FOOTNOTES:
[18] A Mangelin is 4 grains in weight, saith Linschoten.
[19] A Pagoda weight is 9 Mangelleens.
A Letter from the East Indies, of Mr. John Marshal to Dr. Coga, giving an Account of the Religion, Rites, Notions, Customs, Manners of the Heathen Priests commonly called Bramines. Communicated by the Reverend Mr. Abraham de la Pryme.
Worthy Sir,
The last time that I had the happiness to be in your good Company, and to partake of those Favours and Blessings that your Goodness was pleased liberally to bestow upon me and our Companions, at our departure, and as it were Exile from our Native Land, does so loudly call out for some recompence or other at our Hands, that I cannot without the greatest Ingratitude imaginable, let slip this (tho' sudden) opportunity of Writing unto you, and presenting of you at this time with what I understand you more value than all the Riches of the East; to wit, a few Specimens of the Knowledge of those People whom we stile Barbarians, Heathens and Idolaters, which I have read in their own Books, and gather'd from the mouths of those that have been the greatest Speakers and Preachers among them. I have always had a profound Veneration for the Dictates of Nature, and the universal Traditions of Nations, for hereby are Infinite Things to be learned, for the establishing of our Glorious Religion against Atheists, and the more easie propagation of the same among Infidels and Heathens.
Upon what account or grounds it is that some Travellers have stiled these People Polytheists, or Atheists, I cannot tell; or whether there be any such People at all in the World, except some of the base common sort in all Nations, I much question? It is very observable here, that their Priests, or Bramines, and Holy Men, whom they call Jagees, when they have occasion to Write any thing they always put a figure of one in the first place, to shew, as they say, that they acknowledge but one God, whom they say is Burme, that is, Immaterial. When they preach to the People, and Instruct them, which is commonly every Feast-day, full Moon, or the time of an Eclipse of either Luminary, they tell the common People much of God, Heaven and Hell, but very Imperfectly, Obscurely and Mystically. They say that when God thought of making the World, he made it in a minute.
They account this World the Body of God, for all that they say he's Immaterial; and say that the Highest Heavens are his Head, the Fire his Mouth, the Air his Breath and Breast, the Water his Seed, and the Earth and the foundations thereof his Legs and Feet. But assert in general that God is the Life of every thing, yet is the thing neither greater nor less for him.
They hold that God dwelt in a Vacuity before that he created the World, and that as he dwelt in that Vacuity he created several Beings out of himself, the first were Angels, the second Souls, the third Spirits, all differing in degrees of Purity, the first being more pure than the second, and the second than the third. The Angels, they say, neither act Good nor Evil, the Souls either Good or Evil, but the Spirits, or Dewta's, as they call them, act scarce any thing but Evil.
They have a good Opinion of the Angels, and think their State mighty happy, hoping that when they dye they shall be made partakers of the same Bliss and Pleasure.
They believe that every thing that hath Life hath a Soul, but especially Man; and they accordingly affirm, that as these Souls behaved themselves in their pre-existent State, so are their Actions in this World either good or bad, by a sort of fatal Necessity, which is very hard to conquer, or to overcome. Hence it is, say they, that there are so many different Humours and Dispositions of Men, for their Souls, before their entrance into their Bodies, being tainted with different Affections, causes the like differences in the Parties, whose Bodies are their Vehicles. So that if a Man happen to have a suddain or unfortunate Death, they immediately ascribe the same to the Party's own Wickedness, or the bad Life that his Soul led before that it enter'd into his Body. For, say they, the afore-acted Evil that his Soul did in its other Life, brought these accidents upon him, by getting the upper hand of him, and by being too powerful and strong. And those that dye thus, they believe that their Souls turn immediately into Devils. They maintain Pythagoras's Transmigration, or Metempsycosis, but in a grosser sense than he did. For they believe that Mens Souls, that have not lived so well as they ought, go as soon as the Body dyes not only into Birds and Beasts, but even into the basest Reptiles, Insects and Plants, where they suffer a strong sort of purgation, to expiate their former Crimes: But as for the Souls of the Jogees, or Fuche's, that is, of Religious Men and Saints, they fancy that they go and inhabit with the good Dewta's, or Angels, among the Stars.
As for the Spirits, or Inferiour Angels, they believe that they are very evil, and have a hand in all Wickednesses, Murders, Wars, Storms, and Tempests; so that when they solemnize the Funerals of those that are dead, they always present Dishes of Meat, as Offerings unto those Spirits, and sometimes Sacrifice unto them, that they may not hurt the Souls of the Dead.
As they acknowledge the being of a mighty God, so they hold that he created the World, and every thing therein. They believe that there are almost infinite number of Worlds, and that God has oftentimes Annihilated and Re-Created the same. But how he came first to Create the World and Mankind, they relate to have been thus—Once on a time (say they) as he was set in Eternity, it came into his mind to make something, and immediately no sooner had he thought the same, but that the same Minute was a perfect Beautiful Woman present immediately before him, which he called Adea Suktee, that is, the first Woman: Then this figure put into his mind the figure of a Man; which he had no sooner conceived in his mind, but that he also started up, and represented himself before him; this he called Manapuise, that is, the first Man; then upon a reflection of these things, he resolv'd further to create several places for them to abide in, and accordingly assuming a subtil body, he Breath'd in a Minute the whole Universe, and every thing therein, from the least to the greatest.
They constantly believe that the Universe cannot possibly last longer than 71 Joog's, which is a measure of time with them, and is ... years. Which when it is come, God does not only annihilate the whole Universe, but even every thing else, as well Angels, Souls, and Spirits, as Inferiour Creatures; and then he remains in the same State that he was in before the Creation; But say, that after he has a while respired thus he Breaths again, and every thing is Created afresh, as well Angels and Souls, as all other things; but as for the Spirits, they are no more thought of. Yet for all this, after 71 Joogs more all is Annihilated again. How many Joogs are past since the World was last Created they cannot certainly tell; only 'tis observable that in an Almanack of theirs, written in the Sanscript Language in 1670, they make the World then 3892771 years old from its last Creation.
The Bramines of Persia tell certain long Stories of a great Giant that was led into a most delicate Garden, which upon certain conditions should be his own for ever. But one evening in a cool shade, one of the Wicked Dewta's, or Spirits, came to him, and tempted him with vast sums of Gold, and all the most precious Jewels that can be imagined; but he courageously withstood that temptation, as not knowing what value or use they were of: But at length this wicked Dewta brought to him a fair Woman, who so charm'd him, that for her sake he most willingly broke all his Conditions, and thereupon was turned out.
They tell a great many Stories Absurd and Ridiculous enough, of the first Ages of this present World, which would be too tedious here to take notice of; only I shall here give you out of one of their own Books what they tell us of a great Flood that formerly happened. They say, that about 21000 Years ago the Sea overwhelm'd and drowned the whole Earth, except one great Hill, far to the Northwards, called Bindd, and that there fled thither only one Woman and seven Men, the names of whom were Dehoolah, Sunnuk, Sunnaud, Trilleek, Sannotah, Cuppyloshaw, Suraschah and Burroopung; these understanding out of their Books that such a Flood would come, and was then actually coming, prepared against the same, and repaired thither; to which place also went two of all sorts of Creatures, Herbs, Trees, and Grasses, and of every thing that had Life, to the number in all of 1800000 living Souls. This Flood (say they) lasted 120 Years, 5 Months and 5 days: After which time all those Creatures that were thus preserved, descended down again and replenished the Earth: But as for the 7 Men and Women, only one of them came down with her, and dwelt at the Foot of the Mountain, the other six turned Fuchee's, or Holy Men, and spent there the remainder of their days.
They hold in general the Ptolomaic System of the Universe, and say that there are 8 or 9 Heavens, counting the Air and Earth, every one exceeding another in Beauty and Glory.
Their Religion consists of nothing that I could ever see or learn, but the leading of a Pure Life, the Washing away of their Sins in the River Ganges, their muttering over of divers Prayers, and their doing of strange and incredible Penances.
They say, that God is such a one, that whosoever seeks him, let it be after what manner he pleases, whether by thinking that the Sun is he, or the Moon, or the like, if they do it but sincerely and honestly, with a right affected heart, they shall be received of him.
They report, that on a time a Mussulman seeing a Hindoo, or Pagan Priest, in Heaven, he ask'd God how that Infidel came to have admittance thither, whom Mahomet so often calls by the name of Bitter Roots? To whom God answered, What if a Bitter Root bring forth sweeter Fruit than any of you, why should I not receive it? Upon which the Mussulman had no more to say.
They hold, that such as suffer not their minds to wander after the lusts of the World are perfect Jogees, or Saints, and hold that God is always present with them in all their actions.
It is to be found in many of their Books, that there was a time, a good while ago, in which God took upon him the shape of a Man, and spent many Years in reforming the world, and giving better rules to walk by than had been before: but at length having left them, they soon forgot him and his Rules, and returned to their former courses; upon which he told them that he would leave them to their ways, and never undertake any such thing again.
The Religious at some certain Seasons of the Year come unto the River Ganges (which they call the Holy River) in vast multitudes, even from many parts of Tartary, to wash away their sins, and make expiation for their faults.
This Ganges is a delicate fine River chiefly for the sake of its most sweet, pure and clear Waters, which have got it the greatest esteem of any River in the East. I have oftentimes sail'd many Miles up it, and have found it in some places not to be above a Mile broad, in others not half so much, and in one or two places not above one eighth of a Mile. In April, when the Water is at the lowest, it is almost dry in many places; but when it is at the highest, which is commonly about the middle of September, it is very deep, and many Miles broad.
When the People are here gather'd together, they have a great many strange Customs and Ceremonies, and pay a kind of Divine Honour and Worship to the River, too long and tedious here to mention. The Hindoos and Bramines preach then every day to the people, teaching them their Duties, and ordering them to say such and such Prayers; but above all things to be Charitable to the poor and needy.
It is reported, that upon the Hills by Casmere there are men that live some hundreds of Years, and can hold their Breaths, and lye in Trances for several Years together, if they be but kept warm; and that every year some of them come down unto the People at Ganges, and do many great Cures; for whom they have such a Veneration, that they frequently drink the Water they wash their Sweaty Feet in.
The Penances and Austerities that they undergo are almost incredible; most of them, through their continual Fastings, and lying upon the parching hot Sand in the Heat of the Sun, are so Lean, Dry'd and Wither'd, that they look like Skeletons or Shadows, and one can scarce perceive them to breath, or feel their Pulse beat.
When any great Man dyes among them, but especially any of their Jogees or Saints, they make great preparations for their Funeral; the Corpse is laid on its Belly, and Salt and Rice laid round about it at every corner of the Ground. Then the nearest Relations to the Party deceased carry a Pot of Water on their Shoulders several times about the Funeral Pile, when they burn them, then breaking it in pieces, spills the Water. Which Ceremony being ended, the Pile is fired, and then all the Relations begin to howl, and embrace one another, then washing themselves in some Neighbouring River, they depart every one to his Home; and as for the remaining Ashes, if he be Rich they gather them up, and cast them into the Ganges or the Sea.
Sometimes it happens that the Wife of the deceased Party, if she have no Children, and be old, or ill to live in the World, will burn her self with the dead Body; but this happens very seldom. It is said, that in such cases the Bramines give the Woman a stupefying Liquor, which by the time that they are in the Fire makes them senseless of any Pain.
To know into what Body the Soul of the deceased is transmigrated they do thus; they strew the Ashes of the Dead upon the Place where he was first laid after his Death, and handfuls of odoriferous Flowers about the same, and returning again in 44 Hours, they judge by some pretended Impression or other in the Ashes, into what Body it is gone: If the Foot of an Horse, or Dog, or Ox, or such like appear, then they certainly give out that it is gone into such like Creatures; but if nothing appear, then they think it is certainly gone to the Starry Regions.
As for their Learning and Knowledge it is but little; they have indeed several Books writ in divers Languages, but they contain nothing but a great deal of Stuff and Cant about their Worship, Rites and Ceremonies.
They are ignorant of all parts of the World but their own; they wonder much at us, that will take so much Care and Pains, and run thro' so many Dangers both by Sea and Land, only, as they say, to uphold and nourish Pride and Luxury. For, say they, every Country in the whole World is sufficiently endow'd by Nature with every thing that is necessary for the Life of Man, and that therefore it is madness to seek for, or desire, that which is needless and unnecessary.
The last time that I was at Modufferpore in Indostan, I had a great deal of talk with a Bramine somewhat more Learned than any of the rest, his Name was Ramnaunt; he told me a great many Secrets in Physick, and told me many Traditions and Stories. He says, that if you bury a piece of Mony for some considerable time in the Mouth of a live Frog, and then dig it up again at Midnight, that this piece of Money, to whomsoever you give or pay it, will always return to you again.
He says, that if the little Worm in the Wood Lukerakera be cut in two, and the one part stirs and the other not, if the stirring part be bruised, and given with half a Beetle to a Man, the other half to a Woman, this Charm will keep them from ever lying absent one from the other.
They have Books full of the like absurdities, and Cabalistick complication of Figures; as for Example, if you write these following Numbers, 28, 35, 2, 7. —— 6, 3, 32, 31—34, 29, 8, 1, —4, 5, 30, 33. in the squares of a square Figure, and your Enemies Name under it, and wear it always about you, your Enemy shall never be able to hurt you.
So if you write the following Figures in the like manner upon the left Hand, 2, 9, 2, 7, —6, 3, 6, 5, —8, 3, 8, 1—4, 5, 4, 7—with Turmerick, and wash the same off with fair Water of Ganges, and drink it, it will cure all manner of Venomous Bitings.
Multitudes of such like ridiculous Fancies they have; all which they seem to have borrowed from the Cabala of the Saracens, which is full of such like.
I lately heard a Bramine say, that if some of the pieces or knots of the Cloath (in which a Woman hath been burned with her Husband) be saved, and made up in the form of a Wick, and fitted for a Lamp, and lighted, and set in a dead Womans Skull, that it would make the dead Party appear. This he said he had done, but I did not believe him.
When they have any mad Men among them, they take them and put them into a close Room, just big enough to hold them, and almost Smoke them to Death with Musk and cold Smells, which soon brings their Brains into their right temperature, and so recover them, &c.
There happen'd two things in our Voyage hither which I thought very observable tho' perhaps they may not be unknown to you—The first was, that all our Tornadoes brought much Rain with a stink; and if the Seamen did but lay their Cloaths by for 24 Hours, they became all full of little Maggots. The second is, When we came out of Europe we took in some Water at St. Jago's, and when we were almost at our Journeys end, our Cooper going with a Candle to open one of the Casks, he had no sooner done it, but the Water immediatly took Fire, and burnt his Face, Hands and Fingers; but he suddenly turning about quench'd the same, by setting his Britch on it. It stunk pretty much also at the same time, but afterwards came to its native Sweetness, &c.
I am yours, &c.
Jo. Marshal.
Part of two Letters to the Publisher from Mr. James Cunningham, F.R.S. and Physician to the English at Chusan in China, giving an account of his Voyage thither, of the Island of Chusan, of the several sorts of Tea, of the Fishing, Agriculture of the Chinese, &c. with several Observations not hitherto taken notice of.
SIR,
My last to you was from the Island of Borneo, in which I gave you an account of our arrival there the 17th of July, where we staid but two Days, the Season of the Year being so far past, and from thence made the best of our way through the Streights of Banca with favourable Winds and Weather, till we came on the Coast of China the 13th of August, then we had variable Winds which carried us abreast of Emuy the 19th following, at which time the North East Winds setting in fresh, put us in great fears of losing our passage; whereupon we were forced to turn it up against Wind and Current all the Way, the Weather so favouring us, that we were never but by our Top-sails, else we should have lost more Ground in one Day, than we could have gain'd in eight. The last of August we came to an Anchor under the Crocodile Islands, both to shelter us from the bad Weather, (which is generally expected on this Coast at new and full Moon, and has been fatal to a great many Ships) and also to look for fresh Water, which was now grown scarce with us, not having recruited since we came from the Cape of Good Hope: These are three small Islands lying in the Latitude of 26 Degrees, about six Leagues from the River of Hocksieu; on two whereof we found very good fresh Water, with a convenient Watering-place on the South West side of the innermost of the three; and by the assistance of a few Chinese Fishermen we procured some fresh Provisions from the main-land, because we did not reckon it safe to adventure our selves thither, lest we should have been brought into Trouble by the Government there. While we lay here, on the fifth of September we had a suddain short shift of the Moonsoon to S. W. the fury whereof others felt, in coming upon the Coast of China at the same time. The 8th of September we put to Sea again, turning to Windward Night and Day without all the Islands, which are very numerous along this Coast, to which we were altogether strangers beyond Emuy, and the Hydrography thereof is hitherto so imperfect, that there was no trusting to our Drafts, which made our Navigation somewhat more dangerous: However, on the first of October we got into the Latitude of 30 Degrees, where we came to an Anchor near the Land, until we found the way by Boat to Chusan, about 12 Leagues within the Islands; from whence we had a Pilot, who carried us safely thither on the 11th of October. Upon this Island the Chineses have granted us a Settlement and Liberty of Trade, but not to Ning-po, which is 6 or 8 hours sail to the Westward, all the way among Islands; this being the largest, is 8 or 9 Leagues in length from East to West, and 4 or 5 Leagues in breadth; about 3 Leagues from that point of the Main-Land called Cape Liampo by the Portugueze, but Khi-tu by the Chinese: At the West End of this Island is the Harbour very safe and convenient, where the Ships ride within call of the Factory, which is built close by the shore on a low plain Valley, with near 200 Houses about it for the Benefit of Trade; inhabited by Men, whose Jealousie has not as yet permitted them to let their Wives dwell here; for the Town where they are, is ¾ of a Mile further from the Shore, enviorn'd with a fine Stone Wall, about 3 Miles in Circumference, mounted with 22 square Bastions placed at irregular distances, besides 4 great Gates, on which are planted a few old Iron Guns, seldom or never used: The Houses within are very meanly built: Here the Chumpeen or Governour of the Island lives, and betwixt three and four thousand beggarly Inhabitants, most part Souldiers and Fishermen; for the Trade of this place being newly granted, has not as yet brought any considerable Merchants hither. The Island in general abounds with all sorts of Provisions, such as Cows, Buffalo's, Goats, Deer, Hogs wild and tame, Geese, Ducks and Hens; Rice, Wheat, Calavances, Cole-worts, Turnips, Potatoes, Carrots, Beetes and Spinach; But for Merchandize there's none but what comes from Ning-po, Hang-cheu, Nankin and the Inland Towns, some of which I hope to see, when I have acquir'd a little of the Chinese Language. Here also the Tea grows in great plenty on the tops of the Hills, but it is not in that esteem with what grows on more Mountainous Islands. Altho this Island is pretty well stor'd with People, yet its far from what it was in F. Martinius's time, when he describes Cheuxan: and this puts me in mind, that the Superstitious Pilgrimages thereto, mention'd by him, must be meant of the Island Pou-to, which lies 9 Leagues from hence, and 3 Miles to the Eastward of this Island, whither (they say) the Emperour designs in the Month of May next (being his Birth-day, and the 40th Year of his Age) to come to worship in an Ancient Pagoda there, famous for Sanctity; having sent one of his Bonzes already thither to get all things in order.
Chusan, Novemb. 22. 1701.
SIR,
I formerly told you, that the Emperor design'd to have come to the Island of Pou-to (a place of great Devotion) to worship in the Month of May last, being the 40th Year of his Age, I should have said of his Reign; but all things being prepared there for his Reception, he was dissuaded from his purpose by some of his Mandarines, who made him believe that the terrible Thunder there was very dangerous. This Pou-to is a small Island about 5 Leagues round at the East end of this Island, famous for the Superstitious Pilgrimages made thither for the space of eleven hundred Years: It's inhabited only by Bonzes, to the number of 3000, all of the Sect call'd Hoshang, or unmarried Bonzes, who live a Pythagorean Life; and there they have built 400 Pagodes, two whereof are considerable for their greatness and finery, being lately covered with green and yellow Tiles brought from the Emperor's Palace at Nankin, and inwardly adorn'd with stately Idols finely grav'd and gilded, the chief whereof is the Idol Quon-em. To these two great Pagodes belong two chief Priests, who govern all the rest. They have several Ways and Avenues cut through the Island, some whereof are pav'd with Flag-stones, and over-shaded with Trees planted on each side: Their dwellings are the best I have yet seen in these Parts. All which are maintain'd by Charitable Devotions; and the Junks which go from Ning-po and this place to Japan, touch there both going and coming, to make their Offerings for their good Success. There is another Island call'd Kim-tong 5 Leagues hence in the way to Ning-po, whither, they say, do retire a great many Mandarins to live a quiet Life after they have given over their Employments; on that Island also are said to be Silver Mines, but prohibited to be open'd. The rest of the circumjacent Islands are either desert, or meanly inhabited by a few fishing People, but all of them stor'd with abundance of Deer. For it is not long since this Island of Chusan began to be Peopled; it's true, in Martini's Days, about 50 Years ago, it was very Populous for the space of three or four Years, at which time the fury of the Tartarian Conquest was so great, that they left it desolate, not sparing so much as the Mulberry Trees (for then they made a great deal of raw Silk here) and in this condition it continued till about 18 Years ago, that the Walls of the Fort or Town, which now is, were built by the Governor of Ting-hai, for a Garrison to expel some Pyrats, who had taken shelter here. About 14 Years ago, the Island beginning to be peopled, there was a Chumpeen or General sent to govern it for three Years, to whom succeeded the late Chumpeen (who procur'd the opening of this Port to Strangers) whose Government continued till April last, being translated to be Chumpeen of Tien-cing Wei near to Pekin, and was succeeded by the present Chumpeen, who is Son to the Old Chunkoon of Emuy.
