FOOTNOTES:

[1] Κατὰ τὴν ἐπώνυμον ἡμῖν πόλιν. So the Emperor Constantine in a Letter to Eusebius. de vita Constantini. lib. 4. cap. 36. & apud Theodoritum Histor. Eccles. lib. 1. cap. 16. v. etiam Socrat. Scholast. Hist. Eccles. lib. 1. cap. 16.

[2] V. Socratem ibidem. Et Theophanem in Chronographia XXV. anno Constantini.

[3] The Italian Word Rione is a manifest corruption of the Latin Word.

[4] In Panegyrico, quem Romæ dixit Anthemio Augusto, bis Consuli.

[5] Hæresi LXIX. quæ est Arianorum. Sect. 2. where he says a sad dismal Fire was kindled by Arius; πῦρ ὀυ τὸ τυχὸν ὃ κατείληφε πᾶσαν τὴν Ρωμανίαν σχεδὸν, μάλιστα τῆς ἀνατολῖς τὰ μέρη, which seized almost upon all Romania, or Universum Romanorum imperium, as Petavius renders it, but especially the Eastern parts of it.

[6] Pag. 144, 152, 153.

[7] Pag. 139.

[8] v. Gillium de Bosp. Thracio lib. III. cap. 12. &c.

[9] Pag. 169. Num. 3.

[10] Pag. 121.

[11] Vid. Historiam Politicam Constantinopoleos apud Crusium in Turco-Græcia, pag. 9.

[12] This was an old error; for thus writes Dionysius Byzantinus in his little Book of the Bosphorus. Τοῦ ῥεύματος τὸ μὲν πλεῖον κατιόντος ἐστὶ δὲ ὅτε κατ' ἐπικράτειαν ἀναστρέφοντος.

[13] Pag. 119.


An account of the City of Prusa in Bythynia, and a continuation of the Historical Observations relating to Constantinople, by the Reverend and learned Thomas Smith D. D. fellow of Magd. Coll. Oxon. and of the Royal Society.

Montanea formerly called Nicopolis according to Bellonius, or rather Cios, the bay hence called Sinus Cianus, lies in the bottom of a Bay about Fourscore miles from Constantinople, and is the Scale or Landing-place for Prusa, from which it may be about twelve miles; in the middle way to which is the Village Moussanpoula.

Prusa, now called by the Turks Bursia, the chief City of Bythynia, is seated at the foot partly, and partly upon the rising of the mount Olympus, which is one of the highest Hills of the lesser Asia. Its top is covered with Snow for nine or ten Months of the Year, several streams of Water flowing down the Hill continually, accounted very unwholesom from the Snow mixed with it. In the upper part of the City to the North-west lies the Seraglio, which is walled round; but the Emperors not residing here since their acquests in Thrace, or scarce making visits to this Imperial City, and none of their Sons living here of late, according to the former Policy of the Turkish Emperors, who did not permit their Sons, when grown up, to be near them, but sent them to some Honourable Employment, accompanied with a Bassa and Cadi to instruct them in the Arts of War and Government, it lies now neglected and despoiled of all its ornaments.

In this part also are the Sepulchers of Osman, the founder of the Family, which now Reigns, and his Son Urchan, who took the City, near a Mosch, formerly a Christian Church dedicated to St. John, and where was formerly a Convent of Religious, built by Constantinus Iconomachus, where I saw the figure of a Cross still remaining upon the Wall. Here hangs up a Drum of a vast bigness, such as they carry upon the backs of Cammels, and I suppose is one of those which they used in the taking the Place.

In the lower part, near the bottom of the Hill, Morad the second, the Father of Mahomet the Great, lies buried: near whereunto was formerly the Metropolitical Church of the Holy Apostles. The Bezesten, or Exchange, seems to be much better and larger than the great one at Constantinople, as are the several Caravanserais built for the use and accommodation of Merchants, and Travellers; in one of which, the Rice Chane, I took up my quarters.

Without the City toward the East is the Mosch and Sepulcher of the Emperor Bajazid the first, whom the Turks call Jilderim or lightning, and the Greek Writers λαίλαψ. Not far from hence is the Mosch of Mahomet the first, and his Sepulcher. Toward the West upon the side of the Hill is the Mosch of Morad the First, whom they call Gazi or the Conqueror, near which he lies buried. There are in the whole about 124 Moschs, several of which were formerly Christian Churches, and between fifty and sixty Chanes. The Castles built by Osman, when he besieged the City, are slighted and altogether unfortified, the one to the North, the other to the South-West.

At Checkerghe, about a mile and a half out of Town, are the hot Baths, much frequented both by Christians and Turks. They are made very Convenient to Bath in, and are covered over, that they may be used in all Weathers. Among others, there is a large round Basin, where they usually divert themselves by Swimming.

What opinions the Turks have of our Blessed Saviour and the Christian Religion, I shall briefly shew, as they lie dispersed in several Chapters of the Alcoran, according to which they frame their Discourse, whensoever either Zeal or Curiosity puts them upon this Topick. For Mahomet upon his setting up to be the Author of a new Religion, finding such a considerable part of the World professing the doctrine of Christ, with all the Mysteries of Faith therein contained, was cast upon a necessity of saying something both concerning Him and It. By which it will appear, how great the Power of Truth is above Imposture and Subtility, and that as the Devils in the Possessed confess'd, though against their Wills, Christ to be the Son of God, so this Dæmoniack in the midst of all his Forgeries and Lies, and Ridiculous and Childish Narratives, not being able to contradict the universal Belief of the Christians of that, and the preceding Ages, founded on the History of the Gospel, hath been forced to give Testimony to several particulars of it.

They confess then that Christ was Born of a Pure Spotless Virgin, the Virgin Mary, chosen by God and sanctified above all the Women in the World; and that the Angel Gabriel was dispatched out of Heaven to acquaint her with the News of it. That such a kind of Miraculous and Supernatural Birth never hapned to any besides, and that Christ was conceived by the Holy Ghost, and that he wrought mighty Miracles, for Instance, that he cleansed Lepers, gave Sight to the Blind, restored Sick Persons to their Health, and raised the Dead.

That he is a great Prophet, sent by God to convert Men from the Vanity and Error of their false Worship to the Knowledge of the true God, to Preach Righteousness, and to correct and restore the Imperfection and Miscarriages of Humane Nature; that he was of a most Holy and Exemplary Life, that he was the true Word of God, the Apostle or Ambassador of God; That his Gospel was revealed to him from Heaven, and that he is in Heaven standing nigh to the Throne of God. They Blaspheme indeed with a Brutishness and Stupidity only befitting Turks, the Mysteries of the Holy Trinity, and of the Divinity of our Blessed Saviour, and deny that he was put to Death, and say that another in his Shape was Crucified by the Jews, and that he himself was assumed into Heaven in his Body without dying at all, and consequently they will not own, that he satisfied Divine Justice for the Sins of the World; so great an affinity is there between the Heresie of Socinus and profess'd Mahometanism.

I could never yet see any Turkish Translation of the Alcoran; they cry up the Elegance of the Style, which being Enthusiastick and High-flown, by reason also of the tinkling of the Periods, is very delightful to their Ears, who seem to be affected with Rhime mightily. Though I suppose it is upon a more Politick Account, that they are so averse, as to the translating it into their vulgar Language, not out of respect to the Sacredness of the Original only, whose full commanding Expressions they think cannot be translated without a great diminution to the Sense; but to keep it in greater Veneration among the People, who might be apt to Slight and Dis-esteem it, should it become thus common among them. It is enough, that the Priests and Learned Men explain the difficult Passages of it to the People, and write Commentaries for the use of the more Curious and Inquisitive. The Persians on the contrary think it no disparagement to the Arabick, or Profanation of the Sense, to Translate this cursed Book into their own Language, and Copies are frequent among them.

The Grand Signior's Women are usually the choicest Beauties of the Christian Spoils, presented by the Bassa's or Tartars. The present Sultana, the Mother of the young Prince Mustapha, is a Candiot; the Valide or Emperor's Mother, a Russian, the Daughter of a poor Priest, who with her Relations were seized upon by the Tartars in an Incursion, which they made into the Muscovites Country. She being receiv'd into the Seraglio, by her beautiful Complexion and cunning Behaviour, gain'd the Heart and Affection of Sultan Ibrahim (a Man wholly addicted to soft Pleasures, and who seldom cared to be long absent from the Women's Apartment, but chose to spend his time among them) having the good fortune to be the Mother of the Prince Mahomet, the eldest Son of his Father, who now Reigns, she had all the Honours that could possibly be done her, and was the beloved Hazaki or chief Concubine. During this height of Splendor and Glory, the Court removing from Constantinople to Adrianople, distant about an Hundred and Twenty Miles, as she was passing in great State attended with her Guards, through the Streets of the City, in a Coach, much like our Carriage-Wagons, but that they are latticed to let in the Air (for no one must presume to stare or scarce look upon the Women, much less must they themselves suffer their Faces to be seen in this jealous Country) she out of Curiosity looking through the holes, saw a poor Christian Slave in a Shop, where Sugar and such like Wares were Sold. Upon her return she sent one of her Eunuchs to enquire for the Person, and to ask him several Questions about his Country, Relations, Friends, and the time when and how long he had been a Slave: His answers were so particular and satisfactory, that she was soon convinc'd of the Truth and Certainty of her apprehensions, when she first cast her Eyes upon him, that he was her Brother, and accordingly it proved so. Whereupon acquainting the Emperor with it, she immediately redeemed him from his Patron, and having made the poor Wretch turn Turk, got him considerably preferred.

The Bassa's for the most part are the Sons of Christians, taken into the Seraglio, near the Emperor's Person, and so are prefer'd to considerable Governments, or else they raise themselves by their Conduct and Valour. Mahomet Bassa in the time of Achmet, whose eldest Daughter he Married, was the first natural Turk, that was made chief Vizir, having before been Captain Bassa. The chief Vizir Mahomet Kupriuli, (who settled the Empire in the Minority of this Emperor, when it was ready to be shaken into Pieces, and dissolved by several powerful Factions in the State, and by the Mutinies and Discontents of the Janizaries and Saphi's, who drove different ways) was an Albaneze by Birth, the Son of a Greek Priest, whom out of the height of Zeal for Mahomet, he made turn Turk in his Old Age, and converted the Christian Church in the Village where he was Born into a Mosch. This Man also forbad the Dervises to Dance in a Ring and turn round, which before was their solemn Practice at set times before the People, which they would do so long, till they were giddy by this swift circular Motion, and fell down in a Swound, and then oftentimes upon their recovery from such Trances, they pretended to Revelation. The Church-Men are not very kind to his Memory, looking upon him as a Man of little or no Religion; and they give out, that if he had lived, he would have forbid their calling to Prayers from the Spires of their Moschs, and hanging out Lamps; both which they look upon as Solemn and Essential to the exercise of Religion; but he as the effect of Bigotry and Superstition.

They have a mighty Honour and Esteem for Physicians, for though they are of Opinion, that they cannot with all their Art prolong Life, the Period and Term of it being Fatal, and absolutely determin'd by God, yet they often consult them upon any violent Sickness or Pain, in order to make the time allotted them in this World more pleasant and easie. It is extraordinary rare, that a natural Turk makes Physick his Profession and Study. They who practice it among them, when I was in Turky, were for the most part Greeks and Jews, who know nothing of Chymical Medicines, but follow the usual Methods, which they learnt in Italy and Spain, the former having studied in Padua, and the latter in Salamanca, where they pass for good Catholicks. And I remember I met with a certain Jew Physician, who had been a Capuchine in Portugal. During the tedious Siege of Candia, the Vizir, what with the melancholy, and what with the ill Air of the Camp, finding himself much indispos'd, sent for a Christian Physician Signior Massalins, a subject of the Republick of Venice, but Married to a Greek Woman, by whom he had several Children, who was our Neighbour at Pera, an experienc'd able Man, to come speedily to him, and made him a Present of about a thousand Dollars, in order to fit himself for the Voyage and bear the expence of it. By this worthy Gentleman's Care, he recovered his Health, and would not permit him to depart, till after the surrendry of that City, which might be about seven Months after his Arrival there, treating him in the mean while with all imaginable Respect. During our short stay at Bursia, one of our Janizaries accidentally discoursing with a Turk about us, whom they knew to be Franks, told him that there was a Physician in the Company, who had been lately at the Grand Signior's Court at Saloniki with the English Ambassador, and was now upon his return from Constantinople to Smyrna, where he lived. This presently took vent, and the Turks thought that they had got a Man among them, that could Cure all Diseases Infallibly; for several immediately came to find us out in behalf of themselves or their Sick Friends, and one of the most considerable Men upon the Place, desir'd the Doctor to go to his House to visit one of his Women Sick in Bed, who being permitted to feel her naked Pulse (for usually they throw a piece of fine Silk or Curl over their Womens Wrists at such times) soon discovered by that and other Symptoms and Indications of her Distemper, that opening a Vein would presently give her Ease and recover her: which he did accordingly; for which he received an embroidered Handkerchief instead of a Fee, and gained the Reputation of having done a mighty Cure.

