’s edition, pp. xxiii ff.

[296] Cf. Capps, in Classical Philology, I (1906), 219, note on l. 5, and Wilhelm, Urkunden dramatischer Aufführungen in Athen, pp. 195 ff.

[297] Cf. The Theory of the Theater, p. 118.

[298] Cf. his Aristotle on the Art of Poetry, pp. 48 f.

[299] Cf. Dryden, Dramatic Essays (Everyman’s Library edition), p. 20.

[300] Cf. Philostratus, Apollonius of Tyana, p. 245.

[301] Cf. note on vs. 38 in Tucker’s edition.

[302] Cf. note on these lines in Starkie’s edition, and Murray, op. cit., p. 30.

[303] Figs. 68 f. are taken from Robert, op. cit., Figs. 55 and 77, respectively.

[304] Cf. Laws 659A-C.

[305] See [pp. xvii f.] above, and cf. Bartsch, Entwickelung des Charakters der Medea in der Tragödie des Euripides (Breslau, 1852), p. 24. For the Boeotian version of the incident in Euripides’ Suppliants, cf. Pausanias i. 39. 2.

[306] There is a tradition that this play was not produced in Athens, and some maintain that it was first played at Argos. In that case, in addition to appealing to the convictions of the pro-Athenian, anti-Spartan party in Argos, there must also have been the political motive of gaining converts for that party.

[307] Cf. Lectures on Dramatic Art and Literature, translated by Black and Morrison, p. 38.

[308] In addition to the works mentioned on pp. [xvii] and [xx f.], above, and the bibliography listed on [pp. 57-59], above, cf. Hense, Die Modificirung der Maske in der griechischen Tragödie² (1905); Dignan, The Idle Actor in Aeschylus (1905); Flickinger, “Scaenica,” Transactions of the American Philological Association, XL (1909), 109 ff.; Robert, Die Masken der neueren attischen Komödie (1911); Rees, “The Significance of the Parodoi in the Greek Theater,” American Journal of Philology, XXXII (1911), 377 ff., and “The Function of the Πρόθυρον in the Production of Greek Plays,” Classical Philology, X (1915), 117 ff.; Harms, De Introitu Personarum in Euripidis et Novae Comoediae Fabulis (1914); Mooney, The House-Door on the Ancient Stage (1914); and Rambo, “The Wing-Entrances in Roman Comedy,” Classical Philology, X (1915), 411 ff.

[309] Cf. Craig, On the Art of the Theatre (1911), pp. 13 and 54 ff., and Cornford, Thucydides Mythistoricus (1907), p. 142, n. 2.

[310] Fig. 70 is taken from Dörpfeld-Reisch, Das griechische Theater, Fig. 43; Fig. 71 is from a photograph taken by Professor L. L. Forman and furnished by Dr. A. S. Cooley.

[311] Cf. Three Plays for Puritans, p. xxxvi.

[312] Fig. 72 is taken from Puchstein, Die griechische Bühne, Fig. 3.

[313] Cf. Ridgeway, Dramas and Dramatic Dances of Non-European Races, p. 83.

[314] Fig. 73 is taken from Baumeister, Denkmäler, Fig. 980. Within the prothyron are the king of Corinth and his daughter, Jason’s second wife. The latter is being assisted by her brother. In front lies an opened box which contained the poisoned gifts. From the other side the queen comes rushing. In the foreground is Medea slaying one of her children, while a youth tries to rescue the other. In the center is Oistros, the demon of madness, mounted upon a dragon chariot. Further on Jason is hastening to aid his boys, and on the extreme right is the ghost of Aeetes, Medea’s father. The design is apparently not based upon Euripides’ Medea. Cf. Earle’s edition, pp. 60 f.

[315] Cf. Discours des trois unités, I, 119 (Regnier’s edition; 1862).

[316] Cf. Legrand, The New Greek Comedy, pp. 356 f., Loeb’s translation.

[317] For another interpretation cf. Mooney, op. cit., p. 19 and n. 13.