They have got no Arts or Manufactories here, but making of lacker'd Ware, a particular Account whereof I cannot as yet send you. They begin to Plant Mulberry-Trees, to breed up Worms for the Production of raw Silk; and they make some Tea, but chiefly for their own use.
Altho' the following Particulars contain nothing of extraordinary matters in them, yet such as they are, you may take, till I can procure you better.
The three sorts of Tea commonly carry'd to England are all from the same Plant, only the Season of the Year, and the Soil, makes the difference. The Bohee (or Voiii, so call'd of some Mountains in the Province of Fo-kien, where it is chiefly made) is the very first bud gather'd, in the beginning of March, and dry'd in the Shade. The Bing Tea is the second growth in April: and Singlo the last in May and June, both dry'd a little in Tatches or Pans over the Fire. The Tea Shrub being an ever-green, is in Flower from October to January, and the Seed is ripe in September and October following, so that one may gather both Flowers and Seed at the same time; but for one fresh and full Seed, there are a hundred nought; these make up the two sorts of Fruit in Le Compte's description of Tea: As for his other sort, which he calls slymic Pease, they were nothing but the young Buds of the Flowers not yet open. Its Seed-Vessels are really Tricapsular, each Capsula containing one Nut or Seed, and altho' two or one Capsula only comes to Perfection, yet the Vestiges of the rest may be discerned. It grows in a dry gravelly Soil, on the sides of Hills in several places of this Island, without any Cultivation.
Le Compte is mistaken in saying (pag. 96.) that the Chineses are wholly Strangers to the Art of Grafting, for I have seen a great many of his Paradoxical Tallow-Trees ingrafted here, besides some other Trees. When they Ingraft, they do not slit the Stock as we do, but cut a small slice off the outside of the Stock, to which they apply the Graft (being cut sloping on one side, agreeable to the slice cut from the Stock) bringing up the Bark of the slice upon the outside of the Graft, they tie altogether, covering with Straw and Mud as we do.
The Commentator on Magalhen seems doubtful in the length of the Chinese Che or Cubit. Here they have two sorts, one of 137⁄10 English Inches, which the Merchants commonly use: The other is of eleven Inches, us'd by Carpenters, and also in Geographical Measures.
Albeit F. Martini is censur'd by F. Magalhen for spelling a great many Chinese Words with ng, which the Portuguese and others have done with m, yet his way is more agreeable to the English Pronunciation, only in some Words the g may be left out, as in Pekin, Nankin, &c.
Having made enquiry about Martini's Account of Sowing their Fields at Ven-cheu with Oyster-shells, to make new ones grow; I was told that after they have taken out the Oysters, they sprinkle the Shells with Urine, then putting them into the Water again, there grows new Oysters on the foresaid Shells.
Martini says he could never find a Latin Name for the Fula Mogorin of the Portuguese, I'm sure it's the same with the Syringa Arabica flore pleno albo in Parkinsone. He says also, that the Kieu-yeu or Tallow-tree bears a white Flower like a Cherry-tree; but all that I have seen here bears a spike of small yellow Flowers like the julus of a Salix.
The Bean, or Mandarin Broth, so frequently mentioned in the Dutch Embassy and other Authors, is only an Emulsion made of the Seed of Sesamum and hot Water.
Their chief Employments here are Fishing and Agriculture.
In Fishing, they use several sorts of Nets and Lines as we do; but because they have large Banks of Mud in some Places, the Fisherman, to go more easily thereon, has contriv'd a small frame about 3 or 4 Foot long, not much larger than a Hen-trough, elevated a little at each end, in which he rests upon one Knee, leaning his Arms on a cross Stick, rais'd so high as his Breast, and putting out the other Foot often upon the Mud, he pushes forward his Frame thereon, and so carries himself along in it.
As to their Agriculture, all their Fields (where any thing is planted) whether high or low, are made into such Plots as may retain the Water on them when they please. They Plow up their Ground with one Buffalo or one Cow. Where they are to Sow Rice, they prepare the Fields very well, by clearing it of all manner of Weeds, moistening to a Pulp, and smoothing it with a Frame drawn across; on which they Sow the Rice very thick and cover it only with Water for two or three Inches high, and when it has grown 6 or 8 Inches long, they pull it up by the Roots, and transplant it (by Tufts in a straight line) to Fields overflown with Water; and where a Field is subject to Weeds, when the Water drys up, they prevent their growth in over-turning the Mud with their Hands in the interstices where the Rice is planted. When they Sow Wheat, Barley, Pulse, and other Grains, they grub up some superficial Earth, Grass and Roots, and with some Straw they burn all together; this Earth being sifted fine, they mix with the Seed, which they Sow in holes made in a strait Line, and so grows up in Tufts as the Rice does; the Field being divided into Beds and harrowed over, both before and after the Seed is Sown: This makes them somewhat resemble Gardens. Altho' they meliorate their Fields, where they Sow Rice, only by letting the Water on them, yet for other Grains, where Ground requires it, they make use of Dung, Human Excrements, Ashes, &c. In watering their Fields here they use the same Instrument mention'd by Martini in the Preface to his Atlas, being all of Wood, and the contrivance the same with that of a Chain-Pump.
Their method in making of Salt is this: All the Shores here being Mud, instead of Sand, in the Summer Season they pare off the superficial Earth, which has been overflown with the Salt Water, and lay it up in heaps for use; when they are to use it they dry it in the Sun, rubbing it small; then digging a Pit, they cover the bottom thereof with Straw, at which thro' the side of the Pit they pass a hollow Cane, that leads into a Jar, which stands below the level of the Pits bottom; they fill the Pit almost full with the foresaid Earth, and pour Salt Water thereon, till it be covered two or three Inches with Water, which drains through, into the foresaid Jar, and is afterwards boil'd into Salt.
Had I not found the Printed News Papers last Year take notice of a singular Root brought from China by F. Fontaney, I should not have told you, that I have seen one since I came here call'd Hu-chu-u (which I take to be the same) whereto they ascribe wonderful Properties of prolonging Life, and turning grey Hairs into black, by drinking its Infusion for some time, insomuch that they say it's to be had in value from 10 Tael to 1000 or 2000 a single Root; for the larger it is, the more is its value and efficacy: Which is too much Money here to try the Experiment. You have it mention'd in Cleyer's Medicina Sinica No. 84. under the Name of Ho-xcu-u, according to the Portugal Spelling: It's likewise painted in the 27th Table of those Plants Mr. Petiver had of me. If you'll have the Story of its Discovery, which I will not warrant for Gospel, it runs thus. Upon a time a certain Person going a Simpling among the Mountains, fell by accident into such a steep Valley that he could by no means get out of it again; whereupon looking about for something to sustain his Life; in this melancholy condition, he espy'd this Root, of which he made Tryal; and found that in eating thereof, it serv'd him both for Provisions and Clothing, by keeping his Body in such a temperature, that the Injuries of the Weather had no influence upon him during his stay there, which was some hundreds of Years; till at last an Earthquake happen'd in that place, whereby the Mountains were rent, and he found a passage out to his House, from whence he had been so long absent: But the many alterations that came to pass there in such a space of time, would not permit them to give Credit to his Story; till consulting the Annals of their Family, which gave an Account of one of them lost at that time, they were confirm'd in the truth of his Relation. And so much for this.
A Letter from Mr. John Clayton Rector of Crofton at Wakefield in Yorkshire, to the Royal Society, May 12. 1688. giving an Account of several Observables in Virginia, and in his Voyage thither, more particularly concerning the Air.
Having oftentimes been urged to give an Account of Virginia, by several of the Worthy Members of the Royal Society, I cannot but, as far forth as I am able, obey Commands whereby I'm so much honour'd, and show my Respect by my ready Compliance; tho' I am so sensible of my own Weakness and Incapacity to answer your Expectations, that before-hand I must Apologize for my self. And indeed by Sea I lost all my Books, Chymical Instruments, Glasses and Microscopes, which rendred me uncapable of making those Remarks and Observations I had designed, they were all cast away in Captain Win's Ship, as they were to follow me; and Virginia being a Country where one cannot furnish ones self again with such things, I was discourag'd from making so diligent a Scrutiny as otherwise I might have done, so that I took very few Minutes down in Writing; and therefore, since I have only my Memory to rely on, which too has the Disadvantage of it's own Weakness, and of the distance of two Years since now I left the Country, if future Relations shall in some small Points make out my Mistake, I thought this requisite to justifie my Candor; for I ever judg'd it villanous to impose in matters of Fact; but Descriptions of things that depend on Memory may be liable to Mistakes, and yet the sincerity of the Person that delivers them intire. But hereof I shall be as cautious as possible, and shall rather wave some things whereof I have some Doubts, and am uncapable now of satisfying my self, than in any sort presume too far. The method I design is, First, to give an Account of the Air, and all such Observations as refer thereto; then of the Water, the Earth and Soil; the Birds, the Beasts, the Fishes, the Plants, the Insects; and lastly, the present state of the Inhabitants: But at present I shall neither trouble you nor my self with any more than an Account of what refers to the Air alone, being conscious the Honourable Society may receive such a Glut with the Imperfection of this, as to excuse me from a farther Relation.
But before I begin, perhaps it may not be impertinent to acquaint you with some things that happen'd in our Voyage. We sail'd in the Ship Judith, Captain Trim Commander, 'twas Fly-boat built, about 200 or 250 Tuns; she sprung a considerable Leak. When the Captain had made long and diligent Search, had tried all methods that Seamen use upon such occasions, or he could think of, all in vain, and that the Leak encreased, he came pensively to consult me. Discoursing with him about it, and understanding that the Ship was Cieled within, so that though the Leak might possibly be in the fore-part, it would fill the whole Cavity betwixt the Cieling and the Planks, and so run into the Hold at all the Crevices of the Cieling up and down: I thereupon conceive, that where it burst in betwixt the Cieling and the Planks, it must needs make some Noise. He told me, they had endeavoured to find it out that way, and according to custom had clapt Cans to their Ears to hear with; but the working of the Ship, the Tackle and the Sea made such a Noise, that they could discover nothing thereby. I happily bethought my self of the Speaking Trumpet; and having one which I had contrived for some other Conveniences, of a differing shape from the common sorts, I bid him take it and apply the broad end to the side of the Ship, the narrow end to his Ear, and it would encrease his Hearing as much as it augmented the Voice the other way, and would ward the Ear too from the confusion of foreign Noise. Upon the first application, accordingly they heard it, tho' it happened to be at a considerable distance; and when they removed the Trumpet nigher, they heard it as if it had been the Current of a mighty River, even so distinctly, as to have Apprehensions of the bigness and figure of the Hole that the Water came in at; so that cutting there the Sealing of the Ship, they immediately stopt the Leak.
In the Sea I saw many little things which the Seamen call Carvels; they are like a Jelly or Starch that is made with a cast of Blue in it; they Swim like a small Sheep's Bladder above the Water, downwards there are long Fibrous Strings, some whereof I have found near half a yard long. This I take to be a sort of Sea-Plant, and the strings its Roots growing in the Sea, as Duck-weed does in Ponds. It may be reckon'd among the Potential Cauteries; for when we were one day becalm'd, getting some to make Observations thereof, the sportful People rub'd it on one anothers Hands and Faces, and where it touch'd it would make it look very Red, and make it smart worse than a Nettle. In my return for England we struck a Hauksbill Turtle, in whose Guts I found many of these Carvels; so that it's manifest they feed thereon. 'Tis commonly asserted by the Seamen, that they can smell the Pines at Virginia several Leagues at Sea before they see Land, but I could receive no Satisfaction as to this Point; I could not discern any such thing when at a moderate distance, I fear much of this may be attributed to Fancy; for one Day there came three or four full scent to tell me they were certain they smelt the Pines; but it afterwards prov'd that we were at that time 200 Leagues from the Shoar, so that I was satisfied that was therefore meer Fancy. Indeed we thought, by the general Accounts of the Ship, that we had been just on the Coast, but all were deceived by a Current we met with, that at that time set about South-East, or East South-East, which when once becalmed we tried thus: We hoised out a Boat, and took one of the Scuttles that cover'd one of the Hatches of the Ship, tying thereto a great Weight, and a strong long Rope, we let it sink a considerable depth, and then fastening it to the Boat, it serv'd as an Anchor, that the Boat could not drive; then with the Glass and log Line we found the Current set, as I say, Eastward, at the rate of a Mile and a half an Hour. This Current is of mischievous Consequence, it does not always run one way, but as it sets sometimes as we proved Easterly, so does it, as they say, set at other times Westerly, whereby many Ships have been lost; for then the Ships being before their Accounts, they fall in with the Land before they are aware. Thus one Year many Ships were lost on Cape Hattarasse, and thereabouts.
Of the AIR.
The Cape called Cape Henry, lies in 36½ of the Northern Latitude. The Air and Temperature of the Seasons is much govern'd by Winds in Virginia, both as to Heat and Cold, Dryness and Moisture, whose Variations being very notable, I the more lamented the loss of my Barometers and Thermometers, for considerable Observations might be made thereby, there being often great and suddain Changes. The Nore and Nore-West are very nitrous and piercing, cold and clear, or else stormy. The South-East and South hazy and sultry hot: Their Winter is a fine clear Air, and dry, which renders it very pleasant: Their Frosts are short, but sometimes very sharp, that it will freeze the Rivers over three Miles broad; nay, the Secretary of State assured me, it had frozen clever over Potomack River, over against his House, where it is near nine Miles over: I have observed it freezes there the hardest, when from a moist South East, on a sudden the Wind passing by the Nore, a nitrous sharp Nore-West blows; not with high Gusts, but with a cutting brisk Air; and those Vails then that seem to be shelter'd from the Wind, and lie warm, where the Air is most stagnant and moist, are frozen the hardest, and seized the soonest, and there the Fruits are more subject to blast than where the Air has a free Motion. Snow falls sometimes in pretty quantity, but rarely continues there above a Day or two: Their Spring is about a Month earlier than in England; in April they have frequent Rains, sometimes several short and suddain Gusts. May and June the Heat encreases, and it is much like our Summer, being mitigated with gentle Breezes that rise about 9 of the Clock, and decrease and incline as the Sun rises and falls. July and August those Breezes cease, and the Air becomes stagnant, that the Heat is violent and troublesome. In September the Weather usually breaks suddenly, and there falls generally very considerable Rains. When the Weather breaks many fall Sick, this being the time of an Endemical Sickness, for Seasonings, Cachexes, Fluxes, Scorbutical Dropsies, Gripes, or the like, which I have attributed to this Reason. That by the extraordinary Heat the ferment of the Blood being raised too high, and the Tone of the Stomach relaxed, when the Weather breaks the Blood palls, and like over-fermented Liquors is depauperated, or turns eager and sharp, and there's a crude Digestion, whence the named Distempers may be supposed to ensue. And for confirmation, I have observed the Carminative Seeds, such as warm, and whose Oil sheaths the acid Humors that ever result from crude Digestions. But Decoctions that retain the Tone of the Stomach, as I suppose, by making the little Glands in the Tunicles of the Stomach, squeeze out their Juice, (for what is bitter may be as well offensive to the Stomach, as to the Palate) and then Chalibiates that raise the decayed Ferment, are no bad Practice; after which, I conceive, Armoniack Spirits might be very beneficial. But their Doctors are so Learned, that I never met with any of them that understood what Armoniack Spirits were: Two or three of them one time ran me clear down by consent, that they were Vomitive, and that they never used any thing for that purpose but Crocus Metallorum, which indeed every House keeps; and if their Finger, as the Saying is, ake but, they immediatly give three or four Spoonfuls thereof; if this fail, they give him a second Dose, then perhaps Purge them with 15 or 20 Grains of the Rosin of Jalap, afterwards Sweat them with Venice Treacle, Powder of Snake-Root, or Gascoin's Powder; and when these fail conclamatum est. But to return, 'Tis wonderful what influence the Air has over Mens Bodies, whereof I had my self sad assurances; for tho' I was in a very close warm Room, where was a Fire constantly kept, yet there was not the least Alteration or Change, whereof I was not sensible when I was sick of the Gripes, of which Distemper I may give a farther account in its proper place. When a very Ingenious Gentlewoman was visited with the same Distemper, I had the opportunity of making very considerable Observations. I stood at the Window, and could view the Clouds arise: For there small black fleeting Clouds will arise, and be swiftly carry'd cross the whole Element; and as these Clouds arose, and came nigher, her Torments were encreased, which were grievous as a labouring Womans; there was not the least Cloud but lamentably affected her, and that at a considerable distance; but by her Shrieks it seemed more or less, according to the bigness and nearness of the Clouds. The Thunder there is attended often with fatal Circumstances: I was with my Lord Howard of Effingham the Governour, when they brought Word that one Dr. A. was killed therewith, after this manner: He was Smoaking a Pipe of Tobacco, and looking out at his Window when he was struck dead, and immediately became so stiff, that he did not fall, but stood leaning in the Window, with the Pipe in his Mouth, in the same posture he was in when struck: But this I only deliver as Report, tho' I heard the same Account from several, without any contradicting it. These things are remarkable, that it generally breaks in at the Gable end of the Houses, and often kills Persons in, or near the Chimneys range, darting most fiercely down the Funnel of the Chimney, more especially if there be a Fire, (I speak here confusedly of Thunder and Lightning) for when they do any Mischief, the Crash and Lightning are at the same Instant, which must be from the nearness of the Cloud. One time when the Thunder split the Mast of a Boat at James Town, I saw it break from the Cloud, which it divided in two, and seem'd as if it had shot them immediatly a Mile asunder, to the Eye: It is dangerous when it Thunders standing in a narrow Passage, where there's a thorough Passage, or in a Room betwixt two Windows; tho' several have been kill'd in the open Fields. 'Tis incredible to tell how it will strike large Oaks, shatter and shiver them, sometimes twisting round a Tree, sometimes as if it struck the Tree backwards and forwards. I had noted a fine spreading Oak in James Town Island, in the Morning I saw it fair and flourishing, in the Evening I observed all the Bark of the Body of the Tree, as if it had been artificially peel'd off; was orderly spread round the Tree, in a Ring, whose Semidiameter was four Yards, the Tree in the Center; all the Body of the Tree was shaken and split, but its Boughs had all their Bark on; few Leaves were fallen, and those on the Boughs as fresh as in the Morning, but gradually afterwards withered, as on a Tree that is fallen. I have seen several vast Oaks and other Timber Trees twisted, as if it had been a small Willow that a Man had twisted with his Hand, which I could suppose had been done by nothing but the Thunder. I have been told by very serious Planters, that 30 or 40 Years since, when the Country was not so open, the Thunder was more fierce, and that sometimes after violent Thunder and Rain, the Roads would seem to have perfect casts of Brimstone; and 'tis frequent after much Thunder and Lightning for the Air to have a perfect Sulphurious Smell. Durst I offer my weak Reasons when I write to so great Masters thereof, I should here consider the nature of Thunder, and compare it with some Sulphurious Spirits which I have drawn from Coals, that I could no way condense, yet were inflamable; nay, would burn after they pass'd through Water, and that seemingly fiercer, if they were not over-power'd therewith. I have kept of this Spirit a considerable time in Bladders; and tho' it appeared as if they were only blown with Air, yet if I let it forth, and fired it with a Match or Candle, it would continue burning till all were spent. It might be worthy Consideration likewise, whether those frequent Thunders proceeded from the Air's being more stagnant, the motion of the Winds being impeded by the Trees, or whether the motion of the Winds being obstructed by them below, the motion might not be more violent aloft; and how far that may promote inflammability, for Stacks of Hay or Corn that ferment with moisture, never burn, unless when brisk Winds blow, that agitate and fan the little fermenting Sparks, and often kindle them into an actual Fire. And Observance of the Meteors there might perhaps not be Impertinent, as both what are more rare, and what are more frequent, as of Gosimore in great abundance, and of those small Cob-webs in a Morning, which some have supposed to be Meteors. Ignes fatui, tho' there be many boggy Swamps and Marshes, are seldom, if any are seen there. There be frequent little sorts of Whirl-winds, whose Diameter may be sometimes not past two or three Yards, sometimes forty, which whisking round in a Circle, pass along the Earth, according to the motion of the Cloud, from whence they issue; and as they pass along with their gyrous or circular motion, they carry aloft the dry Leaves into the Air, which fall again often in places far remote. I have seen them descend in a calm Sun-shine Day, as if they had come from the Heavens in great Showers thereof, so that all the Elements seem'd filled therewith. And I could perceive them to descend from on high as far as I could possibly discern a Leaf. I remember a roguish Expression of a Seaman, otherwise silly enough, who wondering thereat, cry'd out, Sure now 'tis manifest there is a World above! and now with them 'tis the Fall of the Leaf. But to proceed, I thought this made it manifest, whence many preternatural Showers have happen'd. I remember at Sir Richard Atherton's in Lancashire, some few Years ago, there fell a great number of the Seeds of Ivy-berries; at first we admir'd what they were, for they were cover'd with a thin Skin that was red, and resembled the Figure of a small Wheat Corn; but afterwards they fully manifested what they were; for many sprouted and took Root. I suppose they were carry'd aloft by some such Whirl-wind, and let fall there. I have purposely gone into the place where I perceived this Gust, which is notorious enough by the Noise it makes, with rattling the Leaves as it carries them aloft, and have found a fine sharp Breeze of Wind.