They have little of Ingenious or Solid Learning among them; their chief Study, next to the Alcoran, being metaphysical Niceties about the Attributes of God, or else the Maintenance of other odd speculative Notions and Tenets, derived down to them from some of their famed Masters and Holy Men, whom they pretend to follow. Their Knowledge of the motion of the Heavens, for which the Arabians and the other Eastern Nations have been so deservedly famous, as their Astronomical Tables of the Longitude and Latitude of the fixed Stars, and of the appulse of the Moon to them, fully evince, is now very mean, and is chiefly studied for the use of Judiciary Astrology. The great Instrument they make use of is an Astrolabe, with which they make very imperfect Observations, having no such thing as a Quadrant or Sextant, much less a Telescope, or any mechanical Engine, to direct and assist them in their Calculation. Their Skill in Geography is as inconsiderable; I remember I heard the Captain Bassa, whom they stile Admiral of the Black and White Seas, meaning the Euxine and the Mediterranean, ask this silly Question; whether England were out of the Streights? and at another time the Caymican or Governour of Constantinople, hearing that England was an Island, desired to know, how many Miles it was about, in order, we supposed, to make an estimate of our King's Greatness and Strength by the extent and compass of it.

One of the great Astrologers of Constantinople, having heard that I had a pair of Globes in my Chamber, made me a Visit on purpose to see their contrivance, being introduced by a worthy Gentleman of our own Nation. After the first Ceremonies were over, I took my Terrestrial Globe, and rectified it to the position of the Place, and pointed to the several Circles both without and upon it, and told him in short the several uses of them: Then shewed him how Constantinople bared from Candia at that time Besieged, Cair, Aleppo, Mecca, and other chief Places of the Empire, with the other Parts of the World: At which he was mightily surprized to see the whole Earth and Sea represented in that Figure and in so narrow a compass, and pleased himself with turning the Globe round several times together. Afterwards I set before him the Celestial Globe, and rectified that, and shewed him how all the noted Constellations were exactly described, and how they moved regularly upon their Poles, as in the Heavens; some rising, and others setting, some always above the Horison, and others always under, in an oblique Sphere, and particularly what Stars would rise that Night with us at such an Hour; the Man seemed to be ravished with the Curiosity of it, turning this Globe also several times together with his Finger, and taking a mighty Pleasure in viewing the motion of it: and yet this silly Animal past for a Conjurer among the Turks, and was look'd upon as one that could foretel the events of Battels, the fates of Empires, and the end of the World.

They have no Genius for Sea-Voyages, and consequently are very Raw and Unexperienc'd in the Art of Navigation, scarce venturing to Sail out of Sight of Land. I speak of the natural Turks, who Trade either into the Black Sea, or some part of the Morea, or between Constantinople and Alexandria; and not of the Pyrats of Barbary, who are for the most part Renegado's, and learn'd their Skill in Christendom, which they exercise so much to the Terror and Damage of it. A Turkish Compass consists but of eight Points, the four Cardinal and four Collateral; they being at a mighty Loss how to Sail by a side Wind, when by hauling their Sails sharp, they might lie their Course, and much more, when they are in the Winds Eye, not knowing how to make Tacks and Bords, but choose rather to make hast into some Neighbouring Port, 'till the Wind blows fair. An English and Turkish Vessel both bound for the Bay of Saloniki, at the time of the Grand Signior's being there, past together out of the Hellespont; but foul Weather happening, the Turks got into Lemnos; while our Men kept at Sea and pursued their Voyage, and after three Weeks stay, returned back to us, observing in their way, that the Turks remained in the same place where they left them, for want of a Fore-Wind to put to Sea in.

They trouble not themselves with reading the Histories of other Nations or of antient times, much less with the Study of Chronology, without which, History is very lame and imperfect; which is the cause of those ridiculous and childish Mistakes, which pass current and uncontradicted among them. For instance, they make Job one of Solomon's Judges and (Iscander) Alexander the great Captain General of his Army. They number Philip of Macedon among the Ancestors of our Blessed Saviour, and believe that Sampson, Jonas, and St. George were his Contemporaries. In this they are more excusable then their false Prophet Mahomet, who in his Alcoran has perverted several Historical Notices in the Writings of the Old Testament, and is guilty of vile and absurd Pseudo-chronismes. To remedy this defect, of which he was very conscious, and the better to understand the States of Christendom, and the particular Kingdoms and Republicks of it, the late Great and Wise Vizir, Achmet, made his Interpreter Panagiotti, a Learned Greek, at leisure Hours, even at the Siege of Candia, as well as at other times, read several ancient Histories to him, and render them Ex-tempore into the Turkish Language, and particularly Blaeus Atlas, with which he was mightily pleased, and made great use of, and truly gained the Reputation of a solid and judicious States-man, as well as Souldier among the Christian Ministers, who in the ordinary course of their Negotiations apply'd themselves to him.

Tho' their Year be according to the course of the Moon, and so the Turkish Months run round the civil Year in a Circle of thirty three Years and a few odd Days, yet they celebrate the Neuruz, which signifies in the Persian Tongue the New Year, the twenty first Day of March (on which Day the vernal Equinox was fixed by the Greeks and other Oriental Christians, in the time of the Emperor Constantine, who made no Provision for the προήγεσις ἰσημερινὴ, or Precession, which in process of Time the inequality between the Civil and Astronomical Year must necessarily produce) at which time the Cadyes and other annual Magistrates, and Farmers of the Customs take Place, and reckon to that Day twelve Month again.

In their civil Deportment and Behaviour one towards another, the left Hand is the more Worthy and Honourable Place, except among their Ecclesiasticks; and the Reason they alledge is, because they Write from the right Hand, and the Sword is worn on the left Side, and so is more at his disposal, who walks on that Hand. The chief Vizir accordingly in the Divan sits at the left Hand of the Mufty, each maintaining their Right of Precedence according to this way of decision.

In their Moschs they sit without any distinction of degrees.

Some of the more zealous Turks cause to be engraven on their Scymitars and Bucklers a Sentence out of the sixty first Surat, which is concerning Fighting or Battle-array, and contains Incouragements to Fight in the Way and Paths of God, as the Impostor Words it; for which he assures them, besides assistance from Heaven to help them to get the Victory over their Enemies, and that God will Pardon their Sins and bring them to Paradice. Thus spirited with Zeal, a Turk lays about him with Fury, when he is a fighting, and seems ambitious of dying to gain the delights of Paradice, at least indifferent whether he dies or lives.

The Turks are as to their Temper serious, or rather inclining to morosity, seldom Laughing, which is accounted an argument of great Vanity and Lightness. They perform the Exercises, which they use in the way of Diversion, as Shooting and Hunting, with a great deal of gravity, as if they designed them more for Health than for Pleasure; and this too but seldom. The better and richer sort, who have nothing to do, sitting all Day at Home, lolling upon a Sofa or rais'd Place in their Rooms, and taking Tobacco, which their Slaves fill and light for them: And if they retire in the Summer or Autumn, for a Week or Fort-night to some convenient Fountain in a Wood with their Women, it is chiefly to enjoy the Refreshments of the cool Air. In the times of Triumph indeed for some great Success obtained against the Christians, when the Shops are open for three Nights together, and hung with Lights, as well as the Spires of the Moschs in curious Figures, they are guilty of extravagant Mirth, running up and down the Streets in Companies, and sometimes Singing and Dancing after their rude way; but this fit being over, they soon return to their former Melancholy. In the Coffee-Houses where they use to resort to Tipple, there is usually one hired by the Owners to read either an idle Book of Tales, which they admire as Wit, or filthy obscene Stories, with which they seem wonderfully affected and pleased, few of them being able to Read. These are the Schools, which they frequent for their Information, tho' in times of War, when things went ill with them, their Discourses would be of the ill Government; and the Grand Signior himself and his chief Ministers could not escape their Censures, which manifestly tending to Sedition, and to the heightning of their Discontents by their mutual Complaints, and by this free venting of their Grievances during the War at Candia, the Wise Vizir seeing the evil Consequences that would follow, if such Meetings and Discourses were any longer tolerated, Commanded, that all the publick Coffee-houses should be shut up in Constantinople and several other great Cities of the Empire, where the Malcontents used to rendezvouz themselves, and find fault upon every ill Success and Miscarriage with the administration of Affairs.

The custom of the Turks to salute the Emperor or the Vizir Bassa's with loud Acclamations and Wishes of Health and long Life, when they appear first in their Houses or any publick Place, is derived from the Greeks, who took it from the Romans. This was done by them in a kind of Singing Tone; whence Luitprandus Bishop of Cremona tells us, that in a certain Procession (προέλυσις) at which he was present, they Sang to the Emperor Nicephorus πολλὰ ἔτη that is, many Years, (which Codinus, who lived just about the taking of Constantinople, by the Turks, expresses τὸ ψάλλειν τὸ πολυχρόνιον or by τὸ πολυχρονίζειν and the wish or salute by πολυχρόνισμα) and at Dinner the Greeks then present wish'd with a loud Voice to the Emperor and Bardas, Ut Deus annos multiplicet, as he Translates the Greek.

The Turkish Coin in it self is pitiful and inconsiderable, which I ascribe not only to their want of Bullion, but to their little Skill in matters relating to the Mint. Hence it comes to pass that Zecchines and Hungars for Gold, and Spanish Dollars and Zalotts for Silver stampt in Christendom pass current among them, most of the great Payments being made in them, they not caring either through Ignorance or Sloth to follow the Example of the Indian or Persian Emperors, who usually melt down the Christian Mony imported by the Merchants into their several Countries, and give it a new Stamp. The most usual pieces are the Sheriphi of Gold, somewhat less in value than a Venetian Zecchine, and Aspers; ten of which are equal to six Pence English, and some few three Asper Pieces. A Mangur is an ugly old Copper Piece, eight of which make but one Asper, and is not I think a Turkish Coin, but rather Greek. They have no Arms upon their Coin, only Letters embossed on both sides, containing the Emperor's Name, or some short Sentence out of the Alcoran.

The Turks look upon Earthquakes as Ominous, as the vulgar do upon Eclipses, not understanding the Philosophy of them. During my stay in Constantinople, which was above 2 Years, there hapned but one, which was October 26. 1669. about six a Clock in the Morning a stark Calm preceeding. It lasted very near a Minute, and we at Pera and Galata were as sensible of it, as those who were on the other side of the Water; but praised be God nothing fell, and we were soon rid of the Fears in which this frightful Accident had cast us, being in our Beds, and not able by reason of the Surprize in so little a space to have past through a Gallery down a pair of Stairs into the Court, if we had attempted it. The Turks made direful Reflexions on it, as if some Calamity would inevitably fall upon the Empire, quickly forgetting the great Triumphings and Rejoycings which they exprest but a few Days before for the Surrendry of Candia. In the Year 1668. in August, the Earth shook more or less for forty-seven Days together in the lesser Asia at Anguri (Ancyra), and for fifteen at Bacbasar, as we heard from a Scotch Merchant, who liv'd there: And particularly, that at this latter Place on the second of August, between three and four of the Clock in the Afternoon it lasted for a quarter of an Hour; several Houses were overthrown, and some hundreds of Chimneys fell (it being a very populous Town) and yet there were but seven kill'd. The trembling being so violent, both Turks and Christians forsook their Houses, and betook themselves to the Fields, Vineyards, and Gardens, where they made their Abode for several Days.

