Miscellanea Curiosa, Vol. 3 / containing a collection of curious travels, voyages, and natural histories of countries as they have been delivered in to the Royal Society

by Royal Society

FOOTNOTES:

[14] This Assyne was in the Year of our Lord 1693. Deposed by the Turks, and one Dor advanced to fill his place; so that now he is constrained to live upon Rapine, being followed by a considerable Number of Men, who delight not to Labour, nor to live under any settled Government.

[15] 'Tis not improbable that ΟΛΟΓΕΣΙΑΣ might have been the Name of a Person. Vologeses is a known Name in History among the Parthian Kings; to which the other seems to bear a great Affinity.

[16] Plin. Secun. Ep. l. 2. Tells us of one, who was accused of an Illegal Exaction of Money from a Province, Titulo Unguentarii; now what was in that case unjustly exacted, might be in this a Voluntary Donation, not of the Province to the Governour, but of a great Man to the People. Or else Unguentarium may be supposed to be a Donative, like Clavarium or Culinarium, used sometimes by the Romans.

[17] This Word I find both in Tacitus and Strabo, used for a kind of Ships or Boats, long, narrow, light, and capable of receiving 20, or at most 30 Men; but what they should do with Boats in an Inland Town, without either River or Lake near it, I cannot imagine. I rather adhere to the other signification.

---

An Extract of the Journals of two several Voyages of the English Merchants of the Factory of Aleppo, to Tadmor, anciently call'd Palmyra.

Our Merchants of this worthy Factory, being generally Men of more than ordinary Birth and Education, have not been wanting (as the intervals of leisure from their gainful Traffick would permit) to make Voyages of Curiosity, to visit the celebrated Remains of Antiquity in those Parts, whereby the once flourishing State of the World, under the Roman Empire, is abundantly evinced. And being inform'd by the Natives, that the Ruins of the City of Tadmor were more considerable than any they had yet seen, they were tempted to enterprize this hazardous and painful Voyage over the Desart; but having been, by the perfidy of the Arabs, disappointed of their Desires in their first Attempt, they were obliged to defer their Curiosity, till they could better provide for their Security: whereof being assured, from the Confidence some of them had in the Friendship of Assyne then King of the Arabs, they adventured again, in the Year 1691, and had full liberty to visit, observe and transcribe what they pleased.

A View of the Ruines of Palmyra alias Tadmor, taken on the Southern Side.

What Account they there took, the Publick has already seen in our Last, since which, by the Favour of Mr. Timothy Lanoy and Mr. Aaron Goodyear, two very Eminent Merchants, who were both in the first Voyage, we have received not only the Draught of the Prospect of those noble Ruins, taken upon the Place, (of which we here give a Copy,) but also the Journals of both the Voyages; which, for the Satisfaction of the Curious, we have thought fit to Publish.

The first Voyage, Anno 1678.

July 18. at Five in the Morning, we set out from Aleppo, being sixteen English; but with Servants and Mulettiers in all forty; and in four Hours and an half, travelling South by East, we arrived at a Village call'd Cafferabite, being at the edge of the Desart, here we reposed the rest of that Day.

July 19. we rose at one in the Morning, and directed our Course S. S. E. over the Desart, for a Fountain call'd Churraick; but our Guide losing his Way, there being no Path, 'twas near Noon before we found it: which made us doubt of our Safety. This Well has no Signs near it to discover it by. Here we pitch'd our Tents, and refresh'd our Selves and Horses; and the Water being of a Purgative Quality, made us some Diversion. In our way, we found two Arabs with two Asses, one whereof carried Water and a little Bread, the other they rod on by turns; they had one Gun, with which they they shot Antelopes, the Bullet being a hard Stone broken round, and cased with Lead; they had on the Palms of their Hands, Elbows, Knees and Feet, some Antelope-Skin tied, that they may be able to creep the better on the Ground, to Shoot; one of the Asses walking by as a Stalking-horse, and the Arab imitating the Cry of the Gazel till he get within Shot: These Arabs are called Selebee. At the Well came to us some Arabs that were making Ashes of the ordinary sort of Weeds call'd Chuddraife, Ruggot and Cuttaff; these they cut and dry, and putting them into a Pit, set Fire to them, and the Ashes cake at the bottom. The Ashes they carry to Eglib and Tripoli, to make Soap of: But the best sort of Ashes are made of the Weed Shinon, which grows about Tadmor, Soukny, Tibe and Yarecca; it grows like Broom in England, and in Shape resembles Coral.

July 20. we rose at four in the Morning, and Travelling two Hours E. S. E. we arrived at Andrene, where we found the Ruins of two or three Churches, and of a great Town lying in a large Plain; where having tarried about an Hour and an half, and taken some fragments of Greek Inscriptions, which afforded no certain Sense, but yet were evidently Christian, we march'd again S. by E. and in about four Hours time came to a pleasant Aqueduct call'd Sheck-alal; this Aqueduct is cut through the main Rock, for a great way from the Mountains; and where it ends, the Arabs have made a Garden, which afforded us Melons, Cucumbers, Purslain, &c. In a Grotto hard by, there dwelt an Arab with his Family; he had a dozen Buffalo's, which they used both for their Milk, and to Plow the Ground, Sowing both Wheat, and Barly: Hither the Arabs resort, when they have committed any Robbery about Aleppo, or Hama, and here they repose, and divide the Spoil.

July 21. we rose at four in the Morning, and riding two Hours South, we came to a Ruin call'd Briadeen; here we found the following Inscription on a Stone, good part in the Ground:

ΑΦΙΕΡΩΘΗ ΑΑΙΛΥΝΔΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΑΜΦ ΕΤΟΥΣ
ΔΙΑ ΜΑΤΕΡΝΟΥ ΚΑ(Ι Π)ΑΠΠΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΜΑΙΚΟΥ ΚΝΕΤΜΝ
-------- Υ ———— Ν

From hence going South-East, in four Hours more we came to a Well called Costal (which signifies a Spring in Arab.) Most part of our way through the Desart we were troubled with Rat-holes in great numbers, like Coneyboroughs, which by the sinking in of the Earth, very much incommoded our Horses and Mules. These Rats have at the ends of their Tails a bush of Hair, and the Arabs eat them all, excepting one part. From this Well we arose about four in the Afternoon, and began to ascend small Hills, covered with Trees, which, for the most part, were the small Pistacho's which the Arabs pickle with Salt; but eaten green, are good to quench Thirst. We travelled on three Hours up the Hills, where we pitch'd that Night, having no other Water but what we carry'd with us; and at Night we had a small Shower of Rain, a thing unusual in that Country at that time of the Year.

July 22. we rose by Two in the Morning, and Travelling E. S. E. we came by Eleven to a Well call'd G'hor, where we found it very Hot, and saw several prints of Horses Feet, so that we suspected some Arabs had newly past that way.

July 23. we rose by One in the Morning, and Travelling most East, we came to a large Plain, where we saw before us, on a high Mountain, a great Castle, call'd by the Arabs Anture. When we had travelled two or three Hours in this Plain, we espied an Arab driving towards us a Camel, with his Launce, so fast, that he came on a round Gallop, and we supposed him sent as a Spy: being come up to us, he told us he was of Tadmor, and that his Prince, the Emir Melkam, had that Day made Friendship with Hamet Shideed another Prince, and that together they had four hundred Men; so he kept us Company an Hour or two, and enquired of our Mulettiers if we were not Turks disguised, with intent to seize on Melkam; for we travelled with a Bandiero, the Impress being a Hanjarr or Turkish Dagger, and a Half-Moon. We told him we were Franks, which he could hardly believe, wondering that we travelled thus in the Desart, only out of Curiosity. Being come near to Tadmor, he went a little before us, and on a sudden run full speed towards the Ruins, we not endeavouring to hinder him. Our Guide told us he was gone to acquaint the Arabs who we were, and that we ought to suspect and prepare for the worst; so we dismounted twenty of our Servants, each having a long Gun, and Pistols at his Girdle, and placed them abreast before us: we following at a little distance behind, on Horse-back, with Carbines and Pistols. In this order we proceeded, and came to a most stately Aqueduct, which runs under Ground in a direct passage five Miles, and is covered with an Arch of Bastard Marble all the Way, and a Path on both sides the Channel for two Persons to walk abreast; the Channel it self being about an English Yard in breadth, and ¾ of a Yard in depth. At 20 Yards distance all the way are Ventiducts for the Air to pass, and the holes are surrounded with small Mounts of Earth to keep the Sand and Dust from falling down. We marched close by these Mounts, which might serve us for Defence, expecting every moment that the Arabs would come to Assail us, having the disadvantage of Sun and Wind in our Faces: wherefore we Travelled hard to gain an Eminence where we might Post our selves advantageously, and stop and repose a little, to consider what we had to do. The Arabs finding us to come on with this Order and Resolution, thought not fit to adventure on us, so we gained the Hill, from whence we might discern these vast and noble Ruins, having a Plain like a Sea for greatness to the Southwards of it. Here having refresh'd our Men, we fetch'd a little Compass and descended by the foot of a Mountain, on which stands a great Castle, but uninhabited. Here two Arabs came to us with Lances, one being Chiah to Melkam, and we sent two to meet them; they gave the Salam alika, and ours returned the Alica salam, and advancing to our Company, told us the Emir had understood of our coming, and had sent them to acquaint us that he was our Friend, and that all the Country was ours. We sent back with them our Janizary and a Servant to visit the Prince in his Tents, which were in a Garden. In the mean time we dismounted at a watering Place amidst the Ruins, but did not unload till our Janizary and Servant returned with the Emir's Tescarr, assuring us of Friendship and Protection, a Writing which the Arabs were never known to violate before. With them came also one that belonged to the Sheck of the Town, for whom we had Letters from Useffe Aga the Emeer of Aleppo. He desired us for greater Security to pitch our Tents under the Town Walls, which is in the Ruins of a great Palace, the Wall yet standing very high, the Town within but small, and the Houses excepting two or three no better than Hog-sties. So we pitched in a deep Sandy Ground where we found it exceeding hot. Here we waited till three of the Clock without eating any thing, expecting the Sheck should have presented us according to the usual Custom of the Turks to their Friends, and have given some answer to the Letters we brought him; but on the contrary we found by the gesture of the People, that we had Reason to suspect them. Hereupon two of our Company believing that the want of a present to the Emir was the cause thereof resolved to adventure to give him a Visit, and taking the Janizary and one Servant, they carried him a Present of two pieces of Red Cloath, and four of Green, and several other things: Being come he welcomed them into his Tent, and placed the one on his right Hand and the other on his left. Melkam was a young Man, not above Five and Twenty, and well Featur'd, and a most Excellent Horse-man; Hamet Shideed, the other Prince, was more elderly, as about forty Years of Age, and was not in the Tent, but sat under a Palm-Tree near it. He treated them with Coffee, Camel's-flesh and Dates, and enquired of their Journey, and the Cause of their coming: They told him 'twas only Curiosity to see those Ruins; he said that formerly Solomon Ibnel Doud Built a City in that Place, which being destroyed, was Built again by a strange People, and he believed, that we understanding the Writing on the Pillars, came to seek after Treasure, he having but six Moons before found a Pot of Corra Crusses. After this he went out of the Tent, leaving them smoaking Tobacco, to the Janizary and Servant, and told them, that never till that Day any Franks had been at that Place, and that now we knew the way through the Desert, we might inform the Turks to their Ruin and Destruction, so that 'twould be convenient for them to destroy us all: But that we coming as Friends, he would only have 4000 Dollars as a Present, else he would hang them and the two Franks up, and go fight the rest. This Message being brought them, they wish'd they had excus'd themselves from this Embassy, and answered, they could say nothing to that Demand, not knowing our Minds, but if he would permit them to go and speak with the rest, they would return an Answer. Hearing this, he threatened present Death, but at length gave leave to our Janizary to carry us a Letter from them, wherein they shewed the danger they were in, and earnestly entreated us to redeem them, the Price set on them being 2000 Dollars, one half in Mony, the other half in Goods, as Swords, Cloaths, Tents, &c. which the Emir promised to estimate at their Worth.

This Letter amazed us mightily, and a little before it arrived, we understanding a little, and fearing more ill Treatment to our Friends, were getting ready to free them or die with them. The Garden where Melkam lay, was about half a Mile from the Tents, full of Palm-Trees, and had no Walls, but loose Stones piled up Breast high about them, so we designed to have gone suddenly and given two or three Volleys on them, e'er they could get to Horse; and the Arab know not how to Fight on Foot. And though they bragg'd they had 400 Men, we supposed 200 might be the most, and they not all Lances. But on receipt of this Letter, and the Servants telling us that they would certainly be cut off, if we endeavoured their Rescue, we began to examin what Moneys we had, Cloaths and other Trade, and found we could not near make up that Sum. In this Confusion came two Arabs to receive the things, and immediately Word was brought that the Emir would come and Visit us; we sent him Word, that if he came with more than two followers, we would not admit him: so he came with 2 Servants only; and in conclusion, we made him up in Money and Goods to the Value of 1500 Dollars. He valuing our Things as we pleased; his Design being not so much to compleat the Sum, as to take from us all we had. After this, about Sun Set, he returned us our two Friends, when the Sheck of the Town invited us to Lodge within the Town; which we found afterwards was with a design to have forced something from us: But we giving him to understand that the Emir had taken all already, and had left us only our Arms and the Cloaths on our Backs; which if they would have, they must Fight for: That Resolution daunted them, and away they went, promising us Barley for our Horses in the Morning. We kept good watch in the Night, and when Day broke, we began to consider how to clear our selves; we expected the Barly till Nine in the Morning, when it came, and the Emir himself came and gave us the good Morrow: We feared least they should pretend to stop some of us in the Gate-way, so we placed six of our Company to secure the Passage, 'till all the rest were got out, under pretence of taking an Inscription that was over the Gate. Being all got clear, we returned by the same way we came and arrived at Aleppo July 29. in the Morning. This Melkam told us, That if we had not submitted our selves to his Demands, he was resolved to Fight us after this Method: Loading 50 Camels with Baggs of Sand, and making small holes in the Baggs for the Sand to drop out, he would drive these Camels abreast upon us before the Wind, that the Sand might blow in our Eyes, and we spending our Bullets on the Camels, might so be easily overthrown; we answered, that we believed he would not venture his Camels and Horses to such a Combat. He wondered extreamly when we talk'd of Shooting Birds flying, and Hares running.

This and other the like Violences used by this Arab Prince, made the Bassa of Aleppo resolve to destroy him; and not long after he cajoled him with the Hopes of being made King of the Arabs, and to draw him near the City, he vested and caressed some of his Followers: Which having its effect, the Bassa surprized him in his Tents by Night, and soon after he was put to Death: This those People were willing to believe the effect of their so abusing the English, and might much contribute to the Security and good Usage they found, that went the second time on this Expedition.

We had not time to view these Ruins by reason of this usage, though perhaps we might with safety. We only took one of the Inscriptions as we past by, which was thus.

ΣΕΠΤΙΜΙΟΝ ΟΥΟΡΟΔΗΝ ΤΟΝ ΚΡΑΤΙΣΤΟΝ ΕΠΙΤΡΟΠΟΝ ΣΕΒΑΣΤΟΥ ΔΟΥΚΗΝΑΡΙΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΑΡ..ΑΠΗΤΗΝ ΙΟΥΛΙΟΣ ΑΥΡΗΛΙΟΣ ΣΑΝΜΗΣ ΜΑΣΣΙΑΝΟΥ ΤΟΥ Μ..ΛΕΝΑΙΟΥ ΙΠΠΕΥΣ ΡΟΥΜΑΩΝ ΤΟΝ ΦΙΛΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΠΡΟΣΤΑΤΗΝ ΕΤΟΥΣ Η Ο Φ ΜΗΝΕΙ ΞΑΝΔΙΚΩ.

Wherein the principal difference is in the Word ἀραπήτην, which in the Account already Published is read ἀράπετην, which seems to signifie some peculiar Officer of the Syrians, as Ducenarius of the Latins, which perhaps those skill'd in the Oriental Customs and Languages may be able to expound.

As far as we could conclude from our Journeys, and the Position of the Ways taken by two good Compasses, the Distance of Tadmor from Aleppo is about a 150 English Miles, and the Course S. S. E. or rather somewhat more Southerly, considering the Variation of the Compass, which is above a half a Point Westward in these Parts.

The second Voyage, Anno 1691.

We set out from Aleppo for Tadmor on Michaelmas-day, being in all, Masters and Servants, thirty Men, well armed, having obtained a Promise of Security from Assyne, then King of the Arabs, and one of his own People for a Guide. This Day our Road pointed S. b. E. and in four Hours we came to a Fountain call'd Caphir-Abiad, leaving Old Aleppo about an Hour distant on the right Hand: Here we made but a very short stay, but proceeded to a better Fountain at the foot of a very high Hill, cover'd with loose Stones, the Ruins of a Village called Broeder, of which there was not one House remaining; and dining here, we advanced in an Hour and a quarter more, in the Afternoon, through a fertile open Place, to a Place called Emghir, famous for the best Wheat that is brought to Aleppo. This we made our first Stage; and mounting again in the Morning about five a Clock, in less than an Hour, past by an uninhabited Village, call'd Urghee, our Road pointing as before, through the fruitful Plain, even and pleasant; but when we came to ascend the Hills, where I reckon'd we entred the Desart, and were to take our leave of Mankind, at least of an inhabited Country for some Days, we had a troublesome Passage, over loose great Stones, without any appearance of a Road.

Our Guide had promised to conduct us through pleasant Groves and Forests; but no such thing appeared, unless we would bestow that Name upon low withered Shrubs that grew in the Way, only one Tree we saw, which was of good use to us, serving as a Land-mark; and when we were come up with it, being left at a little distance on the right Hand, we gain'd the Prospect of a remote ridge of Hills before us, and on the top of one of them an old Castle; this Castle, we were told, was known by the Name of Gazar Ibn Wordan; but what it anciently was, or in what Condition it is at present, I could not learn; therefore, not unwillingly, I turned my Eyes from it, to a little round Hill more on the left, by which we were to direct our Course, and about a quarter of an Hour from which stood a Sheck's House, call'd Sheck Ailha, where we were to bait, with a Well of Water by it, but such that we had but little gusto to taste, though it served our Horses: All the Country hereabouts is stor'd with Antelopes, and there is a barbarous sort of People there, that have hardly any thing else to live upon, but what of these they can kill; and Necessity has taught them to be no mean Artists in their way, for they lie down behind the Stones, and as the poor harmless Creature passes, shoot them; and though their Guns be very ordinary, exceeding heavy and thick, with Match-Locks, yet are they such excellent Marks-men, that they kill many. That Morning we had Travelled about five Hours to reach Sheck Ailha's; yet finding nothing to invite our stay there, (though there were four or five Tombs there not ill made, according to the Turkish mode) about one a Clock we mounted again, bending to the S. E. or something more Easterly. In our way we had two remarkable Prospects, one on the right Hand, of the Ruins of an ancient City call'd Andreen, and sometimes Londrine, which we were told had been formerly inhabited by Franks, and that there were many Inscriptions there; but it was too far out of our way, and withal something too dangerous too, for us to take a view of them: The other, on the left Hand, was another Tree, not far from which our Guide assured us of good Water, where we designed to take up our Lodging; the hopes of the Water made us slight a Well we past by on the Road, at which afterwards we repented we had not stay'd; for when we came up with the Tree, from which we had declined a great way to the right, we found our Water still at a very great distance, and were constrained to take new Directions by a white chalky Hill, almost as far as we could see, and yet not much beyond the Place which was to be our Stage; on therefore we proceeded till Sun-set, very weary, and almost without hope of our coming to Water that Night, though at the same time near dead with Thirst; and which the more supriz'd us, our Guide was advanced a great way before, out of our sight, upon what design we knew not, but at his return, we found it was only to assure himself better of the way, and in an Hours time more he brought us to the side of a Bog, call'd by the Name of Zerga, where, such as it was, we found Water enough, but it was neither palatable nor wholsome, neither did the Ground seem proper to Sleep upon; yet we were forced to be content, there being no removing thence that Night.