Yours, &c.
Mr. Clayton's second Letter, containing his farther Observations on Virginia.
Being honour'd with the Thanks of the Society for my last, and receiving by my worthy Friend Dr. Moulin their Commands to proceed, I have added here my Observations of the Waters, and part of the Earth and Soil. I shall wave both Complements and Apologies, since I have greater Respect and Honour for the Society than I can possibly express, and have no reason to suspect their Favour, whose Candidness I so signally proved in my last.
Of the WATER.
'Twixt the two Capes, the Southern, call'd the Cape Henry, the more Northerly call'd Cape Charles, there runs up a great Bay, call'd the Bay of Cheesepeak; nine Leagues over in some places, in most Seven, lying much West, Nore and South, dividing Virginia into two unequal Parts. On the East side of this Bay there lies a narrow neck of Land, which makes the Counties of Northampton and Accomack. On the West side of the Bay there branches forth four great Rivers, James River, York River, Rapahanack and Potomack, that rise from a ridge of Mountains, whereof more in the Sequel. These Rivers plentifully water all the other parts of Virginia, emptying themselves into the great Bay. The Mouth of James River, which is the most Southerly of them, the Mouth of Potomack, which is the most Northerly, may be a hundred Miles distance: But as I have been credibly inform'd that the Falls of James River are not past thirty Miles from Potomack, which is a vast large River nine Miles over in many places. I have been told it was Navigable nigh two hundred Miles, much higher than any of the other Rivers: Whence I conclude in future times, it will be the most considerable for Trade when the Country comes to be inhabited further up into the main Land. The other Rivers are much about three Miles over a piece. And James River is Navigable at least eighty Miles. Within four or five Miles of James Town, James River and York River are not past four or five Miles asunder. Yea, Sloops of considerable Carriage may Sail up the Branches of the two Rivers, till they come within a Mile the one of the other; for I take it to be no more from Col. Bollards to Major Troop's Landing, and I believe they may come much what as near again as Col. Coles, and several other places. York River is distant from Rapahanack in some places not past ten or twelve Miles, Rapahanack from Potomack not past seven Miles in one place, tho' it may be sixty in others. The Heads of the Branches of the Rivers interfere and lock one within another, which I think is best expressed after the manner that an Indian explained himself once to me, when I enquired how nigh the Rivers of Carolina, Virginia and Maryland arose out of the Mountains? from those that ran Westerly on the other side of the Mountains, he clapt the Fingers of one Hand 'twixt those of the other, crying, they meet thus; the Branches of different Rivers rising not past a hundred Paces distant one from another: So that no Country in the World can be more curiously watered. But this conveniency, that in future times may make her like the Netherlands, the richest place in all America, at the present I look on the greatest Impediment to the advance of the Country, as it is the greatest Obstacle to Trade and Commerce. For the great number of Rivers and the thinness of the Inhabitants distract and disperse a Trade. So that all Ships in general gather each their Loading up and down an hundred Miles distant; and the best of Trade that can be driven is only a sort of Scotch Peddling; for they must carry all sort of Truck that trade thither, having one Commodity to pass off another. This (i. e.) the number of Rivers, is one of the chief Reasons why they have no Towns; for every one being more sollicitous for a private Interest and Conveniency, than for a publick, they will either be for making forty Towns at once, that is, two in every Country, or none at all, which is the Countries Ruin. But to return, The Tides in these Rivers regularly ebb and flow about two Foot perpendicular at James Town; there is there, as they call it, a Tide and half Tide, that is, it flows near two hours along by the Shoar, after that it is ebb in the Channel, and again it ebbs near two Hours by the Shoar, after that it is Flood in the Channel. This is great advantage to the Boats passing up and down the River. I suppose this is caused by many Creeks and Branches of the Rivers, which being considerable many, tho' only three or four Miles long, yet as broad as the Thames at London; others ten Miles long, some above twenty, that have little fresh Water which they carry of their own, but their Current primarily depending upon the Flux and Re-flux of the Sea. So that after the Tide is made in the Channel, it flows by the Shoar a considerable time afterwards, being that those Creeks are still to fill, and therefore as it were draws up a Source upwards by the Shoar; and likewise when the Tide returns in the Channel, the Creeks that could not so readily disburse their Water, being still to empty themselves, they make an ebbing by the Shoar a considerable time after that it is Flood, as I say, in the Channel. So far as the Salt Waters reach the Country is deemed less healthy. In the Freshes they more rarely are troubled with the Seasonings, and those Endemical Distempers about September and October. This being very remarkable, I refer the Reason to the more piercing Genius of those most judicious Members of the Society: And it might perhaps be worthy the Disquisition of the most Learned to give an Account of the various alterations and fatal effects that the Air has on humane Bodies, especially when impregnated with a Marine Salt; more peculiarly when such an Air becomes stagnant: This might perhaps make several beneficial Discoveries, not only in relation to those Distempers in America, but perhaps take in your Kentish Agues, and many others remarkable enough in our own Nation. I lately was making some Observations of this nature, on a Lady of a delicate Constitution, who living in a clear Air, and removing towards the Sea-Coast, was lamentably afflicted therewith, which both my self and others attributed to this Cause, she having formerly upon her going to the same, been seized in the same manner. But to return: There is one thing more in reference to this very thing very remarkable in Virginia, generally twice in the Year, Spring and Fall, at certain Spring-Tides, the most of the Cattle will set on gadding, and run, tho' it be twenty or thirty Miles, to the River to drink the Salt Water, at which time there's scarce any stopping of them; which the People know so well, that if about those times their Herds are stray'd from their Plantations, without more sollicitation they go directly to the Rivers to fetch them home again. As for the Waters in the Springs in general, they are, I think, somewhat more eager than those in England. In that I have observed, they require some quantity more of Malt to make strong Beer than our English Waters, and will not bear Soap. I have try'd several by infusing of Galls, and found little difference in the Colours, turning much what the Colour of common Sack in Taverns. I tried two Wells at Col. Birds, by the Falls of James River, several Wells near James Town, some Springs in the Isle of Wight County: There's a Spring in the Isle of Wight, or Nanzamond County, vents the greatest Source of Water I ever saw, excepting Holy-well in Wales, but I had not opportunity to make Experiments thereof. I tried likewise some Springs on the Banks of York River, in New Kent and Gloucester County, but found them vary very little as to Colour. I could not try any thing as to their specifick Gravity, having neither Aquapoise, nor those other Glasses I had contrived peculiarly for making such Experiments, they being all lost with my other things. I had Glasses blown would hold about five Ounces, others about ten Ounces, with Necks so small, that a Drop would make a considerable Variation; with these I could make much more critical and satisfactory Observations as to the specifical Gravity of Liquors, having critical Scales, than by any other way yet by me tried. I used this method to weigh Urines, which Practice I would recommend to the Inquisitive and critical Physicians. I had made many Observations hereof, but all Notes were likewise lost with my other things. Yet I have begun afresh; for there are more signal Variations in the Weights of Urines than one would at first imagin; and when the Eye can discover little, but judge two Urines to be alike, they may be found to differ very much as to Weight. By Weight I find Observations may be made of Affections in the Head, which rarely make any visible Alterations in the Urine. I have found two Urines not much unlike differ two and twenty Grains in the quantity of about four or five Ounces: But let them that make these Essays weigh all their Urines when cold, lest they be thereby deceiv'd. But to return to the Spring Waters in Virginia. There's a Spring at my Lady Berkley's, called Green-Spring, whereof I have been often told, so very Cold, that 'tis dangerous drinking thereof in Summer-time, it having proved of fatal Consequence to several. I never tried any thing of what Nature it is of.
There be many petrifying Waters; and indeed I believe few of the Waters but participate of a petrifying Quality, tho' there be few Pebbles or paving Stones to be found in all the Country. But I have found many Sticks with crusty Congelations round them in the Ruins of Springs, and Stones figured like Honey-Combs, with many little Stars as it were shot in the Holes. And nothing is more common than petrefy'd Shells, unless you would determine that they are parts of natural Rock shot in those Figures, which indeed I rather think; but thereof hereafter. Mr. Secretary Spencer has told me of some Waters participating much of Alome or Vitriol towards Potomack. Up beyond the Falls of Rapahanack I have heard of Poisonous Waters. But these I only mention as a hint to further Enquiry of some others, for I can say nothing of them my self.
A Continuation of Mr. John Clayton's Account of Virginia.
Of the Earth and Soil.
When you make the Capes of Virginia, you may observe it low Land, so that at some distance the Trees appear as if they grew in the Water; and as you approach nigher to emerge thence. For a hundred Miles up into the Country, there are few Stones to be found, only in some places, Rocks of Iron Oar appear, which made me expect to have found many Waters turn Purple with Galls, but never met with any. Providence has supplied the common use of Stones, by making the Roads very good: so that they ride their Horses without shooing them; which yet are more rarely beaten on their Feet, than ours are in England, the Country and Clime being dry, their Hoofs are much harder; For I observed, that take a Horse out of the wet Marshes, and Swamps, as they there call them, and ride him immediatly, and he'll quickly be tender-footed. In some places, for several Miles together, the Earth is so intermix'd with Oyster-shells, that there may seem as many Shells as Earth; and how deep they lie thus inter-mingled, I think, is not yet known: for at broken Banks they discover themselves to be continued many Yards perpendicular. In several places these Shells are much closer, and being petrefied, seem to make a Vein of a Rock. I have seen in several places, Veins of these Rocky Shells, three or four Yards thick, at the foot of a Hill, whose Precipice might be twenty Yards perpendicular, whose Delf, I suppose, shot under the Hill, pieces of these Rocks broken off, lie there, which, I suppose, may weigh twenty or thirty Tuns a piece, and are as difficult to be broken as our Free-stone. Of these Rocks of Oyster-shells that are not so much petrified, they burn and make all their Lime; whereof they have that store, that no Generation will consume. Whether these were formerly Oysters, which left by the subsiding Seas, (as some suppose, that all that Tract of Land, now high Ground, was once overflowed by the Sea) were since petrefied, or truly Stones, sui Generis, I leave to the Honourable Society to determin. But when I consider the constant and distinct shooting of several Salts, Nature's Curiosity, in every thing, so far exceeding that of Art, that the most Ingenious, when referr'd thereto, seem only endued with an Apish fondness, I cannot think any thing too difficult or wonderful for Nature; and indeed I do not apprehend, why it may not be as feasible to suppose them to have been Rocks, at first shot into those Figures, as to conceive the Sea to have amass'd such a vast number of Oyster-shells one upon another, and afterwards subsiding, should leave them cover'd with such Mountains of Earth, under which they should petrify: But not to launch forth too far into those Disputes, since I must modestly remember to whom I write. Often, in the looser Banks of Shells and Earth, are found perfect Teeth petrefied, some whereof I have seen, could not be less than two or three Inches long, and above an Inch broad: Tho' they were not Maxillary Teeth, the part that one might suppose grew out of the Jaw, was polish'd, and black, almost as Jet; the part which had been fasten'd in the Jaw and Gums, was brown, and not so shiningly polish'd, or smooth; if they were, as they seemed to be, really Teeth, I suppose, they must have been of Fishes. The back-Bone of a Whale, and as I remember, they told me of some of the Ribs, were digg'd out of the side of a Hill, several Yards deep in the Ground, about four Miles distant from James Town, and the River. Mr. Banister, a Gentleman pretty curious in those things, shew'd me likewise the Joint of a Whale's back-Bone, and several Teeth, some whereof, he said, were found in Hills beyond the Falls of James River, at least, a hundred and fifty Miles up into the Country. The Soil in general is Sandy: I had designed, and I think it might be worth a critical Remark, to observe, the difference of Soils seem appropriated to the several sorts of Tobacco: For there is not only the two distinct sorts of a sweet-scented, and Aranoko Tobacco, but of each of these be several sorts much different, the Seeds whereof are known by distinct Names, they having given them the Names of those Gentlemen most famed for such sort of Tobacco, as of Prior-seed, &c. Nay, the same sort of Seed in different Earths, will produce Tobacco much different, as to goodness. The richer the Ground, the better it is for Aranoko Tobacco, whose Scent is not much minded, their only aim being to have it specious, large, and to procure it a bright Kite's Foot colour. Had not my Microscopes, &c. Tools to grind Glasses, been cast away, with my other things, I had made some critical Enquiries into their several Natures, I would have examin'd what proportions of Salts, all the sorts of Earths had afforded, and how Water impregnated with their Salts, would have changed with infusing Galls, how with the Syrup of Violets, and how they would have precipitated Mercury, or the like, and so far forth as I had been able, examined them by the several Tryals of Fire. I conceive Tobacco to be a Plant abounding with Nitro-Sulphurious Particles; for the Planters try the goodness of their Seed, by casting a little thereof into the Fire; if it be good, it will sparkle after the manner of Gun-powder: so will the Stalks of Tobacco-leaves, and perhaps has something analogous to the Narcotick Sulphur of Venus, which the Chymists so industriously labour after. The World knows little of the efficacy of its Oyl, which has wonderful Effects in the curing of old inveterate Sores, and Scrophulous Swellings, and some, otherwise applied and qualified. The goodness of Tobacco I look on primarily consists in the volatility of its Nitre: And hence the sandy Grounds that are most impregnated therewith, and whose Nitrous Salt is most Volatile, for such Grounds are quickliest spent, yield Tobacco's that have the richest Scent, and that shortly becomes a pleasant Smoak; whereas, in Tobacco that grows on stiff Ground, the Salts seem more fix'd, and lock'd up in the Oyl, so that whilst new, 'tis very heady and strong, and requires some time for its Salts to free themselves, and become Volatile; which it manifests, by its having an Urinous Smell. The same Reason satisfies, why Tobacco that grows on low Lands as far as the Salts, tho' the Plant be never overflowed with Salt Water, yet the Ground that feeds the Plant being impregnated with Salt Water, that Tobacco Smoaks not pleasantly, and will scarcely keep Fire, but do all that a Man can, will oft go out, and gives much trouble in frequent lighting the Pipe, 'till after it has been kept some considerable time: Which may be assign'd to the fixeder Saline Particles of the Marine Salt in these Plants, which require more time e'er they be render'd Volatile. Here it might be worthy an Enquiry into the Nature of Filtration of Plants, since we may hence gather, Particles of the Marine Salt are carried along with the Succus Nutritius of the Plant; concerning which, if it were not too much to deviate from the Matter in hand, I should offer some Reflections of my own, which the Learned Society might perhaps improve: For I think thence might be made many happy Conjectures as to the Virtues of Plants. So where we see Plants, or Trees, of an open Pore growing low, we shall find their Juice has subtile Parts: So have all Vines, whether the Grape Vine, or Briony, or a Smilax, or the like. If a Gummous Plant or Tree, that grows low, and close Pored, it abounds with acid Spirits, as Lignum Vitæ, &c. if it grow tall, and be open Pored, it abounds with a subtile Volatile Spirit, as your Firs, and the Turpentine Tree. But to insist no further herein, than as this may be applicable to the present Discourse: For I have observed, that that which is called Pine-wood Land, tho' it be a sandy Soil, even the Sweet-scented Tobacco that grows thereon, being large and porous, agreeable to Aranoko Tobacco; it smoaks as coarsely as Aranoko: Wherefore 'tis, that I believe the Microscope might make notable Discoveries towards the knowledge of good Tobacco: For the closer the Composition of the Leaf, the better the Tobacco; and therefore the Planters and Merchants brag of the Substance of their Tobacco; which word, did they always take it in a true Sence, for the Solidness, and not mistake it for the Thickness, it would be more consonant to a true Observation: for as I said of the Pine-wood Tobacco, some of it is thick and not Solid, and differs from the best Tobacco, as Buff does from Tann'd Leather; so that if the Tobacco be sound and not Rotten, you may give a great guess at the goodness of Tobacco, when you weigh the Hogsheads, before you see them: For if an equal care be taken in the packing of them the best Tobacco will weigh the heaviest, and Pack the closest. Now I said, that the Sweet-scented Tobacco most in vogue, which was most fam'd for its Scent, was that that grew on sandy Land; which is true, if you would Smoak it whilst new, or whilst only two or three Years Old; but if you keep the stiff Land Tobacco, which is generally a Tobacco of great Substance five or six Years, it will much excel: For tho' the sandy Land Tobacco abound with a Volatile Nitre at first, yet the stiff Land Tobacco abounds with a greater quantity of Nitre, only that it is lock'd up in its Oyl at first, and requires more time to extricate it self, and become Volatile; but the Pine-wood Land having little of the Nitro-Sulphurious Particles, neither is, nor ever will make any thing of a rich Smoak. Discoursing hereof some days since, to a Gentleman of good Observation, that has been versed with Malting, he assured me, to back this my Supposition, or Hypothesis, he had observed, that Barly that grew on stiff Ground, requir'd more time considerably to Mellow, and come to perfection, than that that grew on light Land. Having proceeded thus far to speak of Tobacco, I shall add one or two things more. The Planters differ in their Judgments about the Time of Planting, or Pitching their Crops: Some are for Pitching their Crops very early, others late, without any distinction of the Nature of the Soils; and 'tis from the different Effects that they find, in that, sometimes early, sometimes the late Planting succeeds: But they have not the Reason to judge of the Cause, to consider the Accidents of the Year, and the Difference of the Soils. In sandy Grounds they need not strive so much for early Planting, the Looseness of the Earth, and the kind natur'd Soil, yielding all that it can, easily and speedily, and Sand retaining the Heat, makes the Plants grow faster. But in stiff Soils, if the Crops be not early pitch'd, so that during the Season of Rains it have got considerable Roots, and shot them some depth, if early Droughts come, it so binds the Land, that the Roots never spread or shoot deeper, or further than the Hill that they are planted in: For they plant them as we do Cabbages, raising Hills to set every Plant in, about the bigness of a common Mole-hill: observing this on the Plantation where I lived, that it was stiff Ground, I advised them to Plant their Crops as early as possible; and in order thereunto, I tried several ways to further the Plants; but not to trouble you with the several Experiments that I made, in reference thereto: What I found most advantageous was, by taking an infusion of Horse-dung, and putting thereon Soot, and then my Seeds; this I kept Forty eight Hours in an ordinary digestive heat, I had two Beds left me to Sow, in the midst of those the People sow'd, and the quantity of Seed that they generally allotted to the same quantity of Ground; when I sow'd, I mix'd Ashes with the Seed, having decanted the Liquor, that the Seed might sow the evener: The effect was, that my Plants came up much sooner, grew swifter, and I had five Plants for one more than any of the other Beds bore; I left the Country shortly after, and so no certainty of the final Result. There be had various Accidents and Distempers, whereunto Tobacco is liable, as the Worm, the Fly, Firing to Turn, as they call them, French-men, and the like. I propos'd several ways to kill the Worm and Fly, as by Sulphur and the like; but had no opportunity to experiment it: I shall set down that I had most hopes of, which perhaps may give a hint to others to try or improve. Tobacco-seed is very small, and by consequence so is the young Plant at first, that if gleamy Weather happen at that time, it breeds a small Fly, which consumes the Plume of the Plant; now it being early in the Year when they Sow the Seed, viz. about the fourteenth of January, they cover the Ground, to secure, as well as they can, their tender Plants, from the nipping Frosts, that may happen in the Nights; they cover them only with a few Oak-leaves, or the like; for Straw they find apt to Harbour and Breed this Fly: I therefore would advise them to smoak Straw with Brimstone, once in two or three Nights, and so they might cover them securely, with that which would preserve them infinitely beyond the Covering with Oak-boughs; indeed, I would advise them to keep peculiarly so much of their Indian Corn-blades, which they gather for their Fodder, for this very purpose, being as I conceive, much the best, there being no Chaff to foul their Beds, and prejudice them when they should weed them. What they call Firing is this: When Plants are of small Substance, as when there has been a very Wet and Cold Season, and very hot Weather suddainly ensues, the Leaves turn Brown, and dry to dust: the cause I conceive to be hence: The Plant being feeble, and having a small quantity of Oyl, which makes the more solid part of the Plant, the Earth being suddainly heated by the Sun's fiercer Beams, the Roots are rather scorch'd and dried up in the Earth, than nourish'd; so that the Plant consisting only of watry parts, is consumed, as it were, by Fire: sometimes hopeful Plants, when by a sudden Gust some Master Veins are broken, if suddain heat ensues, they likewise Fire: For being not come to maturity, and being deprived of the Supports of Life and Vegetation, they likewise perish, are dried up, and fall to dust. French-men they call those Plants, whose leaves do not spread and grow large, but rather spire upwards, and grow tall; these Plants they do not tend, being not worthy their Labour. Were they so Critical, I believe, they might have great Guess what Plants were most likely to turn French-men, by observing whether the Roots of the Plants run downwards, as those whose Branches are aptest to spire upwards: For tho' I have not made positive proof thereof, I have something more than bare fancy for my conjecture; I have pull'd up some of these French-men, and compar'd them with the Roots of some other Plants, and found them much longer than others; and 'tis observable, loose Soils, and sandy Ground, are more subject thereto than the stiff Land. The Country of it self is one entire Wood, consisting of large Timber Trees of several sorts, free from Thickets or under Wood, the small Shrubs growing only on Lands, that have been clear'd, or in Swamps; and thus it is for several Hundreds of Miles, even as far as has yet been discover'd. But that shall be reserv'd 'till another opportunity.