Their Punishments are very severe, this being judg'd the most effectual way to prevent all publick Disorders and Mischiefs. They use no great Formality in their Processes: If the Criminal be taken in the Fact, and the Witnesses ready and present to attest it, and sometimes if there be but probable circumstances, without full Conviction, condemn him; and soon after Sentence, sometimes an Hour, or less, hurry him away to Execution. For an ordinary Crime, hanging is the usual Death: But for Robbery and Murder, committed upon the High Way by such as Rob in Parties and alarm whole Provinces, or for Sacriledge, or for any hainous Crime against the Government, either Gaunching or Excoriation, or cutting off the Legs and Arms, and leaving the Trunk of the Body in the High Way, or Empaling, that is, thrusting an Iron Stake through the Body out under the Neck or at the Mouth; in which extreme Torment the miserable Wretch may live two or three Days, if the Guts or the Heart happen not to be wounded by the pointed Spike in its Passage. This Punishment seems to have been in use among the Romans, Seneca's Epist. 14. Cogita hoc loco carcerem, & cruces, & eculeos, & uncum, & adactum per medium hominem, qui per os emergat, stipitem: and so in his Book De Consolatione ad Marciam cap. 20. Ali capite conversos in terram suspendere: Alii per obscena stipitem egerunt: Alii brachia patibulo explicuerunt. Murder is seldom Pardon'd, and especially if the Relations of the Murder'd Person demand Justice.

The Circumcision, tho' it be a Sacred Right, is perform'd in their private Houses, and never in the Moschs.

The Women colour their Eye-Brows and Lids with an ugly black Powder, I suppose, to set off their Beauty by such a Shadow; and their Nails with the Powder of Kanna, which gives them a Tincture of faint Red, like Brick (as they do the Tails and Hoofs of Horses) which they look upon as a great Ornament. Their great diversion is Bathing; sometimes thrice, if not four times a Week. They do not permit them to go to Church in time of Prayer, for fear they should spoil their Devotion: The Turks being of so brutish a Temper, that their Lust is rais'd upon the sight of a fair Object. They are call'd oftentimes by the Names of Flowers and Fruits, and sometimes Phantastick Names are given them, such as Sucar Birpara, or bit of Sugar, Dil Ferib, or Ravisher of Hearts, and the like.

Their Skill in Agriculture is very mean. In their Gardens they have several little Trenches to convey Water, where it may be most necessary for their Plants and Flowers. They know little or nothing of manuring their Grounds: Sometimes they burn their Fields and Vineyards after Harvest and Vintage, partly to destroy the Vermin, and partly to enrich the Soil. They tread out their Corn with Oxen, drawing a square Plank Board, about a Foot and a half or two Foot over, studded with Flints, and winnow it upon their threshing Floors in the open Air, the Wind blowing away the Chaff. They feed their Horses with Barly and chopt Straw; for I do not remember ever to have seen any Oats among them; and they make but little Hay.

For Draught of great Weight in their Carts they make use of Buffalo's.

Camels will endure Travel four Days together without Water, and will eat tops of Thistles, Shrubs, or any kind of Boughs: They are very sure-footed, and kneel when they are a loading, and live to a considerable number of Years, some even to sixty.

The chief Furniture of their Houses are Carpets or Mats of Grand Cairo, neatly wrought with Straw, spread upon the Ground; they having no occasion of Chairs, Couches, Stools, or Tables; their postures within Doors, being different from ours. They have no Hangings, but their Walls are whited and set off with Painting, only adorn'd with a kind of Porcelane; no Beds clos'd with Curtains.

They seal not with Wax, but Ink, at the bottom of the Paper the Emperor's Name being usually written with Flourishes and in perplext Characters: Nor have they any Coats of Arms upon their Seals, there being no such thing as Gentility among them.

Some of them, notwithstanding their Zeal for Mahomet and the Religion by him establish'd, retain not only a favourable and honourable Opinion of our Blessed Saviour, but even place some kind of Confidence in the usage of his Name, or of the Words of the Gospel, tho' it may seem to be wholly in the way of Superstition. Thus in their Amulets, which they call Chaimaili, being little bits of Paper of two or three Fingers breadth, roul'd up in pieces of Silk, containing several short Prayers or Sentences out of the Alcoran, with several Circles with other Figures, they usually inscribe the Holy and Venerable Name of JESUS, or the Figure of the Cross, or the first Words of St. John's Gospel, and the like; they hang them about their Necks, or place them under their Arm-pits, or in their Bosom near their Hearts (being the same with what the Greeks call ἐγκόλπια) and especially when they go to War, as a preservative against the Dangers of it; and indeed against any misfortune whatsoever. Some have them sow'd within their Caps: And I heard of a Turk, who was so superstitious herein, that he always pluck'd it off, and was uncover'd when he had occasion to make Water. Some are such Bigots in their Religion, and so furious against the Christians, that not only do they treat them with all imaginable Scorn and Contempt, but take it ill to be salam'd or saluted by them, as if it were the effect of Sawciness or unbecoming Familiarity. Their Malice against the Christians makes them envy the rich Furs they line their Vests with, and it is a trouble to these hypocritical Zealots to see the Franks ride upon their fine Arabian Horses.

The respect which they shew the Alcoran is wonderful: They dare not open the Leaves of it with unwashen Hands, according to the Advice or Command written in Arabick upon the Cover, Let no one touch this Book, but he that is clean. They kiss it, and bend their Heads and touch their Eyes with it, both when they open it and shut it.

The Janizaries, when they attend upon Christian Ambassadors to their Audience, seem to appear in their Bravery, and in a Habit far from that of a Soldier, being without either Fire-Arms or Swords, (which latter are not worn but in time of Service), or when they are upon a March, or embodied, wearing a Cap made of Camel's Hair, with a broad Flap dangling behind, a gilt embroider'd Wreath running round it, and an oblong piece of Brass rising up from the middle of their Forehead near a Foot, with a great Club in their Hand, like inferior Officers of the Civil Government. But when they are in the Camp, they throw off their upper Vest, and Turbants, which they wear at all other usual times, as troublesome, and put on a Fess, or red Cap, which sits close to their Head, and tuck up their Duliman or long Coat, to their Girdle, that they may be the more quick and expedite in their Charge.

They affect finery and neatness in their Cloths and Shashes; not so much as a spot to be seen upon them, and in rainy or suspicious Weather, are very careful how they go abroad without their Yamurlicks, which is a kind of Coat they throw over their Heads at such times.

Their Pans and Dishes are for the most part of Copper, but so handsomly Tinn'd over, that they look like Silver.

There are thousands of Gypsies or Zinganies in Turky, who live the same idle nasty kind of Life, as they do in Christendom, and pretend to the same Art of telling Fortunes; and are look'd upon as the Off-scouring of Mankind. It is accounted the extremest point of human Misery to be a Slave to any of this sort of Cattel.

The Haggi, or Pilgrims, that have been at Mecca and Medina, forbear to drink Wine most Religiously, out of a perswasion, that one drop would efface all the Merits of that troublesome and expensive Journey; and some have been possess'd with such a mad Zeal, that they have blinded themselves after their having been bless'd with the sight of Mahomet's Sepulcher.

After Jatzih, that is, an Hour and a half in the Night, throughout the whole Year, there is as great a silence in the Streets as at Midnight: The Emperor Achmet in the Year 1611. having made an Order, that no one should presume to be out of his House after that time; which is to this Day most punctually observed. The Bostangi bashi, who has the Command of all the Agiamoglans in the Seraglio, the Topgibashi or such great Officers attended with a great Train of armed Men, walking the Rounds, and drubbing such as they find abroad at unseasonable Hours of what Nation or Quality soever, except Physicians, Chyrurgeons, and Apothecaries, whom they allow at all times to visit the Sick.

The Turkmans, (for so they are peculiarly called, as if they were the true Descendents of the Old Turks or Scythians, whose wandering kind of Life is described by the Poet;

Ἁμαξόβιοι Nulla domus, plaustris habitant, migrare per arva
Mos, atq; errantes circumvectare penates.)

have no fixt Residence any where, but Travel with their Families and Cattle from Place to Place, carrying their Wives and Children upon Camels; they pitch their Tents usually near Rivers and Fountains, for the convenience of Water, and according as their necessities require, make a longer or a shorter stay. Their whole Estate consists in their numerous Flocks and Herds, which they sell upon occasion to supply themselves with what they want, at the Towns they pass by. Their only concern is how to enjoy the Benefits and Blessings of Nature, without the troubles and turmoils and disquiets of Life; being contented and happy in one another's Company, void of all Ambition and Envy, Courteous and Humane to Strangers, that may want their Help and Assistance, kindly entertaining them with such Provision as their Folds afford. I have met with some Companies of these harmless Wanderers in my Travels. The Country lies open without any Inclosures, and the Propriety not being vested in any one, they Travel thro' the Plains unmolested, and find excellent Pasturage every where. The Turks Till no more Ground than will serve their necessities: Being supplied with Corn from Ægypt, and from Moldavia and Walachia, by the way of the Black Sea, letting vast Tracts of Ground lie wast and uncultivated; so that their Sloth herein sometimes is justly punished with Dearths.

They have nothing to shew for their Houses and Possession, but an Hogiet or piece of Paper subscribed by the Cadi, if they have acquired them by their Mony, or that they were their Fathers before them.

The Dervises generally are Melancholy, and place the greatest part of their Religion in Abstinence and other Severities. Some cut their Flesh, others vow not to speak for six or seven Years, or all their Lives long, tho' never so much provoked or distressed. Their Garments are made of a course sort of Wool or Goat's Hair: They are tied up by the Vow of their Order ever from Marrying. Several of this Sect in the heighth of their Religious Phrenzy have attempted upon the Lives of the Emperors themselves, (at whose Government they have taken disgust) as Mahomet the second, and Achmet, as if such desperate Attempts were fatal to Bigots in all Religions.

They pay a mighty Veneration to any Relique of Mahomet, his Banner is still preserved in the Treasury of the Seraglio, and is look'd upon as the great Security of the Empire. They believe that it was sent from Heaven, and conveyed into the Hands of Mahomet, by the Angel Gabriel, as a Pledge and Sign of Success and Victory in his Battels against the Christians, and all other Enemies of the Musulman-Faith. It was sent to Candia to encourage the Soldiers to endure the fatigue of that long and tedious Siege; and when it was brought thence after the Surrendry of that City, to be deposited in its usual Place, the Vizir gave several Christian Slaves, that row'd in the Galley that was fraught with this Holy Ware, their Liberty. They pretend to have some Rags of Mahomet's Vest, to which they ascribe great Virtue. In confidence of which, the Emperor Achmet, in the time of a great Fire which raged at Constantinople, when all other means fail'd, dipt part of them in Water to be sprinkled upon the Fire to rebate the Fury of it.

Next to the Mufti or Cadaleskires are the Mollas, of which these four are the chiefest in Dignity. The Molla of Galata, Adrianople, Aleppo, Prusa; and after them are reckoned these eight, Stambol Ephendi, Larissa, Misir or Cairo, Sham or Damascus, Diarbekir or Mesopotamia, Cutaia, Sophia, Philippi.

The Priests have no Habit peculiar to their Profession, whereby they are distinguish'd from others. If they are put from their Moschs for miscarriage or neglect of doing their Duty, or if they think fit to resign and be Priests no longer, they may betake themselves without any Scandal to secular Employments, their former Character and Quality wholly ceasing. While they remain Priests, they counterfeit a more than ordinary Gravity in their Discourse and Walking: and affect to wear Turbants swelling out, and made up with more cross folds: which was all the difference which I could observe by their Head Attire, which is various, tho' I could not find that this was constantly and strictly observed.

In Byram time, which is the great Festival of the Year, at which time every one looks cheerfully and merrily, among other signs of mutual Respect, they besprinkle one another with sweet Water. They indulge to several Sports: and some are mightily pleased with swinging in the open Air, the ordinary sort of People especially, paying only a few Aspers for the diversion.