October 1. We departed from Zerga, about two Hours before Sun-rise, and as soon as it was light, had the Prospect of a very high Hill, which was to be the bounds of our Travel that Day. To this we made as directly as we could look, finding nothing in our way observable either to arrest our curiosity, or to slacken our Pace, except a multitude of Holes made in the sandy Earth, by Rats, Serpents, and other Animals, which render'd our Riding a little troublesome; as we had found it upon the same Account the Afternoon before. About two Hours short of our Stage, we were shewn three little round Hills lying to the right in a direct line, known by the Name of Tenage; where we were told there was good Water, and it's for that reason only they deserve the notice of those that Travel through such a thirsty Desart. The Place to which we directed our Course was called Esree, where we arrived about eleven a Clock, and found to our great Satisfaction, that our Guide had not deceived us in his Promise of excellent Water: Here we could discern the Foundations of a spacious City, and a piece of a thick Wall, built of a chalky Stone, was standing: This we judged to be the remainder of a Castle situated on the side of the Hill, so as both to defend and command the City. On the top of the Hill, above the Castle, stands the Ruins of a Fabrick, in appearance very Ancient, built of very hard Stone, yet exceedingly worn by the Weather; 'tis of an oblong Figure, pointing near to the N. E. and S. W. with only one Door on the Easterly end, which was once adorned with extraordinary good Carvings, of which there are still some remains, but the greatest part is either worn away, or purposely defaced; and those marks of ancient Beauty that remain are very obscure, and difficultly discernable; the outside of the Walls is beautified with Pilasters quite round, with their Pedestals and Capitals regular and handsom; but the Roof is all fallen down, and within appears nothing which looks either great or beautiful. The Situation, and placing the Door, hinders one from conjecturing it to have been a Christian Oratory, or Chappel, and therefore in probability it must have been a Heathen Temple; and if so, then the piece of the Castle Wall being of a softer Stone, must be much more modern; the goodness of the Water brings the Arabs (who rove up and down the Desart) and the Turk-men frequently hither, which has occasion'd a great many Graves about the Temple; and some have had leisure, and, (which is more difficult to be imagin'd) skill enough to scratch in the Walls the first Letters of their Names, and many more in Arabick Characters, which we could make nothing of, no more than of an Arabick Inscription which lay hard by, but appeared not ancient.

October the 2d. We departed from Esree, about an Hour, or an Hour and an half after Midnight, and in six Hours and an half arrived at two Wells, the Water 18 Fathom and 2 Foot deep, known by the Name of Imp malcha Giub: Through the greatest part of this Stage we had a broad beaten Road, and where that was not discernible, we guided our selves by a ridge of chalky Hills, under which the Wells lay; the Water we found exceeding bad, and of so noisome a Scent, that we could not endure it so much as at our Noses; which made our Guide laugh at us, who told us, the Arabs, and even the King himself used to drink freely of it; which, I am sure, our Horses would not do, though they were under a necessity of drinking that or none: For our selves we had brought from Esree Water, sufficient for one Day at least. In our way hither we were shewn the true Plant which they burn for Soap-Ashes, which has no Leaves, but a soft juicy Stalk shooting into several Branches, and something resembling our Camphire, only it's more round than that; the Ashes likewise we saw, which were made not far from the Wells, which in burning run into Cakes, not much unlike the Cinders of a Forge, only they are heavier, and not so full of Pores, nor so hard as they are. In the Afternoon, we proceeded on our Voyage two Hours and an half, to a place called Almyrrha, passing rather between than over the Hills, though we had something of an ascent too; this we did to shorten our Stage the next Morning, for we were told before-hand we should find no Water upon those Mountains; so, for our Selves, we liv'd upon our old Stock, and our Horses were constrain'd to pass that Night without Water. Our Journy hitherto had been altogether Southerly, and but little varying to the Eastward of due South.

October the 3d. We mounted from Almyrrha between five and six in the Morning, making to the point of a high ridge of Mountains, through an uneven Desart Way, frequently interrupted with Gutts and Channels, probably made by the descent of the Waters from the Hills, upon sudden Rains: We came to the ascent after about four Hours Travel, which we found not difficult; and when we were on the top, we had a pleasant Prospect of the Country, and what we rejoyced at most, we were shewn a little Hill, just behind which, we were told lay Tadmor. This Mountain was cover'd on both sides with great plenty of Turpentine-Trees, which was an Object very pleasing, having seen very few greens in our whole Journey: This Tree grows very thick and shady, and several of them we saw loaded with a vast abundance of small round Nut, the chief use whereof is to make Oil, though some eat them, and account them as great a Regalio as Pistaches; their outward Husk is green, and more Oily than that of Pistaches, and within a very thin Shell is contained a Kernel both in colour and relish very much resembling them; but those that eat them, seldom take the Pains to search for the Kernels, but eat Husk and Shell all together, which have no ungrateful Taste: From this Hill we had a tedious descent, and coming at the foot into a narrow Gut, winding this way and that between the Mountains, our Passage seemed very long, hot and tiresome; our want of Water however obliged us to proceed, whereof we now began to be in great necessity, especially for our Horses and Mules, who had none the Night before, nor none all that Day; with this we had hopes of being supplied two different ways; having had a shower of Rain the Night before, we hoped to have found Water standing in the hollows of the Rocks; but either the Rain had not reach'd so far, or not in such plenty as to fill those naturally hewed Cisterns: Our other expectation was from the Wells that were in the Road; but these our Guide advancing before and examining, met us with the unwelcome News, that they were all dried up, and the best Advice he could give us, was to pitch where we were, and content our selves with the remains of what we had brought two Days in our Vessels, till our Horses and Mules might be sent to a Fountain two Hours out of our way, and being watered there themselves, bring a fresh supply for us: This way, with some difficulty, we assented to, as more eligible, than weary as we were, to wander so far out of the Road, to have the same Ground to stage over again the next Morning: We resolved therefore to send our Guide, with one or two of our Servants, in search of the Water, and afterwards others with our Horses, while in the mean time we pitch'd our Tents, it being then about two a Clock in the Afternoon: As soon as they were gone, a small drizzling Rain, which we had about half an Hour, encreased to a very plentiful Shower, which put us upon producing all the Vessels we had to catch it as it fell from the Heavens, or ran down the Skirts of our Tents, our Horses at the same time greedily drinking it from the Ground; but we might have spared our Pains, for in less than half an Hours time, our Camp was in a manner a-float, and we were surrounded with Water not only sufficient for us, but for an Army of 20000 Men; those hollow Gutts which we passed over without the least appearance of moisture, were, by the Cataracts which descended from the Mountains, become Rivers; and our Guide with those Servants we had sent out, that before rode over it dry, it being swoln to such a Torrent, were put to some difficulty to repass it; so plentifully was God pleased to provide for us in our greatest streight; and which encreases both the Wonder and Mercy, the next Morning, all this great quantity of Water was past away, so that in about two Hour's Riding we could hardly perceive that there had been any Rain at all. This memorable Place is known by the Name of Al-Wishal.

October the 4th. From Al-Wishal we proceeded for Tadmor, some of the Ruins of which we perswaded our selves we could see the Day before; perhaps it might be the Castle, which is more than half an Hour's distance from the City; our way lay Southward, but the Gut in which we travelled would not permit us to keep a direct course: However, in about an Hour's Walk, we past by Antor Mountains (our Guide call'd them Toul Antor) through a Gut or Rent, both sides of which so directly answered one to the other, they would tempt a Man to believe they were separated by Art, for an entrance into the Country; but it must have been a work of prodigious Labour and Charges to have cut through such vast Mountains: And if any one was so hardy as to attempt it, he certainly grew weary of his Undertaking; for the Ground is levelled but a very little way, and almost as soon as we were well got within the open space, we were obliged to ascend another Hill, and so our Road continued over Hills and Valleys interchangeably all the way. On the left Hand, some distance from the Road, we saw a Sheck's House on the top of a high Hill, which made a better show than usually those Buildings do, but being assured by our Guide it was a modern Structure, and eager too to come to the principal Place we aimed at, we would not prolong our Stage so much as to turn out of the Road, to see more of it: So pressing still forwards, we had hardly proceeded four Hours, when we came to the brow of a Rocky Mountain, separated from that whereon stands the Castle of Tadmor, but by a narrow Valley: In which Hill, by the Way, appeared some Quarries of fine Stone, which probably might afford Materials to the curious Buildings in the City. Our Guide here (according to his accustomed Diligence) advanced some few Paces before us, and having espied three or four Country-Fellows driving Asses towards us, he caused us to make halt, to give them an opportunity to come nearer to us, resolving to speak with them, to know whether the Coast was clear, or if any of the Mountain Arabs were then at Tadmor, or not. After a little space, with our Arms in our Hands, we marched in as good order as the Way would permit, down a rocky and steep Precipice, into the Valley; and our Guide making greater speed than we could, gallop'd after the poor affrighted Country Fellows; who seeing such a Company unexpectedly descend the Hill, left their Asses, and fled towards the City with all possible speed: But they were soon overtaken, and brought back again to us; to whom they related the good News, that there was no Force at all in Tadmor, and that we might proceed with Courage, and see what we would there with all safety: Which News obtained them their Liberty to go again to their Asses, and we continued in our Way.

Having tired our selves with roving from Ruin to Ruin, and rummaging among old Stones, from which little Knowledge could be obtained; and more especially not thinking it safe to linger too long in a Place, where should the Mountain Arabs (who were Enemies to Assyne Abasse, our Friend) have Intelligence of us, they might either fall upon or endeavour to intercept us in our return; (for which reason also we had all along concealed our intended Course, under a pretence of proceeding forward to Damascus.) On Thursday, October 8. about half an Hour after four in the Morning, we departed from Tadmor, being very well satisfied with what we had seen, and glad to have escaped so dreaded a Place, without any Trouble or Pretences upon us; but else with some Regret, for having left a great many things behind, which deserved a more particular and curious Inspection. Our Road lay almost due East, or a little inclining to the North; and on the left Hand, a ridge of Hills stretched along for a great space, sometimes about half an Hour distant from the Road, and sometimes opening wider: These Hills, we were told, were stored with rich Veins of divers Minerals, and afforded all that vast quantity of Marble, the Remains whereof we had seen at Tadmor; and it was from a Fountain call'd Abulfarras, at the foot of one of them, they fetch out Water, which we drank there; the Inhabitants contenting themselves with that which runs from the Hot Springs. To the right Hand lay a vast barren Plain, perfectly bare, and hardly any thing green to be seen therein, except it were a few Gourds which our Servants found on the side of a little rising-Ground, where there was no shew of any thing moist to feed them. Our Way being plain, we had the sight of Tadmor, especially the Castle, for above half our Stage, till we came to an old Caphar House. We made indeed a very short Days Journey, in the whole, finding a Fountain of excellent Water in about five Hours and a half's Riding; which, as it was a most welcome Refreshment to us in such a thirsty Desart, so it was the only good Water we met with till we came to Euphrates, which was not till the third Day from this Place. At this Fountain we pitch'd, near to which is a Village, but almost wholly ruined and deserted. 'Twas some time before any Body would be seen, for they were afraid of us; at length, three Men came out to our Tents, Spectacles of a miserable Poverty, occasion'd by their being frequently pillaged by the Mountain Arabs, and a great Duty they pay to Assyne Abasse their King, for his Protection: Three hundred Dollars they pay him Annually, when one would think the whole Village was not able to make up the Sum of one Hundred; yet being the remotest Place that was under his Jurisdiction, they often suffer by the Inroads of the other. The Name of the Place is Yarecca, a Name it received (as we were inform'd) from a Victory obtained there by the Turks over the Mamalukes.

October the 9th. From Yarecca we mounted early, and Travelling N. E. or near that Point, in seven Hours time arrived at Soukney. The Road we found much like what we had the Day before, lying over a barren Plain; only we had Hills on both sides, and sometimes closing within half an Hours riding one of the other. The Village has its Name from the Hot Waters, (for so the Word imports,) which are of the same Nature with those of Tadmor; herein they Bath frequently, the same little dirty Hole serving both for Men and Women; only they have so much Modesty remaining, that they have different Hours for one and the other. To say the Truth, 'twas the only mark of Modesty I could observe among them; in other respects they seemed a Confident, or rather Impudent Generation of People. Before we could pitch our Tents, they flock'd about us in multitudes, Men, Women, and Children; and of the last, many of them as naked as ever they came into the World, not so much as a Rag about them to cover them; and so numerous they appeared, that if we had reason to think Yarecca wanted Inhabitants, we had no less, to conclude Soukney over-stock'd. At this Place usually resides an Officer of Assyne's, who is their Sub-Basha, or Governor: He whom we found there, was call'd Dor, of a good Family among the Arabs, to whom we made a Present; and he civilly return'd it in Barley for our Horses. Afterwards he came under our Tents, and invited us to an Entertainment; which, considering the Circumstances of the Place, was very Splendid, though it was nothing but Pilaw at last, a little diversify'd by the dressing; and, to speak truly, I judge we could not have less than a Bushel of Rice set before us. His Palace, indeed was not very stately, there being few Cottages in England but might vie with it. To the Room wherein we were entertain'd, which, doubtless, was the best, if not the only one he had, we were forced to clamber, rather than ascend, by broken Steps made of Stone and Dirt. When we were got in, and commodiously seated after the Turkish Mode, it seemed large enough for about a dozen or fourteen People: At the upper end was a little space separated from the rest by a ridge made up of Earth, within which, I suppose, he slept. The Walls were mean; but the Roof much worse, having no other Covering but Faggots; so that certainly it could not be Proof against a Shower of Rain which fell that Night, and forced us out of our Tents, into in old ruinous Cane, for shelter: However, it served well enough for our Afternoons Collation; and we had come away with a good Opinion of the Gentleman's Civility, had he not afterwards endeavoured to make a Pretence upon us, and so would have forced us to pay dear for our Rice: He pretended to a Customary Duty of a Chequeen a Head of all Franks that past that Road; though probably neither he, nor his Grand-father before him, had ever seen a Frank there before. But when he understood by our Guide, that we were not so easily to be imposed upon; and withal, that we were Assyne's Friends, and in our Way to his Tents; and especially our Treasurer a Person he very much esteemed, who therefore would be sure to acquaint him with any Exaction or Injury offer'd us, his Mouth was quickly stop'd, and he grew so sensible of his Error, that he sent to excuse it, and presented our Treasurer with a Fan of Black Ostrich Feathers; and not only so, but in the Morning came himself, and begging Pardon, desired nothing might be said of what had past, and so conducted us about an Hour on our way. This Village pays to Assyne fifteen hundred Dollars per Annum.

October the 10th. Continuing our Voyage still to the N. E. or something more Easterly, we found it another pleasant and easie Stage to another Village call'd Tiebe, so called (as they say) from the goodness of the Water, the Word signifying good: But we found them not so over excellent; they had the Tast, and were doubtless tinctured with the same Mineral, with those of Soukney and Tadmor, though not so strong. But the Village it self made a better Shew than usual; and the People appear'd of something better Fashion, and more civiliz'd, than those we had left. It's pleasantly situated, and makes a good appearance as one comes up to it; the Prospect being helped by a well built Steeple, to which is now adjoyned their Mosch: But I am apt to believe it the remains of a Christian Church, being built with more Art and Beauty than you shall easily find in Turkish Fabricks: And there are also several Ruins about it, which speak it to have been a more famous Place than now it is. Into the Mosch we were permitted to enter, without any Disturbance. This Village lies in one of the Roads from Aleppo to Bagdatt, and pays to Assyne an Annual Tribute of one thousand Dollars. From hence we mounted again in the Afternoon, and proceeded about two Hours and a half farther, to shorten our next Days Stage. Having travelled this Day, in all, about seven or eight Hours, the Place we pitch'd at was a Fountain, and known by the Name of Alcome; but neither Town nor House by it: neither was the Water fit to be Drank, being of the same nature with that of Soukney, and almost as warm.

October the 11th. From Alcome we rose about an Hour and an half after Midnight, our Guide groping out the way, by the help of the Stars, which now bended more to the North than formerly. As soon as it was light enough to look about us, we found our selves in a wild open Desart, the Ground, in some Places covered with a sort of Heath, and in others quite bare. Nor had we travelled long after the Sun was up, before, by the help of a rising Ground, we discovered Arsoffa, the Place whither we were tending, which gave us hopes we should quickly be there: But having a dry tiresome Plain to traverse, and the hot Sun causing our Mules a little to slacken their Pace, 'twas after ten a Clock before we reach'd it: And which was more vexatious still, finding no Water any where near, we were necessitated to proceed forward for the River Euphrates, which we found four Hours distant from hence. Arsoffa, or (as the Arabs call it) Arsoffa Emir, seems to be the remains of a Monastery, having no Town nor Village near it, and being one continued Pile of Building of an oblong Figure, stretching long ways East and West, and enclosing a very capacious Area: At a distance it makes a glittering shew, being built of Gypsine Stone, or Rock-Ising-glass, resembling Alabaster, but not so hard; several Quarries of which we past by in our way to it. When the Sun shines upon it, it reflects the Beams so strong, that they dazzle the Eyes of the Spectators. Art or Accuracy in the Workmanship we found none; and but very little Carved Work, and that mean enough; nay, the very Cement they made use of, is but little better than Dirt; so that it's no great Wonder to see it in Ruins, though it has not the appearance of any great Antiquity. Round about were the little Apartments or Chambers for the Monks, built Arch-wise, only one Story above Ground; but underneath are several Cells or Vaults, larger than the Chambers, which perhaps might serve for their Schools, or Working-houses. In the midst of the Area stand the Ruins of several Buildings, some of which seem to have been Cisterns for Water, and it may be the Bathing-Places: But the most remarkable was one, which probably was the Abbot's or Bishop's House, there having been something more Pains bestow'd upon it, than the rest: And another, which was the Relicks of their Church. This was formerly no unhandsom Structure, being built in the form of our Churches, and distinguish'd into three Isles, of which the middle one is supported by eighteen turned Marble Pillars, with Capitals upon them, not of Marble, but of a sort of Clay, and Cast into the shape they are in, but of a Colour exactly resembling the Pillar it self. That which perswades to believe them Cast, is a Greek Inscription to be seen on all of them; the Letters whereof are not made by Incision in the Stone, but seem to be stamped, standing out higher than the distance between them; and on one of them, by mistake, they are so placed, as to be read after the Oriental manner, from the right Hand to the left. The Words are these, with the Crucifix before, as follows:

✠ ΕΠΙ ΣΕΡΓΙΟΥ ΕΠΙΣΚ^Ο. ΤΟΥ ΣΥΝΓΕΝ ΜΑΡΩΝΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΧΩΡΕΠΙΣΚ^Ο.

From hence our Guide led us to the River, by the assistance of two little Hills, which are known by the Name of Aff Dieu, our way lying North, and a little bending to the East. The sight of the River was a very pleasing Prospect; and to our great comfort, we found the Water very clear, happening to be there before the Rains, and after the Snow-Waters (which swell and disturb it in the Summer-time) were all past: And our Happiness seemed the greater, having had so tedious and thirsty a Journey of at least fourteen Hours, and neither our Selves nor our Horses touch'd a drop of Water all Day. We pitch'd upon a Reach of the River, where it was not very broad, not being above half a Musket-shot over.

October the 12th. This Morning, about Sun-rise, we proceeded on our Voyage, keeping along the Banks of the River, which, for the most part, led us West and North-West: And here we had pleasant Travelling, having the River on the right Hand, and Hills of Marble or other fine Stone, on the left; and delightful Groves of Tamarisk, Mulberry, and other Trees to pass through. Here every thing about us lookt fresh and verdant, and we met frequently Men and Women passing on their Occasions, a thing to which (in our former Stages) we had not been accustomed. We had also a pleasing Prospect of the opposite Shore, and could see a great way into Mesopotamia, but could meet with no Convenience to cross the River, which we were very desirous to have done. There are no Places of Note remaining upon the River either on one side or the other, only on the farther side we saw an old Castle call'd Giabar, which made a good Shew, being situated on the top of a Hill, and both for that and the way of Building, very much resembling that of Aleppo, only that is the larger, and in the midst of a City; this less, and has neither Town nor Houses about it. On our side we past by a Sheck's House call'd Abul-Rarra, and the Ruins of a Town a little farther, where there was a square Tower built of a very ordinary Brick, but pretty entire. After we had left these Ruins, we rested to bait, under the Shadow of a Rock, wherein were many Apartments and Conveniences cut to lodge in, which I suppose are made use of in the Winter by the People, who, during the Summer, pitch among the Trees by the River-side. In the Afternoon we continued our Journey as before, keeping always at a little distance from the River, till a little before Sun-set; when we came to a very convenient Place upon the Banks, where we took up our lodging for that Night, having travell'd between seven or eight Hours the whole Day.