I am, &c.
Mr. John Clayton, Rector of Crofton at Wakefield, his Letter to the Royal Society, giving a farther Account of the Soil, and other Observables of Virginia.
I shall here present you with a continuation of my Remarks on the River, Soil, and Plants of Virginia. And first, as to the River on the other side the Mountains, said to Ebb and Flow. I have been assured by Col. Bird, who is one of the Intelligentest Gentlemen in all Virginia, and knows more of Indian Affairs than any Man in the Country, that it was a Mistake; for that it must run into a Lake, now called Lake Petite, which is fresh Water; for since that time a Colony of the French are come down from Canada, and have seated themselves on the back of Virginia, where Fallam and the rest suppos'd there might be a Bay, but is a Lake, to which they have given the Name of Lake Petite, there being several larger Lakes 'twixt that and Canada. The French possessing themselves of these Lakes, no doubt will in short time be absolute Masters of the Beaver Trade, the greatest number of Beavers being catch'd there. The Colonel told me likewise, that the common Notion of the Lake of Canada, he was assured was a Mistake, for the River supposed to come out of it, had no Communication with any of the Lakes, nor the Lakes one with another, but were distinct. But not to ramble after hear-say, and other matters; but to return to the Parts of Virginia inhabited by the English, which in general is a very Fertile Soil, far surpassing England, for there English Wheat (as they call it, to distinguish it from Maze, commonly called Virginia Wheat) yields generally 'twixt Fifteen and Thirty fold, the Ground only once plow'd; whereas 'tis a good Crop in England that yields above Eight fold, after all their Toil and Labour. And yet in truth 'tis only the barrennest Parts that they have cultivated, Tilling and Planting only the High-Lands, leaving the Richer Vales unstirr'd, because they understand not any thing of Draining. So that the Richest Meadow-Lands, which is one third of the Country, is Boggy, Marsh, and Swamp, whereof they make little Advantage, but loose in them abundance of their Cattle, especially at the first of the Spring, when the Cattle are weak, and venture too far after young Grass. Whereas vast Improvements might be made thereof; for the generality of Virginia is a Sandy Land with a shallow Soil. So that after they have cleared a fresh piece of Ground out of the Woods, it will not bear Tobacco past two or three Years, unless Cow-pen'd; for they Manure their Ground by keeping their Cattle, as in the South you do your Sheep, every Night confining them within Hurdles, which they remove when they have sufficiently dung'd one spot of Ground; but alas! they cannot Improve much thus, besides it produces a strong sort of Tobacco, in which the Smoakers say they can plainly taste the fulsomeness of the Dung. Therefore every three or four Years they must be for clearing a new piece of Ground out of Woods, which requires much Labour and Toil, it being so thick grown all over with Massy Timber. Thus their Plantations run over vast Tracts of Ground, each ambitioning to engross as much as they can, that they may be sure to have enough to Plant, and for their Stocks and Herds of Cattel to Range and Feed in, that Plantations of 1000, 2000, or 3000 Acres are common, whereby the Country is thinly inhabited; their Living solitary and unsociable; Trading confused and dispersed; besides other Inconveniences: Whereas they might Improve 200 or 300 Acres to more Advantage, and would make the Country much more Healthy; for those that have 3000 Acres, have scarce cleared 600 Acres thereof, which is peculiarly term'd the Plantation, being surrounded with the 2400 Acres of Woods: so that there can be no free or even motion of the Air, but the Air is kept either stagnant, or the lofty Sulphurous Particles of the Air, that are higher than the tops of the Trees, which are above as high again as the generality of the Woods in England, descending when they pass over the cleared spots of Ground, must needs in the violent heat of Summer, raise a preternatural Ferment, and produce bad Effects. Nor is it any advantage to their Stocks, or Crops; for did they but drain their Swamps, and Low-Lands, they have a very deep Soil, that would endure Planting twenty or thirty Years, and some would scarce ever be worn out, but be ever longer better, for they might lay them all Winter, or when they Pleased in Water, and the product of their Labour would be double or treble, whether Corn or Tobacco; and that this is no fond Projection, (though when I have discoursed the same to several, and in part shewn them how their particular Grounds might be drained at a very easie rate) they have either been so conceited of their old way, so sottish as not to apprehend, or so negligent as not to apply themselves thereto. But on the Plantation where I lived, I drained a good large Swamp, which fully answered expectation. The Gentlewoman where I lived, was a very Acute Ingenious Lady; who one day Discoursing the Overseer of her Servants, about pitching the ensuing Year's Crop. The Overseer was naming one place where he designed to Plant 30000 Plants, another place for 15000, another for 10000, and so forth the whole Crop, designed to be about 100000 Plants: Having observed the Year before he had done the like, and scattered his Crop up and down the Plantation, at Places a Mile, or a Mile and a half asunder, which was very Inconvenient, and whereby they lost much time. I interposed, and asked, why they did not Plant all their Crop together? The Fellow smiled as it were at my Ignorance, and said, there was very good Reason for it. I replied, that was it I enquir'd after. He returned, the Plantation had been an old planted Plantation, and being but a small Plot of Ground, was almost worn out, so that they had not Ground altogether that would bring forth Tobacco. I told him then they had better Ground than ever yet they had planted, and more than their Hands could manage. He smil'd again, and asked me, where? I then named such a Swamp. He then said scornfully, he thought what a Planter I was; that I understood better how to make a Sermon, then managing Tobacco. I replied with some warmness, tho' I hoped so, that was Impertinence, and no Answer. He then said, that the Tobacco there would drown, and the Roots rot. I replied, that the whole Country would drown if the Rivers were stopt, but it might be laid as dry as any Land on the Plantation. In short, we discoursed it very warmly, till he told me, he understood his own Business well enough, and did not desire to learn of me. But the Gentlewoman attended somewhat better to my Reasoning, and got me one day to go and shew her how I projected the draining of the Swamp, and thought it so feasible, that she was resolved to have it done; and therefore desir'd me I would again Discourse her Overseer, which I did several times, but he would by no means hearken thereto, and was so positive, that she was forc'd to turn him away, to have her Servants set about the Work; and with three Men in thirteen Days I drained the whole Swamp, it being Sandy Land, soaks and drains admirably well, and what I little expected, laid a Well dry at a considerable distance. The Gentlewoman was in England last Year, and I think Dr. Moulin was by when she asked me. Now to teach her how she might make her Tobacco that grew in the Swamp less, for it produced so very large, that it was suspected to be of the Aranoko kind: I told her, though the complaint was rare, yet there was an Excellent Remedy for that, in letting every Plant bear eight or nine Leaves instead of four or five, and she would have more Tobacco, and less Leaves. Now you must know they top their Tobacco, that is, take away the little top-bud, when the Plant has put forth as many Leaves as they think the Richness of the Ground will bring to a Substance; but generally when it has shot forth four or six Leaves. And when the top-bud is gone, it puts forth no more Leaves, but Side-branches, which they call Suckers, which they are careful ever to take away, that they may not empoverish the Leaves. I have been more tedious in the Particulars, the fullier to evince how resolute they are and conceitedly bent to follow their old Practice and Custom, rather than to receive Directions from others, tho' plain, easie, and advantageous. There are many other Places as easie to drain as this, tho' of larger extent, and richer Soil, for some of which I have given directions, and have only had the return perhaps of a flout afterwards: Even in James Town Island, which is much what of an Oval Figure, there's a Swamp runs Diagonal-wise over the Island, whereby is lost at least 150 Acres of Land, which would be Meadow, which would turn to as good Account as if it were in England: Besides it is the great annoyance of the Town, and no doubt but makes it much more unhealthy. If therefore they but scour'd the Channel, and made a pretty ordinary Trench all along the middle of the Swamp, plac'd a Sluice at the Mouth, where it opens into the back Creek; for the Mouth of the Channel there is narrow, has a good hard bottom, and is not past two Yards deep when the Flood is out; as if Nature had designed it before hand: They might thus drain all the Swamp absolutely dry, or lay it under Water at their Pleasure. I have talked several times hereof to Mr. Sherwood, the owner of the Swamp, yet nothing is essayed in Order thereto. And now since we are speaking of James Town give me leave to adjoin some Reflections as to the Situation and Fortifications of the Place. The Natural Situation of the place is such, as perhaps the World has not a more commodious Place for a Town, where all things conspire for Advantage thereof.
James Town Island is rather a Peninsula, being joined to the Continent by a small Neck of Land, not past Twenty or Thirty Yards over, and which at Spring-Tides is overflow'd, and is then an absolute Island. Now they have built a silly sort of a Fort, that is, a Brick Wall in the shape of a Half-Moon, at the beginning of the Swamp, because the Channel of the River lies very nigh the Shoar; but it is the same as if a Fort were built at Chelsey to secure London from being taken by Shipping. Besides Ships passing up the River are secured from the Guns of the Fort, till they come directly over-against the Fort, by reason the Fort stands in a Vale, and all the Guns directed down the River, that should play on the Ships, as they are coming up the River, will lodge their Shot within Ten, Twenty, or Forty Yards in the rising Bank, which is much above the Level of the Fort; so that if a Ship gave but a good Broad-side, just when she comes to bear upon the Fort, she might put the Fort into that confusion, as to have free Passage enough. There was indeed an old Fort of Earth in the Town, being a sort of Tetragone, with something like Bastions at the four Corners, as I remember; but the Channel lying further off to the middle of the River there, they let it be demolished, and built that new one spoke of, of Brick, which seems little better than a blind Wall, to shoot Wild Ducks or Geese.
If they would build a Fort for the Security of the Town and Country, I conceive it should be on Archer's Hope Point, for that would stop the Ships from passing up the River, before they came to the Town, and would secure the Town from being block'd up by Sea. The Channel at Archer's Hope Point lies close by the Shoar, and makes such an Angle there by reason of Hog Island, that going up or down the River, let the Wind be where it will, they must there bring the contrary Tack on Board, and generally when they About the Ship as they call it, they are so near the Shoar, that a Man may almost fling a Finger-stone on Board. How much this hinders the motion of a Ship, and what Confusion it must be to them to bring a contrary Tack on Board, whilst they have all the Guns of a Fort playing so nigh upon them, may readily be conceived. Archer's Hope is a Neck of Land, that runs down three Miles long, not much past half a Mile broad betwixt the Main River and Archer's Hope Creek, which has large Marshes and Swamps; so that a Citadel built upon the Point, would almost be Impregnable, being it could be attack'd no way but one, which is so narrow a slender Neck of Land, that it would be difficult to take it that way: And it would secure James Town from being block'd, being it would not be past a Mile by Water, to the Point of James Town Island. The Island is so surrounded with Water and Marshy Land, that the Town could never be Bomb'd by Land. But now to return to the Reflections of Improving, and Manuring of Land in Virginia; hitherto, as I have said, they have used none but that of Cow-penning; yet I suppose they might find very good Marle in many places, I have seen both the red and blew Marle at some breaks of Hills: This would be the properest Manure for their Sandy Land, if they spread it not too thick, theirs being, as I have said, a shallow, Sandy Soil, which was the Reason I never advised any to use Lime, tho' they have very good Lime of Oyster-shells; but that's the properest Manure for cold Clay Land, and not for a Sandy Soil. But as most Lands have one Swamp or another bordering on them, they may certainly get admirable Slitch, wherewith to Manure all their uplands. But this, say they, will not improve Ground, but clods and grows hard; 'tis true, it will do so for some time, a Year or two at the first; but did they cast it in heaps, and let it lie for two or three Years after a Frost or two had seized it, and it had been well pierced therewith, I doubt not it would turn to good Account: And for this too I have something more than bare conjecture; for Discoursing it once with a good notable Planter, we went to view a heap thereof, that casually he had cast up 'twixt three and four Years before, and we found it not very binding, but rather a fine Natural Mold, whereupon he did confess, he then remembred that out of a ridge of the like Mold he had very large Plants, which must have been of the like Slime or Slitch cast up before: But said, that himself and others despaired of this Manure, because they had taken of this Slitch fresh and moist out of the Swamp, and fill'd Tobacco Hills with it, and in the midst of it planted their Plants, which so bound the Roots of their Plants, that they never came to any thing. But he said, he then saw his Error, yet I have not heard he has remembred to Correct it. But 'tis strange in how many things besides they are remiss, which one would think English Men should not be guilty of. They neither House nor Milk any of their Cows in Winter, having a Notion that it would kill them; yet I perswaded the afore-mentioned Lady where I lived, to Milk four Cows the last Winter that I staid in the Country, whereof she found so good Effect, that she assured me she would keep to my Advice for the future; and also as I had further urged, House them too, for which they have mighty Conveniencies, their Tobacco Houses being empty ever at that time of the Year, and may easily be fitted in two or three days time without any Prejudice; whereby their Cattle would be much sheltered from those Pinching sharp Frosts that some Nights on a sudden become very severe. I had another Project for the Preservation of their Cattle proved very successful; I urged the Lady to sow her Wheat as early as possibly she could, so that before Winter it might be well rooted, to be early and flourishing at the first of the Spring: So that she might turn thereon her weak Cattle, and such as should at any time be swamp'd, whereby they might be recruited and saved, and it would do the Wheat good also. I advised her likewise to save, and carefully gather her Indian Corn-tops, and blades, and all her Straw, whatever could be made Fodder, for her Cattle; for they get no Hay, tho' I was urging her to that too, and to sow Saintfoin; for being a Sandy Soil, I am confident it would turn to very good Account. They have little or no Grass in Winter, so that their Cattle are pined and starved, and many that are brought low and weak, when the Spring begins, venture too far into the Swamps after the fresh Grass, where they perish; so that several Persons lose ten, twenty or thirty Head of Cattle in a Year: I observed this was much owing to their Inadvertency and Error in their way of Managing and Feeding them; for they get little Fodder, but as they think Corn being more Nourishing, feed them with their Indian Corn, which they give them Morning and Evening; they spend thus a great quantity of Corn, and when all's done, what signifies two or three Heads of Corn to a Beast in a Morning? It makes them only linger about the Houses for more? and after that sweet Food they are not so prompt to browse on the Trees, and the course Grass which the Country affords. So that thus their Guts shrink up, and they become Belly-shot as they call it. I advised therefore never to give them any thing in a Morning, whereby as soon as they were set forth of the Cow-pens, they would fall a feeding, and tho' they filled their Bellies only with such course stuff as had little Nourishment in it, yet it would keep out their Bellies, and they would have a better Digestion; and then when they were come home at Nights, to Fodder them, beginning with Straw and their coarsest Fodder, which they would learn to eat by degrees, before they tasted that that was more delicate, and whilst their digestion was strong, would yield them Nourishment to keep them still so; afterwards when the Winter pinched, their fine Fodder then would stand them in stead; and hereby they might preserve their weakest Cattle. By these Methods, and the help of the Wheat-patch, she, the Gentlewoman where I lived, saved all her Cattle, and lost not one in Two Winters after, that I staid there; besides she saved above Twenty Barrels of Corn, as I remember that she told me she used to spend upon her Stock; and a Barrel of Corn is commonly worth Ten Shillings. Nay further, The last Spring she fed Two Beasts, a Bullock and a Cow, Fat, upon her Wheat, with the addition only of a little boil'd Corn, and yet the Wheat was scarce eat down enough. But to return again to the Nature of the Earth, which may be pretty well gather'd from what I have already said. I have observed, that at Five or Six yards deep, at the breaks of some banks, I have found veins of Clay, admirable good to make Pots, Pipes, or the like of, and whereof I suppose the Indians make their Pipes, and Pots, to boil their Meat in, which they make very handsomly, and will endure the Fire better than most Crucibles: I took of this Clay, dryed, powder'd, and sifted it; powdered and sifted Potsherds, and Glass; Three parts, Two parts and One part as I remember, and therewith made a large Crucible, which was the best I yet ever tried in my Life; I took it once red hot out of the Fire, and clapt it immediately into Water, and it started not at all. The Country abounds mightily with Iron Oar, that as I have been assured by some upon tryal, has been found very good. There are Rocks thereof appear at the precipice of Hills, at the foot whereof there runs a River fit for a Forge, and there's Wood enough to supply it with Charcoal; as I have heard there was formerly some Persons undertook the Work, and when they had made but a small quantity of Iron, which proved very good, the Indian Massacre happened, and they being higher seated than the then Inhabited part of the Country, were all cut off, and the Works demolished; so that it has frighted others I think from the like attempt; besides, such a work requires a greater Fund, and Bank of Mony to carry it on, than any there are able to lay out; and for Persons in England to meddle therewith, is certainly to be cheated at such a distance; some Indians brought Col. Bird some Black Lead, whereof he told me there was great store. There's very curious Chalk towards the falls of Rapahanock River, which they burn and make a delicate white Wash of it. The Secretary of State Col. Spencer, has assured me, there were Vitriolick or Alluminous Earth on the Banks of Potomack. And thus far of what my Memory supplies me, referring to the Earth; in the next place I shall give a short account of the Birds.
Of the BIRDS
I had indeed begun once whilst I was in that Country to have made a Collection of the Birds, but falling sick of the Griping of the Guts, some of them for want of care corrupted, which made them fling others away that I had thoroughly cured; for I was past taking care of them my self, there remaining but small hopes of my Life.
There are Three sorts of Eagles, the largest I take to be that they call the Grey Eagle, being much of the colour of our Kite or Glead.
The Second is the Bald Eagle, for the Body and part of the Neck being of a dark brown, the upper part of the Neck and Head is covered with a white sort of Down, whereby it looks very bald, whence it is so named.
The Third is the Black Eagle, resembling most the English Eagle; they build their Nests much after the manner that Dr. Willoughby describes, and generally at the top of some tall old Tree, naked of Bows and nigh the River side, and the People fall the Tree generally when they take the young; they are most frequently sitting on some tall Tree by the River side, whence they may have a prospect up and down the River, as I suppose to observe the Fishing Hauks; for when they see the Fishing Hauk has struck a Fish, immediately they take Wing, and 'tis sometimes very pleasant to behold the Flight, for when the Fishing Hauk perceives her self pursued, she will scream and make a terrible noise, till at length she lets fall the Fish to make her own escape, which the Eagle frequently catches before it reach the Earth or Water. These Eagles kill young Lambs, Pigs, &c.
The Fishing Hauk is an absolute Species of a Kings-fisher, but full as large, or larger than our Jay, much of the Colour and Shape of a Kings-fisher, tho' not altogether so curiously Feather'd; it has a large Crop, as I remember, there is a little Kings-fisher much the same in every respect with ours.