The Government is perfectly Arbitrary and Despotical; the Will and Pleasure of the Emperor having the force and power of a Law, and oftentimes is above it. His bare Command without any process is enough to take off the Head of any Person, (tho' never so Eminent in Dignity, tho' usually for formality and to silence the Murmurings of the Soldiery and People, the Sentence is confirm'd by the Mufti) sometimes Bassa's who have amassed great Treasures in their Governments, are cut off in their own Houses in the midst of their Retinue, the Messengers of Death producing the Imperial Command, usually sent in a black Purse, and not a Sword drawn in their Defence. Others, if they are obnoxious to the least Umbrage or Jealousie, tho' dismist the Seraglio with all possible demonstrations of the Grand Signior's Favour, and with Rich Presents in order to take possession of Places of great Command in the Empire, before they have got two or three Days Journey from Constantinople, have been overtaken and strangled. In the Army Commands are given according to Merit, Courage and Conduct are sure to be rewarded, the way lying open to the meanest Soldier to raise himself to be the chief of his Order. But other Preferments depend upon meer Chance, and upon the fansie of the Emperor, whether the Person be fit or no, and they are as soon lost. The least ill Success or Miscarriage proves oftentimes fatal, and a more lucky Man is put in his Place, and he succeeded by a third, if unfortunate in a Design, tho' managed with never so much Prudence and Valour. They admit of no hereditary Honours, and have no respect to Descent or Blood, except the Ottoman Family: He only is Great and Noble, whom the Emperor favours, and while his Command lasts. According to a tradition, that passes current among them, a Bassa's Son by a Sultana or a Daughter or Sister of the Emperor can rise no higher than to be a Sangiac-bei or Governor of some little Province, much inferior to a Bassa and under his Jurisdiction. Being born of Slaves for the most part, they do not pride themselves in their Birth, very few among them being scarce able to give any account of their Grandfathers. They have no Sirnames, but are distinguish'd by their Possessions and places of Abode, and enjoying by Law a Liberty of having what Women they please, they have little or no regard to Alliance or Kindred.

Their Empire owes the continuance of its being to the severity of the Government, which oftentimes takes place without regard either to Justice or Equity, and to their frequent Wars, which prevent all occasions of Mutiny and Faction among the Soldiers, which happen frequently when unimploy'd. So that tho' Ambition may put a warlike Sultan upon enlarging his Territories by new Conquests, yet reason of State forces a weak and effeminate Prince, such as was Ibrahim, to make War for his own Security. Their Politicks are not owing to Books and Study and the Examples of past times, but to Experience and the plain Suggestions of Nature and common Sense: They have Rules of Government, which they firmly adhere to, holding the Reins strait, especially being cruel and inexorable to Criminals of State, who never are to expect any Mercy or Pity. Their Councils formerly were open, and their Designs known, and proclaimed before Hand, as if this had been a Bravery becoming their Greatness, and that they scorned to steal a Conquest. But they have learned since the Art of dissimulation, and can Lie and Swear for their Interest, and seem excessive in their Caresses to the Ministers of those Countries, which they intend to Invade. But their preparations for Arming are made with so much Noise, that an ordinary Jealousie is soon awakened by it to oppose them, in case of an Attack. They seldom or never care to have War at both Extremes of the Empire at the same time, and therefore they are mighty sollicitous to secure a Peace with Christendom, when they intend a War upon the Persians: And as much as is possible, they avoid quarrelling with two Christian Princes at once, being usually at League either with Poland and Muscovy, when they War upon Hungary, and so on the contrary; dreading nothing more than an Union of the Christian Princes, bordering upon them, which would prove so fatal to their Empire, and quickly put a Period to their Greatness. For hereby they would be put upon a necessity of making a defensive War to their great Loss and Disadvantage, and at last either be forced to beg a Peace of the Christians, or run the hazard of losing all, by a further Prosecution of War.

This they are very sensible of, and therefore as they take all occasion to promote Quarrels and Dissentions in Hungary and Transylvania, so they greatly rejoyce, when the Princes of Christendom are at War one with another. This is their great time of Advantage, and they know that it is their true Interest to pursue it, tho' they do not always, by reason of the ill condition of their own Affairs, make use of it. During the Civil Wars of Germany, the Bassa's and other Commanders of the Army were very importunate with the grand Signior, to make a War on that side, and to enlarge his Conquests as far as Vienna, no conjuncture having been ever so favourable to consummate such a Design, in which Solyman so unhappily miscarried. They promised him an easie Victory, assuring him that the Animosities of the Princes of the Empire were so heightned, that there was no room left for a Reconciliation, that he was but to go in the Head of an Army to take Possession, and that Austria would Surrender at the first News of his March towards it. The Emperor was not to be moved at that time by these Insinuations and plausible Discourses; being continually urged, He as often denied. One day when they came to Renew their advice about the German War, He having given order before, that several Dogs should be kept for some Days without Meat, commanded that they should be brought out, being almost Starved, and Meat thrown among them, whereupon they snarled and bit one another: In the midst of their Noise and Fighting, he caused a Bear to be let loose in the same Area; the Dogs forgetting their Meat, and leaving off their fighting, ran all upon the Bear, ready to Prey upon them singly, and at last killed him. This Diversion the Emperor gave his Bassa's, and left them to make the application.

A certain Prophecy of no small Authority runs in the Minds of all the People, and has gain'd great Credit and Belief among them, that their Empire shall be ruined by a Northern Nation, which has white and yellowish Hair. The Interpretation is as various as their Fansie. Some fix this Character on the Muscovites: And the poor Greeks flatter themselves with foolish Hopes, that they are to be their Deliverers, and to rescue them from their Slavery, chiefly because they are of their Communion, and owe their Conversion to the Christian Faith to the Piety and Zeal of the Grecian Bishops formerly. Others look upon the Swedes, as the Persons describ'd in the Prophecy, whom they are most to fear. The Ground and Original of this fancy I suppose is owing to the great Opinion, which they have of the Valour and Courage of that Warlike Nation. The great Victories of the Swedes in Germany under Gustavus Adolphus were loudly proclaimed at Constantinople, as if there were no withstanding the shock and fury of their Arms: And their continued Successes confirmed the Turks in their first belief, and their Fears and their Jealousies were augmented afterwards, when Charles Gustave, a Prince of as heroick a Courage, and as great Abilities in the Art and Management of War as the justly admired Gustavus, entred Poland with his Army, and carried all before him, seized upon Warsaw and drove Casimire out of his Kingdom, and had almost made an entire and absolute Conquest, only a few Places holding out. This alarmed the Grand Signior and the Bassa's of the Port, as if the Prophecy were then about to be fulfilled, who did not care for the Company of such troublesome Neighbours, who might push on their Victories, and joyning with the Cossacks, advance their Arms further, and make their Country the seat of a War, which might draw after it fatal Consequences. To prevent which, Couriers are dispatch'd from Constantinople to Ragotski, Prince of Transylvania, then in concert with the Sweeds, to Command him to retire with his Army out of Poland, as he valued the Peace and Safety of his own Country, and the Friendship of the Grand Signior, whose Tributary he was, and by whose Favour he had gain'd that Principality: And the Crim-Tartars, the Sworn Enemies of the Poles, who at that time lay heavy upon them, were wrought upon by the same Motives and Reasons of State, to clap up a Peace with them, that being freed from these Distractions, they might unite their Forces the better together, and make Head against the Sweeds.

The Ambassadors of Christian Princes, when they are admitted by the Grand Signior to an Audience, (their Presents being then of course made, which are look'd upon as due, not to say, as an Homage) are dismiss'd in few Words, and referred by him to his Wakil or Deputy, as he usually stiles the chief Vizir: And a small number of their Retinue only permitted the Honour of kissing his Vest, and then rudely enough sent away.

The Grand Signiors keep up the State of the old Asiatick Princes: They do not expose themselves often to the View of the People, unless when they ride in Triumph, or upon some such solemn Occasion; when they go to the Moschs, or divert themselves in the Fields, either in Riding or Hunting, they do not love to be stared upon, or approached. It is highly Criminal to pry into their Sports, such an Insolent Curiosity being often punished with Death. The Story is Famous of Morad the Third, who baiting a Bear in the old Palace with a Mastiff, and espying three Fellows upon the Tower of Bajazid's Mosch, who had planted themselves to see the Sport, commanded their Heads to be struck off immediately, and be brought before him, which was done accordingly. Instances of such Capricio's are frequent in the Turkish History; this following happened during my stay at Constantinople.

Upon the return of Vizir Achmet from Candia, after the Surrendry of that City, and a happy end put by him to that tedious and bloody War, he acquainting the present Emperor, then at Adrianople, with the History of that famous Siege at large, made such terrible Representations of their and the Venetians Mining and Countermining one another, that the Emperor was resolved out of Curiosity to see the Experiment made of a thing, that seemed to him almost Incredible. A Work was soon raised and undermined, and above 30 Murderers and Robbers upon the High-Way and such like Villains were put into it, as it were to defend it. The Grand Signior stood upon an Eminence at some considerable distance, expecting the issue of it; upon a Signal given, the Mine was sprung, and the Fort demolished, and the poor Wretches torn piece-meal to his great Satisfaction and Amazement.

The Moon is the auspicious Planet of the Turks: According to the course of which they celebrate their Festivals. They begin their Months from the first appearance of it, at which time they choose, except a delay brings a great Prejudice and Inconvenience with it, to begin their great Actions. The Crescent is the Ensign of the Empire, which they Paint in Banners, and place upon the Spires of their Moschs. Next to the Day of the appearing Moon, they pitch upon Friday, to fight upon, to begin a journey, and especially their Pilgrimage toward Mecca, or do any thing of great Consequence, as very lucky and fortunate.


A Relation of a Voyage from Aleppo to Palmyra in Syria; sent by the Reverend Mr. William Hallifax to Dr. Edward Bernard (late) Savilian Professor of Astronomy in Oxford, and by him communicated to Dr. Thomas Smith. Reg. Soc. S.

D. Thomæ Smitho Edoardus Bernardus, S.

Quanquam Epistolas tuas, O cor & medulla amicitiæ nostræ, & alia munera grato animo in finum hunc recipere soleo; eas tamen Notitias, quas tuo dono hodie accepi, tanquam germana & famæ nunquam marcescentis pignora, multo chariores habeo, &, dum vivam, reverenter adservabo. Sic enim Asianarum Ecclesiarum Pleiada e tenebris denuo excitas: sic antiquissimorum Episcoporum sedes instauras, ut candelabrum ἑπτάλοφον cum magno Theologo & Apocalypta iterum ardens ac fulgens videre mihi videor. Præterea, in descriptione urbis Constantini Silentiarios, Codinos, Gyllios, cæteros exsuperas. Fruere diu superstes hac laude, quam suam esse maluit Sponius, & præter morem ingenuum aut fas sibi abripere.

Gaudeo tamen mihi jam novum adesse munus, quod tecum queam impertire volente spero, & læto. Id est Epigrapharum Sylloge, quas a columnis Palmyrenis Charissimus amicus, Gulielmus Hallifaxius pulchro studio descripsit. Utinam Syriaca plura ipse addisset sub Græcis, & Epocham Palmyrenam a Seleuco victore, non ab Alexandri magni obitu incepisset. Historiæ vero Augustæ scriptores qui teruntur, & Herodianus Grammaticus plerasque Inscriptionum istarum multum illustrant. Verum isthæc vix sunt nostri otii. Attamen si hæc commiseris Philosophicarum Transactionum, ut nunc loquuntur, conditoribus haud injucundum πρόπομα fuerit, donec vir illustris & adprime doctus D. Cuperus uberiora forte ediderit de urbe Solomonis ejusque reliquiis. Vale vir venerabilis.

Oxoniæ Nonis Octobribus
A. D. CIↃIↃCXCV.


Reverend Sir,

Tadmor Castle.

The Valley of Salt.