October the 13th. This Day we had the same Satisfaction as the Day before, proceeding as near the River as the Road would permit; and having made a Stage of about six Hours, we rested under the shade of the Tamarisk Trees by the River side, hoping to have found conveniency to have crossed it, but we could not. In our Way we saw nothing observable but the Ruins of a City call'd Baulas, where the Turks had formerly a Sangiack; but now there is never an Inhabitant in the Place, nor House standing, but the Ruins of Houses, and an Octagonal Tower of a considerable height, viz. One hundred and seven Steps, and beautified on the outside with Flourishes and an Arabick Inscription round about: It's a handsome Structure, and probably the Work of the Mamalukes, since whose time little has been done to adorn, but abundance to destroy and wast this Country. After Dinner, we mounted sooner than ordinary; because hoping to reach the Tents of Assyne, we were unwilling it should be late when we arrived: yet we made it near Sun-set before we got to Fay, a Fountain by which he lay. We had travell'd still on the same Point N. W. with the Prospect of the River the greater part of the Way; the nearest Reach thereof not being above an Hours Riding from the Fountain. On the Road we met with several Bandera's of the Emir's Soldiers, who knowing our Guide, and understanding we were going to him, gave us a very courteous Salam, who else, perhaps, might have treated us with another sort of Civility. The King's Tents spread over a large Plain, and took up so vast a Space, that though we had the advantage of a rising Ground, we could not see the uttermost extent of them. His own particular Tent was pretty near the middle of the rest, which were pitch'd about it, not in a circular manner, but stretching out in length as the Plain open'd, or for the better conveniency of a Current of Water, which from the Fountain ran through the midst of them. 'Twas not at all distinguishable from the rest, but by its bigness, and a little more Company about it, being all made of a sort of Hair-Cloth, which seemed hardly a defence against Rain or Sun: But certainly they must find otherwise, else their Necessity (they spending their Lives in such moveable Habitations) would have taught them to have contrived something better. It cannot well be doubted but they are descended from the old Arabs Scenitæ, they living just after the same manner, having no settled Abode, but remove from Fountain to Fountain, as they find Grass for their Sheep and Camels, and Water for them and themselves. They love to derive themselves from Ismael the Son of Abraham; and it may be they are descended from him, but I believe they would be hard put to't to prove their Pedigree.

As soon as we alighted, we were attended by the Officers of the Emir, and conducted to a very noble Tent built after the Turkish Mode, and pitch'd next to his own. Hither he sent to bid us welcome, and to enquire how we had past in our Voyage; and presently after we had a Repast of several Dishes of Meat set before us, to stay our Appetites till a more plentiful Supper could be got ready. But before Supper the King himself made us a Visit in Person, bidding us Welcome to Fay, and asking what we had seen in our Travels that pleas'd us? how we liked Tadmor? and whether we had found a Treasure there? For this Notion sticks in the Heads of these People, That the Franks go to see old Ruins, only because they there meet with Inscriptions which direct them to some hid Treasures. And therefore it's no unusual thing with them, when they find a Stone with an Inscription on one side, to turn that down to the Ground, that it might not be seen or read of any. But we assur'd him we went with no such Expectations, but only out of a desire to see the Place: Neither had we brought any thing away with us; but a piece of Porphyry Stone, which, upon his Request, we shew'd him. We let him see too, a kind of rude Draught which we had taken of the Place; which he seemed to like. He made his Visit the shorter, that he might not incommode us after our Journey; but desir'd us we would live after our own Pleasure and to our Satisfaction, and command freely whatever the Camp would afford; ordering some of his People constantly to attend upon us. When there was mention made of our Design to be gone the next Morning, he answer'd, It must not be; himself was invited the next Day, to a great Entertainment, by one of his Grandees, and we should accompany him: But the Day following, he would go out with us, and Hunt part of our Way towards Aleppo. When Supper was brought in, there was Victuals enough for three times our Number: A large Dish of Pilaw in the middle, and twelve or fifteen Dishes of several sorts of Meat about it, all dress'd after their manner, but exceeding good, and such as one might have fed heartily upon, had he not spoil'd his Appetite before. After we had Eat and Drank what we pleas'd, we rose up, and our Servants sat down in our Places; it being the Custom of the Arabs, and Turks too, from the Highest to the Meanest, all to eat at the same Table: The best sort sit down first, and so in order till all are satisfy'd, and then what remains is carry'd away. We might, if we had pleas'd, have lodg'd under the same Tent where we eat; but having Tents of our own pitch'd, some of our Company chose rather to retire thither, to avoid being disturbed by too many Visitants.

October the 14th. The next Morning, about ten a Clock, we were told that the King was gone to the Entertainment, and expected we should follow him; and that two young Camels were kill'd, to furnish this sumptuous Feast; which is the highest piece of Magnificence and Greatness to which these People, whose greatest Riches consist in Camels, can arrive. The Tent was about a Furlong from ours; so mounting our Horses, we rode to it, and found it surrounded with a numerous train of Guests, three hundred at least, of different Sort and Quality: It was very large of it self, and to be still more capacious, 'twas left open toward the West. The King was seated at the North-end, about the midst of the Tent, upon a Place raised with Cushions and Quilts, and Carpets before him: Neither did he sit cross-Legg'd, as all the rest of the Company were obliged to do, but in a leaning Posture. They seemed to observe an exact Order in their Places; and when any Person of Note enter'd, those that were near his Place, rose up and stood till he had seated himself. But the far greatest part could not come within the compass of the Ring, but stood behind the Backs of the rest, leaving a spacious Area vacant in the middle. When we entred, they made room for us on the King's left Hand, which here is esteem'd the more Honourable; where we sat down in the same Posture with those about us, cross-Legg'd upon a thin Carpet. Before mid-day, a Carpet being spread in the middle of the Tent, our Dinner was brought in, being served up in large Wooden Bowls between two Men; and truly to my apprehension, Load enough for them. Of these great Platters there were about fifty or sixty in number, perhaps more, with a great many little ones, I mean, such as one Man was able to bring in, strewed here and there among them, and placed for a Border or Garnish round about the Table. In the middle of all was one of a larger size than all the rest, in which was the Camel's Bones, and a thin Broth in which they were boiled: The other greater ones seemed all filled with one and the same sort of Provision, a kind of Plumb-Broth, made of Rice, and the fleshy part of the Camel, with Currants and Spices, being of something a darker Colour than what is made in our Country. The lesser were, for the the most part, charged with Rice dress'd after several Modes, some of them having Leben, (a thick sour Milk) poured upon them. Leben is a thing in mighty Esteem in these Hot Countries, being very useful to quench Thirst: And truly we had need of it here; for I did not see a drop of any sort of Liquor, excepting a Dish of Coffee before Dinner, drank at this splendid Feast. Knives, Forks, Spoons, Trenchers, &c. are silly Impertinent Things in the Esteem of the Arabs: However, we being known to make use of such things, had large Wooden Spoons laid before us. When the Table was thus plentifully furnish'd, the King arising from his Seat, went and sat down to that Dish that was directly before him; and so did the rest, as many as it would contain, which could not be much short of a hundred; and so without further Ceremony, they fell to thrusting their Hands into the Dishes, and Eating by Handfuls: Neither was there any occasion of Carving; only because those Dishes in the middle were too remote to be reach'd, there was an Officer on purpose, who stepping in among them, and standing in the Spaces designedly left for that end, with a long Ladle in both his Hands, helpt any one according to their Desire. When the King had eaten what he thought fit, he rose up and wash'd, and retir'd back to his former Seat; and we also did the like; others being ready to fill our Places. Nor did we continue much longer under the Tent in that numerous Crowd; for Assyne perceiving us a little uneasie, and supposing we had now sufficiently satisfy'd our Curiosity, though perhaps not our Appetites, told us we might take our Liberty, and if we thought fit retire to our Tents. This Favour we gladly accepted, and without Ceremony returned, several of his Attendants waiting upon us back. Here we had another Dinner set before us; and having some of our own Wine and Water to Drink with it, it went down better with us than the famous Camel-Feast. In the Evening, the King mounted to see the flight of a new Hawk, and stay'd Abroad very late, his Hawk flying away: But she was afterwards taken up by his Falconer; otherwise he had not been in a good Humour all that Night, being a Man that delights very much in Sport. After his return from Hawking, we went to Wait upon him at his own Tent, to return him Thanks for his most courteous and royal Reception of us, and to desire leave to depart the next Morning. Here we found him surrounded with the chiefest of his People; and being placed again on his left Hand, he entertain'd us with a great deal of pleasant Discourse; and ask'd such Questions, as shew'd him to be a Man of extraordinary Capacity and Judgment. As for Learning, they have no such thing among them, and therefore it's not to be expected that he should be a Scholar: But were he not a Person of more than common Prudence and Understanding, he could never have managed that Wild and Unruly People as he has done, ever since his Advancement to the Throne; which must therefore have been the more difficult, because as he came to it by the Deposition of his Father (though not immediately) who now lives with him as a private Man, so has he never wanted Competitors. To his Father he pays a great deal of outward Respect, but is forced to keep a very watchful Eye over him. After about an Hours Discourse, we were dismiss'd.

October the 15th. In the Morning, Assyne not being at leisure to go a Hunting, we proceeded on our Voyage Homewards, with a great deal of Alacrity; and finding nothing remarkable in our Road, in about 3 Hours and an half arrived at Seray. And hence, after a short Repast, we continued our Journey to Sherby Fountain, which took us up about the like space of Time. Here we accounted our selves as good as at Home, being at a Place with which we were well acquainted, and to which several times in the Year some or other of our Nation usually resort, either for Antelope or Hog-hunting, according to their Season; nor had we hence above seven or eight Hours to Aleppo.

October the 16th. Getting up pretty early in the Morning, we resolved to Hunt the greatest part of our Way Home, as we did; and Dining at the famous Round-Hill, whereon has been spent by the English more Money than would purchase a noble Estate round about it, in the Afternoon we arrived safe at Aleppo.

---

Some Account of the Ancient State of the City of Palmyra, with short Remarks upon the Inscriptions found there. By E. Halley.

The City of Tadmor, whose Remains in Ruins do with so much evidence demonstrate the once happy Condition thereof, seems very well to be proved to be the same City which Solomon the great King of Israel is said to have founded under that Name in the Desart, both in 1 Kings 9. 18. and 2 Chron. 8. 16. in the Translation of which, the Vulgar Latin Version, said to be that of St. Jerom, has it, Condidit Palmyram in Deserto. And Josephus (in lib. 8. Antiq. Jud. wherein he treats of Solomon and his Acts) tell us, that he Built a City in the Desart, and called it Thadamora; and the Syrians at this Day (says he) call it by the same Name; but the Greeks name it Palmyra. The Name is therefore Greek, and consequently has no relation to the Latin Palma, and seems rather derived from Παλμυός or Πάλμυς, which Hesychius Interprets βασιλεὺς πατὴρ: or perhaps from Παλμύτης, which (according to the same Author) was an Egyptian God. Neither is the Word תרמר but תמר that in Hebrew signifies a Palm-Tree.

History is silent as to the Fate and Circumstances of this City, during the great Revolutions in the several Empires of the East; but it may well be supposed, that so advanced a Garrison as this was, being above three hundred Miles from Jerusalem, continued not long in the Possession of the Jews, who immediately after Solomon, fell into Civil Dissention, and divided their Force: so that it is not to be doubted, but that it submitted to the Babylonian and Persian Monarchies, and afterwards to the Macedonians under Alexander and the Seleucidæ. But when the Romans got footing into these Parts, and the Parthians seemed to put a stop to their farther Conquests in the East, then was this City of Palmyra, by reason of its Situation, being a Frontier, and in the midst of a vast Sandy Desart, where Armies could not well subsist to reduce it by Force, courted and caressed by the contending Princes, and permitted to continue a Free State, a Mart or Staple for Trade, for the Convenience of both Empires, as is abundantly made out from the Words of Appian and Pliny.

Appian (lib. 5. de Bellis Civil.) tells us, that M. Antonius, after his Victory at Philippi, about forty Years before Christ, sent his Horse to Plunder the City of Palmyra, pretending only that they were not sufficiently in the Roman Interest. ὅτι Ρωμαίων καὶ Παρθυαίων ὄντες ἔφοροι ἐς ἑκατέρας ἐπιδεξίως εἶχον, and that being Merchants, they conveyed the Indian and Arabian Commodities by the way of Persia into the Roman Territories; though the true reason were their Riches: But the Palmyrenes being informed of the Design, took care to prevent them, and so escaped Plunder: And this Attempt of Antony's occasioned a Rupture between the two Empires. The Words of Pliny (lib. 5. Nat. Hist.) above an hundred Years after, do likewise testifie that this City then continued in the same Enjoyment of their Liberties. They being very much to the purpose, I thought fit to Copy them: Palmyra Urbs nobilis situ, divitiis soli atque aquis amœnis, vasto undique ambitu arinis includit agros, ac velut terris exempta à rerum Natura; privata sorte inter duo imperia summa Romanorum Parthorumque, & prima in discordia semper utrinque cura. Whereby it appears not only that it was a Common-wealth in the time of Vespasian; but the situation thereof is truly described, as it were an Island of fertile Land, surrounded with a Sea of barren Sands. Such Spots Strabo tells us were frequent in Lybia, and by the Egyptians were called Abases; whence possibly the Name of the Abassyne Nation is derived.

With these Advantages of Freedom, Neutrality and Trade, for near two Centuries, 'tis not strange that it acquired the State and Wealth answerable to the Magnificence of these noble Structures. But when the Romans under Trajan had made it appear, that there was no comparison between the Puissance of the Parthians and them, (Trajan having taken Babylon and Ctesiphon the then Seat of the Parthian Empire,) the Palmyreni were at length determined to Declare for the Romans; which they did, by submitting themselves to the Emperor Adrian, about the Year of Christ 130, when Adrian made his Progress through Syria into Egypt. And that Magnificent Emperor being highly delighted with the native Strength and Situation of the Place, was pleased to adorn and rebuild it: When, as 'tis likely, he bestowed on it the Privileges of a Colony Juris Italici, which it enjoyed (as Ulpian assures us.) And the Inhabitants of the City, in Gratitude, were willing to call themselves Hadrianopolitæ, ἐπικτισθείσης τῆς πόλεως ὑπὸ τοῦ Αὐτοκράτορος (says Stephanus.) Nor is it unlikely that many of those Marble Pillars were the Gift of that Emperor, and particularly those of the Long Porticus; for that none of the Inscriptions are before that Date. And it was usual for the Cæsars to present Cities that had obliged them, with Marble Pillars to adorn their Publick Buildings. These here were not far to fetch, the Neighbouring Mountains affording Marble-Quarries: But the Magnitude of the Porphyry Columns is indeed very remarkable, considering how far those vast Stones must have been brought by Land-carriage to this Place; it being not known that any other Quarries yield it, except those of Egypt, which lie about mid-way between Cairo and Siena, between the Nile and the Red-Sea: The Stone being very valuable for its Colour and Hardness, and so that it rises in Blocks of any magnitude required; Quantislibet molibus cædendis sufficiunt Lapidicinæ, (Plin. lib. 36.) And it is a great mistake of those who suppose it fictitious.

From the time of Adrian to that of Aurelian, for about an hundred and forty Years, this City continued to flourish and encrease in Wealth and Power, to that degree, that when the Emperor Valerian was taken Prisoner by Sapores King of Persia, Odænathus one of the Lords of this Town (which Name occurs in several of these Inscriptions) was able (whilst Gallienus neglected his Duty both to his Father and Country) to bring a powerful Army into the Field, and to recover Mesopotamia from the Persians, and to penetrate as far as their Capital City Ctesiphon. Thereby rendring so considerable Service to the Roman State, that Gallienus thought himself obliged to give him a share in the Empire: Of which Action, Trebellius Pollio (in the Life of Gallienus) has these Words, Laudatur ejus (Gallieni) optimum factum, qui, Odenatum participato Imperio Augustum vocavit, ejusque monetam, qua Persas captos traheret, cudi jussit: quod & Senatus & Urbs & omnis ætas gratanter accepit. The same in many Places speaks of this Odænathus with great Respect; and mentioning his Death, he says, Iratum fuisse Deum Reip. credo, qui interfecto Valeriano noluit Odenatum reservare. But by a strange reverse of Fortune, this Honour and Respect to Odænathus occasioned the sudden Ruin and Subversion of the City. For he and his Son Herodes being murder'd by Mæonius their Kinsman, and dying with the Title of Augustus, his Wife Zenobia, in Right of her Son Waballathus then a Minor, pretended to take upon her the Government of the East, and did administer it to admiration: And when soon after Gallienus was murder'd by his Soldiers, she grasped the Government of Egypt, and held it during the short Reign of the Emperor Claudius Gothicus. But Aurelian coming to the Imperial Dignity, would not suffer the Title of Augustus in this Family, tho' he was contented that they should hold under him as Vice Cæsaris; as plainly appears by the Latin Coins of Aurelian on the one side, and Waballathus (which Name is often found in these Inscriptions) on the other, with these Letters V. C. R. IM. OR., which P. Harduin has most judiciously interpreted Vice Cæsaris Rector Imperii Orientis, but without the Title of Cæsar or Augustus, and with a Laurel instead of a Diadem. But both Waballathus and Zenobia are stiled ΣΕΒΑΣΤΟΙ in the Greek Coins, made, 'tis probable, within their own Jurisdiction. Two of the Latin I have seen, and they are as described, excepting the Points.

But nothing less than a Participation of the Empire contenting Zenobia, and Aurelian persisting not to have it dismembered: He marched against her, and having in two Battles routed her Forces, he shut her up and Besieged her in Palmyra: And the Besieged finding that the great resistance they made, availed not against that resolute Emperor, they yielded the Town; and Zenobia flying with her Son, was pursued and taken: With which Aurelian being contented, spared the City, and leaving a small Garrison, march'd for Rome with this Captive Lady: But the Inhabitants believing he would not return, set up again for themselves, and (as Vopiscus has it) slew the Garrison he had left in the Place. Which Aurelian understanding, tho' by this time he was gotten into Europe, with his usual fierceness, speedily returned; and collecting a sufficient Army by the way, he again took the City without any great Opposition, and put it to the Sword, with an uncommon Cruelty, as he himself confesses in a Letter (extant in Vopiscus), and delivered them to the Pillage of his Soldiers. And it is observable, that none of the Greek Inscriptions are after the date of this Calamity, which befell the City in or about the Year of Christ 272, as far as may be collected, after it had been nine or ten Years the Seat of the Empire of the East, not without Glory.

In this appears also the great utility of Coins to illustrate Matters of History; for by them alone 'tis made out, that there was such a Prince as Waballathus, Vopiscus singly mentioning him by the Name of Balbatus. And from the same Coins it appears, that Odænathus had the Title of Augustus four Years, and Waballathus six at least; and that the first Year of Aurelian was the fourth of Waballathus. And by the Testimony of Pollio, Odænathus was declared Emperor of the East, Gallieno & Saturnino Coss. which was Anno Christi 263, and died before Gallienus, but in the same Year, viz. Anno 267, which, by the Coins, was the first of Waballathus. He therefore immediately succeeded Odænathus, and was without doubt his Eldest Son by Zenobia, and not his Grandson the Son of Herodes, as some learned Men have supposed: For if Zenobia could not endure that Herodes Son of Odænathus by a former Wife, should succeed his Father in prejudice to her Children, and for that reason was consenting to his Murther (as Pollio intimates in Herodes and Mæonius,) much less would she endure the Title of Augustus in the Son of Herodes, especially when her own Sons were, as 'tis probable, elder than such Grandson. So that 'tis most likely that Herennianus and Timolaus, whom Pollio reckons among his XXX Tyrants, might be the Younger Sons of Zenobia, on whom also, out of Motherly Affection, she might bestow the same Titles of Honour.

But it must be observed, that in the Greek Coins, this Prince's Name is usually written ΑΥΤ. ΕΡΜΙΑΣ ΟΥΑΒΑΛΛΑΘΟΣ ΑΘΗΝΟΥ (as Tristan says he found it upon several Medals,) but Patin has the last Word only ΑΘΗ. I should be glad to peruse some of these curious Coins, especially if found in or near Palmyra: but I am inclinable to believe that his true Name was Æranes Waballathus (as was one of his Progenitors, in Inscription Pag. 91.) though perhaps the remoter Cities of Asia and Ionia might by mistake write it Hermias. And 'tis probable that ΑΘΗΝ might be for the first Letters of the Name of ΟΔΗΝΑΘΟΣ, which in Syriack begun with an Aleph; and the Δ was with those People used instead of Θ, as we see the Month Xanthicus, written Ξανδικὸς in many of these Inscriptions, which doubtless was pronounced like D blæsum or the Saxon D.

Though this City were at that time so roughly treated by Aurelian, yet it is certain that he did not burn it, or destroy the Buildings thereof: And though Zosimus, on this occasion, uses the Words τὴν πόλιν κατασκάψας, yet that seems only to relate to his demolishing the Walls and Defences of the Place; and that Emperors own Letter extant in Vopiscus, doth sufficiently shew that he spared the City it self, and that he took care to re-instate the beautiful Temple of the Sun that was there, which had been Plundered by his Soldiers. However, the Damage then sustained was never retrieved by the Inhabitants, and I do not find that ever this City made any figure in History after it: Yet the Latin Inscription, (Pag. 106.) seems to intimate, as if Dioclesian had restored their Walls within thirty Years after. About the Year of Christ 400, it was the Head Quarters of the Legio Prima Illyricorum; and though Stephanus gives it no better Title than φρούριον, yet it appears to have been an Archbishop's See, under the Metropolitan of Damascus. To say in what Age, or from what Hand it received its final Overthrow, which reduced it to the miserable Condition it now appears in, there is no light in any of our Historians; but it is probable it perish'd long since, in the obscure Ages of the World, during the Wars of the Saracen Empire; and being burnt and desolated, it was never rebuilt; which occasions the Ruins to lie so entire, in a manner as they were left, neither being used to other Structures on the Place, nor worth carrying away, because of the great distance thereof from any other City.