If I much mistake not, I have seen both Goss Hauk and Falcon; besides there are several sorts of the lesser Kind of Stannels.
There is likewise the Kite and the Ringtail.
I never heard the Cuckow there to my remembrance.
There's both a brown Owl and white Owl, much what as large as a Goose, which often kills their Hens and Poultry in the Night; the white Owl is a very delicate Feather'd Bird, all the Feathers upon her Breast and Back being Snow-white, and tipp'd with a Punctal of Jet-black: besides there is a Barn Owl much like ours; and a little sort of Scritch Owl.
There's both the Raven, and the Carrion-Crow; I do not remember I ever saw any Rooks there. Dr. Moulin and my self, when we made our Anatomies together, when I was at London, we shew'd to the Royal Society, that all Flat-bill'd Birds that groped for their Meat, had three Pair of Nerves, that came down into their Bills; whereby as we conceived they had that accuracy to distinguish what was proper for Food, and what to be rejected by their Taste when they did not see it; and as this was most evident in a Duck's Bill and Head, I draw'd a Cut thereof, and left it in your Custody: A Duck has larger Nerves that come into their Bills than Geese or any other Bird that I have seen and therefore quaffer and grope out their Meat the most: But I had then discover'd none of these Nerves in Round-bill'd Birds: But since in my Anatomies in the Country, in a Rook I first observed two Nerves came down betwixt the Eyes into the upper Bill, but considerably smaller than any or the three Pair of Nerves in the Bills of Ducks, but larger than the Nerves in any other Round-bill'd Birds; and 'tis remarkable these Birds more than any other Round-bill'd Birds seem to grope for their Meat in Cow-dung and the like: Since I have found in several Round-bill'd Birds the like Nerves coming down betwixt the Eyes, but so very small that had I not seen them first in a Rook I should scarce have made the discovery; in the lower Bill there are Nerves have much the same situation with the Flat-bill'd Birds, but very small, and scarce discernable, unless to the Cautious and Curious.
The Night Raven, which some call the Virginia Bat, is about the bigness of a Cuckow, feather'd like them but very short, and short Leg'd, not discernable when it flies, which is only in the Evening scudding like our Night Raven.
There's a great sort of ravenous Bird that feeds upon Carrion, as big very nigh as an Eagle, which they call a Turky Bustard, its Feathers are of a Duskish black, it has red Gills, resembling those of a Turky, whence it has its Name; it is nothing of the same sort of Bird with our English Turky Bustard, but is rather a Species of the Kites, for it will hover on the Wing something like them, and is carnivorous; the Fat thereof dissolved into an Oil, is recommended mightily against old Aches and Sciatica Pains.
I think there are no Jackdaws, nor any Magpys; they there prize a Magpye as much as we do their Red Bird.
The Pica Glandaria, or Jay, is much less than our English Jay, and of another colour, for it is all blue where ours is brown, the Wings marbled as curiously as ours are, it has both the same Cry, and sudden jetting Motion.
There are great Variety and Curiosity in the Wood-peckers, there's one as big as our Magpye, with blackish brown Feathers, and a large Scarlet Tuft on the top of the Head: There are four or five sorts of Wood-peckers more, variegated with Green, Yellow and Red Heads, others spotted black and white, most lovely to behold. There's a Tradition amongst them, that the Tongue of one of these Wood-peckers dryed will make the Teeth drop out if pick'd therewith, and cure the Tooth-ach (tho' I believe little of it, but look on it as ridiculous) yet I thought fit to hint as much that others may try; for sometimes such old Stories refer to some peculiar Virtues, tho' not to all that is said of them.
There be wild Turkies extream large; they talk of Turkies that have been kill'd, that have weigh'd betwixt 50 and 60 Pound weight; the largest that ever I saw, weigh'd something better than 38 Pound; they have very long Legs, and will run prodigiously fast. I remember not that ever I saw any of them on the Wing, except it were once: Their Feathers are of a blackish shining Colour, that in the Sun shine like a Dove's Neck, very specious.
Hens and Cocks are for the most part without Tails and Rumps; and as some have assured me our English Hens after some time being kept there have their Rumps Rot off; which I'm the apter to believe, being all their Hens are certainly of English breed. I'm sorry I made no Anatomical Observations thereof, and Remarks about the Use of the Rumps in Birds, which at present I take to be a couple of Glands, containing a sort of Juice for the Varnishing the Feathers; having observed all Birds have much recourse with their Bills to the Rumps when they dress their Plumes, whereby they scud thro' the Air more nimbly in their Flight.
Partridges there are much smaller than ours, and resort in Covies as ours do; their Flesh is very white, and much excels ours in my mind, Sed de gustibus non est disputandum.
Their Turtle-Doves are of a duskish blue colour, much less than our common Pidgeon, the whole Train is longer much than the Tails of our Pidgeons, the middle Feather being the longest. There's the strangest Story of a vast number of these Pidgeons that came in a Flock a few Years before I came thither; they say they came thro' New England, New York and Virginia, and were so prodigious in number as to darken the Sky for several Hours in the place over which they flew, and brake massie Bows where they light; and many like things which I have had asserted to me by many Eye-witnesses of Credit, that to me it was without doubt, the Relaters being very sober Persons, and all agreeing in a Story: nothing of the like ever happen'd since, nor did I ever see past Ten in a Flock together that I remember. I am not fond of such Stories, and had suppressed the relating of it, but that I have heard the same from very many.
The Thrush and Feldefire are much like ours, and are only seen in Winter there, accordingly as they are here.
Their Mocking Birds may be compared to our Singing Thrushes, being much of the same bigness; there are two sorts, the Gray and the Red, the gray has Feathers much of the colour of our gray Plovers with white in the Wings like a Magpye; this has the much softer Note, and will imitate, in its singing, the Notes of all Birds that it hears, and is accounted much the finest Singing Bird in the World. Dr. Moulin and I made in our Anatomy many Observations of Singing Birds to this effect: The Ears of Birds differ much from those of Men or Beasts, there's almost a direct passage from one Ear to the other of Birds, so that prick but the small Membrane call'd the Drum on either Ear, and Water poured in at one Ear will run out at the other: But this is not all, but what is much more remarkable, they have no Coclea, but instead thereof there's a small Cocleous or twisting Passage that opens into a large Cavity, that runs betwixt two Sculls, and passes all round the Head, the upper Scull is supported by many hundreds of small Thred-like Pillars or Fibers, which as we supposed had another use also, to break the Sound from making any confused Echo, and to make it one and distinct; this passage we observed betwixt the two Skulls was much larger in Singing Birds than in others that do not sing, so very remarkable that any Person that has been but show'd this may easily judge by the Head what Bird is a Singing Bird, or has aptitude thereto, tho' he never saw the Bird before, nor knew what Bird it were: This has often made me reflect how much the Modification of Voices depends upon the accuracy of the Ear, and how deaf Persons become Dumb: And since I have observed that many Children that have an acute Wit enough that are slow of Speech, that is long before they speak are much longer before they can pronounce those Letters that are sharps, as g. h. r. and never have an aptitude to learn to sing. Hence I judge that Songs that have many Sharps in them are the difficultest to sing well, and discover any Persons skill upon the trial of Musick most. This I suppose only, having no Skill in Musick my self, nor having ever discoursed any Person about it. As I remember we show'd some of these things to the Royal Society, and I drew some Cuts thereof, and gave the Doctor upon promise that he would put these and many other our joint Observations in Print, but I hear he is since dead. I have Anatomized most sorts of Creatures, and never found any Four-footed Creature with an Ear like a Bird, unless a Mole; and a Mole has an Ear much like them, with a very thin double Scull, and great Cavity like a Bird, and is very acute of hearing, the Scull by reason of the large Cavity is very slender and easily crush'd, so that a Mole is quickly kill'd with a bruise on the Scull like a Lark, and upon the bruise the Membranes of the Scull turn black; whence Segerus mistake Membranæ Cerebri in superficie exteriori omnino nigræ visæ. But when I have taken care not to bruise the Skull the Membranes were not black at all, both Segerus and Severinus I think had some perceptions of the different Structure of a Mole's Ear, but not any thing of its Analogy to a Bird's Ear; they speak of a Bone Egregie pumicosum: And Segerus says there's a Ductus ad ossis usque petrosi cavitatem protensus, plurimis fibrillis Membraneis annectabatur. But to return, this Mocking Bird having its Name from Mimicking, all other Birds in singing is a wonderful mettled Bird, bold and brisk, and yet seems to be of a very tender Constitution, neither singing in Winter, nor in the midst of Summer, and with much difficulty are any of them brought to live in England.
The Red Mocking is of a duskish red, or rather brown; it sings very well, but has not so soft a Note as the gray Mocking Bird.
Of Virginia Nightingale, or red Bird, there are two sorts, the Cocks of both sorts are of a pure Scarlet, the Hens of a Duskish red; I distinguish them into two sorts, for the one has a tufted Cops on the Head, the other is smooth-feather'd. I never saw a tufted Cock with a smooth-headed Hen, or on the contrary; they generally resorting a Cock and Hen together, and play in a Thicket of Thorns or Bryars in the Winter, nigh to which the Boys set their Traps, and so catch them and sell them to the Merchants for about Six Pence apiece; by whom they are brought for England; they are something less than a Thrush.
There's a Bird very injurious to Corn, they call a Blackbird; I look on it a sort of Starling, for they cry something like them but do not sing, are much what of the same bigness, have Flesh blackish like theirs; they resort in great Flocks together, they are as black as a Crow all over their Bills and all, only some of them have scarlet Feathers in the Pinions of their Wings. Quæry, Whether a distinct Species?
They have a Lark nothing differing from our common Lark; they have another Bird which they call a Lark that is much larger, as big as a Starling, it has a soft Note, feeds on the Ground; and as I remember has the Specifical Character of a long Heel, it is more inclined to yellow, and has a large half Moon on its Breast of yellow; if it have not a long Heel, Quære, Whether a Species of the Yellow-hammer?
They have a Martin very like, only larger than ours, that builds after the same manner. The honourable Col. Bacon has remarked for several Years, that they constantly come thither upon the Tenth of March one or two of them appearing before, being seen hovering in the Air for a Day or two then go away, and as he supposed return'd with the great Flock. The Colonel delighted much in this Bird, and made like Pidgeon-holes at the end of his House with Boards purposely for them.
Their Swallow differs but little from ours.
They have a Bird they call a Blue-bird, of a curious azure colour about the bigness of a Chaffinch.
There be other sorts of Goldfinches variegated with Orange and Yellow Feathers, very specious and beautiful.
Sparrows not much different from the English, but build not in the Eaves of Houses that ever I saw.
The Snow-bird which I take to be much the same with our Hedge-Sparrow; this is so called because it seldom appears about Houses but against Snow or very cold Weather.
The Humming Bird that feeds upon the Honey of Flowers: I have been told by some Persons, that they have kept of these Humming Birds alive, and fed them with Water and Sugar: they are much the smallest of all Birds, have long Bills and curious coloured Feathers, but differ much in colour.
Herons three or four several sorts, one larger than the English, feather'd much like a Spanish Goose.
Another sort that only comes in Summer Milk white, with red Legs very lovely to behold.
The Bittern is there less than in England, and does not make that sounding Noise that ever I heard.
Curlews something less than our English, tho' bigger than a Wimbrel.
The Sandpiper much resembling the English.
The Snipe, two sorts, one resembling ours, the other much less.
The Tewits are smaller than the English, and have no long Toppins, but just like a young one that begins to fly.
There are a great number of wild Swans.
Wild-geese and Brent-geese all Winter in mighty Flocks, Wild-ducks innumerable, Teal, Wigeon, Sheldrakes, Virginia-didapers, the Black-diver, &c.
In my return home for England, May 1686., off of the Banks of Newfoundland, when we were, according to account, a hundred Leagues from the Shoar, we saw several prodigious floating Islands of the Ice, no less to our Wonder than Terror, for they were very dangerous: I got the Master to sail one day as nigh one of them as we securely durst, which we judged to be full a League in length, and was higher above Water than the top of our Main-mast; the Snow drove to and fro upon it as upon a large Plane. There was a great Flock of small Black-divers, that were not much bigger than a Fieldfare, came to us a little before, but all of them then left and betook themselves to this Island of Ice. They dived the constantly'st, and the longest at a time of any Bird that I ever saw. We saw, as I remember, nigh Thirty of these Islands of Ice. Captain Rider being some fews days later in his Passage, and bearing more to the Nore, told me, he saw many more of these Islands of Ice, and some much larger.
There are in Virginia a great many Cormorants; several sorts of Gulls, and in about the Bay many Bannets. Thus much for the Birds.
Yours, &c.
A Continuation of Mr. Clayton's Account of Virginia.
Of the Beasts of Virginia.
There were neither Horses, Bulls, Cows, Sheep, or Swine, in all the Country, before the coming of the English, as I have heard, and have much reason to believe. But now among the English Inhabitants there are good store of Horses, though they are very negligent and careless about the Breed: It is true, there is a Law, that no Horse shall be kept stoned under a certain size, but it is not put in execution. Such as they are, there are good store, and as cheap or cheaper than in England, worth about Five Pounds apiece. They never Shoe them, nor Stable them in general; some few Gentlemen may be something more Curious, but it is very rare; yet they Ride pretty sharply, a Planter's Pace is a Proverb, which is a good sharp Hand-Gallop. The Indians have not yet learned to Ride, only the King of Pomonkie had got three or four Horses for his own Saddle, and an Attendant, which I think should in no wise be indulged, for I look on the allowing them Horses much more dangerous than even Guns and Powder.
Wild Bulls and Cows there are now in the uninhabited Parts, but such only as have been bred from some that have strayed, and become Wild, and have propagated their kind, and are difficult to be shot, having a great Acuteness of Smelling. The common rate of a Cow and Calf is 50s. sight unseen, be she big or little, they are never very curious to examine that Point.
Their Sheep are of a middling size, pretty fine fleeced in general, and most Persons of Estate begin to keep Flocks, which hitherto has not been much regarded, because of the Wolves that destroy them; so that a piece of Mutton is a finer Treat, than either Venison, Wild-Goose, Duck, Wigeon, or Teal.
Elke, I have heard of them beyond the Inhabitants, and that there was one presented to Sir William Berkley, which he sometime kept.
Deer, there are abundance of brave Red Deer, so that a good Woodsman, as they call them, will keep a House with Venison; the Indians, they say, make Artificial sorts of Heads of Boughs of Trees, which they Consecrate to their Gods, and these they put on to deceive the Deer when they go a Shooting, or Hunting, as they call it, and by mimicking the Feeding of the Deer, they by degrees get within Shot.
Swine, they have now in great abundance, Shoats or Porkrels are their general Food; and I believe as good as any Westphalia, certainly far exceeding our English.
Rackoone, I take it to be a Species of a Monkey, something less than a Fox gray-hair'd, its Feet formed like a Hand, and the Face too has likewise the resemblance of a Monkeys, besides being kept tame they are very Apish: They are very prejudicial to their Poultry, as I remember.
An Opossum, as big, and something shaped like our Badgers, but of a lighter Dun colour, with a long Tail something like a Rat, but as thick as a Man's Thumb; the Skin of its Belly is very large, and folded so as to meet like a Purse, wherein they secure their Young whilst little and tender, which will as naturally run thither, as Chickens to a Hen; in these False Bellies they will carry their Young; these also feed on, and devour Corn.
Hares, many will have them to be a Hedge-Rabbet, but I know not what they mean thereby. I take them to be a perfect Species of Hares, because I have seen Leverets there with the white spot in the Head which the Old ones have not, so it is in England; and the Down is perfectly of the colour of our Hares, they sit as our Hares do, and make no Holes and Burrows in the Earth; true, they are but about the bigness of an English Rabbet, and run no faster; they generally take into some hollow Tree within a little space, which then the People catch by gathering the withered Leaves, and setting them on fire within the hollow of the Tree, and smoaking of them so till they fall down. Sometimes they take long Bryars, and twist them in the Down and Skin, and so pull them forth.
Squirrels, there are three sorts. The first is the great Fox Squirrel, much larger than the English, and gray, almost as a common Rabbet. These are very common, I have eaten of them at the best Gentlemen's Tables, and they are as good as a Rabbet. The Second is the Flying Squirrel, of a lighter Dun colour, and much less than the English Squirrel; the Skin on either side the Belly extended is very large betwixt the fore-leg and hind-leg, which helps them much in their skipping from one Bough to another, that they will leap farther than the Fox-Squirrel, though much less, yet this is still rather skipping than flying, though the distinction be well enough. The Third is the Ground-Squirrel, I never saw any of this sort, only I have been told of them, and have had them thus described to me, to be little bigger than a Mouse, finely spotted like a young Fawn; by what I further apprehended, they are an absolute sort of Dor-Mouse, only different in colour.
Musk-Rats, in all things shaped like our Water-Rats, only something larger, and is an absolute Species of Water-Rats, only having a curious Musky scent: I kept one for a certain time in a wooden Chest; two days before it died it was extraordinary Odoriferous, and scented the Room very much; but the day that it died, and a day after the scent was very small, yet afterwards the Skin was very fragrant; the Stones also smelt very well. They build Houses as Beavers do, in the Marshes and Swamps (as they there call them) by the Water-sides, with two or three ways into them, and they are finely daubed within. I pulled one in pieces purposely to see the contrivance: There were three different Lodging-Rooms, very neat, one higher than another, as I conceive purposely made for Retirement, when the Water rises higher than ordinary; they are considerably large, having much Trash and Lumber to make their Houses withal; I suppose they live mostly on Fish.
Batts, as I remember at least two sorts; one a large sort with long Ears, and particularly long straggling Hairs. The other much like the English, something larger I think, very common.
I never heard of any Lions; they told me of a Creature killed whilst I was there, in Glocester County, which I conceived to be a sort of Pard, or Tyger.
Bears there are, and yet but few in the Inhabited part of Virginia; towards Carolina there are many more. There was a small Bear killed within three Miles of James City the Year that I left the Country, but it was supposed to have strayed, and swam over James River. They are not very fierce, their Flesh is commended for a very rich sort of Pork; but the lying side of the Bear, as I remember, is but half the value of the other, weight for weight.
There are several sorts of Wild-Cats and Poll-Cats.
Beavers build their Houses in like manner as the Musk-Rats do, only much larger, and with pieces of Timber make Dams over Rivers; as I suppose either to preserve their Furs dry in their passage over the Rivers, otherwise to catch Fish by standing to watch them thereon, and jumping upon them on a sudden; they are very subtil Creatures, and if half the Stories be true that I have been told, they have a very orderly Government among them; in their Works each knows his proper Work and Station, and the Overseers beat those Young Ones that loiter in their Business, and will make them cry, and work stoutly.
Wolves there are great store; you may hear a Company Hunting in an Evening, and yelping like a pack of Beagles; but they are very cowardly, and dare scarce venture on any thing that faces them; yet if Hungry, will pull down a good large Sheep that flies from them. I never heard that any of them adventured to set on Man or Child.
Foxes, they are very much like ours, only their Fur is much more grisled, or gray; neither do I remember ever to have seen any Fox-holes, but of this I am not positive.
Every House keeps three or four Mungrel Dogs to destroy Vermin, such as Wolves, Foxes, Rackoons, Opossums, &c. But they never Hunt with Hounds, I suppose, because there are so many Branches of Rivers, that they cannot follow them. Neither do they keep Grey-Hounds, because they say, that they are subject to break their Necks by running against Trees, and any Cur will serve to run their Hares into a hollow Tree, where after the aforesaid manner they catch them.
They have great store both of Land and Water Tortoises, but they are very small, I think I never saw any in that Country to exceed a Foot in length; there is also another sort of Land-Tortoise, different from the common sort, with a higher ridged Back, and speckled with red sort of Spots.
Frogs they have of several sorts, one of a prodigious largeness, eight or ten times as big as any in England, and it makes a strange noise, something like the Bellowing of a Bull, or betwixt that and the hollow sounding noise that the English Bittern makes.
Another very common sort, which they call Toads, because black, but I think differs nothing from our black Frog. They have Toads also like ours in England; and another small sort of Frog, which makes a noise like Pack-horse Bells all the Spring long. Another little green Frog, that will leap prodigiously, which they therefore call the Flying Frog. There is frequently heard in the Woods a shrill sort of noise, much like that which our Shrew-Mouse makes, but much sharper; I could never learn the certainty what it was that made this noise, it is generally in a Tree, and some have asserted to me, that it was made by the green Frog, yet I scarcely believe it. Mr. Banister assured me it was made by a sort of Scarabeus Beetle, that is I think full as big as the Humming-Bird; but neither do I believe that, and for this Reason, for I never saw that Beetle so low as the Salts, but always as high up in the Country as the Freshes, and that noise is frequent all over the Country.