[318] The Ajax is one of the earliest among Sophocles’ extant plays, but its exact date is not known. I have assumed that it preceded the introduction of a proscenium about 430 B.C. (see [p. 235], above). If it was written after that innovation, the statement in the text would have to be altered accordingly, but the general method of procedure remains the same in either case.

[319] Cf. Jebb, The Attic Orators, Vol. I, p. ciii.

[320] In addition to the works mentioned on pp. [xvii] and [xx f.] and the bibliography listed on [pp. 57-59], above, cf. Campbell, Classical Review, IV (1890), 303 ff.; Verrall in his edition of Euripides’ Ion (1890), pp. xlviii ff.; Krause, Quaestiones Aristophaneae Scaenicae (1903); Kent, “The Time Element in the Greek Drama,” Transactions of the American Philological Association, XXXVII (1906), 39 ff.; Felsch, Quibus Artificiis Adhibitis Poetae Tragici Graeci Unitates Illas et Temporis et Loci Observaverint (1907); Polczyk, De Unitatibus et Loci et Temporis in Nova Comoedia Observatis (1909); Marek, De Temporis et Loci Unitatibus a Seneca Tragico Observatis (1909); Wolf, Die Bezeichnung von Ort und Zeit in der attischen Tragödie (1911); Butcher, Aristotle’s Theory of Poetry and Fine Art⁴ (1911), pp. 274 ff.; Brasse, Quatenus in Fabulis Plautinis et Loci et Temporis Unitatibus Species Veritatis Neglegatur (1914); and Manning, A Study of Archaism in Euripides (1916).

[321] ΧΟΡΟΥ is printed at this point in most editions but occurs in no manuscript (see [p. 145], above); it has been inserted by the editors.

[322] Cf. Scott, Classical Philology, VIII (1913), 453 ff.

[323] Πάλαι in vs. 587 is entirely subjective; cf. Conrad, The Technique of Continuous Action in Roman Comedy (1915), pp. 22 ff.

[324] For example, the slips which occur in Aristophanes’ Lysistrata (vss. 725 and 881).

[325] Cf. Discours des trois unités, I, 113 f. (Regnier’s edition), quoted by Butcher, op. cit., pp. 294 f.

[326] Cf. the introduction to his edition of the Agamemnon, and Four Plays of Euripides, pp. 1-42.

[327] Cf. Dramatic Essays (Everyman’s Library edition), p. 18.

[328] Cf. Poetics 1449b12-14.

[329] Cf. England’s edition of Euripides’ Iphigenia at Aulis, p. xxvii.

[330] Cf. The Bookman, XXX (1909), 37.

[331] Cf. Archer, Play-making, pp. 123 f.

[332] Cf. Poetics 1450a38 f.

[333] Cf. Poetics 1450b22-35.

[334] Cf. The Old English Dramatists, III.

[335] Cf. Poetics 1451a15-22.

[336] Cf. Technique of the Drama, MacEwan’s translation², pp. 30 ff.

[337] Cf. Shakespeare as a Dramatic Artist (1902), pp. 150 f.

[338] Cf. Poetics 1459b22-28.

[339] Cf. op. cit., p. 92.

[340] Cf. Dramatic Essays (Everyman’s Library edition), pp. 12 f.

[341] Cf. Poetics 1454a31 ff.

[342] Cf. Thucydides Mythistoricus (1907), p. 146.

[343] In addition to the works mentioned on pp. [xvii] and [xx f.], above, cf. Petersen, Preisrichter der grossen Dionysien (1878); Hayley, “Social and Domestic Position of Women in Aristophanes,” Harvard Studies, I (1890), 159 ff.; Lounsbury, Shakespeare as a Dramatic Artist (1902); Goodwin’s edition of Demosthenes’ Against Midias, Appendix IV (1906); Capps, “Epigraphical Problems in the History of Attic Comedy,” American Journal of Philology, XXVIII (1907), 179 ff.; Legrand, Daos; Tableau de la comédie grecque pendant la période dite nouvelle (1910), translated by Loeb in 1917 under the title The New Greek Comedy; Sheppard, Greek Tragedy (1911); and Ruppel, Konzeption und Ausarbeitung der aristophanischen Komödien (1913).