As to the Geographical Site of Palmyra, Ptolemy places it in the Latitude of Tripoly on the Coast of Syria, and four Degrees more Easterly, viz.

Παλμύρα. οα, ϛ′. λδ.

and he makes it the Capital of sixteen Cities in Syria Palmyrena, whereof Alalis, Danaba and Evaria were afterwards Bishops Sees. Pliny places it CCIII Miles from the nearest Coast of Syria, and CCCXXXVII from Seleucia ad Tygrim near Bagdat, (which Numbers are erroneously Printed 252 and 537 in most Editions, contrary to the Authority of the MSS.) Josephus places it one Days Journey from Euphrates, and six from Babylon; which must be understood of Horse-man's Journeys of about sixty Miles per diem, it being more than so much from this City to Euphrates. Ptolemy also mentions a River running by Palmyra, which did not appear to our Travellers, unless that Gut or Channel wherein they were overflowed by the Rain-Waters, were the Bed thereof; which may, possibly, run with a constant Stream in the Winter or times of much Rain: But this (as the Rivers of Aleppo and Damascus at this Day) is made by Ptolomy to have no exit; but to go off in Vapour, and to be imbibed by the thirsty Earth of these Desarts.

The Æra or Accompt of Years observed by the Palmyreni in these Inscriptions, is evidently that of Seleucus, call'd afterwards Dhilcarnian or Bicornis by the Arabians, and by them kept in use till above 900 Years of Christ (as appears by the Observations of Albatani, published in Numb. 204 of the Philosoph. Transact.) and not that of the Death of Alexander. This may be demonstrated from the Inscription (Pag. 101.) wherein Alexander Severus is stiled ΘΕΟΣ; that is, after the Death and Consecration of that Emperor, or after the Year of our Lord 234; and from the Name of Julius, who, when this Inscription was put up, was Præfectus Prætorio, (and could be no other than Julius Philippus Arabs who might be esteemed by the Palmyreni as their Country-man,) it follows, that it was in the last Year of Gordian Anno Christi 242 or 243: And that Emperor being soon after Murder'd by the Treachery of this Philip, who succeeded him: And his Treason coming afterwards to light, 'tis not strange that his Name was purposely effaced in this Inscription. The Date thereof, Anno 554, shews the beginning of this Accompt 311 or 312 Years before Christ, co-incident with the Æra of Seleucus, which was likewise observed by several other Cities in the East.

I shall not undertake the part of a Critick on these Inscriptions, but chuse rather to leave them to the more professedly skilful in that part of Learning, and shall only make some few Remarks on them, such as occurred whilst they pass'd through my Hands.

1. That the more ancient of these Inscriptions dated before the Year 500, do no where make use of Roman Prænomina, which yet are very frequent in them that follow; particularly Julius, Aurelius and Septimius, taken up by these People out of Respect to the Emperors that bore those Names; and consequently that Septimius Odænathus (the Inscription of whose Tomb we have, pag. 91.) was most probably the same who was afterwards Augustus. That Name growing in use in the Reign of Septimius Severus, under whom or his Son Caracalla this Odænathus was certainly Born. And this Monument being erected by him whilst he was yet a private Man; and he afterwards attaining the Imperial Dignity, it was necessary the Inscription of his Tomb (which perhaps was that single one that was all of Marble) should be changed: Upon which occasion this Stone might be brought back into the Town, and after its Destruction, be clapt up casually over the little Gate-way where now it stands.

2. Pag. 100. ΚΑΤΕΛΘΟΝΤΕΣ ΕΙΣ ΟΛΟΓΕΣΙΑΔΑ ΕΝΠΟΡΟΙΑΝ ΕΣΤΗΣΑΝ: Descendentes Vologesiada Commercium stabiliverunt, Anno 558, sive Anno Christi 247. Whereby it appears, that this People having had their Trade interrupted by the Wars between the Romans and the Persians, under Gordian; did now send an Embassy to the Court of Sapores King of the Persians, to get it re-established; which succeeded according to their Desires. Vologesias was a City built by Vologeses King of the Parthians in the time of Nero, on the Euphrates below Babylon. Ptolemy calls it Οὐολογεσιάς; Stephanus, Βολογεσιὰς; Ammianus Vologessia; and Pliny lib. 6. Vologesocirta.

3. Pag. 101. ΚΑΙ ΟΥΚΟΝΙΣΩΝΑ ΦΕΙΔΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΧΡΗΜΑΤΩΝ. I submit it to the Judgment of the Criticks, whether this faulty Place may not be amended by reading it ΟΥΚ ΟΙΚΕΙΩΝ ΑΦΕΙΔΗΣΑΝΤΑ, &c. as likewise whether ΔΙΣΜΑΛΚΟΥ in the same Inscription may not be instead of ΜΑΛΛΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΜΑΛΚΟΥ, which is the Ingenious Conjecture of that excellent Grammarian Mr. William Baxter.

4. Pag. 102. Septimium Vorodem Procuratorem Ducenarium Augusti & ΑΡΟΑΠΕΤΗΝ. This Word, if Greek, is faultily transcribed; and in one Copy I have seen, the Ο is very small, as I suppose it on the Stone, which might occasion the transcribing thereof without it in the former Voyage (Pag. 130.) So that 'tis most probable that 'tis the remains of some other Letter almost worn out. I conjecture it to have been ΑΡΤΑΓΕΤΗΝ, Π being taken for Γ, and that this Septimius was Præfectus Annonæ, having the Care to see that the City were sufficiently provided with Bread; which was a most necessary Officer in a Place that must needs be furnish'd with Corn from Abroad. And this same Septimius, (in the Inscription, Pag. 105.) is stiled .... ΕΟΔΟΤΗΝ ΤΗΣ ΜΗΤΡΟΚΟΛΩΝΕΙΑΣ. lege ΚΡΕΟΔΟΤΗΝ, which should signifie that he was the Distributor of the Emperor's Munificence in Flesh to the People. These Inscriptions bear Date in April, Anno Dom. 267. not long before the Death of Odænathus, who is herein stiled ΣΕΒΑΣΤΟΣ: and 'tis not improbable but he might institute such a Custom, as at the Publick Charge, to give the People a Largess in Flesh on particular Days, to reconcile them to the Dominion of their Fellow-Citizen. This is certain, that Aurelian first instituted such a Custom of giving Flesh at Rome: The Words of Vopiscus are, Idem Aurelianus & porcinam carnem populo Romano distribuit, quæ hodieque dividitur; which Custom continued till the time of Constantine, when (according to Zosimus) one Lucian, who had this Office of distributing Swines Flesh at Rome, had Interest enough among the People to set up Maxentius for Emperor; and Salmasius assures us, that it was not discontinued till the time of Heraclius. It will not therefore seem strange, if I suppose Aurelian might find that Custom at Palmyra, and at his return from thence institute the like at Rome.

I am inclined to believe, that not only those two Inscriptions, Pag. 102, and the last of Pag. 103, but also that of Pag. 106, were in Honour of the same Septimius Vorodes who seems to have been a great Favourite of Odænathus, and was without doubt respected by the Romans on that account, whom I conclude to have effaced all the Memorials of Zenobia and Waballathus, insomuch that no one appears, among those many taken, that was set up during the six Years they reigned. The Name Vorodes seems the same with Orodes, which was the Name of the King of the Parthians that slew Crassus: and the Persians having, about forty Years before, expelled the Race of the Arsacidæ, 'tis not improbable but the Remains of that Royal Family might fly for Succour to Palmyra, and this Vorodes might be one of them.

5. In two other Copies of these Inscriptions; the first of pag. 104. is read, Σεπτίμιον Αἰράνην Ὀδαινάθου, and not Ὀδαινόθου as in the first Copy, and perhaps ought rather to be Ὀδαίναθον, as being the Inscription under a Statue of the same Odænathus, who is here, as well as on his Tomb, stiled Illustrissimus Patricius, but without a Date.

6. ΥΠΟ ΙΑΡΙΒΩΛΟΥ ΘΕΟΥ (pag. 101. & 109.) It cannot well be doubted but that this Deus Jaribolus is the same with what Gruter (pag. 86.) and Spon (in the first of his Inscriptions) reads ΑΓΛΙΒΩΛΩ. By the Figure of the Idol extant in Spon, it appears that this God was made with the Moon upon his Shoulders, and consequently was the Deus Lunus worshipped by the Syrians, whose Name, in the Language of that Country, could not be better expressed than by Jarehbol ירה ביעל Dominus Lunus. Whence I am induced to believe, that Gruter mistook it ΑΓΛΙΒΩΛΩ for ΑΓΑΙΒΩΛΩ, the Ι in the beginning, and the lower part of the round stroke of the Ρ, being effaced, so as to pass for Γ. I have taken care to have the Stone purposely viewed, as also to get from thence the exact Figure of the Syrian or Palmyrene Characters thereon, wherein there is an irreconcilable difference between Spon and Gruter. By the help of these, compared with two others taken at Palmyra, which I have by me, (they being all very near the same Date,) I hope we may be able, one Day, to make out the Palmyrene Alphabet: But it were to be wish'd our Travellers had transcribed them with more Curiosity, and taken more of them.

By the way, it is remarkable, that the Person who dedicated this Monument, in Gruter and Spon, is stiled Λ. ΑΥΡ. ΗΛΙΟΔΩΡΟΣ: and the same Name occurs in a broken Inscription which Mr. Hallifax omitted in his Letter to Dr. Bernard, as being too imperfect. It stood on the right Hand of the entrance to the little Temple described pag. 110. and was thus,

ΛΟΥΚΙΟΥ ΑΥΡΗ[ΛΙ]ΟΥ ..... ΗΛΙΟΔΩΡΟΥ ΤΟΥ.

And after a Blank of three lines all worn out except one single Ο, there followed,

[ΤΕΙ]ΜΗΣ ΧΑΡΙΝ ΕΤΟΥΣ....... ΜΗΝΟΣ [ΑΠ]ΕΛΛΑΙ[ΟΥ]. And that imperfect one in pag. 104. seems to have relation to the same Name.

7. Pag. 111. ΜΑΛΕΝΤΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΑΓΡΙΠΠΑΝ lege ΜΑΛΗΝ ΤΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΑΓΡΙΠΠΑΝ, it being written ΜΑΛΗΝΤΟΝ, with Η in the two other Copies I have seen, whereby the Sence is cleared.

8. Pag. 117. ΑΓΑΘΑΝΓΕΛΟΣ ΑΒΙΛΗΝΟΣ ΤΗΣ ΔΕΚΑΠΟΛΕΟΣ, Agathangelus Abilenus, Decapolitanus, Patronymice. There were in these Parts two Cities known by the Name of Abila; to distinguish which, the one was called Abila Lysaniæ, from the Name of the Tetrarch: St. Luke, ch. 3. 1. and is placed by Ptolemy (in his Cælosyria) about mid-way between Damascus and Heliopolis: The other in Judæa, called Abila ad Jordanem, described by Josephus in many Places, to lie over-against Jericho, near the Dead-Sea. Decapolis was so called from its Ten Cities, enumerated by Pliny (lib. 5. 18.) And with them he reckons up, among others, the Tetrarchy of Abila, in the same Decapolis: Which demonstrates the Abila Decapolis and Abila Lysaniæ to be the same Place. And tho' it cannot be denied, but that some of Pliny's Ten Cities are not far distant from that near Jordan; yet it doth not appear that ever this other had the Title of a Tetrarchy. Here it is to be observed, that what Pliny calls Decapolis, Ptolemy makes his Cæle Syria; and the Cæle Syria of Pliny, is that part of Syria about Aleppo, formerly call'd Chalcidene, Cyrrhistice, &c.

What this Town of Teibe was anciently call'd, is not so easily conjectured: But if the Numbers of Ptolemy may be confided in, it is very near the Situation of a City he calls Oriza; and perhaps his Adada may be our Soukney, and his Rhæsapha what is now called Arsoffa.

It is taken for granted, that Old Aleppo was anciently the City of Berrhæa, and there wants not ancient Testimony to prove it; which being granted, I think I may without scruple conclude, that Andrene (pag. 122. and 133.) is the Ruins of the City of Androna; and Esree (pag. 135.) that of Seriane, both mentioned in the Itinerary of Antoninus, in the Journey à Dolicâ Seriane. But this whole Country is laid about half a Degree more Southerly than it ought, by Ptolemy, who places Berrhæa in Lat. 36 deg. For the Meridian Altitude of the Tropical Sun at Aleppo is found there but 77 deg. whence the Latitude 36 deg. 30 min. as it was observed, Anno 1680. by three several Quadrants, in the presence of a curious Gentleman, to whom I am obliged for this Communication.

By the same Observation a much greater Error is amended in the Latitude of Aleppo, in the Rudolfine Tables of Kepler, who supposes Aleppo to have been the ancient Antiochia ad Taurum, and accordingly places it Lat. 37. deg. 20 min. wherein he is followed by Bullialdus and others; and several Maps have copied the Mistake. But a much greater use of it is, that thereby we are assured, that the City of Aracta, wherein Albatani made the Observations we have Publish'd in the Philosoph. Transact. Numb. 204. was, without doubt, the same which is now called Racca on the Euphrates; of which Town an Account may be seen in Rauwolf's Voyages, and which was not many Miles below the Place where our Travellers first came on the River: And if Arecca, in the Language of this Country, relates to Victory (as is said in pag. 143.) it was, doubtless, anciently the City Nicephorion, built by Alexander the Great; with which the Situation exactly agrees. The Latitude thereof was observed by that Albatani with great accurateness, about eight hundred Years since; and therefore I recommended it to all that are curious of such Matters, to endeavour to get some good Observation made at this Place, to determine the Height of the Pole there, thereby to decide the Controversie, whether there hath really been any Change in the Axis of the Earth, in so long an Interval; which some great Authors of late, have been willing to suppose. And if any curious Traveller, or Merchant residing there, would please to observe, with due care, the Phases of the Moons Eclipses at Bagdat, Aleppo and Alexandria, thereby to determin their Longitudes, they could not do the Science of Astronomy a greater Service: For in and near these Places were made all the Observations whereby the middle Motions of the Sun and Moon are limited: And I could then pronounce in what Proportion the Moon's Motion does Accelerate; which that it does, I think I can demonstrate, and shall (God willing) one Day, make it appear to the Publick.

---

The Philosophical Reader is desired to excuse our breaking in upon the Subject of these Tracts, by intermixing Historical and Philological Matters, as also our exceeding the Bounds of an Extract: But we hope the Curiosity of the Subject, joyned to the Desires of the Royal Society, may make an easie Apology suffice. There may be many other Instructive Remarks made thereon, which still deserve the Consideration of the Learned, and from such the Publick may yet expect a further Account.

---

A Voyage of the Emperour of China into the Eastern Tartary, Anno. 1682.

The Emperour of China made a Voyage into Eastern Tartary, in the beginning of this Year 1682, after having appeased (by the Death of three Rebellious Kings) a Revolt, formed in some Provinces of the Empire: One of those revolted Princes, was Strangled in the Province, of which he had made himself Master: The second being brought to Pekin with the Principal Heads of his Faction, was cut in Pieces in the sight of the whole Court: The most Considerable among the Mandarines, acting with their own hands in this sad Execution, to Revenge upon this Rebel the Death of their Parents, which he had caused to be Cruelly Murdered.

The third which was the most Considerable, (and indeed the Chief of all the Revolt) had by a voluntary Death prevented his deserved Punishment, and so put an end to a War, which had lasted for Seven Years.

The Peace having been settled, by the Re-establishing in the Empire and all the Provinces, the Peaceable Enjoyment of their Ancient Liberties: The Emperour departed the 23d. of March to go into the Province of Leao-tum, the Country of his Ancestors, with a Design of visiting their Sepulchers, and (after having honoured them with the usual Ceremonies) of prosecuting his Journey into the Eastern Tartary: This Journey was was about 1100 miles, from Pekin to the end of it.

The Emperour took with him his eldest Son, a young Prince of ten years old, which had already been declared Heir of the Empire: The three principal Queens went also in this Journy, each in their gilded Chariot; the principal Kings also which compose this Empire, were accompanying with all the Grandees of the Court: And the most considerable Mandarines of all the Orders, who having all a very great Train of Attendants, and very numerous Equipage, made a Court about the Emperour of more then 70000 Persons.

It was his Will that I should accompany him in this Journey, and that I should be always near him, to the end I might make in his Presence, the Observations, necessary for knowing the disposition of the Heavens, the elevation of the Pole, the Magnetical Declinations of every Place, and for Measuring with Mathematical Instruments the height of the Mountains, and the distances of Places: He was well pleased also to be informed of what concerned Meteors, and many other Physical and Mathematical Matters.

In so much, that he gave Order to an Officer to carry upon Horses such Instruments as I should have occasion to make use of, and recommended me to the Prince his Unkle, who is also his Father in Law, and the second Person of the State, he is called by a Chinese Name, which signifies an Associate of the Empire: He gave charge to him to cause all things to be provided for me which were necessary for this Journey, which this Prince performed with a very particular goodness, causing me to Lodge always in his own Tent, and to eat at his Table.

The Emperour ordered that they should give me Horses of his own Stables, to the End I might the more easily Change in Riding, and some of those were of them He Himself had Rid, which is a Mark of very extraordinary distinction. In this Journey we always went toward the North-east: From Pekin to the Province of Leao-tum, the Way being about 300 Miles is pretty equal: In the Province it self of Leao-tum, it is about 400 Miles, but much more unequal by Reason of the Mountains; from the Frontier of this Province to the City of La, or the River which the Tartars call Songoro, and the Chinoise Sumhoa, the way (which is about 400 Miles) is very difficult, being crossed sometimes by Mountains extreamly Steep, sometimes by Valleys of extraordinary Depth, and through Desert Plains, wherein for two or three Days March we met with nothing. The Mountains of this Country are Covered on the East side with great Oaks and old Forrests, which have not been cut for some Ages.

All the Country which is beyond the Province of Leao-tum is exceeding Desert where nothing is to be seen on all sides but Mountains and Valleys, and Dens of Bears, Tigers and other Devouring Beasts, you can scarce find a House, but only some poor Reed Huts, upon the sides of some Brooks and Streams. All the Cities and Burrow-towns which I have seen in the Province of Leao-tum, and which are in very great Numbers are intirely ruined: One can see nothing thro' the whole Country, but old ruined Walls with Rubble, Bricks and Stones. In the out-skirts of these Cities there have been of late some few Houses built, but without any order. Some of them made of Earth, others of the Rubbish of the old Buildings, the most part of them covered with Straw or Thatch, and but few with Tiles. There is now not the least Footsteps remaining of a great number of Towns and Villages which were here before the War. Because the petty King of the Tartars, who began to kindle this War having but a very small Army, caused the Inhabitants of those Places to take Arms, which Places he forthwith destroyed, that he might take from his Soldiers the hopes of ever returning again to their own Homes.

The Capital City of Leao-tum, which is called Xyn-Yam, is a City very fair and pretty intire, it has as yet the Remains of an Antient Palace. It is (for as much as I was able to remark by divers Observations) of the Latitude of 41 degrees 56 minutes; that is to say, two degrees above Pekin, tho' hitherto both the Europeans and the Chinese have given that City the Latitude of 41 degrees. There is in that City no declination of the Magnetick Needle, as I have found by many reiterated Observations. The City of Ula which was almost the very Extream of our Journey, lies in 44 degrees and 20 minutes. The compass there declines from the South to the West one degree 40 minutes.

But to resume the Prosecution of our Journey, from Pekin to this Extream towards the East there is made a new Way, by which the Emperour can commodiously March with his Horse, and the Queens in their Chariots. This Way is about 10 foot broad, and as even and streight as could possibly be made; it is extended above 1000 Miles, it has a little Raising on each side of about a Foot high every where equal and perfectly Parallel to one another; and this Way was as neat, especially when the Weather was fair, as a Floor where the Husbandmen beat out their Corn in the Field; there were also certain Persons along this way, who only took care to Smooth and Cleanse it. The Christians have no where so great care of Sweeping their Streets and publick Places where the Holy Sacrament is to pass in the Processions, as these Infidels have of cleansing the Ways, where their Kings and their Queens are to pass, every time they go out of their Palaces.

There was made for their Return a way like the former, they plained or levelled the Mountains as far as they were able, they raised Bridges over the Rivers, and for ornamenting them, they had extended on each side of them a sort of Mats upon which they had Painted divers Figures of Animals, which had the same effect with Tapestry Hangings, with which the Streets are usually hung in Procession.

The Emperor did very seldom make use of this Way, being almost always in Hunting: And when he accompanied the Queens he only Rode by the side of it, to the End that the great number of Horse which were in the Train that followed should not spoil it: He ordinarily Marched at the Head of this kind of Army. The Queens followed immediately in their Chariots, with their Train and their Equipage; they notwithstanding left some space between the King and themselves: After these Marched the Kings, the Grandees of the Court and the Mandarines, every one according to his Rank, behind these an infinity of Attendants, and other People on Horse-back brought up the Rear-guard.