Having promised you an Account of my Voyage to Tadmor, I cannot now Excuse my self from being as good as my Word, whatever Censure I may incur of having misspent my Mony and Time in search of such unprofitable Curiosities; or what I more fear, of having made such poor Improvements, of which a Man of larger Reading and Understanding, might have afforded much greater Information. We departed Aleppo on Michaelmas-day, 1691. and in six easie Days Travel over a Desart Country, came to Tadmor; Journying almost continually to the South, with very little variation to the Eastward. As we rode into the Town, we took notice of a Castle about half an Hours distance from it, and so situated as to Command both the Pass into the Hills, by which we entred, and the City too. But we could easily perceive it was no Old Building, retaining no Footsteps of the exquisite Workmanship and Ingenuity of the Ancients. Upon Enquiry we were informed, that it was built by Man-Ogle, a Prince of the Druces, in the Reign of Amurath the Third, Anno D. N. 1585. But I know not how to give much Credit to this Story, because I find not that either Man-Ogle, or any Drucian Prince, was ever Powerful in these Parts, their strength lying on Mount Libanus, and along the Coast of Sydon, Berytus, &c. 'Tis a Work of more Labour than Art, and the very Situation alone is enough to render it almost Impregnable; standing on the top of a very high Hill, enclosed with a deep Ditch, cut out of the very Rock, over which there was only one sole Passage by a Draw-Bridge: This Bridge too is now broken down; so that there is no Entrance remaining, unless you will be at the Pains to clamber up the Rock, which is in one place feasible, but withal so difficult hazardous, that a small slip may endanger ones Life. Nor is there any thing within to be seen sufficient to recompence your Trouble of getting up to it, the Building being confused, and the Rooms very ill contrived. Upon the top of the Hill there is a Well of a prodigious depth, as certainly it must be a great way to come at Water from the top of such a Rock, the Ditch that surrounds it, not having the least appearance of moisture therein; which made it therefore seem more strange that a Wild Boar should rush out thence among our Horses, when we rode up to take a more particular View of the Place. This Castle stands on the North side of the Town, and from hence you have the best Prospect of the Country all about. You see Tadmor under you inclosed on three sides with long Ridges of Mountains, which open towards the East gradually to the distance of about an Hours Riding; but to the South stretches a vast Plain beyond the reach of the Eye. In this Plain you see a large Valley of Salt affording great quantities thereof, and lying near about an Hours distance from the City. And this more probably is the Valley of Salt, mentioned 2 Sam. 8. 13. where David smote the Syrians, and slew 18000 Men, than another which lies but four Hours from Aleppo, and has sometimes past for it. The Air is good, but the Soil exceeding barren, nothing green to be seen therein, save some few Palm-Trees in the Gardens, and here and there about the Town. And from these Trees I conceive is obtained its Name, both in Hebrew (Tadmor) which signifies a Palm-Tree, and in Latin (Palmira;) and the whole Country is thence denominated Syria Palmirena; and sometimes Solitudines Palmirenæ: So that the Latins did not change but only Translate the old Name, which therefore still obtains in these Eastern Parts, and the more Modern is wholly unknown.

Tadmor.

The City it self appears to have been of a large Extent, by the space now taken up by the Ruins; but there are no Footsteps of any Walls remaining, nor is it possible to judge of the ancient Figure of the Place. The present Inhabitants, as they are a Poor, Miserable, dirty People, so they have shut themselves up, to the Number of about Thirty or Forty Families, in little Huts made of Dirt, within the Walls of a spacious Court, which enclosed a most Magnificent Heathen Temple. Hereinto also we entred, the whole Power of the Village, if I may so call it, being gathered together at the Door, whether to stand upon their Defence, in case we proved Enemies, (for some of them had their Guns in their Hands) or out of meer Curiosity to gaze upon us, I know not. However our Guide, who was an Arab, whom Assyne[14] their present King had sent to Conduct us through the whole Voyage, being a Man known among them, we had an easie Admittance, and with a great many Welcomes in their Language were led to the Sheck's House, with whom we were to make our Abode. And to mention here what the Place at first View represents. Certainly the World it self cannot afford the like mixture of Remains of the greatest State and Magnificence, together with the Extremity of Filth and Poverty. The nearest Parallel I can think of, is that of the Temple of Baal, destroyed by Jehu, and converted into a Draught-House, 2 Kings 10. 27. And if, what is not improbable, this very Place was a Temple of Jupiter Belus, the Similitude will run upon all Four.

The Temple.

Being thus lodged within the Place, I shall begin with a Description thereof, and proceed to what I observed remarkable without. The whole inclosed Space is a Square of 200 Yard each side, encompass'd with a high and stately Wall, built of large square Stone, and adorned with Pilasters within and without, to the number, (as near as we could compute by what is standing of the Wall, which is much the greater part) of 62 on a side. And had not the Barbarity of the Turks, Enemies to every thing that is splendid and noble, out of a vain Superstition, purposely beat down those beautiful Cornishes both here and in other Places, we had seen the most curious and exquisite Carvings in Stone which perhaps the World could ever boast of; as here and there a small Remainder, which has escap'd their Fury, does abundantly evidence. The West side, wherein is the Entrance, is most of it broken down, and near the middle of the Square, another higher Wall erected out of the Ruins; which shews to have been a Castle, strong but rude; the old Stones and many Pillars broken or sawn asunder, being rolled into the Fabrick, and ill cemented. Within were to be seen the Foundations of another Wall, which probably might answer this Front, and that the Mamalukes, whose Workmanship it seems most likely to have been, built the Castle here for the Security of the Place. Before the whole length of this new Front, except a narrow Passage which is left for an Entrance, is cut a deep Ditch, the ascent whereof on the inner side is fac'd with Stone to the very Foot of the Wall, which must have render'd it very difficult to have assaulted it. The Passage to, and the Door it self is very narrow, not wider than to receive a loaded Camel, or that two Foot-men may well walk abreast. And as soon as you are within the first Door, you make a short turn to the Right, and pass on to another of the like bigness, which leads into the Court. But all this is but a new Building upon an old, and by this outward Wall is quite shrouded that Magnificent Entrance, which belonged to the first Fabrick; of the stateliness whereof we were enabled to judge by the two Stones which supported the sides of the great Gate, each of which is 35 Foot in length, and artificially carved with Vines and clusters of Grapes, exceeding bold and to the Life. They are both standing, and in their Places, and the distance between them, which gives us the wideness of the Gate 15 Foot. But all this is now walled up to the narrow Door before mentioned. Over the little Door there is an Inscription in Greek, and also another in another Language and Character, which I never saw till in Tadmor, nor understand what to make of it. From that in Greek we hoped for some Information; but it will be evident to any one that reads it, that the Stone was brought from another Place and casually put in there. 'Tis thus:

ΤΟ ΜΝΗΜΕΙΟΝ ΤΟΥ ΤΑΦΕΩΝΟΣ ΕΚΤΙΣΕΝ ΕΞ ΙΔΙΩΝ ΣΕΠΤΙΜΙΟΣ ΟΔΑΙΝΑΘΟΣ Ο ΛΑΜΠΡΟΤΑΤΟΣ ΣΥΝΚΛΗΤ[ΙΚΟΣ] ΑΙΡΑΝΟΥ ΟΥΑΒΑΛΛΑΘΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΝΑΣΩΡΟΥΑΥ ΤΩΤΕ ΚΑΙ ΥΙΟΙΣ ΑΥΤΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΥΙΩΝΟΙΣ ΕΙΣ ΤΟ ΠΑΝΤΕΛΕΣ ΑΙΩΝΙΟΝ ΤΕΙΜΗΝ.

Under this was the unknown Characters, which I shall here give you a Specimen of, it being as well as it could be taken, thus. Vide Figuram.

The Letters between these [] Marks were not Legible, but I have ventured to supply the defect, as also you will see in some others following. Neither was the Ε in ΜΝΗΜΕΙΟΝ upon the Stone, but was doubtless omitted by mistake; and the Inscription is nothing else but the Inscription of a Sepulchre, the like to which we saw several, as I shall have occasion to mention some of them hereafter. And as for the other Character, it being added almost under every Greek Inscription we saw, and rarely found alone, I am apt to believe it the Native Language and Character of the Place, and the Matter it contains nothing else but what we have in the Greek.

As soon as you are entred within the Court, you see the Remainders of two Rows of very Noble Marble Pillars 37 Foot high, with their Capitals of most exquisite Carved Work; as also must have been the Cornishes between them, before by Rude and Superstitious Hands they were broken down. Of these there are now no more than 58 remaining entire; but there must have been a great many more, for they appear to have gone quite round the whole Court, and to have supported a most spacious double Piazza or Cloyster. Of this Piazza the Walks on the West side, which is opposed to the Front of the Temple, seem to have exceeded the other in Beauty and Spaciousness; and at each end thereof are two Niches for Statues at their full length, with their Pedestals, Borders, Supporters, and Canopies, carved with the greatest Artifice and Curiosity. The Space within this once Beautiful Enclosure, which is now filled with nothing but the dirty Huts of the Inhabitants, I conceive to have been an open Court, in the midst whereof stands the Temple, encompass'd with another row of Pillars of a different Order, and much higher than the former, being above 50 Foot high. Of these remain now but 16, but there must have been about double that Number, which whether they enclosed an inner Court, or supported the Roof of a Cloyster, there being nothing now of a Roof remaining, is uncertain. Only one great Stone lies down, which seems to have reach'd from these Pillars to the Walls of the Temple. The whole Space contained within these Pillars we found to be 59 Yards in Length, and in Breadth near 28. In the midst of which Space is the Temple, extending in Length more than 33 Yards, and in Breadth 13 or 14. It points North and South, having a most Magnificent Entrance on the West, exactly in the middle of the Building, which by the small Remains yet to be seen, seems to have been one of the most glorious Structures in the World. I never saw Vines and clusters of Grapes cut in Stone, so Bold, so Lively, and so Natural, in any Place: And we had doubtless seen things abundantly more curious, if they had not been maliciously broken to pieces. Just over the Door we could make a shift to discern part of the Wings of a large Spread-Eagle, extending the whole wideness thereof. The largeness whereof led me at first to imagine it might have been rather a Cherub over-shadowing the Entrance, there being nothing of the Body remaining to guide ones Judgment, and some little Angels or Cupids appear still in the corners of the same Stone. But afterwards seeing other Eagles upon Stones that were fallen down, I conclude this must have been one likewise, only of a much larger size. Of this Temple there is nothing at present but the outward Walls standing, in which it is observable, that as the Windows were not large, so they were made narrower towards the top, than they were below; but all adorned with excellent Carvings. Within the Walls, the Turks, or more probably the Mamalukes, have built a Roof, which is supported by small Pillars and Arches; but a great deal lower, as well as in all other respects disproportionate and inferior to what the Ancient Covering must have been. And they have converted the place into a Mosque, having added to the South End thereof new Ornaments after their manner, with Arabick Inscriptions and Sentences out of the Alcoran, wrote in Flourishes and Wreaths, not without Art. But at the North End of the Building, which is shut out of the Mosque, are Relicks of much greater Artifice and Beauty. Whether they were in the Nature of Canopies over some Altars placed there, or to what other use they served, I am not able to conjecture. They are beautified with the most curious Fretwork and Carvings; in the midst of which is a Dome or Cupola, above six Foot Diameter, which we found above to be of one piece; whether hewn out of a Rock entire, or made of some Artificial Cement or Composition, by Time hardened into a Lapideous Substance, seems doubtful; though I am rather inclined to believe the latter. It is in fine, a most exquisite Piece of Workmanship, and on which I could have bestowed more time to view it, than what was allowed us, hastening to other Sights.

A Mosch.

Having taken this Survey of the Temple, we went Abroad, where our Eyes were presently accosted with an amazing sight of a multitude of Marble Pillars, standing scattered up and down, for the space of near a Mile of Ground, this way and that, but so disposed as to afford no solid Foundation to judge, what sort of Structures they formerly framed. I pass by the Ruins of a Mosch, which directing our Course Northward, was the first thing occurr'd to our View, after we came out of the Court of the Temple, which though of a more Artificial Frame and Composure than many I have seen, yet is not worthy to stop us in the way to things both of greater Antiquity, and every way more noble and worthy our Consideration. Having therefore past this, you have the Prospect of such Magnificent Ruins, that if it be lawful to frame a Conjecture of the Original Beauty of the Place, by what is still remaining, I question somewhat whether any City in the World could have challenged Precedence of this in its Glory. But it being impossible as they now stand to reduce them to any regular Method, I must be forced to give you a rude Account of them as they came in sight; and which will fall much short of the Greatness and Stateliness which they shew to the Eye.

An Obelisk.