[344] A mina was equivalent to one hundred drachmae and was worth about $18, though allowance must be made for the greater purchase value of money in those days.

[345] Cf. Lysias xxi, §§ 1-5.

[346] Cf. his Life of Nicias, III.

[347] Cf. Aristotle, Constitution of Athens, c. 56.

[348] Cf. Kock, Comicorum Atticorum Fragmenta, I, 16, fr. 15 (Cratinus).

[349] Cf. Sheppard, op. cit., p. 58.

[350] Cf. Legrand, op. cit., pp. 312-15 and 455 f.

[351] Cf. Prescott in Classical Philology, XI (1916), 132.

[352] Cf. Hall, The Ancient History of the Near East² (1913), p. 48.

[353] Cf. Albright, The Shakesperian Stage (1909), pp. 148 f.

[354] In addition to the works mentioned on pp. [xvii] and [xx f.], above, cf. Thirlwall, “On the Irony of Sophocles,”Philological Museum, II (1833), 483 ff.; Neckel, Das Ekkyklema (1890); Trautwein, De Prologorum Plautinorum Indole atque Natura (1890); Dörpfeld-Reisch, Das griechische Theater (1896), pp. 234 ff.; Bethe, Prolegomena zur Geschichte des Theaters im Alterthum (1896), pp. 100 ff.; Exon, “A New Theory of the Eccyclema,” Hermathena, XI (1901), 132 ff.; Leo, Der Monolog im Drama, ein Beitrag zur griechisch-römischen Poetik (1908); Polczyk, De Unitatibus et Loci et Temporis in Nova Comoedia Observatis (1909); Flickinger, “Dramatic Irony in Terence,” Classical Weekly, III (1910), 202 ff.; Arnold, The Soliloquies of Shakespeare (1911); Fensterbusch, Die Bühne des Aristophanes (1912), pp. 51 ff.; Harms, De Introitu Personarum in Euripidis et Novae Comoediae Fabulis (1914); and Rees, “The Function of the Πρόθυροv in the Production of Greek Plays,” Classical Philology, X (1915), 134 ff.

[355] Cf. scholia to Aeschylus’ Eumenides, vs. 64, Aristophanes’ Acharnians, vs. 408 and Clouds, vs. 184, and Clemens Alexandrinus, p. 11 (Potter).

[356] Fig. 74 is specially drawn, but owes several features to Figs. 93 f. in Dörpfeld-Reisch, Das griechische Theater. Since Exon’s discussion and drawing of the eccyclema presuppose a theater with a stage, it has been necessary to modify his conception so as to bring it into conformity with the Dörpfeld theory.

[357] See [p. 244, n. 1], above.

[358] Cf. scholia to Aristophanes’ Acharnians, vs. 408 and Women at the Thesmophoria, vs. 284; Pollux iv. 128, and Eustathius, p. 976, 15.

[359] The exostra (ἐξ, “out” + ὠθεῖν, to “push”) seems to have performed about the same function as the eccyclema; cf. Pollux iv. 129; perhaps it was only the more specific name for this later type.

[360] On the basis of ἀναβάδην in vs. 399, for which the scholiasts preserve two interpretations, some writers would have us believe that Euripides was shown in the second story. Tracks for the wheels of an eccyclema have been reported on the logium level of the theater at Eretria (see [p. 107], above).

[361] Cf. Poetics 1454b1 and 1461b21.

[362] Cf. Euripides and the Spirit of His Dramas, pp. 263 ff., Loeb’s translation (1906).

[363] According to late authorities Greek theaters were provided with revolving prisms (periacti) with a different view painted on each of their three sides. These could be turned to indicate a change of scene. There is no evidence, however, that this contrivance was employed during the classical period of Greek drama, although Dörpfeld thought that a place was provided for it in the earlier parascenia at Epidaurus (cf. Das griechische Theater, p. 126). The geranos (“crane”) and the krade (“branch”) were probably only other names for the μηχανή.