As there was not one City upon all this Way, that could either Lodge so great a Multitude, or Furnish them with Provisions, and that the greatest Part of their Journey was through a Country very little Inhabited, so they were Necessitated to carry along with them all things that were Necessary for the journey, and even Provisions of Victuals for three Months.

Upon this Account there were sent before by the Ways which were made on each side of the Emperors Way, an Infinity of Waggons, Cammels, Horses, and Mules for to carry the Baggage: Besides these the Emperor, the Kings and almost all the Grandees of the Court, had great numbers of Horses led, for the use of changing from time to time. I do not here reckon the Droves of Beefs, Sheep, and other Cattel, which they were obliged to have with them. And though this great Multitude of Men, Horses, and Droves, passed by a way at a good distance from that of the Emperor, yet it raised so horrible a Dust, that we always seemed to March in a cloud, and thence found it Difficult to distinguish those that Marched 15 or 20 Paces from us.

The March was so well regulated, that this Army Incamped every Night upon the sides of some River or Brook. 'Twas for this Reason that they caused the Tents and the Baggage necessary for this Incamping to set out very early in the Morning; and the Quarter-masters upon their first arrival, Marked the Ground most proper for the placing of the Emperors Tent, of the Queens, of the Kings, of the Grandees, of the Court, of the Mandarines, each according to his Dignity, and according to the Dignity he had in the Chinese Militia, which is divided into eight Orders or into eight Standards.

In the space of three Months we passed about 1000 Miles, advancing towards the North-east, and about as many in our return: In fine, we arrived at Kam-Hay, which is a Fort situated between the South Sea and the Mountains of the North: It is there where is the beginning of that so much Celebrated Wall, and which separates the Province of Leao-tum from that of Pekely; from whence it is extended very far on the side of the North over the tops of the highest Mountains. When we entred this Province, the Emperor, the Kings, and the Grandees of the Court, quitted the great Way of which we have hitherto spoken, to take that of the Mountains of the North, which are extended without Interruption towards the North-East: There some Days were passed in Hunting, which was performed in this manner.

The Emperor chose 3000 Men of his Life-guard, Armed with Arrows and Javelins, and dispersed them some on this side some on that; so that they possest themselves of a great Circuit about the Mountains, which they Environed on all Parts, which made a kind of Circle whose Diameter was at least 3000 Paces; then Marching to draw nearer together with equal Progress and without quitting their Range, what ever Obstacles they found in the way (the Emperor having joyned with them several of the Captains, and of the Grandees of the Court, for the better keeping of their Order) they Reduced this great Circle to another much less, which had about 300 Paces in the Diameter: So that all the Beasts which had been stayed within the first, found themselves taken in this last as in a Net: for that every one setting his Feet upon the Ground, they Locked themselves together so closely, that they left no meshing Place for them to make their Escape by. Then they Pursued them so Vigorously in this little Space, that the poor Creatures tired with the violence of their Coursing, came and fell down at the Feet of their Chasers, and suffered themselves to be taken without trouble. I saw taken in this Manner two or three Hundred Hares in less then one day, without counting an Infinite of Wolves and Foxes. I have seen the same thing divers times done in that part of Tartary, which is on the other side of the Province of Leao-tum, where I remember to have seen, among others, more than 1000 Deer so pent up by these sort of Nets, which came to cast themselves into the Hands of the Hunters, having found no passage to save themselves by: they kill'd also Bears, Boars, and more than 60 Tigers, but these are taken by other means, and with other Weapons.

The Emperor will'd that I should be present at all these different Huntings, and he recommended to his Father in Law, in a most obliging Manner the having a particular care of me, and of giving charge that I should not be exposed to any danger in the Hunting of the Tigers, and the other fierce Beasts; I was the only Person of all the Mandarines who was without Arms, and so near to the Emperor; though I made Light of the Fatigue during the time we were in our Journey, I found my self so wearied every Evening when I got to my Tent, that I was not able to support my Self; and I should have dispensed with my self divers times from following the Emperor, if my Friends had not counsel'd me to the contrary, and if I had not fear'd that he would have taken it ill if he should have perceived it.

After having passed about 400 Miles in Hunting daily after this manner, we arrived at last at Xyn-Yam, the Capital City of the Province, where we stayed four Days.

The Inhabitants of Coree came to present to the Emperor a Sea-Calf which they had taken, the Emperor caused me to see it, and asked whither our European Books had spoken any thing of this Fish? I told him we had a Book in our Library at Pekin which had explain'd the Nature of it, and dispatched presently a Courrier to our Fathers at Pekin, who brought it me in a few Days: The Emperor was pleased to see that what was said of this Fish in this Book, was agreeable to this which he had seen, and caused it to be carried back again to Pekin to be carefully preserved.

During the stay which we made in this City, the Emperor with the Queens went to visit the Sepulchers of his Ancestors, which are not very far distant, from whence he sent them back to Xyn-Yam, to continue his own Journey into the Eastern Tartary.

After several Days of Marching and Hunting, he arrived at Kirin, which is distant from Xyn-Yam 400 Miles: This City is built along the great River Songoro which takes its source from the Mountain Cham-pe, distant 400 Miles towards the South: This Mountain so Famous in the East for having been the Antient Seat of our Tartars, is always covered with Snow, from whence it had its Name, because Cham-pe signifies the white Mountain.

So soon as the Emperor saw it, he alighted from his Horse and fell on his Knees on the Bank of the River, and bowed Himself three times to the Ground to Salute it: After which, he caused himself to be carried upon a glorious Throne of Gold, and so made his Entry into the City: All the People ran in a throng before him, testifying by their Acclamations the Joy they had to see him. This Prince took great Pleasure in those Testimonies of their Affection; and that he might give them some Marks of his being very sensible of it, he was pleased to suffer himself to be seen by all, and forbid his Guards to hinder the People from approaching him, as they used to do at Pekin.

They make in this City Barks of a very particular manner: The Inhabitants keep always a great number of them ready fitted to Repulse the Muscovites, who come often into this River, to dispute the Fishing of Pearls. The Emperor reposed himself two Days, after which he Descended upon the River with some Lords, accompanied with more than 100 Boats, till he arrived at the City of Ula, which is the fairest of all this Country, and which at other times hath been the Seat of the Empire of the Tartars.

A little below this City, which is at most about 32 Miles from Kirin, the River is very full of a certain Fish which resemble near enough the Plaice of Europe: and 'twas principally for the taking the Divertisement of Fishing, that the Emperor went to Ula; but the Rains coming on so suddainly, swelled the River so much, that all their Nets were broken and carried away, by the great Flood of those Land Waters: The Emperor notwithstanding stayed 5 or 6 Days at Ula; but seeing the Rains were not at all discontinued, he was obliged to come back to Kirin, without having enjoyed the Pleasure of Fishing: as we ascended the River, the Bark wherein I was with the Emperors Father in Law, was so indamaged by the agitation of the Waves, that we were constrained to go a Shore, and mount a Chariot drawn by one Ox, which carried us very slowly to Kirin, the Rains not at all ceasing during our Journy.

In the Evening when the Emperor was entertained upon all these Adventures, he said Laughing, the Fish have cheated us; at length, after we had stayed two Days at Kirin, the Rains began to diminish, and we retook our Way towards Leao-tum. I cannot here express the Pains and Fatigues these had caused us to undergo, during the whole Course of this Journy, by Reason of the Ways which the Rains had Spoiled, and rendred almost impassable: we went without staying over the Mountains and over the Vallies, and we could not pass but with extream Danger, the Brooks and Rivers which were swelled by the Floods and Inundations which ran from all Parts: the Bridges were either overturned by the Violence of the Currents, or all covered by the great overflowing of the Waters. There were made in divers Places great Collections of Water, and of Mud, that it was almost impossible to be drawn out of it. The Horses, Cammels, and other Beasts of Burthen, which carried the Baggage could not advance, but remained sticking in the Mud of the Marshes, or died of tiring upon the Ways. The Men were not at all less incommoded, and all were enfeebled for want of Victuals, and of Refreshments necessary for so great a Journy: Many of the Horsemen were obliged, either to lead their Horses on Foot, who were no longer able to carry them, or to rest in the middle of the Fields to suffer them to take Breath: And though the Quarter-masters and the Harbingers, spared not their Pains, nor for Wood (which they cut on all sides) to fill with Faggots all the bad Passages: Yet notwithstanding after the Horses and Chariots, which took the Van early in the Morning had quite passed, it was impossible to pass after them: The Emperor himself, with his Son, and all the great Lords of the Court, were obliged more than once, to Foot it over the Mud and the Marshes, fearing to expose themselves to greater danger, if they should have passed them on Horse-back.

When they came to Bridges, or those other obstructions all the Army stayed: And as soon as the Emperor was passed, with some of the most considerable Persons, all the rest came together in a Throng, and every one striving to pass first, many were tumbled over into the Water: Others taking Ways more about, found them more dangerous, falling into Sloughs and Bogs, out of which they could not Recover themselves. In fine, there were so many Inconveniencies to be met with, in all the Ways of Eastern Tartary, that the old Officers who had followed the Court above 30 Years, said they had never suffered so much in any Journy.

It was on those Occasions, that the Emperor more than once, gave me the Marks of a Respect altogether particular: the first Day that we put our Selves in the way for returning, we were stay'd in the Evening, by a Torrent so great and rapid, that 'twas impossible to Ford it: The Emperor having by chance found a little Boat, which could not hold above 4 Persons at most, passed first with his Sons, and some of the Principal Kings followed: All the other Princes, Lords, and Mandarines, which the rest of the Army attended, (in the mean while) with Impatience the return of the Boat, to carry them to the other side of the Torrent, because the Night approached, and the Tents had long before passed: But the Emperor being come back to us in such another Boat as the former, demanded aloud where I was? and his Father in Law having presented me to him, he added, let him come in and Cross over with us: So we were the only Persons that passed with the Emperor; and all the rest stayed on the Bank, where they must pass the Night under the open Heaven: The same thing happened the next Day almost in the same manner. The Emperor at Noon meeting with a like rapid and swelled Torrent, gave order that the Boats should be made use of for Transporting the Tents, Packs, and other Baggage till the Evening; then willed that I should pass alone with him and some few of his Attendants, having left on the other side all the great Lords, who were necessitated to pass the Night there. The Emperor's Father in Law himself, having asked if he should not pass with me, since I Lodged in his Tent and eat at his Table? this Prince answered him, that he should stay, and he himself would take Order to give me what was necessary.

After we had past, the Emperor sitting on the Bank-side, made me sit by him, with the two Sons of the two petty Western Kings, and the first Colao of Tartary, whom he distinguished on all Occasions.

As the Night was Fair, and the Heavens very Clear; he willed me to Name in the Chinese and European Languages, all the Constellations that then appeared above the Horizon, and he himself first named all those he already knew; then unfolding a small Map of the Heavens, which I had some Years since presented him, he put himself upon inquiring the Hour of the Night, by the Stars in the Meridian: Pleasing himself to shew to all the Knowledge he had acquired in these Sciences. All the Marks of his Favours which he so often gave me, even to the sending me to Eat from his own Table, these Marks I say were so Publick, and so Extraordinary; that the two Unkles of the Emperor, who bore the Titles of Associates of the Empire, being on their Return to Pekin, said that when the Emperor had some Regret or appeared somewhat Sad, he would Resume his ordinary Gaiety upon the sight of me.

I arrived at Pekin in perfect Health the 9th day of June very late, though divers were detained in the Way by Distempers, or were returned from their Journy, Hurt and Lamed.

I say nothing of what we did for Religion in this Journy, having reserved that for a particular Relation, by which it will appear, that by the Grace of our Lord, the Favours we received at the Court of China, produced considerable Fruits for the Church, and did not take away the Cross from the Missionaries.

I shall here add the Tartarean Names, and the distance of every Place through which we passed in the Eastern Tartary, from the Capital of the Province of Leao-tum even to Kirin, according to the order of Days which we Spent in this Progress. A Topographic Chart may be made and inserted into the Map of the Province of Leao-tum, to be found in the Atlas of Father Martin Martinius, by changing only the Latitudes according to the Heights of the Pole, which we have before Specified.

I shall add one thing more which I Understood from the Inhabitants of Ula, to wit that Nincrita (which is a Place much Renowned in those Parts) is distant from Ula 700 Chinese Stadia (each of which is 360 Geometrical Paces) and that Embarking at Nincrita upon the great River Heleum, into which the Songoro, and some other more considerable Rivers are discharged, and following the course of the River, which runs towards the North-East, or somewhat more to the North, they arrive in 40 Days Journy at the Eastern Sea, which is (as I believe) the Streight of Anien: I was told this by the General of the Militia which is at Kirin; and who had performed this Voyage himself.

---

The Distances of the Places, thro' which we passed in the Eastern Tartary.

The first Day we passed from Xyn-Yam, the Capital of the Province of Leao-tum, and we arrived at Seao-Lysto, so the Place is called in the Chinese Language.	95.	stadia.
The 2d. day we arrived at Cha-cay Angha.	85.	stadia.
The 3d. day at another Torrent of the same Name.	70.	stadia.
The 4th. at Kiaghuchen.	50.	stadia.
The 5th. at Feyteri.	80.	stadia.
The 6th. at the Torrent of Seipery.	60.	stadia.
The 7th. at the Torrent of Ciam.	60.	stadia.
The 8th. at Courou.	50.	stadia.
The 9th. at the Burrow of Sape.	40.	stadia.
The 10th. at Quaranny Pira.	40.	stadia.
The 11th. at Elten eme Ambayaga.	70.	stadia.
The 12th. at Ypatan.	58.	stadia.
The 13th. at Suayen ny Pyra.	60.	stadia.
The 14th. at Ylmen.	70.	stadia.
The 15th. at Seuten.	70.	stadia.
The 16th. the City of Kirin.	70.	stadia.
	1028.

All this Course being 1028 Chinese Stadia, contains 369 Miles (each) of 1000 Geometrical Paces; the Chinese Stadium containing as I mentioned before 360 Geometrical Paces.

---

A Voyage of the Emperor of China, into the Western Tartary, in the Year, 1683.

The Emperor this Year, which is the 30th. of his Age, made a Voyage into the Western Tartary, together with the Queen his Grand-mother, which they call the Queen Mother; he departed the 16th. of July, in the Company of more than 60000 Men, and 100000 Horse. He positively resolved, that I, with one of the two Fathers that were at the Court of Pekin, the Choice of which he left to me, should follow him, I chose Father Philip Grimaldi; because he is the most known, and because he perfectly understood the Mathematicks.

Several Reasons prevailed with the Emperor to Enterprize this Journy. The first was, that he might keep his Militia during the Peace as well as in the Wars, in continual Exercise; and for this Reason it was, that after he had Establish'd a firm Peace in all the Quarters of this so vast an Empire; he recalled his best Troops hither out of every Province, and resolved in his Council to make every Year Expeditions of this kind, in several Seasons, that by hunting of Deer, Boars, Bears, and Tigers, they might learn to overcome the Enemies of the Empire, or at least to prevent the cooling of their Courage, or the degenerating from their Pristine Valour, by the Luxury of China, in a too long Repose.

In effect these kinds of Hunting had more of the shew of a Military Expedition, than of one for Divertisement, as I have already noted: The Emperor took in his Train, 100000 Horse, and above 60000 Men, all armed with Arrows and Cimiters, divided into Companies and Marching in Battle-Array after their Colours, with the sound of Drums and Trumpets: During their Hunting, they intirely invested the Mountains and Forrests, as if they had been Cities which they design'd to Beleaguer; following in this the manner of Hunting used by the Eastern Tartars, of which I have spoken in my last Letter. This Army had its Van-guard and Rear-guard, and its Main Body, its Right Wing and Left Wing, was commanded by so many Generals and petty Kings. There were spent more then Seventy Days before they were on their March, in bringing together all the Ammunitions of the Army upon the Waggons, upon the Camels, upon the Horses, and upon the Mules, by reason of the Incommodious Ways. For in all the Western Tartary (I call it Western) not with Relation to China, which lieth in Respect of it Westward it self, but with respect of the Eastern Tartary there is nothing to be found but Mountains, Rocks, and Vallies; there are neither Cities, Towns nor Villages, nor so much as any Houses. The Inhabitants Lodge under Tents, pitched on all sides in the open Fields. They are for the most part Graziers, and transport their Tents from one Vally to another, according as the Pastures are better. There they Pasture their Beefs, their Horses, and their Camels, they breed no Hogs, nor any of those other Animals, which elsewhere are fed in the Villages, as Poultry and Geese. But only of such as the Herbs, which an uncultivated Land doth Naturally produce, will serve to sustain. They pass their Life either in Hunting, or doing nothing. And as they neither sow nor cultivate the Earth, so they make no Harvest. They Live upon Milk, Cheese, and Flesh, and have a sort of Wine, not much unlike our Aqua-vitæ; with which they make their Feasts, and are often Drunk. In short they care for nought from Morning to Night, but to Drink and Eat; like the Beasts, and Droves which they Feed.

They are not without their Priests, which they call Lamas, for whom they have a singular Veneration, in which they differ from the Oriental Tartars; the most part of whom have no Religion, nor do they believe any God. For the rest both of the one and the other are Slaves, and wholly depend upon the will of their Masters, whose Religion and Manners they blindly follow: Like in this to their Droves, who go where they are lead, and not where they ought to go.

This part of Tartary, lies without the prodigious Wall of China about 1000 Chinese Stadia, that is to say more than 300 European Miles, and extends from the North-east towards the North.

The Emperor Rides on Horse-back, in the Head of his Army through these Desert Places, and these Steep Mountains, and far from great Roads, exposed all the Day to the Scorchings of the Sun, to the Rains, and to all the Injuries of the Air. Many of those which had been in the last War, assured me, that they had not suffered so much during all that as during this Hunting. In so much that the Emperor, whose principal Aim it was to give his Forces a Breathing, performed effectually what he pretended.

The second Reason he had of undertaking this Journy, was that he might keep the Western Tartars in their Duty, and to prevent any pernitious Designs that might be formed against the States.

It was for this that he entred their Country with so great an Army, and with so great Preparations for War. Having carried along several great Guns, that he might cause them to be Discharged from time to time into the Vallies, and by the Noise and Fire which issued out of the Mouths of those Dragons, which served to Ornament them, he might cast a Dread upon the Rout.

Besides this great Retinue, he would yet be accompanied with all the Marks of Grander, with which he was environed at the Court at Pekin. To wit, with a Multitude of Drums, Trumpets, Timbals, and other Musical Instruments, which formed Consorts During his sitting at Table, when he entred the Palace, or when he went out. He caused all these to March with him, that he might by this outward Pomp Astonish these Barbarous People, to strike them with a Fear and Respect of his Imperial Majesty.

For the Empire of China never had any Enemies more to be feared than these Western Tartars; which beginning on the East of China encompass it with an almost infinite of People, and keep it as it were continually beleaguered on the North and West sides thereof; and 'twas to make a Bulwork against their Incursions, that a Chinese Emperor in antient Times caused this great Wall to be Built, which separates China from their Country. I have passed it four times, and have considered it very attentively. And I can say without Hyperbolizing, that all the seven Wonders of the World put together, are not comparable to this Work. And all that Fame has spread concerning it among the Europeans, is far short of what I my self have seen.

Two things have more especially caused my Admiration. The first is, that in this long extent from the East to the West, it passes in several places not only through vast Champains, but also above the tops of exceeding high Mountains, upon which it is raised by little and little, and fortify'd at certain Intervals with great Towers; not distant the one from the other more than two flight Shot. At our return I had the Curiosity to measure the height of it in one place by means of an Instrument, and I found that it was in that Place 1037 Geometrical Feet above the Horison; in such sort that 'tis hard to comprehend how 'twas possible to elevate this enormous Bulwork to the height we saw it, in places dry and full of Mountains, whence they must be obliged to bring from a great distance with incredible Labour, the Water, Brick, Mortar, and all the Materials necessary for so great a Work.

The second thing that surprized me was, that this Wall is not continued upon the same Line, but bent in divers places following the situation of the Mountains, in such manner, that instead of one Wall, one may say that there are three, which Environ all this great part of China.

After all, The Monarch which in our Days hath re-united the Chinese and the Tartars, under one and the same Government, has done some things more for the advantage of the security of China, than the Chinese Emperor that built the long Wall. For after having reduced the Western Tartars, partly by Artifice, partly by force of Arms: He has obliged to go and remain at 300 Miles distance from the Wall of China; and in this Place he distributes to them Land and Pastures, whilst he has given their Country to other Tartars, his Subjects which have their Habitation there at present: Notwithstanding which, these Western Tartars are so powerful, that if they should agree together, they might make themselves Masters of all China, and of the Eastern Tartary, even in the Face of the Oriental Tartars.