Lizards, that are gray, and very common, the Snakes feed much on them, for I have taken several of them out of the Bellies of Snakes.
Snakes, about seven several sorts. The Rattle-Snake, so called from certain Rattles at the end of the Tail: These Rattles seem like so many perished Joints, being a dry Husk over certain Joints, and the common Opinion is, that there are as many Rattles or Joints, as the Snake is years old. I kill'd four or five, and they had each eleven, twelve, or thirteen Joints each; but the young Ones have no Rattles of a year or two, but they may be known notwithstanding, being very regularly diced or checker'd, black and gray on the backs. The Old shake and shiver these Rattles with wonderful nimbleness when they are any ways disturbed; their bite is very deadly, yet not always of the same force, but more or less Mortal, accordingly as the Snake is in force or vigour, and therefore in June or July much worse, and more Mortal, than in March and April. This Snake is a very Majestick sort of Creature, and will scarce meddle with any thing unless provok'd, but if any thing offend it, it makes directly at them. I was told a pleasant Story of an Old Gentlemen, Col. Cleyborn as I remember was his Name, the same that sent the Rattle-Snakes to the Royal Society some Years since. He had an odd Fancy of keeping some of these Snakes always in Barrels in the House, and one time an Indian pretending to Charm them so as to take them by the Neck in his Hand without biting of him; the Old Gentleman caused a Rattle-Snake to be brought forth, the Indian began his Charm with a little Wand, whisking it round and round the Rattle-Snake's Head, bringing it by degrees nigher and nigher, and at length flung the Switch away, and whisked his Hand about in like manner, bringing his Hand nigher still and nigher, by taking less Circles, when the old Gentleman immediately hit the Snake with his Crutch, and the Snake snap'd the Indian by the Hand, and bit him very sharply betwixt the Fingers, which put his Charm to an end, and he roared out; but stretch'd his Arm out as high as he could, calling for a string, wherewith he bound his Arm as hard as possibly he could, and clapt a hot burning Coal thereon, and singed it stoutly, whereby he was cured, but looked pale a long while after. And I believe this truly one of the best ways in the World of Curing the Bite either of Viper or Mad Dog. I was with the Honourable Esquire Boyle, when he made certain Experiments of Curing the Bite of Vipers with certain East-India Snake-stones, that were sent him by King James the Second, the Queen, and some of the Nobility, purposely to have him try their Vertue and Efficacy: For that end he got some brisk Vipers, and made them bite the Thighs of certain Pullets, and the Breasts of others: He applied nothing to one of the Pullets, and it died within three Minutes and a half, as I remember; but I think they all recovered to which he applied the Snake-stones, tho' they turned wonderful pale, their Combs, &c. immediately, and they became extream sick, and purged within half an hour, and the next morning all their Flesh was turned green to a wonder, nevertheless they recovered by degrees. The manner of the Application was only by laying on the Stone, and by two cross-bits of a very sticking Diaculum Plaister binding it on, which he let not lie on past an hour or two, but I think not so long, took the Stone off, and put it into Milk for some time; some Stones were of much stronger Vertue than others. I proposed a piece of unquench'd Lime-stone to be apply'd to see whether it might not prove as powerful, but know not whether ever it was tried. But here one telling Mr. Boyle the Story of this Indian, he approved the method of Cure, and said, an actual Cautery was the most certain Cure. The Poison, both of Viper and Mad-Dog (as I conceive) kill by thickning of the Blood, after the manner that Runnet congeals Milk when they make Cheese. Vipers, and all the Viperous Brood, as Rattle-Snakes, &c. that are deadly, have I believe their Poisonous Teeth Fistulous, for so I have observed that Vipers Teeth are, and the Rattle-Snakes very remarkable, and therefore they kill so very speedily by injecting the Poison through those Fistulous Teeth into the very Mass of Blood; but the bite of Mad-Dogs is oft of long continuance before it get into and corrupt the Mass of Blood, being it sticks only to the out-sides of the Teeth, and therefore when they bite thro' any thickness of Cloaths, it rarely proves Mortal, the Cloaths wiping the Poison off before it come to the Flesh. A Girl that was bit about New-Years Day, continued well till Whitsontide, when coming to see certain Friends in our Parts, she fell very ill, and being a Poor Girl, they came to me; it pleased God I recovered her. Sometime after she returned to give me thanks for saving her Life, being two Persons that were bit with the same Dog, were dead, whilst she remained under Cure, and therefore she was the fullier convinc'd she owed her life to me; but of this I shall give a more particular Instance by and by. But the Poisons of Vipers seems to be like the injecting of Liquors into the Veins of Creatures; Dr. Moulin and I made many Experiments of this Nature together, and I have made many more by my self. We once, I remember, injected half a Dram of Allom into the Jugalar-Vein of a Dog before the Royal Society, (the Allom being only dissolved in a little Water) which within something less than one Minutes time was so absolutely dead, as not to have the least Convulsive Motion; and I have done the like with many other things besides Allom, but with some things it is more curdled and broken, than with others; and will differ much both as to colour and consistence. Salt-Petre kills much as quickly as Allom, but then the Blood in the Heart looks very florid, smooth, and even. I wish some Person of Observation and Leisure would prosecute these sort of Experiments, and make Injections of the several things most used in Physick into the Veins of Creatures, both in quantities, and into different Veins, as into the Thigh-veins of some Dogs, and Jugalars of some others, and in much lesser quantities of such things as kill suddenly; for in the little time I have spent in these sort of Experiments, I easily perceive notable discoveries might be made thereby: One Dog that lived became Lame and Gouty; another with Quick-Silver died in about Sixteen Weeks time, Consumptive, and I discovered Quick-Silver in the Impostumated parts of his Lungs. Query, Whether some Persons that have been Flux'd, or used Quick-silver Oyntments, and the like, and afterwards become consumptive, owe not their Distemper to the abusive use of a most excellent Remedy? Much after the same manner, the subtile Quick-Silver getting into the Mass of Blood by degrees, through its ponderosity settles in the Lobes of the Lungs, and causes Ulcers there. But to return: The Poison of Vipers and Mad Dogs I suppose kill by thickning of the Blood, as many Malignant Fevers, also do; in all which Cases, I look on Volatil Salts to be the properest Physick, as keeping the Blood from congealing. I had a singular Instance hereof in a Gentleman of Yorkshire, bit with a Grey-Hound on the Thursday, not three Minutes before the Dog died Mad; he bit him in several places of the Hands, as he was giving him a Remedy: The Monday following the Gentleman was very ill, and came to our Town to an Apothecary his Acquaintance, who knowing not what to do, desired my Assistance. When I came, the Gentleman could talk, but every two or three Minutes he had violent Fits, and would tell us when they were over, that his Brains worked like Birm in an Ale-Fat, and seemed to Froth up at every Fit. The Apothecary had no Volatile Salt of Vipers; so I took the Volatile Salt of Amber, and ordered him Ten Grains in Treacle-Water every half hour: He told me every Dose seemed to clear his Brain, and cool it as perfectly, as if a Bason of Cold Water were poured on his Head, but it returned by degrees again: Having then a Volatile Salt by me that Vomits very well, I gave him a Dose thereof, it worked very well, and he was very much better after it: I then ordered him to continue the Volatile Salt of Amber once every four hours, and at each two hours end, that is betwixt, Spec. Pleres Archonticon and Rue pouder'd ana gr. 15. whereby he was so well recovered, that within two days he would needs go home, to look after some urgent Affairs, and afterwards found himself so well, that he forgot to return, and perfect the course; and I heard no more of him for half a Year, when I was fetch'd one Morning to him in great hast. He had been abroad, play'd the Good-Fellow, and in his return home, having rode a great days Journey, being weary, and I suppose finding himself indisposed, he staid all Night in our Town, it being fortunately in his way. In the Morning when he should have got up, he could not stand, whereupon the Apothecary was sent for, and a Surgeon to Blood him, which was accordingly done, but he grew worse; for in this Case I look upon Bleeding to be very prejudicial, as well as in most Malignant Fevers, for thereby the Spirits are diminished, and the Blood congeal'd the sooner. When they had done all they could, and the Symptoms still increased, they at length sent for me. I never saw Man or Creature in that Agony in all my life, that I found him in, Senseless, and Mad, when at best, but every Minute the fiercest shiverings ran through him, his Eyes would first roll and then set, as if ready to start out of his Head, but above all, the Swelling and Luctation at his Breast, was as if he would burst, which went off with a prodigious sigh: All this I judge the Effects of the Heart labouring to discharge it self of the stagnating Blood, and the Nervous Convulsions as consequences thereof. And I am the more confirm'd in this, from what I saw in a Woman that was bit also with a Mad-Dog in the Leg, and fell ill the very day that she had paid the Chirurgeon for her Cure; and notwithstanding all that could be done, growing worse, they sent for me; I went, and found her with what is called a Hydrophobia: She would look earnestly after Drink or Water, and seem to desire it, but as soon as she began to drink, away it went, be it what it would, with the greatest Violence she could possibly fling it. I gave her the Vomit hereafter and also before mentioned, but she got but little of it down, and I had no more with me; nevertheless it so brought her to her self, that she could answer Questions, and I asked her, whether she was afraid of the Drink and Water, when she flung the Cups in that violent manner from her? She said No; but when she offered to drink, her Breast and Heart would not let her. I asked, whether through any Aversion or Fear? She said, No, she was very Thirsty; but when she offered to drink, it struck to her Heart, and stopped her Breath. That is, as I apprehend, the cold Drink passing down the Throat struck a chillness in the Blood, and made it readier to stagnate: Besides the very act of Drinking, hindering the free breathing, conduced also much thereto; and therefore the Heart was so suddenly oppress'd, that she could not forbear flinging away whatever she had in her Hand. She complained also of a great rigour and stiffness or straitness of the Muscles of her Breast, so that possibly the Spiritous Liquor that flows in the Genus Nervosum may be congeal'd as well as the Blood; or the same Effects may be supposed notwithstanding to be the result of the condensed Blood clogging both the Heart and Lungs, so that the Breast may seem to be straitened therewith. The same I judge to be the cause of all the violent Luxations in this Gentleman, whose Fingers I looked on, and found the places where he had formerly been bit, turned blackish, and much inflamed about them, which confirmed me in my sentiment, that it was a relapse of his former Distemper, that is, of the Bite of the Mad-Dog. I told them, if any thing in the World would save his Life, I judged it must be the former Vomit of Volatile Salts; they could not tell what to do, nevertheless such is the Malignancy of the World, that as soon as it was given, they ran away and left me, saying, he was now certainly a dead Man, to have a Vomit given in that condition. Nevertheless it pleased God that he shortly after cried, This Fellow in the Black has done me good, and after the first Vomit, came so to himself, as to know us all. I vomited him every other day with this Vomit for three times, and made him in the Interim to take Volatile Salt of Amber, and the aforesaid Powders, and to wash his Hands, and Sores in a strong Salt Brine: to drink Posset-drink with Sage and Rue, and by this course, and the Blessing of God, his Life was saved, and he perfectly cured, for it is now four Years since, and he had had no Relapse. I have cured several others by the same Method. Coll. Spencer, the Secretary of State in Virginia, a very Serious and Ingenious Gentleman, told me, that his Servant brought him word once that a Sow having farrow'd, a Rattle-Snake was got into the Den, and had kill'd the Piggs. The Colonel went to see the Snake, which they said was still coyl'd in the Den; there followed them two or three Mungrel Curs, and they sat one of the Dogs at the Snake, which was too quick for the Dog, and snapt him by the Nose, whereupon he set a howling, and run immediately into the adjacent River, and died very shortly after. Another of the Dogs upon the like attempt was bit by the Snake also, and fell a howling, and frothing, and tumbling; but being he died not so soon as the other Dog did, they fetched some of the Herb which they call Dittany, as having a great Traditionary Vertue for the Cure of Poisons; they pounded it, and adding a little Water, express'd the Juice, and gave the Dog frequently thereof, nevertheless he died within a day or two. The howling of the Dogs he supposed gave notice to the Sow, and made her come furiously bristling, and run immediately into her Den; but being likewise bit by the Snake, she set up a terrible Squeak, and ran also into the River, and there died.
A Gentlewoman, that was a notable Female Doctress, told me, that a Neighbour being bit by a Rattle-Snake, swelled excessively; some days afterwards she was sent for, who found him swell'd beyond what she thought it had been possible for the Skin to contain, and very Thirsty. She gave him Oriental Bezoar shaved, with a strong Decoction of the aforesaid Dittany, whereby she recovered the Person: To the best of my Remembrance, it was he that told me, asking him afterwards, what he felt when the Snake first bit him? He said, it seemed as if a flash of Fire had ran through his Veins.
Besides the Rattle-Snake, there is the Blowing-Snake, an absolute Species of a Viper, but larger than any that I have seen in Europe; it is so called, because it seems to blow, and spread its Head, and swell very much before it bite, which is very deadly. It is Remarkable there is none of their Snakes there, make any of that hissing noise that ours in England make, but only shoot out their Tongues, shaking them as ours do, without any noise at all; this is a short thick sort of Snake. There is another sort of deadly Snake, called the Red-Snake; I once narrowly escaped treading on the back of one of them: They are of an ugly dark brown colour, inclining to red; their Bellies are of a more dusky white, with a large streak of Vermillion Red on either side; this too is of the Viper kind, but is not so short, but its Tail is more taper and small. The Horn-Snake is, as they say, another sort of deadly Snake; I never saw any of them, unless once, shortly after my Arrival in that Country, which I cannot attest to be the Horn-Snake, for I could not distinctly view it, being in a Thicket of Sumach, it was perch'd up about two Foot high in a Sumach Branch, its Tail twisted about the Shrub, and about a quarter of a Yard stood bolt forward, leaning over the forked branch thereof: I could not see the Horn, which they say it has in its front, wherewith it strikes, and if it wounds, is as deadly as the Rattle-Snake's bite. The Gentleman that was with me, told me it was a Horn-Snake, but being in hast, and on Horse-back, and the Snake in a Thicket, I could not see the Horn; but had I thought I should never have seen more of them, I should have took a little pains to have been better satisfied. This I think may not improperly be referr'd to the Dart-Snakes.
The Black-Snake, is the largest I think of all others, but I am sure the most common; I have kill'd several of them full six Foot long, their Bite is not deemed Mortal, but it swells, and turns to a Running Sore; they feed upon Lizards, Mice, Rats, Frogs, and Toads, which I have taken out of their Bellies. I was once a Simpling in the woods, on a fair Sun-shine day, when I saw a Snake crawling on a Tree that was fallen, and licking with its forked Tongue as it moved; I stood still to observe it, and saw it lick up small Insects and Flies with wonderful nimbleness, catching them betwixt the Forks of its Tongue.
The Corn-Snake, most like the Rattle-Snake of all others in colour, but the Checkers are not so regular, neither has it any Rattles: They are most frequent in the Corn-Fields, and thence I suppose so called; the Bite is not so venomous as the Black-Snakes.
The Water-Snake, a small Snake, I never saw any of them above a Yard long, though I have sometimes seen Forty or Fifty at once; they are of an ugly dark blackish colour: They say, they are the least Venomous of any.
Part of Two Letters from Mr. J. Hillier, dated Cape Corse, Jan. 3. 1687/8. and Apr. 25. 1688. Wrote to the Reverend Dr. Bathurst, President of Trinity Colledge, Oxon; giving an Account of the Customs of the Inhabitants, the Air, &c. of that Place, together with an Account of the Weather there from Nov. 24. 1686. to the same Day 1687.
Cape Corse, Jan. 3. 1687/8.
I Thought the Custom of destroying Slaves at the Death of great People had been abolish'd, and I was so inform'd; but we have seen that it is not; for Oct. 3. this Year, died Ahen Penin Ashrive, King of Feton, here at Cape Corse, where he had been long sick; the Fetishers had done all they could to save his Life, which was nothing at all to purpose; their Physick scarce extends to any thing but the Flux, and what we call the French Disease; his was a Consumption and an Asthma (if I mistake not the Word) of a great continuance: so they fled to the Aid of their Religion, and according it seems to the Rules of that, they made several Pellets of Clay, which they set in his Room, in Rank and File, all sprinkled with blood; besides the several Muttons which they eat to his good Health. But that was of too little Force; so the Man died, having delivered his Sword to the Dy, who in the Interregnum was to be the principal Man, for the Kingdom is Elective, contrary to what we wrote before, and commanding him to be constant to the English, of whom himself had been a great Favourer, with a Threat, if he was not, of haunting him after his Death; he also appointed one of his Wives, whom he thought worthy of that unlucky Honour, to accompany him to the other World; the next Day he was carried to Feton, and buried there, Nov. 2. with the poor Woman we spoke of. Presently after, they that were considerable, or had a mind to seem so, sent in them that they had a mind to Murder in Honour of the King: how many there were 'tis hard to say, the highest Account gives 90, the lowest 50, the middle 70; the Blacks do not understand Arithmetick, so the Numbers they give in all Cases are very uncertain. I think there were about Eight from this Town, which will not hold Proportion to the highest rate; but 'tis like near Feton there might be more. They say also, that many more will follow at half a Years distance from his Death. The manner of the Execution of these poor Creatures I have not yet learnt, only that they make them drink and dance, with a great deal of Bravery all the begining of the Day, and towards Night cut off their Heads, but whether by that they mean the common way of their Executions I am yet to seek.
After the Kings Funeral, the next thing was to chuse a Successor; so the People was called together at Feton, (I suppose by the Authority of the Dy) without inquiring any thing of their Freehold; they pitched upon Mr. Dy, though he was not of the Blood-Royal; the Reason was, as they said, because he had Power enough to do what he pleas'd, and they could do nothing against him; but he refused the Honour because of the Charge 'twould put him to, and propos'd the Brother of the deceased King: So the Business stuck some time, but at last 'twas accorded, and he [King Ashrive's Brother] declared King, Nov. 18. his Name is Ahenaco.
'Tis Wonder how they could dispatch such a Business, with so little Disturbance; but I suppose there was no considerable Number that dissented; otherwise it would scarce have been determined without Blood-shed; for it would scarce have been possible for them to have taken any Pole.
I said it was doubt whether these Sacrifices died after the rate of their ordinary Executions; if you would know that, thus it is, the Creature that is condemn'd, is made to drink abundance of Palm-Wine, and to dance, every Body that will, in the mean time striking or pushing him, when that is over, as is said, he is thrown down, his Face into the Sand, which whether it stifle him or not, I can't tell, then his Legs are cut off below the Knees, and his Arms below the Elbow, afterward his Thigh and his Arms below the Shoulder, lastly his Head.
A Man would not expect any thing more barbarous than this; yet there is a Custom which has something worse; when any one has new Drums or Trumpets, 'tis necessary that they be consecrated with Humane Blood: I have known but one happen of this Kind, that was Jan. 7. 1686/7. when after the Man had been executed after the former rate, about Eight in the Morning; at one in the Afternoon, they drank Palm-Wine out of the upper part of his Skull, and this in the sight of all the Factors at Cape Corse.
I remember for the Unhealthiness of the Place, you proposed to inquire if it were Woody, and if any good might be done to it by cutting down the Woods, as has happen'd in many American Plantations; of that Matter this is what I can say.
The Shore lies almost East and West, expos'd to the Sea wholly upon the South, the Country is Hilly, the Hills not very high, but thick, clustering together, the Valleys between extream narrow, the whole in a manner cover'd with certain Shrubs, low, but very thick; what the People Till, comes not to above a Tenth part of their Ground; and where they do Till, it hinders not that within half a Year the Ground is over-grown as before, for they do not root up the Shrubs, but only cut, or sometimes burn them somewhat close to the Earth, so they spring again in a very little time; this is sufficient for their planting the Corn, which they do by making little Holes in the Earth at a competent Distance, and putting Seeds into them.
It may be that if those Shrubs were destroyed, the Matter might be mended, which yet is not to be hop'd for, but by bringing the People to some kind of Industry, and that will not be easie; they are so wholly given to Laziness, and so intirely bred up in it, that there must be the greatest Change imaginable, before they become any whit tolerable; a Man may see their Temper by this, that though their Tillage be very easie, and the Earth yields many Hundreds for One, yet so little is the use they make of it, that One scarce Year brings them to danger of Starving, and though there be People enough, and every Man has Power of choosing what he will, that is not already Till'd by some other, yet not the Tenth Part, as we have said, is employed: So that a Man would wonder what came in the French Man's Head to fancy them Industrious; but subtile they are, and diligent to Cheat any Man that is not cautious enough to avoid it.