Advancing then towards the North, you have before you a very tall and stately Obelisk or Pillar, consisting of seven large Stones, besides its Capital and a wreath'd Work above it; the Carvings here, as in all other Places, being extraordinary fine. The height of it is above 50 Foot, and upon it I conceive may have stood a Statue, which the Turks, zealous Enemies of all Imagery, have thrown down, and broken in pieces. 'Tis in compass, just above the Pedestal, 12 Foot and a half. On each Hand of this, towards the East and West, you see two other large Pillars, each a quarter of a Mile distant from you, which seem to have some Correspondence one to the other. And there is a piece of another standing near that of the East, which would incline one to think there was once a continued row of them. The height of this to the East I took with my Quadrant, and conclude to be more than 42 Foot high, and the Circumference proportionable. Upon the Body thereof is the following Inscription.

Η ΒΟΥΛΗ ΚΑΙ Ο ΔΗΜΟΣ ΛΛΙΛΑΜΕΝΑ ΠΑΝΟΥ ΜΟΚΙΜΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΑΙΡΑΝΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΜΑΘΘΑ ΚΑΙ ΑΙΡΑΝΗΝ ΤΟΝ ΠΑΤΕΡΑ ΑΥΤΟΥ ΕΥΣΕΒΕΙΣ ΚΑΙ ΦΙΛΟΠΑΤΡΙΔΑΣ Κ(ΑΙ) ΠΑΝΤΙ ΤΡΟΠΩ (ΕΥ)ΣΕΙΜΩΣ ΑΡΕΣΑΝΤΑΣ ΤΗ ΠΑΤΡΙΔΙ ΚΑΙ ΠΑΤΡΙΟΙΣ ΘΕΟΙΣ ΤΕΙΜΗΣ ΧΑΡΙΝ ΕΤΟΥΣ Ν Υ Λ ΜΗΝΟΣ ΞΑΝΔΙΚΟΥ.

I perswade my self it would be but lost Labour to spend time in making Reflections upon this or the following Inscriptions; as for the Knowledge they may exhibit to the World, your own Conjectures will more happily lead you unto it, than any thing I am like to suggest. It seems however pretty evident they were a Free State, governed by a Senate and People, though perhaps under the Protection of great Empires, the Parthians, it is probable, first, and afterward the Romans, who for a long time contended for the Mastery here in the East. And this Government might continue among them till about the time of Aurelian, who demolished the Place, and led Zenobia, Wife of Odenatus, Captive to Rome: Who, though she be called Queen, yet I find not that ever her Husband had the Title of King; but was only one of the Chief Inhabitants, a Leading Man in the Senate (as 'tis probable this Alilamanes and Airanes were before him) who while the Romans were busied in Europe, made himself great here, and by his own Force repelled the Parthians; who having Master'd whatever was held by the Romans on the other side of Euphrates, made an Incursion into Syria, but were by Odenatus driven back beyond the River. In the course of these Wars Odenatus was slain, but his Wife Zenobia, being a Woman of a Masculine Spirit, not only kept her Ground against her Enemies Abroad, but maintained her Authority at Home, keeping the Government in her Hands. Afterwards out of a desire to cast off the Roman Yoke, she caused the whole Garrison, which was left there by Aurelian, to be barbarously cut off: Which bringing Aurelian back with his Army, he quickly took the City, and destroyed it, putting the Inhabitants to the Sword, and carrying Zenobia Captive to Rome; which was the Fatal Period of the Glory of the Place. This Custom of theirs of running up their Genealogies or Pedigrees to the fourth or fifth Generation, shews them to have borrowed some of their Fashions from their Neighbours the Jews, with whom it is not unlikely they had of old great Commerce; and perhaps many of them were descended from that People, Zenobia her self being said to have been a Jewess; Or else this must have been the manner of all the Eastern Nations. Their Æra or Account of Time they begin from the Death of Alexander the Great, as the Syrians generally do; the very Christians at this Day following the same usage. Yet though they mark the Date of the Year by Greek Letters, you may observe they place them a different way from the Greeks, setting the lesser Number first, as if they were to be read backward, from the right Hand to the left; as Ν Υ here, denoting 450. The third Letter Λ, I take to stand for the Day of the Month, viz. the last of Xandicus, which is with us April; this and other names of Months, which are found in other Inscriptions, being borrowed from the Macedonians with very little variation. That they were Idolaters, is plain by the mention of their Country Gods, both here and in other Places: So that their Commerce with the Jews, did not, it seems, bring them to the Knowledge of the true God, or else they must have degenerated therefrom, and relapsed into Idolatry. The other Pillar towards the West in Height and Circumference answers this, and has upon the side the following Inscription engraved.

Η ΒΟΥΛΗ ΚΑΙ Ο ΔΗΜΟΣ ΒΑΡΕΙΧΕΙΝ ΑΜΡΙΣΑΜΣΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΙΑΡΙΒΩΛΕΟΥΣ ΚΑΙ ΜΟΚΙΜΟΝ ΥΙΟΝ ΑΥΤΟΥ ΕΥΣΕΒΕΙΣ ΚΑΙ ΦΙΛΟΠΑΤΡΙΔΑΣ ΤΕΙΜΗΣ ΧΑΡΙΝ.

The Date of this is not legible, neither does one know what Judgment to make of the thing it self. That such a Pillar should be erected only to support the Inscription, and convey these Mens Names to After-Ages, without particularizing what they did to deserve that Honour, is something strange: unless we may suppose it was a prevailing Vanity in these Eastern Countries thus to endeavour to Eternize their Fame. An Instance whereof we have in Scripture, in Absalom's setting him up a Pillar, 2 Kings 18. 18. and perhaps before him, in Saul, 1 Sam. 15. 12. Otherwise it may appear no improbable Conjecture, that the Pillar was erected long before upon some other Occasion, and afterwards made use of to this end: And I look upon it as past all doubt that several other Inscriptions which we saw, were much more Modern than the Pillars, on which they were engraved.

The Piazza.

Proceeding forward, directly from the Obelisk, about 100 Paces, you come to a Magnificent Entrance, vastly large and lofty, and for the exquisiteness of the Workmanship not inferior to any thing before described. I wish I could add, that it had not suffered the same Fate as the rest, and then we might have seen a rare Piece of the Ancient Beauty of the Place. This Entrance leads you into a Noble Piazza of more than half a Mile long, 938 Yards according to our Measuring, and 40 Foot in breadth, enclosed with two rows of stately Marble Pillars, 26 Foot high, and 8 or 9 about. Of these remain standing and entire 129, but by a moderate Calculate there could not have been less at first than 560. Covering there is none remaining, nor any Pavement at the bottom, unless it be buried under the Rubbish. But upon almost all the Pillars we found Inscriptions, both in Greek and the Language unknown, of which we had time to take but very few, and those not very Instructive. But such as they are I'll present you them here, without observing any other Order, but as they happened to be transcribed.

ΙΟΥΛΙΟΝ ΑΥΡΗΛΙΟΝ ΖΕΒΕΙΔΑΝ ΜΟΚΙΜΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΖΕΒΕΙΔΟΥ .......: ΑΣΘΩΡΟΒΑΙΔΑΟΙ ΣΥΝ Α(Υ)ΤΩ ΚΑΤΕΛΘΟΝΤΕΣ ΕΙΣ ΟΛΟΓΕΣΙΑΔΑ ΕΝΠΟΡΟΙΑΝ ΕΣΤΗΣΑΝ ΑΡΕΣΑΝΤΑ ΑΥΤΟΙΣ ΤΕΙΜΗΣ ΧΑΡΙΝ ΞΑΝΔΙΚΩ ΤΟΥ ΗΝΦ ΕΤΟΥΣ....

I give you, Sir, these Inscriptions, as those before, just as I found them, without any Amendments, so much as of litteral Faults, only where a Letter, or piece of a Word was not legible, if I could make a probable Conjecture what it should be, I have ventured to add it. The last seems to have been put up in Memory of an Embassy, performed by those Men that are named therein, for settling a Commerce and Traffick, which was to their Satisfaction accomplish'd: But with whom, till I can find out what Place is meant by[15]ΟΛΟΓΕΣΙΑΔΑ, I must remain Ignorant. I am unwilling to entertain any Thoughts of Getia in Macedonia, or of Olgassus, a Place mentioned by Strabo in Bythinia, which comes a little nearer the Name, being both so remote, and the City of Tadmor ill contrived for a Place of Trade, being far from the Sea, and without the Advantage of any River. Yet the Magnificence of the Place shews they have not wanted Riches among them: And their Salt is a Commodity which still brings them in a considerable Advantage. The Order of the Numeral Letters you may take notice is again inverted; but taking them the right way, the Year 558 falls in with the last Year of the Reign of Alexander Severus, which is of our Lord 234.

About the middle of the Piazza, upon another Pillar, was this following Inscription.

Η ΒΟΥΛΗ ΚΑΙ Ο ΔΗΜΟΣ ΙΟΥΛΙΟΝ ΑΥΡΗΛΙΟΝ ΖΗΝΟΒΙΟΝ ΤΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΖΑΒΔΙΛΑΝ ΔΙΣΜΑΛΧΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΝΑΣΣΟΥΜΟΥ ΣΤΡΑΤΗΓΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΕΝ ΕΠΙΔΗΜΙΑ ΘΕΟΥ ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΥΠΗΡΕΤΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΠΑΡΟΥΣΙΑ ΔΙΗΝΕΚΕΙ ΡΟΥΤΙΛΛΙΟΥ ΚΡΙΣΠΕΙΝΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΗΓΗΣΑΜΕΝΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΕΠΙΔΗΜΗΣΑΣΑΙΣ ΟΥΗΞΙΛΛΑΤΙΟΣΙΝ ΑΓΟΡΑΝΟΜΗΣΑΝΤΑΤΕ ΚΑΙ ΟΥΚΟΝΙΣΩΝΑ ΦΕΙΔΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΧΡΗΜΑΤΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΚΑΛΩΣ ΠΟΛΕΙΤΕΥΣΑΜΕΝΟΝ ΩΣ ΔΙΑ ΤΑΥΤΑ ΜΑΡΤΥΡΗΘΕΝΤΑ ΥΠΟ ΘΕΟΥ ΙΑΡΙΒΩΛΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΥΠΟ ΙΟΥΛΙΟΥ ....... ΤΟΥ ΕΞΟΧΩΤΑΤΟΥ ΕΠΑΡΧΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΙΕΡΟΥ ΠΡΑΙΤΩΡΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΤΗΣ ΠΑΤΡΙΔΟΣ ΤΟΝ ΦΙΛΟΠΑΤΡΙΝ ΤΕΙΜΗΣ ΧΑΡΙΝ ΕΤΟΥΣ ΔΝΦ.

This is as perfect an Inscription as any I met with, by the help of which we may make a Judgment of all the rest; at least thus far, that they were put up in Memory of some, who had behaved themselves, in those publick Offices they bore, either in their own Republick, or under the Romans, with Commendation; this being a Publick Place, where their Names and worthy Actions were Recorded and Transmitted to Posterity. What I further observed particularly in this, was the want of the Name after ΙΟΥΛΙΟΥ, and took notice of the like space vacant in the other Language under it; and in both places it seemed to be not worn out with Time, but voluntarily scratch'd out. Which confirms me in the Opinion that they are both one, and that the unknown was the Vulgar, as the Greek was the learned Language of the Place. Upon another Pillar in the same Walk was this.

ΣΕΠΤΙΜΙΟΝ ΟΥΟΡΩΔΗΝ ΤΟΝ ΚΡΑΤΙΣΤΟΝ ΕΠΙΤΡΟΠΟΝ ΣΕΒΑΣΤΟΥ ΔΟΥΚΗΝΑΡΙΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΑΡΟΑΠΕΤΗΝ ΙΟΥΛΙΟΣ ΑΥΡΗΛΙΟΣ ΕΑΛΜΗΣ ΚΑΣΣΙΑΝΟΥ ΤΟΥ Μ(Ε)ΛΕΝΑΙΟΥ ΙΠΠΕΥΣ ΡΩΜΑΙΩΝ ΤΟΝ ΦΙΛΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΠΡΟΣΤΑΤΗΝ ΕΤΟΥΣ Η Ο Φ ... ΜΗΝΕΙ (Ξ)ΑΝΔΙΚΩ.