I have said, that the Tartarian Monarch that conquered China, used an expedient for subduing the Western Tartars. For one of his first Cares was to engage to his Interest by his Royal Bounties, and by demonstration of a Singular Affection, the Lamas (or Priests) these Men having a great Repute about all those of their Nation, easily perswaded them to submit to the Government of so great a Prince; and 'tis in consideration of this Service done to the Estate, that the present Emperor looks upon these Lamas with a favourable Eye, that he bestows Presents on them; and that he makes use of them to keep the Tartars in the Obedience which they owe him: Tho' at the bottom he hath nothing but Dis-esteem for their Persons, and looks upon them as a sort of Ignorant Fellows, which have not the least Tincture of the Sciences or commendable Arts, in which without doubt this Prince shews a Wise Policy, in so disguising his true Sentiments, by these exterior Marks of Esteem and Good-will.

He has divided this vastly extended Country into 48 Provinces, who have submitted and are Tributary to him. From whence it comes to pass, that the Emperor that Reigns at present in China, and in the one and the other Tartary, may justly be called the greatest and most powerful Monarch of Asia, having so many vast Estates under him, without being any where interrupted by the Territory of any Foreign Prince, and he alone being as the Soul which gives motion to all the Members of so vast a Body.

For after he had charged himself with the Government, he did not at all intrust the Care to any of the Colaos, nor to any of the great Men of his Court. He has not at all suffered, that the Eunuchs of the Palace, or any of his Pages, or any of the young Lords that have been raised by him, should dispose of the least thing in his House, or should regulate any thing of themselves: Which appears very extraordinary; especially if we examin what Customs his Predecessors were wont to use.

He chastises with wonderful Equity the great Ones as well as the Inferiors; he deprives them of their Charges, and makes them descend from the Rank they held, proportioning always the Penalty to the heinousness of their Fault. He takes Cognisance of the Affairs which are transacted in the Royal Counsel, and in the other Tribunals, even to the causing them to render to him an exact account of the Judgments there given. In one Word, he of himself Disposes and Orders all things; and 'tis by reason of the absolute Authority which he hath thus acquired, that the greatest Lords of the Court, and Persons of the highest Quality in the Empire; even the Princes of the Blood, never appear in his Presence, but with a profound Respect.

But to what remains, the Lamas or Tartarian Priests, of whom we have spoken, are not only respected by the People, but also by the Lords and Princes of their Nation, who for Politick Ends testifie to them a great deal of Friendship: This makes us fear that the Christian Religion, will not find so easie an entrance into the Western Tartary. They are also very powerful upon the Mind of the Queen Mother, who is of their Country, and who is at present Threescore and Ten Years Old; they are wont to tell her, that the Sect (of which she makes Profession) has no more declared Enemies than us. And 'tis a kind of Miracle, or at least an extraordinary Protection of God, that notwithstanding this, the Emperor, who has very much regard and respect for her, has not hitherto ceased to heap on us Graces and Honours, considering us after another manner than the Lamas.

During the Journey, as the Princes and the chief Officers of the Army went oftentimes to the Queen to attend at her Court; and that we also were advertised to do so likewise: We were willing first to consult a Person of the Court, who loved us very much, and who spake for us to the Emperor in our Affairs. This Lord having enter'd the Princes Tent, told him what had passed, and presently coming out again: The Emperor (said he to us) has given me to understand, that 'tis not at all necessary for you to attend the Queen as others do; which made us to apprehend enough, that this Princess did not favour us.

The 3d Reason which the Emperor had for making this Journey, was for his Health: because he knew by his Experience long enough, that when he is too long at Pekin without going Abroad, he cannot avoid his being attacked by several Distempers, which he prevents by means of these long Progresses. For during the whole time he never sees any Woman; and that which is more surprizing, there appears not any one in all this great Army, except those which are of the Retinue of the Queen Mother: 'Tis yet also a Novelty that she has accompanyed the King this Year, it having not been practiced above once, when he took with him the three Queens as far as the Capital City of the Province of Leao-tum, to visit the Sepulchers of their Ancestors.

The Emperor and the Queen Mother pretend moreover by this Journey, to avoid the excessive Heats which are in Pekin, in the Summer during the Dog-days. For in this part of Tartary, there reigns during the Months of July and August so cold a Wind, especially in the Night, that 'tis necessary to put on thick Cloths and Furs. The Reason that may be assigned for this so extraordinary Cold, is that this Region is very much elevated and full of Mountains: There is one among the rest, upon which we continually ascended, for the space of 5 or 6 Days March. The Emperor being desirous to know how much it surmounted the Plains of Pekin, distant about 300 Miles; at our return (after having measured the height of above a hundred Mountains that lay in our Road) we found that it had 3000 Geometrical Pace of Elevation, above the Sea that nearest approached Pekin.

The Salt Peter also with which these Countries abound, may contribute to this great Cold, which is so violent, that in digging the Earth to three or four Foot deep, there are fetched out Clods all frozen, and pieces of Ice.

Divers of the Petty Kings of the Western Tartary, came from all sides for 300 Miles, and some for 500 Miles, together with their Children, to salute the Emperor. These Princes, who for the most part know none but by their own natural Language, which is very different from that of the Eastern Tartary: Took regard of us, with Aspects and Gestures of a goodness very particular. There were some among them, who had made a Journey to Pekin to see the Court, and who had seen our Church.

One or two Days before we arrived at the Mountain which was the boundary of our Journey, we met a Petty King very aged, who returned from accompanying the Emperor, he seeing us stayed with all his Retinue, and enquired by his Interpreter, which of us was called Nauboaij; one of our Servants having made a sign that it was I, this Prince accosted me with a great deal of Civility, and told me that for a long time he had known my Name, and that he had desired to know me. He spoke also to Father Grimaldi, with the same marks of Affection. The favourable Entertainment he gave us in this Re-encounter, gave some Reason to hope that our Religion might find an easie Entrance to those Princes, particularly if care be taken to insinuate into the Minds of those Princes, by the means of the Mathematicks: Which if there should at any time be a design to penetrate into their Country, the most sure way for divers Reasons, (which I have not the leisure to explain here) will be to begin the entrance with the other Tartars more remote, which are not all Subjects of this Empire, from whom we may pass on to these, advancing by little and little towards China.

During the whole Journey, the Emperor has continued to give us singular Tokens of his good Will, shewing us Favours in the sight of his Army, which he shewed to none besides.

One time meeting us in a great Valley, where we were measuring the height and the distance of some Mountains, he made a stay with the whole Court; and calling to us from a great distance, he demanded of us in the Chinese Language, Hao-mo? that is to say, are you well in Health? And then asked us several Questions in the Tartarian Language, concerning the heighth of these Mountains, to which I answered also in the same Language; after which, turning to the Lords that were about him, he discoursed with them concerning us in very obliging Expressions, as I learned the same Night from the Prince his Unkle, who was then by his side.

He testifyed also his Affection to us, by causing often Meat to be carry'd to our Tents from his own Table, willing also that on some Occasions we should eat in his; and every time he did us this Honour, he had a regard to our Days of Abstinence, and of Fasting, sending us only such Meats as we could use.

The eldest Son of the Emperor, after the Example of his Father, gave us marks also of his Bounty, for having been constrained to stay more than 10 Days, by reason of a fall from his Horse, by which he was hurt in his right Shoulder; and one part of the Army in which we were, having attended, whilst the Emperor with the other, continued his Hunting, he was not wanting in sending to us daily, and sometimes twice a Day, during this space, Food from his own Table. In fine, we look'd on all these Favours of the Royal Family, as the effects of a particular Providence which watched over us, and over Christianity, for which we had so much the more occasion to thank God, for that the affection of the Emperor, was never so constantly shewn to the Grandees of the Empire, nor to the Princes of the Blood.

As to what relates to the other particularities of our Journey, they are like to those which happened to us the last Year, in the Journey to the Eastern Tartary, which I have fully described in my last Letter; that is to say, that we made use of the Emperor's Horses, and of his Litters, that we lodged in the Tents, and eat at the Table of the Prince his Unkle, to whom he had particularly recommended us.

During more than 600 Miles, which we had passed in going and returning (for we did not return by the same Road) he caused to be made a great High-way cross the Mountains and the Vallies, for the Queen Mother, who went in a Chariot; he caused also an infinite number of Bridges to be made over the Torrents, as also the Rocks to be cut, and the Points of the Mountains, with incredible Pains and Expences: Father Grimaldi shall describe the other particulars in his Letters.

As to the benefit which the Religion may draw from our Journey, I have spoken elsewhere; it sufficeth to say that the Emperor, to whose Will we cannot make the least resistance, without exposing all this Mission to a manifest Danger, has order'd us to follow him. I ceased not however to speak twice to that Lord of the Court, who is our particular Friend, to excuse us for the time to come from these long Journeys, and especially me, who am not of an Age fit for it: I tried to obtain at least that they would be contented to take only one of us; the Letters of our Fathers were daily brought us during the Journey, and I had the convenience of writing to them, by means of the Couriers which continually went to and came from the Royal City: I write all this in haste, that I may continue to give you an account of our Affairs.

---

An Explanation, necessary to justify the Geography supposed in these Letters.

It may seem wonderful, that the Author of these Letters makes mention in his former, of a kind of War between the Oriental Tartars and the Muscovites, notwithstanding the extream distance these People appear to be from one another in our Geographical Charts; but those who know how much the Muscovites have extended the Bounds of the Empire along the Tartarian Sea, will judge the thing less difficult, besides those who have seen these Countries, have made Discoveries much differing from those which our Geographers have informed us of hitherto. Very lately Monsieur D'Arcy, who commands one of the King's Ships, in the Fleet of Monsieur Le Marescal d'Estrees, informed us, that having served in Poland, and having been made Governor of a Place towards Moscovy, the Moscovite Ambassadors in their return having pass'd by him, and being by him treated in such a manner as put them into a very good Humour; one of them shewed him a Chart of the Countries between Moscovy and China: and told him, that from three Cities which he shewed him, whose Names were Lopsla, Abasinko, Nerginsko, all three under the Government of the great Dukes, tho' situated in the great Tartary, there was a way to Pekin, which was not more than 25 or 30 Days Journey. This Map it seems must be kept very secret in Moscovy: For the next Day the Moscovite was in despair, for having given it, saying that if it should be known, he should come to great Damage. The Officer being come back since into France, has given a Copy to the King, and another to Monsieur Le Marquis de Signelay. To confirm this, it may be added, what a French Man has writ from Moscovy within this two Months, that they are actually raising Troops to go to War with the Chinese.

---

Some Observations and Conjectures concerning the Chinese Characters. Made by R. H. R. S. S.

Whether there ever were any Language natural, I dispute not: But that there have been, are, and may be, artificial Languages 'tis not difficult to prove. The Chinese Court Language is said to be of this kind, invented and spoken by the Literati and Mandarines throughout the whole Empire of China, differing from all the other Languages spoken in it, and I conjecture it to be nothing else but the Names of the Character by which they write and express their meaning, arbitrarily imposed by them, as we in Europe set names to Arithmetical Figures, not as we pronounce Words written with a litteral Character. This I Judge by comparing the Characters with the Names, Monosyllables or Words they pronounce and read them with. Nor do they ascend above a Monosyllabical Name, tho' the Character be composed of many single Characters, each of which hath its proper Sense, and Monosyllabical Name, and though the meaning of each Character, be an ingredient in the Notion of that compounded Character.

I might give an Instance also in the Artificial Language Invented by the Late Reverend Bishop of Chester Dr. Wilkins, which in all the accomplishments of Language doth excel any one yet extant; to which is also annexed a real Character, Legible into that or any other Language Spoken. By which Language the Character and every additional Mark is effable, and yet the Character is not Literal but Real, which is more curious and useful than the Chinese way. Great pity it is that Discourse is not published in Latin, that the Learned of Europe, may think of further Improving it, and bringing it to Use.

But whatever we may judge of Language, 'tis past dispute that Writing was ever Artificial, how Antiently so ever it were in Use, and was the Invention of some thinking and Studious Men. 'Tis also evident that there have been various ways thought of for Expressing Significancy, according to the several Genii of the Persons that were the Inventors. As may be guessed by the Ægyptian Hieroglyphicks, the Chinese Characters, the Mexican Chronology, and the Literal Characters of several Nations, each of which seem to proceed upon differing methods, and from differing thoughts of Invention.

Which of these ways is the most Antient, is hard to prove. The Ægyptian Mummies and Obelesks prove a great Antiquity of the Hieroglyphicks, but yet the Chinese Chronology (if to be credited) outstrips the Ægyptian in pretence to Antiquity. For the Chinese make Fohi, the first King of China, to be the inventer of their Character: And account him to have lived 2950 Years before the time of Christ, during all which time they pretend to have a certain and written Account in their Books: But their Account of the times preceding, they esteem more Hypothetical and Fabulous; depending chiefly upon Fiction and Oral Tradition: As you will easily believe, when you understand how many Years they make it since the Creation of the World to the present Year 1686. which by the Account thereof in Mr. Graves's Translation of Vulg. Beig. will be found to be no less than eighty eight millions six hundred and forty thousand one hundred and two Solar Years, there having been run out since the Creation 8864 Ven. of Years (every Ven. containing ten thousand such Years) and of the present Ven. this Year 1686. is the 102d. Which Account is abundantly more extravagant than the Ægyptian: But this need not invalidate their History since Fohi; by which it appears that their Character was invented before the time of Moses about 1400 Years, and even before Menes the first King of Ægypt about 500 Years. So that the Chinese Invention of Writing or Characters, seems to be the most ancient of that kind. And the Book Yekim said to be written by Fohi, the most antient Book.

These Accounts made me the more desirous to understand somewhat of the Reality and Truth, of what is related concerning the Knowledge of Literature and manual Arts, which these People of China are said to have possessed so long a time in so great Perfection, and without Alteration from the primitive Institution, especially upon the Account of their Art of Printing, which gave a hint to the Inventors of that admirable and most useful of all Inventions (for the Common Wealth of Learning) the way of Printing here in Europe. For Paulus Jovius affirms that the first occasion of that Invention in Germany, was a German Merchant, who returning out of China into his own Country, related what he had observed concerning the Practice of it as used in that Country. And tho' the Chinese way be wholly differing as to the method of composing, from what was invented and perfected here: Yet such an intimation was enough to an ingenious Artist to improve the first Contrivance, and make it more accomodate to the literal way of Writing with us: And as our way may possibly be now brought to the greatest Perfection for exactness and expedition, so without doubt must be their way of Printing any thing just as it is written, since I find, that they can engrave their Stamps for a Sheet, as soon as one of our Compositers can set and correct a Sheet of our literal Character, and when so done, one Man alone will print off 1500 Sheets in one Day. And though 'tis generally believed to be much the same with our Wooden Cuts for Printing, yet from some Observations I have made, I believe it to be much another way; of which I shall hereafter say more when I describe their other Arts of Pottery, Staining, Varnishing, &c.

By a Chinese Manuscript, out of which I transcribed the Lord's Prayer in the Year 1666 (when it was lost) I found that the Pronunciations had no affinity with the stroaks of the Character. Whence I conceived it was either a numeral Character consisting of Numbers, or else a real Character, but not a literal, unless it were a literal Character of some other Language than that by which it was pronounced, whose pronunciation is lost though the significancy be retained, as if one should read what is written in Hebrew בראשיהברא into the Latin or Roman Language, In Principio Cræavit instead of Brasit bra, or Beresith Bara according to the Masorethæ.

Since that time I procured from China, a Dictionary of the Court Language, (as I found it written upon by the Person that sent it me from thence) but this whole Book (which I found was Printed) consisted only of the Chinese Characters without any Interpretation, or Pronunciation; however by the help of the Pictures of that, and a Chinese Almanack, I quickly found out their Characters for Numbers, and their way of Numeration, together with the Figure and Use of their Abacus or counting Board, for performing the Operations of Arithmetick, which I find pretty near to agree with that of the antient Romans (a Description and Picture of which is given by Ursinus, Pignorius and Velserus) save only, that, instead of Pins and sliding Groves of the Roman, the Chinese Abacus hath Strings or Wires and Beads, to slide upon them; and that, instead of four Pins for Digits or Units, the Chinese hath five Beads: So that it may seem to argue that the Chinese Abacus was designed for a Duodecimal Progression: Whereas that of the Romans was design'd for the Decimal.

One thing is remarkable in the Chinese, that I find the Abacus to lie Horizontal, and their first place to be that next the left Hand, which I judge was also the first in their old way of reading, much the same with ours, though their other Characters are erected (as I shall by and by shew) from the posture of Writing and Reading, which I conjecture they did at first make use of; and what does yet further agree with this conjecture, is remarkable in the newly mentioned Treatise of Vulg. Beig. That whereas the way of Writing and Reading used by the Arabs, was from the right to the left, the first place or the place of Units in their Numeration, was that next the right Hand; and so came first to be read: As did that of China, who as I conceive read the contrary way, from the left to the right.

It appears therefore by this Remark that we received this way of expressing Numbers from the Arabians, for that we keep the same posture or position of places with them, tho' our progression in Writing and Reading be the contrary way. And though we now read them also in the order they are set, twenty one, twenty two, thirty six, forty eight, &c. yet we retain also the other way of Pronouncing, viz. one and twenty, two and twenty, six and thirty, eight and forty, &c.

Now as the Chinese and Roman Abacus do much agree save only that they proceed contrary ways, so doth their way of expressing Numbers by Letters or Marks, one stroke or line signifying one; two lines two; three lines three; a cross ten; two crosses twenty; three crosses thirty; and so onwards to a hundred, which they expressed by a square Mark, and a cross with a stroak added for a thousand, as will appear by the Table annexed. And though the Characters are not all the same; yet the order and method of one agrees very near with that of the other, especially if I may be allowed my supposition, that the primitive way of Writing and Reading with the Chinese was Horizontal, and like the Greek and Latin or European way. Now that these are properly numeral Figures, or Characters, is manifest from this, that they have also word Characters for every Number, and they can (in the same manner as the Romans could) express a Number by their numeral characters or Marks, and by their literal or word Characters; for as one single stroak signifies one or the first, so does the Character (in the Plate marked with E) signify the same thing, that is one or the first.

Having thus discovered their Characters for Numbers, and their way of Numeration, I was next desirous to understand something concerning their Language and Character.

Upon perusing all the Accounts I could meet with in Books, I found very little satisfaction as to what I principally inquired after, which was first concerning the method of the Character, whether it consisted of a certain number of Marks methodically disposed like Letters in a literal, or like Numbers in a Numeral, or like Radicals in composite and decomposite Derivations? 'Tis said to be legible into a great many Languages considerably different one from another, but how this is effected is not related, only 'tis said that the Marks are of the nature of our Arithmetical Figures, (which are become almost Universal at least to us here in Europe,) and 2dly, concerning the number of these Characters? to which I found as little satisfaction; for, by some Relations I found that there were 120000, by others 80000, and by others 60000. And that a Man must be able to remember to Write and Read at least 8000, or 10000, before he will be able to express his meaning thereby, and that it is the business of a Man's whole Life to be throughly understanding in the whole Character; seeming to intimate that the Characters are immethodical, and there are as many primitive Characters as Words. Others tell us of various kinds of Characters which have been in use in several Ages. The first they say were Hieroglyphical like the Ægyptian or Mexican, consisting of the Pictures of Animals and Vegetables. But that the last are made up of Lines and Points, that they have no such thing as Letters or Syllables, but every distinct Word and Notion has a distinct Character, and that all are primitive or in composite, so that if Calepines Dictionary were to be translated into the Chinese, 'twere necessary to have as many distinct radical Characters as there are Words therein to be found, which accounts do seem to insinuate that this Character is the most difficult, and the most perplexed piece of Learning in the World, and depends wholly upon the strength of the Memory, in retaining the form and signification of a perplexed scrawl. But whether they who gave us these Accounts did do it knowingly, is much to be doubted, my own Observations, at least, make me think otherwise.

I have not yet been able to procure sufficient helps to inform my self of the whole Art of Writing and Reading the Chinese Character, and I fear the Relations I have hitherto met with concerning it, were written by such as did not well understand it, however from such helps as I had, what I collected or do conjecture, I shall here relate. The best help I had, was the perusal of some Books Printed in China, with the pronunciation and signification of the Character in Latin Letters. By these Books then I observed, first, that every one of their Characters, whether consisting of more or fewer strokes or marks, were comprised within a certain square space, which is proportion'd according to the bigness of the size or manner of Writing, they design there to make use of, not that the whole Square is filled with every Character, but that no part of that Character does exceed the limits of that Square, so that tho' the Character have but one stroak, it takes as much room in the line as another that hath 20 or 30 several Marks, so that their Characters are most exactly ranged in Rank and File, not unlike our Numbers in Arithmetick.