So that the Fault of the Wood is (by the Laziness of the People) without any Remedy. But there may be something in the Earth it self; the Water which they have here in Pits (Rain-Water for the most part, but yet strain'd through the Earth) has a kind of Taste mixt of Sweet and Subacid, if I understand what I say, I am told 'tis of Vitriol, whether that be mischievous, you know better than I do. But I take this for certain, since I have had it from good Hands, that at Widdah, which is one of the most unhealthy Places in Guiney, but 'tis not upon the Gold-coast, he that opens the Ground, though it be but to dig a Grave, runs the Hazard of his Life: So mischievous are the Steams from thence arising. It's possible there may be some such Steams here, only not so violent; though in England I think, a Gravel or a Sand (which here are always uppermost for as much as I have seen) are esteem'd very wholesom Soils; under them is a kind of whitish Marle almost like Fullers-Earth.
For the Air, except what I have said before, I do not know what Fault it has; 'tis extream hot, 'tis also subtile and piercing, and I believe enters a Man's Body easier than that in England. It has been clearer than that uses to be one day with another, even this last Year, which has been the wettest and most cloudy which has happen'd a long time; I think to give you an Account of the Weather in it as soon as I have time to transcribe.
For the Age of the Inhabitants, 'tis very uncertain, because none of them keep an Account of it; there are some of them very Grey, but if the Country be to them unhealthy, Grey Hairs may come early: I think there be many more Funerals here than at Oxford, though that be a much larger Place, especially in the Rain-times, which to us are always healthful.
I think that much of the Mortality (not all) that happens among Strangers, is the Effect of their ill Diet, and ill Government of themselves; for they eat but little, having neither Stomach nor Mony to buy what they want; but they drink excessively, being for that more readily trusted, and of Liquors very hot and Spirituous; and if any chuse the cold rather, his Stomach is chil'd, and he is in danger of a Flux or an extream Looseness, and that immediately.
There is another thing, Men guard themselves less from the Air than in any other Places trusting to the Heat of the Climate, and receive the cool of the Evening with only a Shirt. Now I think that the Air, tho' not so cold, is much more subtle and piercing here, than in our Country, it corrodes Iron much more, not by the Moisture, for it is not so moist, and besides it does it in the dry Weather too. Perhaps there are some other Effects to evidence the same thing; besides that, the Diet which most Men procure, is not extraordinary, and the passing by Canoes from one Place to another has a Danger in it beside that of the Sea.
Cape Corse, Apr. 25. 1688.
I Promised in my last to give you an Account of the Weather at Cape Corse for the last Year, which Account I have inclosed in this; it is as exact as I could give; 'tis a thing which has been very little observed, whether it deserves to be more, I do not know. That Year has had the most Rain of any that can be here remember'd; yet the Mortality was much less than the Years before; so that perhaps Wet is not that which makes the Country unhealthy; though we had very many Sick, especially in June and July, whose Diseases were not Mortal.
If you give your self the Trouble to read the inclosed, you will find often mention of a Tornada, which is a violent Storm of Wind, followed commonly by Rain, but not always; the Wind ceases not presently upon the Rain, but after sometimes it does: In this Place it comes (as does an Hermitan) most frequently from the North, taking in the next Points, whether to the East or West, but chiefly the East, though I have seen both that and an Hermitan from other Points; so the Account is not without Exception; there are in it short, uncertain Blasts from all Quarters, which I believe reach not many Yards, but the general Wind (for ought that I see) is not so unconstant; Vessels that go to Windward are help'd by them, when they are not over strong, for they are opposite to the Sea Breze, and they can steer by them a regular Course; which sure they could not do, if they were very irregular. They never fail to give warning before hand, though sometimes after that warning they do not follow; there is a very black Cloud appears afar, in which if there be a kind of white Spot, the Wind will be moist, if not the Rain; this the Sailors say. Sometimes there is that Mark, sometimes not, though I doubt the Prediction from it is not very certain; as neither are any perhaps of that kind.
An Account of the Weather at Cape Corse in Guiney, from Nov. 24. 1686. to the same Day, 1687.
Lat. N. 4d. 49m. Nov. 1686.
24. And 25. Clear and Hot.
26. About 2. a. m. a Storm of Rain with Thunder for ½ Hour.
27. At the same Hour, Rain which lasted somewhat longer.
28. About 5. a. m. Some Rain, afterward Misty, about 10. extream hot.
29. About 2. a. m. a great storm of Rain, slacking often but renewing again, it lasted about an Hour; the Day after clear.
December, 1686.
Thence to Dec. 7. clear; then cloudy in the Morning; between 12. and 1. p. m. a Shower lasting about ½ Hour. Thence clear and hot.
10. A little Mist in the Morning, otherwise very clear and hot; so till 15.
15. And some Days after somewhat thick, especially in the Morning.
19, And 20. We had a dry North, and North-Easterly Wind, call'd an Hermitan, and it overcame the Sea-Breeze; found very ill for the Eyes, and most Men complained of a Feverish Temper; it was parching, but rather colder than ordinary.
21. It ceased; a clear Air and very hot.
23. We had the Hermitan again; but the Morrow it ceased; then and
25. Some Clouds, but no Rain.
Thence to 29. clear and hot; 29. the Hermitan returned, but did not continue.
Thence Clouds sometimes, but no Rain till Jan. 2.
This Month we had Three Funerals, one being Sick of the Flux laid violent Hands upon himself, through impatience of the Pain, the 3d Day.
The Second upon the 25th died convulsively, not having been Sick above one Day.
The Third, Dec. 27. died of a Dropsy, which had succeeded a tedious Flux.
January, 1686/7.
2. About 5. a. m. Rain for ½ Hour between 7. and 9. an Hour; from ½ Hour past 9. to 1. p. m. the rest cloudy.
5. At 2. a. m. about ½ Hour.
8. At 1. in the Morning about an Hour, the Days between somewhat cloudy. Thence to 12. extream hot.
12, And 14. somewhat cloudy otherwise the Heat continued.
17. At 7. p. m. a Tornada for above ½ Hour, and about 12. at Night another; but the Heat very little abated.
22. Between 5. and 6. p. m. began a Tornada, which lasted above an Hour very violent, with great Claps of Thunder and Lightning. Tank fill'd 1 Foot.
23. In the Morning a great Mist, after 8. clear and extream hot.
The latter end of January, and the begining of February commonly Misty in the Morning; after extream hot.
I find no Funeral this Month.
February, 1686/7.
Beginning of February, as before.
10. Somewhat Cloudy and cool, till then we were troubled with Coughs, for the most part; about this time they ceased.
So the 11th, toward Night, Thunder afar off, and expectation of a Tornada: but it fail'd.
12. Extream hot.
13. A stronger Wind than ordinary from Seaward.
14. Something like an Hermitan, but not from its usual Quarter. Clear and hot till about 2. p. m. then cloudy but no Rain.
Thence to 22. extream hot and clear.
From 22. to March 1. some flying clouds without Rain; sultry hot and unwholesom.
24. Some shew of a Tornada, but it past away.
This Month we had two Funerals, but their Diseases I find not.
March, 1686/7.
The beginning of March as the latter end of February.
5. From 6. a. m. for an Hour and ½. a violent Tornada; the Day after cloudy. 6. Clear.
7. At Night Lightning and Clouds afar off; but nothing followed.
Thence to 11. clear and hot.
11. About 5. a. m. a violent Rain for almost ½ Hour.
12, And 13. cloudy.
14. About 4. a. m. a gentle Shower but lasted not long.
15. Between 6. and 7. a. m. a few Drops, and likelyhood of more, but nothing followed; both Days cloudy.
16. Extream hot.
17. Somewhat cloudy.
Thence to 20. extream hot.
20. Cloudy; about 10. a. m. some few Drops.
21. Very hot.
22. In the Morning hot; about 12. a violent Rain for a Quarter of an Hour.
23. Clear.
24. About 2. a. m. Rain for about ½ Hour; the Day after clear.
Thence to April 3. clear and extream hot.
No Funeral.
April, 1687.
3. At 3. p. m. a violent Tornada, but only some few Drops of Rain; at 5. p. m. a little more Rain.
4. Cloudy by Fits, otherwise very hot.
5. Hot and clear.
6. In the Morning hot, about 2. p. m. cloudy; about 3. some Drops of Rain, in the Evening the Clouds dispersed.
7. Clear and hot.
8. Between 12. and 1. in the Morning, a violent Rain for near an Hour; after 2. one somewhat longer; the Day after there appeared to have been much Rain; Tank fill'd Two Foot and somewhat more.
9. About 7. a. m. some Drops; cloudy all Day.
10. Cloudy about 11. a. m. a small Mist.
11. Presently after Midnight it began to Rain and lasted till 6. a. m. a great part of the time very violently, it began with a strong Tornada; Tank above Three Feet. The Day after some Clouds; otherwise extream hot.
So also 12, and 13.
14. About 5. a. m. a Shower for ½ Hour, between 6. and 7. p. m. another of the same continuance, the Day between extream hot.
So 15. 16. A Shower for ½ Hour, it began with a violent Tornada, the Rain not much, afterward cloudy.
17, And 18. Clear.
19. Clear also, about 7. p. m. a considerable Wind and some Drops of Rain.
20. Clear but Windy.
21. Between 12. and 2. moderate Rain for near an Hour.
22. About 2. a. m. moderate Rain almost an Hour; at 11. p. m. a short Shower and gentle; the Day between extream hot.
23. Cloudy about 10. a. m. some Drops.
24. Extream hot.
25. About 1. a. m. Rain for near an Hour; the Morning after hot; Afternoon cloudy; most part of the Night, Thunder and Lightning, but no Rain.
26. At 7. a. m. strong Rain for ½ Hour, after that a little Mist; Afternoon, from 12. to 15. it rain'd unequally, but the most part moderate.
27. Extream hot.
28. About 12. Somewhat Cloudy, at 3. p. m. it began to Rain, and lasted about an Hour and ½; after cloudy and some Drops; in the Night a Shower or two.
29. Cloudy. Thence to May 6. sometimes cloudy; but for the most part violent hot.
This Month we had Three Funerals; one the 3d of a Fever, another on the 19th of I know not what Pains in the Guts, another 24. of the Flux.
The 15. and some Days following, there settled upon the Castle Walls, certain Swarms of wing'd Ants, a little bigger than Bees; they would bite very severely, and were blown up with Powder.
May, 1687.
Till the 6. as before.
6. In the Morning cloudy, a little after Noon some Wind, followed by gentle Rain, which lasted till 3. p. m. after cloudy.
7. Hot. 8. Cloudy about 10. a. m. a gentle Shower for ¾ Hour; about 8. p. m. a very violent Storm of Wind and Rain, but it quickly grew moderate, and lasted in all not above ½ Hour. 9. Clear.
10. About Noon a violent Shower for ¼ of an Hour; after 8. p. m. another as long, but not so violent; past 9. another shorter.
11. Clear. 12. Clear, past 9. p. m. a very Violent Tornada with Rain, which lasted somewhat more than 2 Hours.
13. Between 12. and 1. in the Night, a short Shower; about 9. a. m. some Drops; so also in the Afternoon but nothing considerable; cloudy all Day.
14. Cloudy; at 9. a. m. a violent Rain for ¼; after gentle for above an Hour; about 3. p. m. some Drops.
15. About 3. a. m. Rain for ½ Hour; between 4. and 5. another; after foggy and cloudy, with some few Drops; about 7. p. m. a violent Tornada with Rain for near an Hour.
16. About 4. a. m. Rain for an Hour; after 8. for ¼ Hour; after 6. p. m. Rain and Wind, but both moderate, for ½ Hour; past 8. about as much.
17. About 4. a. m. a short Shower, after clear; 18. clear.
19. Cloudy, about 10. a. m. some Drops.
20. Cloudy between 8. and 10. a. m. a Shower; first violent, after more moderate, till it ended in a kind of Mist; it lasted in all about 1½ Hour; the Day after clear, 21, and 22. clear.
23. In the Afternoon cloudy; about 6. p. m. some Drops; the Night after, a Shower, not considerable.
24. Hot, about 10. p. m. a little Shower.
25. Clear; 26. in the Night some little Rain.
27. Held up; 28. at 9. p. m. a short Shower.
29. At 5. a. m. Rain till near 7. a little past 7. till 9. after cloudy.
30. Cloudy; the Night after some Rain.
31. About 8. a. m. Rain for ½ Hour; from 9. till 12. it rained for the most part very violently; before 1. another Shower for ½ Hour; from a little after 2. till 5. with very great Thunder.
One Funeral on the 25th after but Three Days Sickness, of which I can give no account.
The beginning of this Month, we had an extraordinary Number of Toads, which after some time were not to be seen.
The 14th we had wing'd Ants, as before.
24. Was the first Corn, the Seed-time having been the middle of March.
June, 1687.
1. About 4. a. m. Rain for an Hour; past 1. p. m. for ½ Hour; the rest cloudy and misty.
2. From 2. a. m. till 5. continual Rain, 'tis said there was some before; from 9. a. m. till ½ Hour past 6. p. m. continual Rain, sometimes very fierce; from ½ Hour past 9 at Night, Rain till past 10.
3. From 6. to a little past 7. a. m. a very gentle Rain, from thence till 1. p. m. most commonly very fierce; thence for a little while more moderate; but it rain'd hard again till 6. p. m. then it drop'd but slowly, and so continued till about 7. in the Night some little Rain.
4. About 8. a. m. some Drops, thence clear.
6, And 7. clear, except some few flying Clouds.
8. After 3. a. m. gentle Rain for near an Hour; then cloudy and some Drops, after 10. p. m. a Shower.
9. At 5. a. m. a gentle Shower, lasted till past 7. thence a very violent Rain till almost 9. some Drops after that; about 3. p. m. it began and rain'd till past 10. somewhat moderately.
10. Clear and hot.
11. Cloudy; about 8. p. m. a few Drops.
12. From about 2. a. m. till near 5. Rain, but not violent; a little before 6. a furious Storm of Rain, but little Wind; it lasted till ½ Hour past 7. about 3. p. m. a moderate Rain, till a little past 4. and from thence to 6. somewhat more than a Mist; the Night after it rained a little.
13. Cloudy; in the Afternoon it drop'd a little.
14. About 8. a. m. a few Drops.
15. Somewhat cloudy.
16. Extream hot; toward Night cloudy; about 5. p. m. a violent Shower for ½ Hour; from a little before 8. till past 10. it rained continually.
17. From 4. a. m. till almost 6. gentle Rain; so from a little past 6. till past 7. thence till past 3. p. m. cloudy, and now and then some Drops; then a violent Shower for 1/8th of an Hour; half an Hour after 4. it rain'd again and continued till past 10. for the most part very furiously; with some little Intermission it rain'd all Night.
18. At 3. a. m. it rained very fiercely; about ½ Hour after 6. it held up, but cloudy still; from 8. a. m. till past 3. p. m. it rained, but moderately; then it held up a little, but rained after till past 6. all Day cloudy, and at Night a great Fog.
19. About 9. a. m. some Drops; from 1. till past 3. p. m. very gentle Rain.
Thence to the First of July, foggy, Morning, sometimes hot, but for the most cloudy, and more temperate than could be expected from the Climate.
Two Funerals, one the 9th of an Asthma; the other 21. of a Fever.
We saw some Sorts of Insects not usual here, whether monstrous or not, I cannot tell. The most notable, a kind of Spider, about the Bigness of a Beetle, the Form nearest of a Crab-fish, with an odd kind of Orifice visible in the Belly, whence the Web proceeded.
July, 1687.
1. Extream hot.
2. Foggy in the Morning; about 9. a. m. a few Drops; after clear.
3. In the Morning a great Fog; about 9. a. m. it rained small Rain for near an Hour; toward night more foggy than ever before; about 6. p. m. small Rain for a little time; from 8. till past 9. somewhat more brisk Rain, after that it cleared up.
4. From 9. a. m. to 3. p. m. small Rain, the rest foggy; between 10. and 11. p. m. some Rain.
5. From 2. a. m. till past 8. constant Rain, sometimes very fierce, sometimes moderate; about 10. a. m. some Rain; between 2. and 3. p. m. it began to Rain, but continued not long; from 8. p. m. to 10. Rain.
6. From about 2. a. m. to 6. Rain, after fair.
7. Foggy and cloudy; between 7. and 8. a. m. some Drops.
8. Foggy in the Morning, otherwise clear and hot.
9. About 1. a. m. a smart Shower, between 3. and 5. some more Rain, the time of which we know not exactly. The Day after foggy.
10. Very dull and cloudy; from 3. p. m. till Night a very great Mist.
11. Tolerably clear, and very hot, yet somewhat foggy Morning and Evening.
12. Cloudy; thence to 15. in the Morning and Evening foggy; else very hot.
15. Cloudy; about 10. a. m. some Drops; from half an Hour past 2. till 4. moderate Rain; about 7. some Drops.
16. Cloudy, several times it drop'd a little but nothing considerable.
17. A little before Day, a short Shower; after cloudy; thence to 20. foggy Morning and Evening, and the most part cloudy.
20. Very clear all Day, and extream hot.
21. Not foggy at all; yet somewhat cloudy, but about Mid-day it cleared up.
22, And 23. very clear and extream hot.
24. Cloudy in the Morning; after as the Two last.
25. Cloudy but not misty nor foggy, sultry hot.
26. In the Morning cloudy, after extream hot.
27. Hot and clear.
28. Thin Clouds, through which the Sun shone very hot.
29. And 30. cloudy.
31. About 3. a. m. Two short Storms of Rain, the Day after clear and hot.
Two Funerals, one the 17th drowned; the other 21. of a Fever.
August, 1687.
To 5. clear, for the most part in the Mornings cloudy; but without Fogs; sometimes very hot.
5. About 5. a. m. a Shower near an Hour long, about 7. another for ½ Hour, till 10. some small Rain; thence cloudy till 1. about 7. p. m. a few Drops.
6. Cloudy all Day, sometimes it drop'd a little.
7. about 2. a. m. violent Rain, with Wind for above ½ Hour. The Day after cloudy.
8. And 9. cloudy and foggy.
10. More foggy than ordinary; about 10. a. m. a great Mist, or small Rain for most part of the Day after.
11. Foggy as the former and Misty; between 8. and 9. a. m. a Shower of small Rain; after Noon clear.
12. Small Rain in the Morning; after as 11.
13. Clear and hot, the Land Breze very strong.
14. Cloudy all Day, the Land Breze turn'd to a kind of Hermitan, but not troublesome, nor continued beyond this Day.
15. Cloudy, several times very misty, and some small Rain.
16. Cloudy, but no Mist; after Noon clear.
Thence to 22. clear and hot, but the Nights colder than at other times.
22. At 6. p. m. cloudy, a Wind Tornada but moderate, with some few Drops of Rain very large.
23. Clear and hot.
24. Cloudy and misty at first; about 10. a. m. clear and hot.
25. Clear and hot.
26. Very foggy, Morning and Evening; for the rest hot.
27. From 5. to 10. a. m. it rain'd smartly; thence cloudy, about 2. p. m. it clear'd up for a while; about 9. p. m. a sharp Rain for ½ Hour.
28. Between 12. and 3. a. m. it rained about Two Hours; about 7. some few Drops, after Cloudy, in the middle of the Day, it clear'd a little, but quickly overcast again.
29. In the Night some Rain; at 7. a. m. Rain for ½ Hour; till past 12. a very thick Mist; about 3. p. m. clear; at Night a very thick Mist.
To the end cloudy and Misty.
Three Funerals, 6. one of a Fever, 7. another of a Consumption, 29. a third of a Fever.
September, 1687.
1. And 2. as the last.
3. Some few Drops.
Thence to 8. cloudy also and misty.
8. About 6. p. m. some small Rain; between 8. and 10. p. m. for an Hour pretty brisk Rain.
9. In the Morning cloudy and misty.
10. About 10. p. m. a little Rain.
11. Extream hot and clear; in the Night, considerable Rain for several Hours.
12. About 10. a. m. some small Rain, the Morning very foggy, Afternoon clear.
13. Clear and hot.
14. And 15. In the Morning extream cloudy, and some Drops of Rain.
16. Clear and extream Hot.
17. Moderate, about 7. p. m. some Drops; at Night also some Rain, not considerable.
18. Cloudy; in the Morning about 12. some Drops; all this Week, Morning and Evening Foggy and thick.
19, 20, 21. Extream hot, the Fogs ceased.
22. About 1. a. m. some Rain, the Day after cloudy.
23, 24, 25. In the Morning cloudy after very hot.
26. At Night also somewhat Misty, with many Flashes of Lightning, but no Thunder.
The like Flashes most Nights to the end of the Month, also often cloudy; at other times extream hot.