[364] Cf. Themistius Oration xxvi, 316 D.

[365] Cf. Poetics 1451b26.

[366] Cf. Archer, Play-making, p. 119.

[367] Cf. Hamburgische Dramaturgie, Zimmern’s translation, p. 377.

[368] Cf. Euripides and His Age, p. 206.

[369] Cf. Reitzenstein, Hermes, XXXV (1900), 622 ff.

[370] Cf. Kock, Fragmenta Comicorum Atticorum, II, 500, fr. 79.

[371] Aristotle’s theory of the purificatory effects of tragedy has not fallen within the scope of my text, but I cannot forbear citing Fairchild, “Aristotle’s Doctrine of Katharsis and the Positive or Constructive Activity Involved,” Classical Journal XII (1916), 44 ff.

[372] Cf. Capps, “Dramatic Synchoregia at Athens,” American Journal of Philology, XVII (1896) 319 ff.; “Catalogues of Victors at the Dionysia and Lenaea,” ibid., XX (1899), 388 ff.; “The Dating of Some Didascalic Inscriptions,” American Journal of Archaeology, IV (1900), 74 ff.; “The Introduction of Comedy into the City Dionysia,” Decennial Publications of the University of Chicago, VI (1904), 259 ff.; and “Epigraphical Problems in the History of Attic Comedy,” American Journal of Philology, XXVIII (1907), 179 ff.; Wilhelm, Urkunden dramatischer Aufführungen in Athen (1906), and “Eine Inschrift aus Athen,” Anzeiger d. Akademie d. Wissenschaften in Wien, phil.-hist. Klasse, XLIII (1906), 77 ff.; Clark, “A Study of the Chronology of Menander’s Life,” Classical Philology, I (1906), 313 ff.; Oxyrhynchus Papyri, IV (1904), 69 ff., and X (1914), 81 ff.; O’Connor, Chapters in the History of Actors and Acting in Ancient Greece (1908); Jachmann, De Aristotelis Didascaliis (1909); and Flickinger, “Certain Numerals in the Greek Dramatic Hypotheses,” Classical Philology, V (1910), 1 ff.

[373] Reisch, however, in his review of Wilhelm in Zeitschrift f. östr. Gymnasien, LVIII (1907), 297 f. maintained that the original cutting went to the bottom of col. 14. This would postpone the preparation of the inscription until about 330 B.C. and would make it a feature of the completion of the theater by Lycurgus at about that time. He suggests that the Fasti stood in the left parodus of the theater.

[374] Fig. 75 is taken from Wilhelm, Urkunden dramatischer Aufführungen in Athen, p. 18, and represents fragments a and f of Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum, II, 971.

[375] Fig. 76a is taken from Wilhelm, op. cit., p. 40, and represents Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum, II, 973.

[376] Körte, “Aristoteles’ ΝΙΚΑΙ ΔΙΟΝΥΣΙΑΚΑΙ,” Classical Philology, I (1906), 391 ff., maintained that the Victors’-Lists were transferred to stone straight from another book of Aristotle’s entitled Νῖκαι Διονυσιακαὶ Ἀστικαὶ καὶ Ληναϊκαί (“Victories at the City Dionysia and the Lenaea”). Our knowledge of the nature of this work is confined to what can be inferred from its title and is too vague to justify dogmatic conclusions.

[377] Figs. 77a and b are taken from Wilhelm, op. cit., 101, and represent Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum, II, 977a and ab respectively.

[378] Fig. 78 is taken from Wilhelm, op. cit., p. 107 and represents Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum, II, 977i and k, together with two previously unpublished fragments.

[379] Fig. 79 is taken from Wilhelm, op. cit., p. 123, and represents Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum, II, 977d, e, f, g, and h.

[380] Fig. 80 is taken from Clarac, Musée de Sculpture, III, Pl. 294, Fig. 65. Note that the first play in the list on the background is the ΑΛΚΕΣ[ΤΙΣ].