Notwithstanding which I find they do vary the bigness of the Character upon several Occasions, as in the Titles of Books, in the Titles of the Chapters or Sections, in the Comments, Explications or Notes, and upon several other occasions of variety, which they do at Pleasure with their Pencil, as we use variety of Letters in the Printing of a Book. The Titles of Books are generally in very large Characters, 6 or 8 times as big as those of the Book, the explication Notes ½ of the bigness, the Contents usually twice as big, and the like variety on several other occasions. I have met with also three several kinds of Characters, the most usual is the fixed or set square form. The second sort is the running Hand, in which the orders of the Courts are written by their Secretaries, of which I have seen 3 or 4 kinds, in which the Pencil is never taken off, till the whole Character be finished, and sometimes two or three are all written without break. The third seems to be somewhat like the flourishing great Letters, used by Scriveners at the beginning of Deeds, and by the Germans in the beginning of Chapters and Sections. They are compounded of the same strokes as the set Character, but modulated and shaped a little otherwise to make them appear the more beautiful and regular. A Specimen of each of these three are in the Plate. This third is made use of for Epitaphs, and other Inscriptions on Buildings or Monuments. These three sorts I may call the three general kinds of Writing, but there is to be found an almost infinite variety of forms which Men use. This will be the more easie to be believed, when we consider that the Printed Characters are exactly the same with the Written, insomuch that every variety in each stroke, line or point, that is or can be made with the Pencil, is perfectly expressed in the Impression, and the Form, Mode, or Hand, as we call it, of every Writer is exhibited so curiously, that I think it hardly possible to be performed after the way of wooden Cuts, as Authors affirm it is, but must be done after the method of our Copper Cuts, Printed by a Roll-press, which the way of expressing the Running or Court-Hand, does, I conceive, most evidently demonstrate, and from divers circumstances, I could evidently make appear from the Book it self, which I cannot so well express in Writing. Their Paper is generally very thin and fine, and very transparent, but brown, so that whatever is Written or Printed on it, is almost as legible on the back, as on the foreside, which is of great use in the cutting of their Stamps. And thence they never Write or Print on both sides of the same Leaf, but only on one, and to make the Leaf appear Printed on both sides, they double the Sheet with the Printed sides outwards, and putting the folded part forward, they Sew, Bind, or Stitch together, all these Sheets with the cut Edges, and upon whole Sheets instead of single Leaves; just in the same manner as the Plate annexed to this Discourse is Printed. They begin the Book on the top of the right Hand side of the Page that is next the right Hand, and they read downwards to the bottom, then begin the next Line towards the left Hand at the top, and so read to the bottom, and so proceed to the end of the Book. But this I suppose not to be the primitive or first way of Writing or Reading. The Title of the Book is set first upon a whole Leaf, usually of a thicker Paper, and some Title is likewise Written upon the folding or edge of every Sheet, where is set also the Number of the Book, and the Number of the Sheet, half of which appears on one side, and half on the other side of the fold.

As to the Character it self, (I find by all the Books and Writings I have yet met with of that kind) that each of them is made up of a certain number of Strokes, Lines or Marks, which are very distinct from each other in their shape and position, and by reason that these are single Strokes, and as I conceive uncompounded, I think they may be called the Letters, Elements or Particles, out of which the more compounded Characters are constructed or contexed. These are the first kind of which there are but a very few, and I think those I have described in the thirteenth Line of the Plate are all.

Two, three, four, or more of these joined together in a certain order and contexture (in the doing of which there is a great Regularity and Order observed, which is not varied from, and all within the regular square Space) I conceive do make Syllables or primitive radical Characters, each of which have a primitive, single or distinct Notion or Signification as well as Sound, which is made much use of in the more compounded Characters or Words. Of this kind I take the Figures of the Numbers to be: If at least they are not single Letters like the way of expressing Numbers in the Hebrew, Greek, Arabick, &c. Languages, for though there may be two or three of the single strokes joyned together into a compound Character, it hinders not, but that it may still signify a Letter, as in the Greek ΛΑ.Δ.Ι.Γ.Π.Γ. In the Runick; where every Letter hath one upright Line and some other additional Marks: In the Roman I.L.F.E.O.Q.V.Y: Or it may signify a Syllable as in the Æthiopick, and in the Hanscret, and Sunscrit Languages and Characters: The first of which being the Brackmans Character we find in P. Kircher's China Illustrata, described by P. Roth who studied it seven Years; and the second (being a literal Character used over all India by the Merchants) I have seen in a Transcript, brought lately out of India by a very Worthy Gentleman who lived there many Years, and had the Curiosity to cause to be Transcribed and Translated also into English, a Dictionary of their Language in their own Character: who did me the favour to let me peruse it.

In which Characters or ways of Writing a Vowel is always join'd with a Consonant into one compound Character to make it effable. And then the single Strokes may be taken for single ineffable Letters as are the Consonants, and the composition of two or three (of which one at least may be a Vowel) will make Syllables.

Of this kind, there are not so many in the whole Chinese Character, but that it will be easie enough to assign each a proper Monosyllable which shall only have 1 or 2 Consonants, and one or two Vowels; that is, the Consonants together, and not separate, either both behind the Vowel or Vowels, if it be a Diphthong or both after it or them.

Of this kind, I understand there are about 500, probably 8×8×8, or 512. I could enumerate a great many, and give you also the Name or Words by which they are pronounced as also their signification, but (as I said before) first, I conceive the present Chinese Language to have no affinity at all with the Character, the true primitive, or first Language, or Pronunciation of it, having been lost. And secondly, I want some further help to make a full and compleat Discovery: What I have learn'd from the Book of Fohi I shall give the next opportunity; which will explain the reason of the multiplication of 8. and the order and method of places in the Letter or Word square.

The third sort of Characters, is a decompounded sort being made up of two, three or more of those of the second kind, diminish'd proportionably in their size, either as to their length, or breadth, or both, from what they have in the same Writing when they are single and fill up the whole Letter square or Words square. For there being several of them to be crouded together within the same square, according as there are more in number, so they are always more squeezed together. In this decompound sort, there is a regular Order observed in the placing of the several Characters of the 2d sort; there being some that are always on the left side, some always on the right, some at the top, some at the bottom. Of which I doubt not but that they have a certain regular Method, which had we Dictionaries explained, would be easie enough to be discovered.

This method alone of crouding together all the Characters (how many soever go to make up the decompounded Character) into one square (which is of the same size for the most Simple and for the most Compound) seems to be the great singularity, by which the Chinese Characters differ from those of all the rest of the World. And this I conceive has been the reason why all People, and possibly even the very Chinese themselves have, and do believe it to be a real and not a literal Character: For if the primitive Language, or pronunciation of the Characters be lost (as I conceive it is) and that the disposition, order, method, texture, or manner of placing the more simple in the more compound Characters be also lost, forgotten, or not understood; then the whole Characters becomes a real and not a literal Character: And an immethodical one to such as want a method, that must be learned by rote, and depend wholly upon the strength of the Memory to retain it. But I conceive it might be at first either a literal Character, and so the whole square Character was composed of so many distinct Letters or Syllables, which composed the Word signified thereby; and so there might be a regular Order of placing these Letters in the Character, that is, that the whole square being divided into so many parts, there was a Rule which was the first, second, third and fourth place: so that there being placed in those the several Letters that made up the Word, according to the order they had in the Word, it was easie by that Rule to Decipher the said Character, and thence to find the Word and the Signification, as regularly as if the Letters had been written one after another, as most other literal Characters we know are at this Day written.

Or Secondly, it might be a real Character consisting of divers Marks or Letters, that expressed so many simple Notions, several of which joined together might make up the more compounded Characters, of which I have added some Examples in the Plate, which may be also made literal and pronounceable, tho' that consideration were not made use of, when they were first invented. What things I have observed in my Chinese Books that seem to respect this Method, I will give more particulars of by the next opportunity, by Printing a Specimen of the Book Ye-kim which explicated by these Notions will I conceive appear more intelligible, than by the Accounts we find given of it by the Chinese Commentators, and those that have Translated them into Latin, who seem not to have understood the true design thereof: For both the Chinese and European Commentators assert it to be a Conjuring Book, or a Book to tell Fortunes by, and to be made use of by the Chinese for that purpose; whereas by the small Specimen I have seen of it, I conceive it to contain the whole Ground, Rule or Grammar, of their Character, Language and Philosophy, and that by the understanding of it, the Foundation and Rule of their Language and Character may be without much difficulty Deciphered and Understood.

The present use of this Character, I conceive to be differing from what it was at first, both as to the position of Writing and Reading it, and as to the Expression and Pronunciation thereof.

For the way of Writing and Reading it, I conceive might at first be exactly the same with that of the Greeks, Romans, English, and all other European Nations, and also the Æthiopick and Coptick. That is, they began at the top of the Page towards the left Hand, and so proceeded towards the right in the Horizontal Line to the end of it, and then began at the left end of the next Line under the first and proceeded with that in the same manner, and so with the next under that and all the remaining. Continuing to Write the Words of the Line towards the right Hand, and the Lines of the Page one under another till the whole Discourse were compleated, joyning Leaf to Leaf one under another, after the same manner as the Rouls are at present Writ, and as the Volumina were of the Ancients. And to make the parts of the Volume to be the more easily to be come at, without the trouble of rolling and unrolling as the Ancient Romans did, and we do with our Rouls, they contrived to fold them, like the folds of a Fan, forwards and backward: And so stitching them together, that the Written sides might lie outwards, and open freely one from another, and the fair sides might meet together, it came to make the present form of their Book, which being laid as we generally place our Books before us, they seem to begin at the top of the Page on the right Hand, and to proceed to the bottom, and then at the top of the next Line towards the left Hand, and descend as in the former; proceeding in this order with all the rest, which way must needs be very inconvenient for Writing, however they may use their Pencil differing from our Pen. Though there be a way of Writing from the top to the bottom of the Page, which is very convenient for Writing the Syriack, as also for Writing Latin, English, or Greek, where the Writing is to be used for cutting the Stamps of Wood, or graving of Copper Plates with the same Character for Printing, in which Cases the Letters must be written backwards.

Secondly, as to the Pronunciation of this Character, by the Court Language, or by any other now used, I conceive it to be wholly differing from that of a literal Character, that is from being pronounced or spoken according to the Marks or Figures thereof, whether they be simple or compounded, and made up of simple Characters (though there are some Instances of affinity in Characters and Words.) The reason of which differing pronunciation I conceive may have proceeded, partly from the loss of the primitive Language, for which it was made, partly from a most inconvenient affection of Monosyllabical Words in this Court Language, to help the Poverty of which, they are fain to make one Syllable to signifie many differing Notions, to do which they have introduced a kind of Musical toning or accenting of each of them, and not single but compound of two or three Tones to each signification of every one of these Monosyllables: Partly from the using of this way of Writing, by divers Nations of differing Languages, who minding only the Figure and Signification, read it into their own Mother Tongues, as we in Europe do Arithmetical Figures: And partly, also from the omission of most Grammatical Distinctions, the same Character serving for Substantive and Adjective, Singular and Plural, in all Cases, (save only they have some Characters for Particles, as of and to in English) for the Verb in all Tenses, and Numbers, &c. for the abstract and the concrete Signification, and for divers Metaphorical; if at least the Interpretation I have met with in the Books I have perused be exact: Partly, also from the Syntaxis of them, it being necessary to consider the whole Sentence, to discover which part of Speech each Character is of, in that Sentence, wherein the Order and Positions of the Characters to one another, for which they have Rules, hath its signification: And lastly, from the loss of the very Notion of a literal Character, whence for the expressing of proper Names, they are fain to make use of several Characters, whose Sounds or Words come nearest to the Sounds of the Syllables of that Name, as in the Plate tam. jo, van, for Adam. Jovan.

Now, though I conceive this Character is not effable properly as a literal Character by any of their present Languages: And though possibly it might be at first a real Character, that is each of them compounded of such Strokes or Marks as by their Figures, Positions and Numbers in the square, denoted the several Philosophical Ingredients, that made up the Notion of the whole Character, as the Book Ye-Kim seems to shew by giving Rules as I conceive for the Order and Significancy of places in the Square, &c. Yet I think it not difficult to make it a Literal, or at least a Syllabical Character, and legible into a Language somewhat after the manner of the Universal Character I mentioned before. And tho' this would not be the primitive Language for which it was made, yet for the present uses of it (the chiefest of which is the assisting and refreshing the Memory, and helping the Imagination by proper Sounds) it might be as good: Wherein the single Characters might be Monosyllables and the compounded Dissyllables, Trissyllables, &c. According to the Numbers and Order of simple Characters in the square of the Compounded. And I am apt to think that the present pronunciation of Languages, as of Hebrew, Syriack, Arabick, Greek and Latin, or any other Language that has been so long Written, may be as much differing from what it was 2000 Years since, as an Arbitrary one now invented, and grounded on the Letters, might possibly be. And such an arbitrary Pronunciation if generally agreed upon might serve as well for a help to learn the signification of Words, or Word Combinations of Characters, as if we now knew the exact primitive Pronunciations, as critically as the Masorethæ are said to have done that of the Hebrew; and possibly also a much better, for that by such a one a great many irregularities and difficulties of Pronunciation (which are to be found in all Languages now spoken) might be omitted, and the whole made exactly regular and easie, as might be shewn in the Hebrew and Greek, and especially in the Arabick, whose difficulties are sufficiently manifested by Alphabetum Arabicum, Printed at Rome 1592. Now as by such a Language the Character might be made effable without Musical Tones or difficult Aspirations, so had we Dictionaries of the signification of the Characters, we might as soon learn the Chinese Characters, as we can Latin, or any other Language to be learn'd by Book, and not by speaking.

IMPRIMATUR,

John Hoskyns Vice P. R. S.
July 17th., 1686.

The Roman Abacus out of Marcus Velserus

The Chinese Abacus from the Chinese Dictionary containing nine places or degrees

一二三四五六七八九

I	一	yĕ̇
II	二	th́
III	三	san̄
IV	四	sú
V	五	v̀
VI	六	lŏ̇
VII	七	ziĕ̇
VIII	八	pă̇
IX	九	kièn
X	十	xĕ̇
XI	十	xĕ̇
	一	yĕ̇
X	十	xĕ̇
II	二	lh́
X	十	xĕ̇
III	三	san̄
X	十	xĕ̇
V	五	v̀
XX	廾	lh́xĕ̇
XX	二	lh́
	十	xĕ̇
XXX	卅	san̄xĕ̇
XXX	三	san̄
	十	xĕ̇
XXXX	四	sú
	十	xĕ̇
L	五	v̀
	十	xĕ̇
LX	六	lŏ̇
	十	xĕ̇
LXX	七	ziĕ̇
	十	xĕ̇
LXXX	八	pac
	十	xĕ̇
100	白	pĕ̇
100	百	pĕ̇
200	二	lh́
	白	pĕ̇
300	三	san̄
	百	pĕ̇
400	四	sú
	百	pĕ̇
1000	千	zien̄
2000	二	lh́
	千	zien̄
3000	三	san̄
	千	zien̄
10000	萬	ván
30000	三	san̄
	萬	ván
CIↃ	千	zien̄
DC	六	lŏ̇
	百	pĕ̇
LXXX	八	pă̇
	十	xĕ̇
VI	六	lŏ̇
añus	年	nien̂
V	五	v̀
mensis	月	yuĕ
XIII	十	xĕ̇
die	三	san̄
	日	gĕ̇
	正
	E
	年	nien̂
	五	v̀
	人	gin̂
	大	ta
	先	sien̄
	仁	gin̂
	八	pă̇
	之	chī̇
	湯	tàm̄
	若	jo
	望	vàm
	天	tìen̄
	原	yuên
	又	yéu

I Senex Sculpsit

---

A Letter from F. A. Esq; R. S. S. to the Publisher, with a Paper of Mr. S. Flowers, containing the Exact Draughts of several unknown Characters, taken from the Ruins at Persepolis.

SIR,

I here send you some Fragments of Papers put into my Hands by a very good Friend, relating to antique and obscure Inscriptions, which were retrieved after the Death of Mr. Flower, Agent in Persia for our East-India Company, who, while he was a Merchant at Aleppo, had taken up a Resolution to procure some Draught or Representation of the admired Ruins at Chilmenar, pursuant to the third Enquiry for Persia, mention'd in the Philosophical Transactions, pag. 420. viz. Whether there being already good Descriptions in Words of the Excellent Pictures and Basse Relieves that are about Persepolis at Chilmenar, yet none very particular, some may not be found sufficiently Skilled in those parts, that might be engaged to make a Draught of the Place, and the Stories there Pictur'd and Carved. This Desire of the Royal Society, as I believe, it hinted at a Summary Delineation, which might be perform'd by a Man qualifi'd in a few Days, taking his own opportunity for the avoiding much Expence, (which you know they are never able to bear:) So I cannot but think Mr. Flower conceived it to be a Business much easier to perform than he found it upon the Place, where he Spent a great deal of Time and Mony, and dying Suddainly after, left his Draughts and Papers dispersed in several Hands, one part whereof you have here, the rest its hoped may in some Time be recovered, if Sir John Chardin's exact and accurate Publication of the entire Work do not put a period to all further Curiosity, which I heartily wish.

An Exact Draught or Copy of the several Characters engraven in Marble at the Mountains of Nocturestand and Chahelminar in Persia, as they were taken in November 1667. By Mr. S. Flower.

N 1. N 2. These two Characters are engraven on the Breast of two Horses cut out of the Mountain of Black Marble at Nocturestand, distant a League from Chahelmanare, or the Ancient Persepolis, one whereof is said to be Alexander's, the other Rustram's, (a Famous Hero supposed to have lived about the time of Cambises.) Mr. Fl.

N 1. This Character hath some Similitude with the Ancient Hebrew, but the Persians would have it their own, tho' they understand not a Letter. Mr. F.

ΤΟΥΤΟΤΟ ΡΟΣUΥΟΝ ΜΑΣΛΑΣΝΟΥ
ΘΕΟΥΑΡΖΑ......ΣΙΑΩΣΒΑΣΙΑΕΩΝ
ΑΡΙΑΝΩΝ....ΣΘΣΩΝΥΙΟΥ
ΘΕΟΥΠΑΠΑ..ΥΒΑ..ΕΩΣ

ΤΟΥΤΟΤΟ ΠΡΟΣΩΠΟΝ ΔΙΟΣΘΕΟΥ

I Senex Sculpsit

N 2. In these Lines the places are prickt where the Letters were defaced and not Perceptible. Mr. F.

N 3. This is the (Arabick) Persian Character engraven at Persepolis not above 500. years since, and is little different from the Writing us'd at this day. Mr. F.

N 4. These two Lines were writ entire on Rustram's Horse. Mr. F.

N 5. This Character, whether it be the Ancient Writing of the Gaures or Gabrees, or a kind of Telesmes, is found only at Persepolis, being a part of what is there engraven in white Marble, and is by no Man in Persia legible or understood at this Day.

A Learned Jesuit Father, who deceased Three Years since, affirmed this Character to be known and used in Ægypt. Mr. F.

It seems written from the Left Hand to the Right, and to consist of Pyramids, diversly posited, but not joined together. As to the Quantity of the Inscriptions, Herbert reckon'd in one large Table Twenty Lines of a Prodigious Breadth. Of this sort here are distinct Papers each of several Lines.

N 6. This Character is likewise Engraved at Persepolis, of the like Antiquity with the former. It has some Affinity with the Syriack and Arabick, and has been pretended to be understood by some of the Padrees. Mr. F.

---

A Letter from Monsieur N. Witsen to Dr. Martin Lister, with two Draughts of the Famous Persepolis.

This Ingenious and Inquisitive Gentleman having already often obliged the World with Communications of his Discoveries, lately sent the following Letter with the Draughts to Dr. Lister, who was pleased to permit their Publication in these Tracts: The greatness of the Curiosity we hope will recommend them to the Lovers of Antiquity, little of those famous Remains having been yet publish'd, and those that have been, but ill designed or graved. Monsieur Witsen's Letter, translated from the French, is as follows.

Tsjihil mmar

---

SIR,

Since I had the Honour of receiving your last, there came to my Hands several curious Shells from you, with a piece of English Agate, and the Transactions of the Royal Society for the Month of June last, for which Favours I return my humble Thanks. As to the Cockles of the Caspian Sea, and from the Mouth of Wolga, I have advice from Moscou, that they are expected there this Winter: Mean while I herewith send you some Snail-Shells, taken out of the River Jaute, not far from the City of Moscou. Our Apothecaries make use of them powdered, and probably for the same purpose as Crabs-Eyes. There are some others likewise which are found in the Rivers of Moscou and Neglina, and in the Wolga. Since you have been pleased to communicate to me an Inscription found at Persepolis, I thought it would be acceptable to send you the Draughts of part of the Ruins of the Stone-work of that proud Palace, given me by the Person himself that drew them upon the place. I should be much satisfied had I any thing worthy of your Curiosity and the Publick, which you so often oblige with your Discoveries, which justly merit mine and the Thanks of all that esteem them as much as my self, who am the Cherisher of your Friendship, and desirous to shew that I am,

SIR,

Your most Humble and Obedient Servant,

N. Witsen.

Amsterdam,
Jan. 1. 1694.