From another Pillar in the same Piazza was Transcribed this broken Inscription which follows, which I have endeavoured to make up from the former, believing them in substance the very same, with some little Alteration of Names.

ΣΕΠΤΙΜ(ΙΟΝ ΟΥΟΡΩΔΗΝ) ΤΟΝ ΚΡΑ(ΤΙΣΤΟΝ ΕΠΙΤΡΟ)ΠΟΝ ΣΕΒΑΣ(ΤΟΥ ΔΟΥΚ)ΗΝΑΡΙΟΝ ΚΑ[Ι ΑΡΟΑΠΕ]ΤΗΝ ΙΟΥΛΙΟΣ ΑΥ[ΡΗΛΙ]ΟΣ Ε[ΑΛΜΗΣ] ΠΥΙΛΣΟΣ Μ[ΕΛΕΝΑΙ]ΟΣ ΜΑΛΩΧΑ ΝΑΣΣΟΥΜΟ[Υ] Ο ΚΡΑΤΙΣΤΟΣ ΤΟΝ [ΦΙΛΟΝ] ΚΑΙ ΠΡΟΣΤΑΤΗΝ ΤΕΙΜΗΣ ΕΝΕΚΕΝ ΕΤΟΥΣ ... [ΜΗΝΕΙ Ξ]ΑΝΔΙΚΩ.

This is so like the preceeding, that I thought I might fairly take the Liberty to make these Additions to it. And what we may Collect from both, and divers others of a like Import, is, That as the State, the Senate, and People, did sometimes Honour those that had been in Publick Trust, with Inscriptions upon these Pillars: So when this was not done by them, private Persons had the Liberty to do the same for their Friends. And I shall give you an Instance by and by of one Engraven by a Husband in Memory of his Wife. Upon several of these Pillars are little Pedestals jetting out about the middle of them, sometimes one way only, and sometimes more, which seem to have been the Bases or standing Places of Statues. But none of these are remaining; neither is it to be expected they should, in a place which has been so long in the Hands of the Turks. On these Pedestals we saw many Inscriptions, sometimes when there were none upon the Body of the Pillar, and sometimes when there were. As for Instance this that follows upon the Pedestal, thus.

ΣΕΠΤΙΜΙΟΝ ΑΙΡΑΝΗΝ ΟΔΑΙΝΟΘΟΥ ΤΟΝ ΛΑΜΠΡΟΤΑΤΟΝ ΣΥΝΚΛΗΤΙΚΟΝ. And upon the Body of the Pillar this Imperfect one; which I dare not venture to fill up, but shall give it you as we found it.

ΕΞΑ......ΝΤΩΝ ΑΥΡΗΛΙ.....Ρ ΗΛΙΟΔΩΡ..... ΣΤΡΑΤΙΩΤΗΣ ΛΕ.......ΚΗΣ ΤΩΝ ΠΑΤΡΩΝ ΤΕΙΜΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΕΥΧΑΡΙΣΤΙΑΣ ΧΑΡΙΝ ΕΤΟΥΣ ΓΞΦ.

We see they esteemed it very Honourable to have their Memories preserved after this manner; but it is but little Knowledge of them we can get from hence, save now and then the Time when they lived. As here, 563 Years after the Death of Alexander reach to the Year of our Lord 239. Another Inscription in the same Piazza was thus.

Η ΒΟΥΛ[Η ΚΑΙ Ο ΔΗ]ΜΟΣ ΣΕΠΤΙΜΙΟΝ ΤΟΝ ΚΡΑΤΙΣΤΟΝ Ε[ΠΙΤΡΟΠΟΝ Σ]ΕΒΑΣΤΟΥ ΔΟΥΚΗΝ[ΑΡΙΟΝ] ....ΕΟΔΟΤΗΝ ΤΗΣ ΜΗΤ[ΡΟΚΟΛΩ]ΝΕΙΑΣ ΚΑΙ ΑΝΑΚΟΜΙΣΑ(ΝΤΑ Τ)ΑΣ ΣΥΝΟΔΙΑΣ ΕΞ ΙΔΙΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΜΑΡΤΥΡΗΘΕΝΤΑ ΥΠΟ ΤΩΝ ΑΡΧΕΜΠΟΡΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΛΑΜΠΡΩΣ ΣΤΡΑΤΗΓΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΚΑΙ ΑΓΟΡΑΝΟΜΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΤΗΣ ΑΥΤΗΣ ΜΗΤΡΟΚΟΛΩΝΕΙΑΣ ΚΑΙ ΠΛΕΙΣΤΑ ΟΙΚΟΘΕΝ ΑΝΑΛΩΣΑΝΤΑ ΚΑΙ ΑΡΕΣΑΝΤΑ ΤΗ ΤΕ ΑΥΤΗ ΒΟΥΛΗ ΚΑΙ ΤΩ ΔΗΜΩ ΚΑΙ ΝΥΝΕΙ ΛΑΜΠΡΩΣ ΣΥΜΠΟΣΙΑΡΧΟΝ ΤΩΝ ΤΟΥ ΔΙΟΣ ΒΗΛΟΥ ΙΕ[Ρ]ΩΝ ΤΕΙΜΗΣ ΕΝΕΚΕΝ ΕΤ..... ΞΑΝΔΙΚΩ.

This affords a sufficient confirmation of what I before observed, that these were Honorary Inscriptions in Memory of those that had behaved themselves well in Publick Offices; of which we have several mentioned here, whereof some are very well known, but the others not easie to be met with in Books. By the Word ΜΗΤΡΟΚΟΛΩΝΕΙΑΣ, we may be assured that though the City was reduced by the Romans into the form of a Colony, yet it had a peculiar mark of Honour set upon it, to signifie that it was the chief of their Colonies in these Oriental Parts. That the Authority also of their Senate and People was continued to them. And besides that there was a Society of Men, either Curators of the Temple of Jupiter Belus (to whom the Temple before described perhaps was dedicated,) or Overseers of the Sports and Festivals that were celebrated in Honour of him; of which Sodality this Septimius was, when this Inscription was made, a Symposiarch, perhaps their Chief and Governour. By this too we find they did not wait for the Deaths of those they thus honoured, before they provided for the Preservation of their Memories; but Famous Men were thus Registered for After-Ages even while they were alive. Upon one of these Pedestals before described, not far from the former, was the following Inscription; which I valued the more for the little remainder it has preserved of the Name of Palmyra, by which the Place was known to the Romans.

...ΥΠΙΛΙΟΝ ΟΥΟΡΩΔΗΝ [ΣΥΝΚΛ]ΗΤΙΚΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΒΟΥΛΕΥΤΗΝ ΠΑΛΜΥΡΗΝΟΝ ΒΗΛΑ ΚΑΒΟΣΑΡΣΑ ΤΟΝ ΦΙ[ΛΟΝ] ΤΕΙΜΗΣ ΧΑΡΙΝ ΕΤΟΥΣ Ο Φ.

The Banquetting-House.

The upper end of this spacious Piazza was shut in by a row of Pillars, standing somewhat closer than those on each side; and perhaps there might have been a kind of Banquetting-House above, but now no certain Footsteps thereof remain. But a little farther to the left Hand, and, it may be, continued with the former Walk, lie the Ruins of a very stately Building, which I am apt to believe might have been for such an use. 'Tis built of better Marble, and has an Air of Delicacy and Exquisiteness in the Work, beyond what is discernable in the Piazza. The Pillars which supported it are of one entire Stone; and on one of them that is fallen down, but so firm and strong that it has received no Injury thereby, we measured, and found 22 Foot in length, and in compass 8 Foot and 9 Inches. Among these Ruins we found the only Latin Inscription we saw in the Place, and that so imperfect, there is but little of it Intelligible.

......es Orbis & Propagatores Generis Humani D. D. N. N. Diocletianus ............ssimi Impp. Et Constantius & Maximianus Nobb. Cæs. Castra feliciter condiderunt.

And upon the same Stone a little lower,

........ntes Ossiano Hieroclete, V. P. Præs. Provinciæ D. N. M. O. Eorum. The Name of Maximianus Hercules, who was Partner in the Empire with Dioclesian which should have followed in the Inscription, seems to have been on purpose scratch'd out, and defaced, for what reason I cannot guess. The rest is lost by the breaking of the Stone.

The Palace.

In the West side of the great Piazza are several openings for Gates leading into the Court of the Palace: Two whereof, one would easily believe when they were in their Perfection, were the most Magnificent and Glorious in the World, both for the Elegancy of the Work in general, and particularly for those stately Porphyry Pillars with which they were adorned. Each Gate had four, not standing in a Line with the others of the Wall, but placed by couples in the Front of the Gate, facing the Palace, two on one Hand, and two on the other. Of these remain two entire, and but one standing in its place. They are about 30 Foot in length, and 9 in circumference; of a Substance so exceeding hard, that it was with great difficulty we broke off a few shivers to bring home with us for a pattern of the Stone, the Art of making which, I think is quite lost. We saw several other broken pieces of Porphyry, but neither of so accurate a Mixture and Composition, nor so large as the former. The hard Fate of one I could not but lament, when I saw it debased to support the corner of a little Hut, scarce good enough for a Dog-Kennel, or a Hogsty. The Palace it self is so entirely ruined, that no Judgment can be made what it was in its Ancient Splendor, either for the Figure or Workmanship thereof. There is only here and there a broken piece of a Wall remaining, beat into pieces by Violence, and consumed by Time to that degree, that without the help of Tradition we could hardly be well assured, that a Royal Palace did once fill that Space. We may guess however that it fronted the Famous Piazza before mentioned, and was surrounded with rows of Pillars of different Orders, many of which are still standing, some plain, and some wrought and channell'd, as those immediately encompassing the Temple. And upon those little Pedestals which stood out of the middle of some of them, I observed several Inscriptions, but could not conveniently take more than one, which together with the Pillar that supported it was fallen to the Ground. 'Twas this.

ΜΑΡΘΕΙΝ ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΚΑΠΑΔΗΤΟΥ ΟΥΑΒΑΛΛΑΘΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΣΥΜΩΝΟΥ ΣΟΡΑΙΧΟΣ ΑΙΡΑΝΟΥ ΑΝΗΡ ΑΥΤΗΣ ΜΝΗΜΗΣ ΕΝΕΚΕΝ ΜΗΝΕΙ ΔΥΣΤΡΩ ΤΟΥ Ϟ Υ ΕΤΟΥΣ.

If the rest were of a like Nature with this, we have lost no great matter by not taking them, this being only a Memorial, which a kind Husband caused to be set up in Honour of his Wife. The Month Dystrus, answers our March, and the Year 490 from the Death of Alexander the Great, the Year of our Lord 166.

I omitted to mention before, that under the long Walk runs a Current of hot Sulphureous Waters; and there is a Well and other Passages down to them. But whatever they may have been of old, they are not now so convenient as another about half a Mile Westward from hence; where there is a very good Descent into the Water, and it is still used by the People to Bath in. Near to which, upon the Pedestal of a broken Pillar, (or perhaps it might be an Altar) remains this following Inscription.

ΔΙΙ ΥΨΙΣΤΩ ΜΕΓΙΣΤΩ ΚΑΙ ΕΠΗΚΟΩ ΒΩΛΑΝΟΣ ΖΗΝΟΒΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΑΙΡΑΝΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΜΟΚΙΜΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΜΑΘΘΑ ΕΠΙ ΜΕΛΕΤΗ ΣΟΗ ΑΙΡΕΘΕΙΣ ΕΦΚΑΣ ΠΗΓΗΣ ΥΠΟ ΙΑΡΙΒΩΛΟΥ ΘΕΟΥ ΤΟΝ ΒΩ [forsan ΒΩΜΟΝ] ΕΞ ΙΔΙΩΝ ΑΝΕΘΗΚΕΝ ΕΤΟΥΣ Δ Ο Υ ΜΗΝΟΣ YΠΕΡΒΕΡΕΤΑΙΟΥ Κ.