Two Funerals, one the 19th of a Fever, the other the 26th, whose Disease I do not know.
October, 1687.
1. About 3. a. m. a very fierce Rain for near an Hour, but milder toward the end; the Day after some flying Clouds.
2. About 4. a. m. a little Rain, the Day after as before; from 8. p. m. till 10. moderate Rain.
3. Cloudy; about 10. a. m. Rain for somewhat more than an Hour.
4. Cloudy between 8, and 10. p. m. a very smart Rain for above an Hour.
5. About 9. a. m. a little Shower.
6. About 5. a. m. a little Shower; another past 6. the Day after, and 7 extream hot.
8. Hot in the Morning; after Noon a shew of a Tornada, with Thunder, and a considerable Wind, but no Rain.
Thence to 16. some flying Clouds, but generally hot.
16. About 4. p. m. a little Rain, the Sun shining then, and the whole Day very hot; about 8. p. m. a very strong Tornada, Wind and Rain for about ½ Hour, afterward the Rain continued, but more moderate, for near Two Hours.
17. Clear and hot. 18. So too, except that about 3. p. m. there was a very short Shower.
19. And 20. somewhat cloudy.
21. About 7. a. m. a few Drops, after clear and extream hot, but quickly cloudy again; at 11. a. m. a violent Tornada, with very strong Rain and Thunder for near an Hour; thence all the time till Night, thick and misty; till 2. p. m. Rain.
22. Cloudy. 23. Clear and hot.
24. Somewhat cloudy; at 7. p. m. a little Rain.
25. Cloudy; about 11. a. m. Expectation of a Tornada, with some Thunder, but it ended in a few Drops of Rain about 1. p. m.
26. About 2. a. m. a very violent Tornada, and after the Wind, Rain not very fierce, which lasted till 8. a. m. the Day after cloudy.
27. About 10. p. m. a violent Wind with Rain, but it lasted not long.
28. About 3. a. m. a strong Rain for near an Hour the Day after extream hot.
29. And 30. hot, yet with some Clouds.
30. Half an Hour after 11. p. m. began a very furious Tornada, the Wind was quickly over, but the Rain lasted with extream violence about Two Hours.
31. In the Morning very hot; about 2. p. m. a violent Tornada, with Rain and Thunder very near; it ceased sometimes, but beginning again, lasted till near 4. p. m. afterward cloudy.
Three Funerals, all upon the 6th Day, Two of Fevers, the other I know not.
November, 1687.
Clear and extream hot till the 6th.
6. About half an Hour past 1. in the Morning a very violent Rain for more than an Hour.
Thence to 14. except that the 11th at Night there were some few Drops, very hot.
14. Extream hot, about 9. p. m. a little Shower; the same Night about 1. a smart Rain for an Hour and half.
15. Hot; toward Night Cloudy and Foggy.
Thence to 19. very hot.
19. Some likelihood of a Tornada, but nothing followed.
20. About 1. p. m. a short Shower; about a quarter past 2. another not much longer; till Night Cloudy.
Thence to 26. no Rain, but cloudy and somewhat cooler; yet some Days extream hot.
26. About 10. p. m. a short Shower.
27. About 2. another; the rest clear.
30. About 2. a. m. fierce Rain for about ½ Hour.
An Account of the Moorish Way of Dressing their Meat (with other Remarks) in West-Barbary, from Cape Spartel to Cape de Geer. By Mr. Jezreel Jones.
The Mauritanian or Barbarian Moor, when he rises in the Morning, washes himself all over, and dresses, then goes to their Jiama, or Church, says his Prayers, and returns home, where his Wife, Concubine, or Slave, hath his Breakfast provided for him, which is sometimes made of Barly or Wheat-Gruel; for I have known both. It is made somewhat thicker than ours, till it be ropy; they put Origan, and other Herbs, powder'd, into it, which for such uses they keep dry'd all the Year; some will put a little Pepper, and other Spice. I have often been treated with warm Bread, fresh Butter, and Honey, in a Morning, which is not seldom used among themselves, an Hour or two after they have had Gruel; as also Hasty-Pudding, with Butter, and sometimes Butter and Honey, (as the Guests are, and according to the Ability of the Entertainers.) Some again give Cuscusoo, with Milk, others with Flesh, a third with Roots. It is to be observed, when any one hath a Guest or Guests in his House, the Neighbours bring their Dish to welcome him or them, on account of the Respect and Love they bear to their Neighbour, as well as to shew their Readiness to entertain the Stranger. This Practice is found constantly used throughout the whole Country among the Moors, one towards another, reciprocally. And I have as often found the like Civility, as I had occasion to take up my Lodging at any Place, where I was acquainted with any of the Inhabitants. The Jews likewise shew great Civility to any Christian, and treat him with what they have, as stew'd or bak'd Hens, Capons, hard Eggs, boil'd or roasted, which they press flat with Pepper, and Salt, Wine, Brandy, &c. They have generally the best Bread, and every thing else of the kind that they can get. They put Annis, and two or three other sorts of Seeds, in their Bread; one is black and angled, tastes almost like Carrot-seeds, and I think I have seen these sometimes used in Bread in Spain; I know not the Names of the other Seeds in English, nor any Language but Arabick. They esteem Honey as a wholsome Breakfast, and the most delicious that which is in the Comb, with the young Bees in it, before they come out of their Cases, whilst they still look Milk-white, and resemble (being taken out) Gentles, such as Fishers use: These I have often eat of, but they seem'd insipid to my Palate, and sometimes I found they gave me the Heart-burn.
In Suse I had a Bag of Honey brought by a Friend who made a Present of it, as being of great Esteem, and such as they present to Men of greatest Note among them. This, he told me, I was to eat a little of every Morning, to the quantity of a Walnut; it was thick as Venice Treacle, and full of small Seeds. I used to breakfast on it for several Days together, taking the said quantity at a time; it always made me sleepy, but I found my self well, and in very good temper of Body after it. The Seeds were about the bigness of Mustard, and, according to the Description of them to me, and the Effects I found by eating the Honey and them, they must be a large sort of Poppy-seed. The Honey was of that sort they call in Suse, Izucanee, or Origanum, which (the Bees feed on) and these Seeds were mixed with.
Cuscus, or Cusksoo, is the principal Dish among them, as the Olla is in Spain: This is made of Flower of Wheat, and when that is scarce, of Barley, Millet, Indian Corn, &c. They shake some Flower into an earthen Pan, made on Purpose, which is not glazed, sprinkling a little Water on the bottom of the Pan first, and then working it with both their open Hands flat, turning them backwards and forwards to grain it, 'till they make it much resembling Sago, which comes from the East-Indies. They stew their Flesh keeping their Pots close covered, which are made of Earth, put the Cusksoo into an earthen Cullender, which they call Caskass, B. vid. Fig. and this Cullender into the Mouth of the Pot, C. that so all the Steam which arises from the Meat may be imbibed by the Cusksoo, which causes it to swell, and make it fit to be eaten: When it is enough, for they love every thing thoroughly done, they put this Cusksoo out into the Dish they serve it up in, which is somewhat like D. and the Cusksoo being heaped up, they make (as it were) a Bed or Place for the Meat to lie in, then they put good store of Spice, as Ginger, Pepper, Saffron, &c. This Dish is set upon a Mat on the Ground, and four Men may easily sit about it, tho' I have seen six and more at one Dish; they sit with their Buttocks upon the Calves of their Legs, with the bottom of their Feet on the Ground. If there are many to eat at this Meal, there are more Dishes. This Dish they have in use sometimes at Breakfast, as well as Dinner and Supper, but it is commonly used for the two last Meals. They cover it with a thing made on purpose, somewhat like E. and it will keep hot enough two Hours. At a stately Entertainment they will have a Sheep roasted whole, sometimes a half, or a quarter, on a wooden Spit, or the most convenient thing they can find. They do not continually keep turning it, as we do, but leisurely let one side be almost roasted before they turn the other. The Fire is commonly of Wood burnt to clear Coal, and made so, that the Heat ascends to the Meat. They baste it with Oil, and a little Water and Salt incorporated. They let it be thoroughly roasted; then they say, Bismiillah, In the Name of God, after they have washed their Right Hands, and pulling the Meat in pieces, they fall to eating. It is to be noted, that they never use but their Right Hand in eating, and one holds whilst the other pulls it asunder, distributing the pieces to the rest, as he pulls it off. They seldom use a Knife, and a Fork is a strange thing among them. They are dextrous at this way of carving, and never flinch at the Heat or warmth, for that would look mean, and might occasion one more bold to take his Office upon him to perform. When they have done, they lick their Fingers, and as often as they have a hot Dish, they wash their Hands afresh. Then they have Alfdoush, or Virmizzelli, with some Meat on it, stew'd Meat, well spiced, with savoury Broth; which after they have eat the Meat, they dip their Bread in the Sauce, or Broth, and eat it. They are cleanly in their Cookery, and if a Hair be found it is a capital Crime, but a Fly not, because it has Wings, and may get in after it passes from the Cook's Charge or Management; to be well and strongly season'd is no great Fault; and if one should say it is too high of Pepper, they'll reply, it is better to be Ah than Faugh; alluding to the Differences between a strong, high, or hot, and savoury Taste, and an insipid, watry, or unpleasant. Cubbob is small pieces of Mutton, with the Caul of a Sheep wrapped on them. Some make good Cubbob of the Liver, Lights, and Heart. They Pepper and Salt them, and put Sweet Herbs and Saffron into them, and then roast them, and when they dish them up, squeeze an Orange or two on them. Thus they use commonly in their stew'd Meats, Lemon and Orange for Roast or Fish.
Elmorosia is another: This is pieces of Beef, of Cow or Camel, stew'd with Butter, Honey, and Water; some will put Rob of Wine among it; they add Saffron, Garlick, or Onions, a little Salt, and when 'tis enough, serve it up. They esteem this a delicious Dish, used mostly in the Winter, and say it is good against Colds, notwithstanding they say Beef is cooler than Mutton. They have a piece of good Housewifery for a ready Dish, which is likewise appropriated to the Winter Season; and this I will give an Account of before I have done. Then they will treat you with Hare stew'd, stew'd and roasted Hens and Partridges: These they disjoint, and let stew in Water, and Oil, or Butter, if they are not fat enough of themselves. When they are almost enough, they beat a couple of Eggs, mix them with the Liquor, with Juice of Lemon or Vinegar, which they usually have very good, and serve it up.
Then you may have more baked and roast, and another Dish of stew'd Meat, which for its Goodness would be esteem'd among us: They take a Leg of Mutton, cut off the fleshy part, leave out the Skin and Sinews. This Flesh they mince very fine (with two Knives, one in each Hand) by holding them across, which they manage with great Dexterity; they also mince some Suet, Parsly, Thime, Mint, &c. Then they take Pepper, Salt, and Saffron beaten together, and some Nutmeg; all these they add to the rest, with about half a handful of Rice; they cut an Onion, of the best sort, half through, and take off the first Lay, as not so fit for use, unless it be thick. (They that are curious take out the inner Skin, saying it is not wholsome, and bad for the Eyes, it being the worst thing in an Onion, which otherwise would be the best of Roots.) This Lay they fill with forc'd Meat, then the next, and so on, which makes them look like so many Onions; some they put up in Vine-leaves of the best they can find for their purpose. Whilst this is doing, the Bones and Residue of the Leg of Mutton, being in moderate pieces, are stewing, with as much Water as will just cover them; then they put on their forc'd Meat-Balls a top of the Meat, and a green Bunch of Grapes upon them, cover it, and let it boil till thoroughly enough. This I think, is one of their best Dishes, which they often use in Fess and other Cities. Pillowe, or Piloe, is a Dish very well known, made with Rice boil'd, with a good Hen, Mutton, and Spice, the Flesh and Fowl being put on the Rice in a Dish as Cusksoo, and so served up.
A Bustard, which they roast and stew, and make an excellent Dish of its Guts, I eat of it once; to me it seemed very pleasant and savoury, and very grateful to the Stomach. This Bird is fit for their King's Table, as likewise the Hedgehog, of which I will give an Account anon. Then they have Ragous, made with Sparrows, Pidgeons, &c.
Their Drink is plain Water, or Milk, and sometimes Rob of Wine mixed with Water. I was once treated with this by the Bashaw of Suse, Abdolmeleck ben Alchotib, and there was brought to me a great Bowl which held above three Quarts; he told me there was not above half a Pint of this Rob in it, and the rest was filled up with Water. It was very generous and pleasant, and tho' I did not drink a quarter of it, yet I found the Strength in half an Hour. This they say is a Remedy against Cold likewise, and pretend to take it medicinally; tho' Rob of Grapes is lawful according to their[20]Law. Under this Pretext, many Fessee Merchants, to make Rob, or Vinegar, press all the Grapes in their Vineyards, put it up in great Jars, under Ground, and keep it long, so that it proves excellent Wine. When four or five merry Companions, with every one his Mistress, appoint to be merry, they go out to their Vineyard or Garden, have Musick, and all or most of these Dishes, and there sit and carouse over a great earthen Bowl full of Wine, of about four or five Gallons, and so drink round in a Cup that will hold almost a Pint, like a large Tea Dish, till there is none left; it often happens that they do not part till they have made an end of the whole Jar, which seldom is less than a Weeks time. I have known some that have been nine Days successively drunk; those that are known to drink Wine or Piss standing, their Testimony will not be valid in Law.
In a Morning, during this time of Merriment, they are for some savoury Bit, Pickled Fish, or Escaveche, or Elcholle. They are great Lovers of Fish, and have as great Variety and very good, which they fry in Organ Oil, stew, roast, and bake, with good store of Spice, Onions, Garlick, Cummin, Parsly, and Coriander. The Escaveche, or fry'd Fish, is cut in thin slices, and put into Vinegar, with the aforesaid Spices, adding Saffron, and Pepper, &c. It will keep above a Month, and this they have commonly, as also pickled Limes, Olives, Capers, &c. They eat parched Garavancas, parched Almonds, and Beans, which they parch in a Pan with Water and Salt. These, and other things, they have to relish their Glass of Wine, or give them a fresh Appetite to drink. They say, to cure the ill Effects of a drunken Bout, is, to take a swinging Cup of the same Liquor, which invites them to more, and so on.
But I have left some Dishes, by this Digression, to give an Account of their extravagant Mirth.
The Hedgehog is a princely Dish among them, and before they kill him rub his Back against the Ground, by holding its Feet betwixt two, as Men do a Saw that saws Stones, till it has done Squeaking; then they cut its Throat, and with a Knife cut off all its Spines and singe it. They take out its Guts, stuff the Body with some Rice, sweet Herbs, Garavancas, Spice, and Onions; they put some Butter and Garavancas into the Water they stew it in, and let it stew in a little Pot, close stopped, till it is enough, and it proves an excellent Dish. The Moors do not care to kill Lamb, Veal, nor Kid, saying it is a Pity to part the Suckling from its Dam. They eat with their boil'd Meat, many times Carrots, Turnips of two or three sorts, Cabbage, Beans, and Pease, &c. which they have plenty, and very good. I have eat of Porcupine stewed, which much resembled Camels Flesh in Tast, and that is the nearest to Beef of any thing I know.
I come now to give an Account of the Alcholea: It is made of Beef, Mutton, or Camel's Flesh, but chiefly Beef, which they cut all in long slices, salt it well, and let it lie twenty four Hours in the Pickle. Then they remove out of those Tubs, or Jars, into others with Water, and when it has lain a Night, they take it out, and put it on Ropes in the Sun and Air to dry; when it is thoroughly dri'd, and hard, they cut it into pieces of two or three Inches long, and throw it into a Pan, or Chauldron, which is ready, with boiling Oil and Suet sufficient to hold it, where it boils till it be very clear and red, if one cuts it, which, taken out, they set to drain: When all is thus done, it stands till cool, and Jars are prepared to pot it up in, pouring the Liquor they fried it in upon it, and as soon as it is thoroughly cold they stop it up close. It will keep two Years, it will be hard, and the hardest they look on to be best done. This they dish up cold, sometimes fry'd with Eggs and Garlick, sometimes stew'd, and Lemon squeezed on it. It is very good any way, either hot or cold.
Before I conclude, I willingly give an Account of their Travelling-Provision, viz. Bread, Almonds, Raisons, Figs, hard Eggs, cold Fowl, &c. But what is most used by Travellers, is Zumeet, Tumeet, or Flower of parched Barley for Limereece. These are not Arabian but Shilha Names, so I believe it is of a longer standing than the Mahometans in that Part of Africk. They are all three made of parched Barley Flower, which they carry in a Leather Satchel. Zumeet is the Flower mixed with Honey, Butter, and Spice; Tumeet is the same Flower done up with Organ Oil; and Limereece is only mixed with Water, and so drank: This quenches Thirst much better than Water alone, satisfies a hungry Appetite, cools and refreshes tired and weary'd Spirits, overcoming those ill Effects a hot Sun and fatiguing Journey might occasion. This among the Mountaineers of Suse is used for their Diet as well at home as on their Journey. All things taken in Game, as Hawking, Hunting, and Fowling, are lawful for them to eat, if they take it before it be dead, so that they can have time to cut its Throat, and say, Bismiillahe; or if he is known to be an expert Man at the Game, and says those Words before he lets the Hawk take its Flight, lets slip the Grey-hound, or fires his Gun, it is lawful; all (I say, but Swine's Flesh, and what dies of its self) they have Liberty to eat, and may sell it. They tell us there is but one Part about the Hog or Swine that is unlawful, which they do not know, and are obliged to abstain from the whole; but if they knew it, they would let us have but little to our share. They eat Snails boil'd with Salt, and praise their Wholesomeness. Fish of all sorts, are lawful. In Taffilet and Dra most of their Food is Dates, there are ten or a dozen sorts. They have good Capons all the Country over; no Turkeys, Ducks, nor Geese but wild, and those they have of two sorts; Duck, Teal, and Mallard, Curlews, Plovers, Snipes, Ox-birds, Pipers, a sort of a black Crow, with a bald Pate, and long crooked Bill, is good Meat, and a hundred other sort of Fowl. I have eat Antelope, which we have kill'd in hunting, and are very good Food. They are as large as a Goat, of a Chestnut Colour, and white under the Belly; their Horns are almost quite streight from their Head up, tapering gradually, with Rings at a distance from one another, till within an Inch and a half of the top; fine large black Eyes, long and slender Neck, Feet, Legs, and Body, shaped somewhat like a Deer; they have two Cavities between their Legs, I think the Male as well as the Female. I have sent of these Antelopes alive to England. There are many in a Herd, when at the same time they have Scouts, or those who by running give 'em notice of an approaching Foe. When two lie down together, they lay themselves so, that their Backs are towards each other, and the Head of one towards the Tail of the other, that they may see every way. Their Dung is sweet and pleasant enough. They are taken sometimes by the Hawk, sometimes by the Shot; for they are too swift for a Grey-hound. Partridges in Sus commonly roost on Trees; there are so many Foxes which would otherwise destroy them.
And here I should make mention of another Dish: The Moors will eat Fox, if it be Fat, either stewed or roasted, but they do not care for it lean, which has occasioned a Proverb among them on that Account, to wit, Hellel deeb, harom deeb; alluding to the Scruple might be made of its lawfulness. Those Words signifie, a Fox is lawful, and a Fox is unlawful; i. e. Fat, Lawful; Lean, Unlawful.
Lat. 30, or thereabouts.
Fruits and Sweat-Meats they have of many kinds, as of three or four sorts of Pumpkins, Macaroons, Almonds prepared many ways, Raisins, Dates, Figs dry and green, excellent Melons of two or three sorts, and Water-Melons, Pomegranates of several kinds, Apples, Pears, Apricocks, Peaches, Mulberries white and black, Plumbs, and Damascens, Cherries,[21]Grapes of many kinds, and very good, and if they would assist Nature, they might have every thing in Perfection.
Their Salating is Lettuce, Endive, Carduus, Parsley, Apium, and other sweet Herbs, Onions, Cucumbers of several kinds, some about a Yard in length, and two or three Inches thick, and hairy, (this is esteemed the wholesomest) Radishes, Fumatas, or Apples of Love, all which they will cut, and put Oil, Vinegar, and Salt, with some red Pepper: This Salate they eat with Bread. They have a Fruit called Baraneen, in Spain, Baragenas; these they stew with their Victuals, and sometimes cut them in thin slices, and fry them; it makes a pretty Dish. When the Moors have feasted, every one washes his Hands and Mouth, thanks God, and blesses the Hosts and Entertainers from whom they had it; they talk a little, or tell some Story, and then lie down to rest, where I shall leave them at present, and do beg your Pardon for so tiresome and frivolous a Discourse.