---

A Description of the Diamond-mines, as it was presented by the Right Honourable the Earl Marshal of England, to the R. Society.

The parts of the World known to contain Diamonds, are the Island Borneo, and the Continent of India extra & intra Gangem: Pegu is likewise reported to have several; but the King not potent, his Country being but thinly inhabited, contents himself with his Mines of Rubies, Saphires, Topasses, Emeralds, Gold, Silver, Brass, Tinn and Lead, and several other Commodities his Country affords, in great plenty, rather than to suffer new enquiries to be made, lest the Discovery of such an additional Treasure should invite some of his Neighbours, more potent to invade him. But leaving the description of other Places to those that know them better, I shall only keep my self to the Coast of Coromandel, with which I am acquainted, and having visited several of its Mines, am able to say something thereof Experimentally.

The Diamond-Mines in these parts are generally adjacent to Rocky-hills, or Mountains, whereof begins a great Ledge or Range near Cape Comorin, extending in Breadth about 50 English Miles, some conjoyning, others scatter'd: and running thence in length quite through Bengula. In, among, and near these Hills, in several places, are known to be (as its believed most of them have) Mines; many of them are possessed by petty Princes, or Rajaes, of the Hundues; some driven thither for shelter by the Mores, who have taken the greatest part of their Country from them; others never overcome, as the Rajaes, on the Hills in and near Bengala, who admit of little or no Commerce with their Neighbours, or passage through their Country, which (being Barren, in few Places affording good Water, the ways craggy and very toilsome, especially to an Army) the Moors covet not, but let them enjoy it peaceably; yet to prevent danger, they forbid digging (as the King of Pegu does) or dig some few Mines only very privately, so that a great part of the Mines are unsearcht and concealed. But the Kingdoms of Golconda and Visiapore contain in them scope enough of ground, known to have Mines sufficient to furnish all the World plentifully with Diamonds; but their Kings permit digging only in some Places appointed, lest, as it is imagined, they should become too common; and withal for fear of tempting the threatening greatness of Aurenge Zebe; forbidding also those Places that afford the largest Stones, or else keeping workmen in them for their own private uses: So that but a very small quantity (in Comparison of what might be) and those only of ordinary Size, are found.

In the Kingdom of Golconda (as near as I can gather from the best acquainted) are 23 Mines now employed, or that have been so lately, viz. Quolure, Codawillicul, Malabar, Buttephalem, Ramiah, Gurem, Muttampellee, Currure, Ganjeeconeta, Luttawaar, Jonagerree, Pirai, Dugulle, Purwillee, Anuntapelle, Girrogeta, Maarmood, Wazzergerre, Munnemurg, Langumboot, Whootoor, Muddemurg, and Melwillee or the New Mine.

Quoloure was the first Mine made use of in this Kingdom. The Earth is something Yellowish, not unlike the Colour of our Gravel dried; but whiter in some Places where it abounds with smooth Pebbles, much like some of those that come out of our Gravel-pits in England. They use to find great quantities in the Vein, if it may properly be so called, the Diamonds not lying in continued Clusters as some imagine, but frequently so very scattering that sometimes in the space of ¼ of an Acre of Ground, digged between two or three fathoms Deep, there hath been nothing found; especially in the Mines that afford great Stones, lying near the superficies of the Earth, and about three Fathoms deep; deeper they could not dig for Water; it being in a Vale near a River. In other places the Earth is mixt with rugged Stones, where they seldom mine deeper, though in higher ground, before the Colour of the Earth alters, and the Vein ceases; which they give a guess at by the small Stones they find in the Earth, the principal Guide they have in the discovery of the Mines.

The Diamonds found in these Mines are generally well-shaped, many of them pointed, and of a good lively white Water; but it also produces some Yellow ones, some Brown, and of other colours. They are of ordinary sizes, from about six in a Mangelin[18] (of which they find but few) to five or six Mangelins, each; some of 10, 15, 20. they find but rarely. They have frequently a bright and transparent skin, inclining to a greenish Colour, though the heart of the Stone be purely white; but the Veins of these Mines are almost worn out.

The Mines of Codawillicul, Malabar, and Buttepallam consist of a reddish Earth, inclining to an Orange-colour (with which it stains the Cloaths of the Labourers that work in it) they dig about four Fathom deep. They afford Stones generally of an excellent Water and crystaline Skin; smaller sizes than those of Quoloure, Ramiah, Gurem, and Muttampelleo; have a Yellowish Earth, like Quolure; their Stones like those of the two former Mines, but mixt with many of a blue Water. These five Mines being under the same Government with Melwillee, where the Governour resides; He to draw the Adventurers and Merchants near him, that he may be better informed of the Actions and Advantages, and know the better how to Fleece them, the general practice of Governours in these parts, has very lately forbid their use; and commanded all to repair to his Residence, which they must obey, or fly into another Government.

The next Mine in our way is Currure, the most famous of them all and most Ancient It has been under Subjection of the King of Golconda; but about 25 Years, taken, with the Country of Rarnaticum, from the Hendue-Rajaes, about that time, by the Nabob, Meer Jumla. In it have been found Diamonds of a size weight, which is about 9 Ounces Troy or 81½ Pago's weight. It is only employed by the King for his own private use: The Diamonds that are found in it, are very well spread, large Stones (it yields few or none small,) they have generally a bright Skin, which inclines to a pale Greenish colour, but within are purely white. The Soil is Reddish as many of the others.

About sixty or seventy years ago, when it was under the Government of the Hundues, and several Persons permitted to adventure in digging, a Portugeez Gentleman went thither from Goa, and having spent in Mining a great sum of Mony to the amounts of 100000 Pago's, as 'tis reported, and converted every thing he brought with him, that would fetch any mony, even to what wearing Cloaths he could spare, while the Miners were at Work for the last Days expence, he had prepared a cup of Poison, resolving, if that Night he found nothing, to drink his last with the conclusion of his Mony; but in the Evening the Workmen brought him a very fair spread Stone of 20 Pago's weight, in commemoration whereof he caused a great Stone to be erected in the place, with an Inscription ingraven on it, in the Hundues or Tellinga Tongue, to the following effect, which remains to be seen to this day;

Your Wife and Children sell, sell what you have,
Spare not your Cloaths, nay, make your self a Slave;
But money get, then to CURRURE make hast;
There search the Mines, a Prize you'll find at last.

After which he immediately returned with his Stone to Goa.

---

Not far from Currure are the Mines of Lattawaar and Ganjeconta, which are in the same Soil as Currure, and afford Stones not unlike: But Lattawaar hath many representing the great end of a Razor-blade, thin on one side and thick on the other, very white and of an excellent Water; but the best of the Mine is worn out, and Ganjeconta employed only to the Kings private use.

Jonagerre, Pirai Dugulle, Purwillee and Anuntapellee, consist also of Red earth, are now employed, and afford many large Stones; part of them of a greenish Water, but the most absolute Mines are of Wazzergerre and Munnemurg, (the other rather representing Pits than Mines;) for there they sink through high Rocks till they go so far below their basis, that they can go no further for Water, in some places 40 or 50 Fathom deep. The superficies of the Rocks consist of hard, firm, white Stone, into which they cut a Pit like a Well, of about 4 or 5, in some places 6 Foot deep, before they come to a crust of a Mineral Stone, like the Mineral of Iron; when they fill the Hole with Wood and keep as hot a Fire as they can there for two or three Days, till they think it sufficiently heated; then they pour-in Water till they have quencht it, which also slacks and mollifies both Stone and Mineral; both being cold, they dig again, take out all the crumbled stuff and dig up what they can besides, before they heat it anew; the Crust seldom is thicker than three or four Foot, which ceasing, they come to a Vein of Earth, that usually runs under the Rock two or three Furlongs; sometimes much further: This they dig all out and search, and if their first attempt prove successful, they go to Work again (digging after the same manner) as deep as they can, till they come to Water; for the drawing whereof, wanting the help of Engins, known in Europe, they can go no deeper, although the Vein lie lower; all lumps of the Mineral they break in pieces, and frequently find Diamonds enclosed in them. To Work on these Mines is very expensive, but the advantage is commonly answerable; yet in respect of the certain disburse, that must be before any thing be found, they are not so much frequented as others, where they may try their Fortunes with a smaller Stock. The Earth they dig out is Red: Many large Stones are found here; the smallest about 6 in a Mangelleen. They are mixt Waters, but the greatest part good, only of ill-favoured shapes, many cragged pieces of Stones, some as if they had been parts of very great ones, others with pieces broken off them; yet I never heard of any that ever found two seeming fellows, although they do those that look as if they had been newly Broken.

In Langumboot they dig as they do at Wazzergerree and Munnemurg; the Rock is not altogether so solid, but the Earth and Stones it produces much alike.

Wootoor should have been placed next to Currure, it lying near it, and affording Stones of a like magnitude, shapes and waters; 'tis employed only to the Kings use: And singular, in that its Diamonds are found in black Earth.

Muddemurg far exceeds all the rest for Diamonds of a delicate Shape, Water, and bright transparent Skin, Proud, as it were, in discovering their inward Beauties, with which no other Mine can compare; yet it has also store of Veiny ones, but those likewise of so curious Shape and Water, that its difficult to discover them from the good, especially the small ones. It produces Stones of divers Magnitudes, from ten and twelve in a Mangelleen, to six or seven Mangelleens each, and besides, some great ones. The Earth is Red, but its seated in the Woods, and the Water so bad, that to all (except the People Bred there) it presently occasions Fevers and destroys abundance, insomuch that most of the Adventurers have forsaken it; notwithstanding which it hath been more profitable than any of the rest, the Vein frequently lying near the superficies of the Earth, seldom running deep, and is better furnisht than any other yet discover'd. The River Kishna, of excellent waters, is but 9 Miles distant; but the Miners or Merchants are either poor that they cannot, or else over-awed by the Governour, pretend to be and dare not be at the charges of fetching their Water from thence. Divers are of the opinion, that, besides the Water, the Town lying in a bottom, environ'd with Hills and Morass adjoyning, the Air may be infected, and contribute to its unhealthfulness.

Melwillee or the New Mine, so called, because it was but lately found out (or at least permitted to be made use of) in the Year 1670. it had then a Year employed the Miners, but it was forbidden, and lay unoccupied till 1673, when complaint being made at Quoleur, that the Vein was worn out, the King again licensed its settlement. The Earth they Mine in, is very red, and many of the Stones found there, have of it sticking to them, as if it had clung there while they were of a soft glutinous Substance, and had not attained their hardness, maintaining its Colour on its Skin (seeming to be roughened with it) that it cannot be fetch'd out by grinding on a rough Stone with Sand, which they make use of to clean them. The Stones are generally well-shaped, their size from 5 or 6 in a mangelleen to those of 14 or 15 each, and some bigger; but greatest quantities of the middle sorts: Most of them have a thick dull Skin, incline to a yellowish Water, not altogether so strong and lively as of the other Mines; very few of them of a crystaline Water and Skin. They are reported to be apt to flaw in splitting, which occasions these People to esteem them something softer than the Product of many of the other Mines: Several that flatter by their seeming whiteness when rough, discover their deceitfulness having past the Mill, and too often a yellowish Tincture, to the disappointment and loss of them that have cut them; but what they want in goodness, is in part supplied by the plenty they find, which, together with their properties, make them the cheaper. This being what I have gathered, both by Experience of several of the places I have seen, and the best Informations I could meet with, of the Mines in this Kingdom; I shall now proceed to those in Visiapore.

Visiapore is known to contain Mines enclosing Stones as large and good as those of Golconda; but the King, for Reasons already given, makes use but of the meanest: Whereby, as Golconda is famous for the largeness of those it affords, Visiapore is noted for the smallest; whose Mines, though they seldom or never render an Adventurer a Fortune or Estate at once, as sometimes those of Golconda do, by a great Stone or several found together; yet they are more Populous and better employed, the small Stones lying thicker in the Earth, so that the generality are gainers, and few but they get their Expence; whereas those of Golconda dig away a considerable Estate and find nothing, others not their Charges, and where one is a gainer, divers lose.

There are 15 Mines employed in the Kingdom of Visiapore, viz. Ramulconeta, Banugunnapellee, Pendekull, Moodawarum, Cumerwillee, Paulkull, Workull, Lungeepoleur, Pootloor, Punchelingull, Shingarrampent, Tondarpaar, Gundepellee, Donee and Gazerpellee.

In Ramulconeta Mines in red Earth, about 15 or 16 Foot deep, they seldom find a Diamond of a mangelleen weight, but small to 20 or 30 in a mangelleen. They are generally of an excellent Crystalline Water, have a bright clear Skin, inclining frequently to a pale greenish Colour, are well shaped, but few of them, pointed ones. There are also found among them several broken pieces of Diamonds, by the Country People called Shemboes.

In Banugunnapellee, Pendekull, and Moodawarum, they dig as at Ramulconeta, and in the same kind of Earth; they also afford Stones much alike, being neighbouring Places.

Cummerwillee, Paulkull, and Workull, are not far distant, produce Stones much alike out of the same coloured Earth, but very small ones even to a hundred in a mangelleen.

Lungepoleur Mines are of a yellowish Earth (like those of Quoleur,) its Diamonds are generally well shaped, globular, few pointed, of a very good Crystalline Water and bright Skins; many of them have a thick dark Grass-green Skin, some spotted also with Black, that they seem all foul, yet are not so, but within purely white and clean. Their sizes are from 2 or 3 mangelleens downwards, but few very small.

Pootloor Mines are of reddish Earth, but afford Stones much like those of Lungepoleur, only smaller, under a mangelleen; the general sizes are of ½, ⅓, ¼, ⅙ of a mangelleen.

Punchelingull, Shingarrampent, and Tondarpaar, are also of red Earth, their Diamonds not unlike those of Quoleur, only rarely or never any large ones are found there.

Gundepellee hath the same Earth with the former, and produces Stones of equal Magnitude; but frequently of a pure Crystalline Water, wherein they exceed the former.

Donee and Gazerpellee dig both in red Earth likewise, and afford Stones alike, the greatest part whereof are of good Shapes and Waters. They have also many Shemboes, and some of bad Waters, some brown, which these People call soft or weak water'd, being esteemed of a softer and weaker Body than others, by reason they have not so much Life, when cut, and are subject to flaw in splitting, and on the Mill; their general Product is in Stones of middle Sizes: But Gazerpellee has besides many large ones, and is the only Mine noted for such in the Kingdom of Visiapore. With which concluding the description of the Mines, I shall give some Account how the Diamonds are found, and how they handle the Earth to find them; which is as followeth.

The Diamonds are so scatter'd and dispersed in the Earth, and lie so thin, that in the most plentiful Mines it's rare to find one in digging, or till they have prepar'd the Stuff, and do search purposely for them: They are also frequently enclos'd in Clods; and some of those of Melwillee, the New Mine in the Kingdom of Golconda, have the Earth so fix'd about them, that till they grind them on a rough Stone with Sand, they cannot move it sufficiently, to discover they are Transparent; or, were it not for their Shapes, to know them from other Stones. At the first opening of the Mine, the unskilful Labourers, sometimes to try what they have found, lay them on a great Stone, and striking on them with another, to their costly experience discover they had broken a Diamond. One I knew who had an excellent Stone of 8 mangelleens, served so by ignorant Miners he employed.

Near the Place where they dig, they raise a Wall with such rugged Stones as they find at Hand (whereof all the Mines afford Plenty) of about two Foot high, and six Foot over, flooring it well with the same; for the laying of which they have no other Mortar than the Earth tempered with Water. To strengthen and make it tight they throw up a Bank against the side of it: In one whereof they leave a small vent about two Inches from the bottom, by which it empties it self into a little Pit, made in the Earth to receive small Stones, if by chance any should run through. The vent being stopped, they fill the Cistern they have made with Water, soaking therein as much as the Earth they dig out of the Mines, as it can conveniently receive at a time, breaking the Clods, picking out the great Stones and stirring it with Shovels, till the Water is all Muddy, the gravelly stuff falling to the bottom; then they open the vent, letting out the foul Water and supplying it with clean, till all the Earthly Substance be wasted away, and none but a gravelly remains at the bottom. Thus they continue Washing till about Ten of the Clock before Noon, when they take the gravelly Stuff they have washed, and spread it on a Place made plain and smooth (like a Bowling-Alley) for the purpose, near the Cistern, which being soon dried by the heat of the Sun at that time of the Day, they very curiously look it over, that the smallest bit of a Stone can hardly escape them. They never examin the Stuff they have wash'd but between the Hours of Ten and Three, least any Cloud by interposing, intercept the brisk Beams of the Sun, which they hold very necessary to assist them in their search; the Diamonds, not forbearing to reflect them when they touch therein, rendring themselves thereby the more conspicuous.

Some of the expertest Labourers are employed in searching; he that sets them at Work usually sitting by, and overlooking; but it's hardly possible, especially where many are employed, to watch them so narrowly, but that they may steal part of what they find, as many times some of them do, and, selling it privately, convert to their own use. If they find a large Stone, they carry it not presently to their Employer, but keep on looking, having an Eye on him till they observe he takes notice of it, when with a turn of their Hand they give him a glimpse of it, but deliver it not till they have done Work, and then very privately, it being the general Endeavour to conceal what they find, least it should come to the Knowledge of the Governour of the Place, and he require a share, which in the Kingdom of Golconda is usually practiced, without respect to any agreement made with them.

The Miners, those that employ them, and the Merchants that buy the Stones of them, are generally Ethnicks; not a Musselman, that ever I heard of, followed the Employment. These Labourers and their Employers are Tellinga's, commonly Natives of or near the Place. The Merchants are the Banians of Guzzarat, who for some Generations have forsaken their own Country to take up the Trade, in which they have had such Success, that 'tis now solely engross'd by them; who corresponding with their Country-men in Surrat, Goa, Golconda, Visiapore, Agra and Dillee, and other Places in India, furnish them all with Diamonds.

The Governors of the Mines are also Idolaters: In the King of Golconda's Dominions a Tellinga Brammee Rents most of them, whose agreement with the Adventurer is, that, all the Stones they find under a[19]Pagoda Weight, are to be their own; all of that Weight and above it to be his, for the King's Use: But although this Agreement be signed and sealed unto, he minds not at all the Performance thereof, but endeavours to engross all the Profit to himself, by Tyrannical squeezing both Merchants and Miners, whom he not only Taxes very high, but maintaining Spies among them of their own People, on the least Inkling that they have been any ways Fortunate, he immediately makes a Demand on them, and raises their Tax; else, on a false Pretence they have found a great Stone, drubs them till they Surrender what they have, to redeem their Bodies from Torment. Besides, the Excise is so high on all sorts of Provisions, Beetle, and Tobacco, which to them is as absolutely necessary as Meat, or at least in their Esteem, that it is thereby raised to double that Price they bear without the Government; and it is furnish'd only by some Licens'd Persons; if any other should endeavour to bring in the least quantity by stealth, he is Fin'd (even for one Leaf of Tobacco) if it be a Person of any Repute, or worth any thing, else very severely drubb'd for it; by which Course there is hardly a Man worth five Hundred Pound to be found among them, most of them dealing by Monies taken up at Interest of Usurers, who reside there purposely to furnish them, who, with the Governor eat up their Gains: So that one would wonder any of them should stay, and not betake themselves to Places where they might have better Usage; as there are several in other Governments, and some few that have the Sense to remove; but many their Debts, others hopes of a great hit, detains. Both Merchant and Miner go generally naked, only a poor Clout about their middle, and their Shash on their Heads; they dare not wear a Coat, lest the Governor should say they have thriven much, are Rich, and so enlarge his Demands on them. The Wisest, when they find a great Stone, conceal it till they have an opportunity, and then with Wife and Children run all away into the Visiapore Country, where they are secure.

The Government in the Visiapore Country is better, their Agreement observ'd, Taxes easier, and no such Impositions on Provisions; the Merchants go handsomly Clad, among whom are several Persons of considerable Estates, which they are permitted to enjoy peaceably, by reason whereof their Mines are much more Populous and better employed than those of Golconda.

It is observable, that notwithstanding the Agreement with the Adventurers of the Mines, that all Stones above a certain Weight shall be for the King's Use; yet in the Metropolis of either Kingdoms, as the Cities of Golconda and Visiapore are, there is no seizure, all Stones are free, and the late deceased King, Abdull Cutopshaw of the former, and Edelshaw of the latter, would not only give very great Prices for large Stones, but richly Vest, and present the Merchant that Sold them with Horses or something else of Value, thereby encouraging others to bring the like. But the present King of Visiapore is a Child, and the King of Golconda's Delights solely pleased on light Women-Dancers, and Trick-Showers, that he neither minds Diamonds, nor many things more necessary, committing the Government of his Kingdom to a Tellinga Braminee, which the Musselmen not well resenting, does in some measure threaten the stability of his State.