I am pretty confident that the Word I have mark'd with a Line under it, is rightly taken, and therefore know not what to guess it to be, unless the proper Name of the Fountain. And upon that Supposition the Inscription is easily Intelligible, shewing that Bolanus, Son of Zenobius, &c. being elected Overseer or Curator of this Fountain, under Jaribolus, built this Altar to Jupiter, in the Year of Alexander 474. i. e. of our Lord 150. and on the 20th of October, if the last Kappa be a Numeral, as I suppose it must. But who this Jaribolus was, on whom they bestow, as generally upon the Roman Emperors, whose Names occur in the Inscriptions, the Title of ΘΕΟΣ, is not so facile a Conjecture. They were under the Parthians, before the Romans fell in amongst them; but the Date shews this to be after the time of Hadrian, and so after their coming. Nay, and in an Inscription before mentioned, which is of a later Date than this by 88 Years, we have the Name of the same Person. Hot Sulphureous Baths are things very frequent in this Country; and thence it was that it obtained the Name of Syria Salutifera. The scent of the Waters here is much like those of Bath in England, but not so strong, neither is the Taste so offensive. On the contrary, when they have run so far from the Fountain, as to become cold, they are very potable, and are the only Waters the Inhabitants use. But we, during our stay there, sent to a Fountain of very excellent Water, about an hour distant from the City.

The little Temple.

On the East side likewise of the long Piazza stands, if I may use such an Expression, a Wood of Marble Pillars, some perfect, and others deprived of their beautiful Capitals; but so scattered and confused, that it is not possible to reduce them into any Order, so as to conjecture to what they anciently served. In one place are Eleven together in Square after this manner

paved at the bottom with broad flat Stone, but without any Roof or Covering. And at a little distance from that stands the Ruins of a small Temple, which by the remains seems to have been for the Workmanship very curious: But the Roof is wholly gone, and the Walls very much defaced and consumed with Time. Before the Entrance which looks to the South, is a Piazza supported by six Pillars, two on one Hand of the Door, and two on the other, and at each end one. And the Pedestals of those in the Front have been filled with Inscriptions, both in Greek and the other Language; but they are now so obliterated and worn out, as not to be Intelligible. The most perfect was this that follows.

ΜΑΛΕΝΤΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΑΓΡΙΠΠΑΝ ΙΑΡΑΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΡΑΑΙΟΥ ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΕΑ ΓΕΝΟΜΕΝΟΝ ΤΟ ΔΕΥΤΕΡΟΝ ΕΠΙΔΗΜΙ[Α] ΘΕΟΥ ΑΔΡΙΑΝΟΥ ΑΛΙΜΜΑ ΠΑΡΑΣΧΟΤΑ ΞΕΝΟΙΣ ΤΕ, ΚΑΙ ΠΟΛΕΙΤΑ[ΙΣ]...... And a little below were these straggling Letters visible.

ΕΝΗ....Ν ΥΠΗΡΕΤΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΤΗΤ.... ΣΤΡΑΤΕΥΜΑ ΤΟΥ ... ΥΠΟ....ΗΚΑΙ.....ΤΟΝ ΝΑΟΝ ΤΟΝ....ΔΙΟΣ....ΝΤΩΤ......

I should have imagined the ΚΑΙ to have been a Copulative, and the second Name Agrippa distinct from the former, but that the Words following in the Singular Number, will not admit of such a Construction. The Person then in Memory of whom this Inscription was made, must have been named Malentus Cæagrippa, who bearing such an Office as Scribe, or the like, in the Expedition of Adrian the Emperor, performed an Act of Publick Benificence and Generosity, both to Strangers and Citizens, denoted by the Word[16] ΑΛΙΜΜΑ, or ἄλειμμα, which signifies Unction. Perhaps he distributed amongst them Sweet Oyls, to be used in or after their Bathings. 'Tis pity what follows is so imperfect; and especially that we cannot find out the Date: For that might have directed us to the precise time of Hadrian's Expedition into these Oriental Parts, where he made great Conquests, and enlarged the Bounds of the Roman Empire.

The Sepulchers.

But as great a Curiosity as any were their Sepulchers, being Square Towers, four or five Stories high, and standing on both sides of a hollow way, towards the North part of the City. They stretch out in length the space of a Mile, and perhaps formerly might extend a great way further. At our first view of them, as we entred the place, we could not conjecture what they were; some thought them the Steeples of ruined Churches, and were in hopes we should have found some footsteps of Christianity here. Others took them to have been Bastions, and part of the Old Fortifications, tho' there is not so much as any Foundation of a Wall to be seen. But when we came a Day or two after, more curiously to enquire into them, we quickly found their use. They were all of the same Form, but of different Splendor and Greatness, according to the Circumstances of their Founders. The first we viewed was entirely Marble; but is now wholly in Ruins, and nothing but a heap of broken Stones, among which we found the pieces of two Statues, one of a Man, and another of a Woman, cut in a sitting, or rather leaning posture; and the Heads and part of the Arms of both being broken off, but their Bodies remaining pretty entire; so that we had the Advantage of seeing their Habits, which appeared very Noble, but more approaching the European Fashion, than what is now in use in the East; which inclined me to believe they might be Romans. Upon broken pieces of Stone tumbled here and there, we found some as broken Inscriptions, but not affording any perfect Sense, they are not worth the Transcribing.

Many other Sepulchers there were, as much gone to decay as this, which therefore we past by, to go to two, which stood almost opposite to one another, and seemed most perfect of any, though not without marks of the Turkish Malice. They are two square Towers, rather larger than ordinary Steeples, and five Stories high, the outside being of common Stone, but the Partitions and Floors within of good Marble; and beautified too with very lively Carvings and Paintings, and Figures both of Men and Women, as far as the Breast and Shoulders; but miserably defac'd and broken. Under these Statues, or by their sides, are in the unknown Character, the Names probably of the Persons there buried, or by them represented; or else some other Memorials of them. We entred one of these by a Door on the South side, from which was a Walk cross the whole Building just in the middle. But the Floor was broke up, and so gave us a sight of a Vault below, divided after the same manner. The Spaces on each Hand were again sub-divided into six Partitions by thick Walls, each Partition being capable of receiving the largest Corps: And piling them one above another, as their way appears to have been, each of those Spaces might contain at least six or seven Bodies. For the lowest, second and third Stories, those Partitions were uniform, and altogether the same; save from the second Floor, which answered the main Entrance, one Partition was reserved for a Stair-Case. Higher than this, the Building, being something contracted towards the top, would not afford space for the continuation of the same Method: Therefore the two uppermost Rooms were not so parted, nor perhaps ever had any Bodies lain in them. Unless it was that of the Founder alone, whose Statue wrapt up in Funeral Apparel, and in a lying Posture, is placed in a Nich, or rather Window in the Front of the Monument, so as to be visible both within and without. Near to this Statue was the following Inscription.

ΤΟ ΜΝΗΜΕΙΟΝ ΕΚΤΙΣΑΝ ΕΛΑΒΗΛΕΣ ΜΑΝΝΑΙΟΣ ΣΟΧΑΕΙΣ ΜΑΛΧΟΣ ΟΥΑΒΑΛΛΑΘΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΜΑΝΝΑΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΕΛΑΒΗΛΟΥ ΑΥΤΩ ΚΑΙ ΥΙΟΙΣ ΕΤΟΥΣ ΔΙΥ ΜΗΝΟΣ ΞΑΝΔΙΚΟΥ.

'Tis a little doubtful whether ΑΥΤΩ should not rather be made ΑΥΤΟΙΣ; or else there must be a Fault in the Verb, and all those but the Names of one Person. The other Monument on the other side of the way is very much like this; only the Front and Entrance are towards the North, and 'tis not altogether so Polite, nor so well Painted. But the Carvings are as good, and it shews altogether as Stately and Magnificent as the former. Besides, it has the Advantage in Age of a whole Century of Years: As appears from the Date of the following Inscription. 'Tis placed above a Nich in the Front, adorned with handsom Borders and Cornishes; the place, doubtless, of some Statue, and probably that of the Founder.

ΜΝΗΜΕΙΟΝ ΑΙΩΝΙΟΝ ΓΕΡΑΣ ΩΚΟΔΟΜΗΣΕΝ ΓΙΧΟΣ ΜΟΚΙΜΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΚΑΙΛΚΙΑΛΣΙΣΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΜΑ......ΟΥ ΕΙΣΤΕ ΕΑΥΤΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΥΙΟΥΣ ΚΑΙ ΕΓΓΟΝΟΥΣ ΕΤΟΥΣ ΔΙΤ ΜΗΝΕΙ ΞΑΝΔΙΚΩ.

This is the most Ancient Inscription I met with in Tadmor, the 314th. Year from the Death of Alexander the Great, preceding the Birth of our Saviour about Ten Years. The other also is between Twenty and Thirty Years before the Reign of Hadrian, and consequently before the Romans got footing here. And from these sumptuous Structures, and these costly Mausolæa, we may reasonably conclude, they were a Potent and Opulent People, before they became subject to the Romans, and were not obliged to them for their Greatness.

And now I believe I have wearied you sufficiently by leading you up and down the Ancient and Famous City of Tadmor, and giving you so dry an Account of our Employment there. After 4 Days stay we returned, not the way that we came, but proceeding Eastward towards the River Euphrates. In our way to which, the third Day, passing though a Village called Tieve, upon a Stone set wrong End upwards, in the midst of the Wall of the Mosch, we met with the following Inscription.

ΔΙΙ ΜΕΓΙΣΤΩ ΚΕΡΑΥΝΙΩ ΥΠΕΡ ΣΩΤΗΡΙΑΣ ΤΡΑ: ΑΔΡΙΑΝΟΥ ΣΕΒ... ΤΟΥ ΚΥΡΙΟΥ ΑΓΑΘΑΝΓΕΛΟΣ ΑΒΙΛΗΝΟΣ ΤΗΣ ΔΕΚΑΠΟΛΕΟΣ ΤΗΝ ΚΑΜΑΡΑΝ ΩΚΟΔΟΜΗΣΕΝ ΚΑΙ ΤΗΝ ΚΛΙΝΗ.... ΕΞ ΙΔΙΩΝ ΑΝΕΘΗΚΕΝ ΕΤΟΥΣ ΕΜΥ ΜΗΝΟΣ ΛΩΟΥ.

And under this was another in the same Language and Character we had seen at Tadmor; I was surprized to find such an Inscription in this Place, nor can any way guess how they should come by it: And the mention of Decapolis makes me still more in the Dark. If one might extend the Bounds of Decapolis, as some are said to have done, as far as Cælosyria, and comprize under this Name again all Syria, Phænicia only excepted, then need it not be brought from elsewhere, but first set up in this Village. But this will not be allowed by those who make Decapolis only a part of Palestine. The Matter of Fact it contains is only an Account of the Magnificence of this Agathangelus Abilenus, whoever he was; who for the safety of the Emperor Hadrian, erected at his own Charges, and Dedicated to Jupiter the Thunderer, a Royal Banquetting-House, (for so I take [17]ΚΑΜΑΡΑ to signifie) and a Bed of State; for after ΚΛΙΝΗ there is doubtless a Letter omitted, and it ought to be ΚΛΙΝΗΝ. The Date 445 agrees to the Year of our Lord 123. which was the seventh of the Reign of Hadrian. And the Month ΛΩΟΣ is our August.

Arsoffa.

The next Day we past by the Ruins of a large Monastery of the Maronites, as I guess it to have been by an Inscription we met with upon the Capitals of several Marble Pillars, which supported the middle Isle of a handsome Church, which was to this effect.

† ΕΠΙ ΣΕΡΓΙΟΥ ΕΠΙΣΚΟ. ΤΟΥ ΣΥΝΓΕΝ~ ΜΑΡΩΝΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΧΩΡΕΠΙΣΚΟ.

From thence we past on, and came the same Night to Euphrates, and having travelled two Days on the Banks of that Famous River, we came to the Tents of the King of the Arabs, who had furnish'd us with a Guide for our Voyage. With him we remained two Nights, and in two Days Travel more came back safe to Aleppo, having been out in the whole just 18 Days.

The Reverend and Learned Author of this Account, cannot with Justice be censured, if some Minute Particulars of the History of this Place, have escaped his Memory, being obliged to write without recourse to the Books proper for his purpose, which were not to be had in that Country. We have since procured a Curious Prospect of these Noble Ruins, taken on the Place; which, with some further Remarks thereon, are here Published.