The Old Testament in the Light of the Historical Records and Legends of Assyria and Babylonia

by Theophilus G. Pinches

Footnotes

[1.] Written on the edge of the tablet in the Assyrian copy. [2.] Cf. the royal names, Anman-ila, Buntaḫtun-ila, etc., in the so-called Arabic Dynasty of Babylon. (P. [154].) [3.] Literally “he who feareth not his god.” [4.] The Akkadian line has “the sickness (disease) of the head.” [5.] Cuneiform Inscriptions and the O.T., 2nd edit. vol. i. p. 28. [6.] A later explanation by Prof. Sayce is, that Enoch may be Ḫana, “on the east side of Babylonia,” with the determinative suffix ki (making Ḫanaki) added. See Expository Times, Jan. 1902, p. 179. [7.] In this description of the contents of the 12 tablets referring to Gilgameš, the common reading of the name of his friend and companion has been retained, partly to keep a form which was more or less familiar, and partly because the reading is doubtful. From the new text discovered by Meissner, however, the name would seem not to be Êa-bani, but Êa-du or Enki-du. Future discoveries may ultimately give us the true reading. [8.] Variant, “with loud voice.” [9.] Variant, “Maḫ.” [10.] Compare the story of Aesculapius, who, when in the house of Glaucus, killed a serpent, upon which another of these reptiles came with a herb in its mouth, wherewith it restored its dead companion to life. Aesculapius was to all appearance luckier than Gilgameš, for it was with this herb that he restored the sick and dead, whereas the Babylonian hero seems to have lost the precious plant. [11.] Apparently meaning the same as if the word “artificers” only had been used. Compare the expression “a son of Babylon” for “a Babylonian.” [12.] Marshall Brothers, Paternoster Row. [13.] The Assyrians, when referring to Babylonia, generally call it “Akkad,” which ought rather, therefore, to be the district nearest to them—that is, the northern part of the country, immediately south of their own borders. They also called this part Karduniaš, one of the names by which it was known in Babylonia. [14.] See p. [122]. [15.] Other possible instances of the occurrence of this element in names of this time are Zumu-rame, Šumu-ḫammu (apparently for Sumu-ḫammu), Sumu-ḫala, Samu-abum, Samukim, Sumu-entel (so probably to be read instead of Sumu-ente-al), Sumu-ni-Ea, “Our Shem is Ea,” and in all probability many others could be found. (See Hommel, Ancient Hebrew Tradition.) [16.] For further information upon Babylonia and Egypt, compare Prof. F. Hommel's “Der babylonische Ursprung der ägyptischen Kultur,” München, G. Franz, 1892. A new etymology of Arpachshad, very similar to that of Prof. Schrader, has, however, lately been suggested by Prof. Sayce, and afterwards by Prof. Hommel, who has apparently abandoned that given above. [17.] See the tablet translated on pp. [182-183], and compare the documents quoted on pp. [174], [178] ff., [180], [184], [185], [186-7]. [18.] In consequence of variations in the lists, there is doubt as to the total of the reigns of the above kings. The shorter indications have been given above, as far as the reign of Samsu-iluna. A small tablet from Babylon (Rassam excavations) gives Sumu-abi 15, Sumu-la-ila 35, Zabû 14, Abil-Sin 18, Sin-mubaliṭ 30, Ḫammurabi 55, and Samsu-iluna 35—total, with the others, 304 years instead of 285. Perhaps there were usurpers, whose reigns have not been included. There seems to have been an interregnum after the reign of Samu-abi (Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology, 1899, p. 161). [19.] Or Buntaḫtun-ila, in an inscription published by Hermann Ranke (Pennsylvania Expedition, vol. VI., part 1, 1906). [20.] The name really seems, however, to be Sumuenteal, probably a scribe's error. [21.] Or “heroic son”—dumu ursa[ga?]. [22.] The Ebišum of the chronological lists. [23.] Yosephia and Habe-Ibraheem. [24.] See the Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund, July 1900, pp. 262, 263. [25.] An interesting commentary on this is furnished by the British Museum tablet K, 2100, which informs us that the god Rimmon or Hadad was called Addu or Dadu in Amorite, Tešsub in the language of Su (Mesopotamia), Maliku in the language of Suḫ, (the Shuites), Kunzibami in Elamite, and Buriaš in Kassite. The same inscription also states that the word for “God” was ene in Su, nab in Elamite, malaḫum in Amorite, kiurum in Lulubite, mašḫu in Kassite, and gives the additional synonyms (? in Babylonian) qadmu, “he who was first,” digirū (from the Akkadian dingir, “god”), and also, seemingly, ḫilibu. [26.] To all appearance letters were originally read out to the person addressed by a professional reader. [27.] This often happens, the most interesting case being the tablets referring to Bunanitum, four in number, acquired in 1876, 1877, and a year or two later. Another of the series is in New York. Cf. pp. 459-465. [28.] I have purposely given the translation of the inner tablet, that of the envelope being less simply worded, and therefore not quite so easy to understand. The list of witnesses, however, is from the envelope, this being much more satisfactory in that it gives the father's name and the title of the person in some cases. [29.] The envelope here adds: “At no future time shall he make a claim.” [30.] This is apparently an expression taken from the contracts referring to the purchase of houses, in which the same set phrases were used. [31.] In the list of household goods inscribed on the tablet Bu. 91-5-9, 337, are enumerated 1 bed, 1 couch, 2 tables, other objects, mostly of wood, to the number of 42; 7 pots, 1 chair, 4 ušratum (probably vessels containing the tenth part of some measure), 5 hamsatum (probably vessels containing the fifth part of a measure), 31 qa of sesame, and a few other things. [32.] Generally read Ê-giš-šir-gal. [33.] Probably the first line of the next tablet. [34.] The Talmud says that Terah worshipped twelve divinities, one for each month of the year. [35.] There was a temple of the sun and the moon at a town at no great distance from Ur [Mugheir], now represented by the mounds of Tel-Sifr, where a number of tablets with envelopes were found. [36.] One of the most interesting names found in the texts of this period is that of Yaum-îlu, “Jah is God,” occurring in a letter. Yau (Jah) was one of the Babylonian words indicating the Supreme God, only used, however, in special cases. (Cf. pp. [58] ff.) [37.] See the inscription translated on p. [155]. [38.] In inscriptions referring to Haran the Moon-god bears this name. [39.] Apparently the god Sin, through the priest, his representative. For Esarhaddon's successes in Egypt, see p. [388]. [40.] The ayin of the second element must have been pronounced like the Arabic ghain, making 'Atar-ghata, which would probably be a better transcription. [41.] A corrupt form of the same name. [42.] This is probably not the land of Ḫana referred to on p. [84], note, which was apparently a Babylonian principality, and retained its independence to a comparatively late date. It was a district which had especially skilful stone- and metal-workers. [43.] A doubtful rendering. [44.] Or “Year of the images of the 7 gods.” [45.] Or “Year of (the temple) Ê-namḫe.” [46.] It may just be mentioned that date 30, “Year of the army of Elam,” if correctly rendered, may refer to the Elamite expedition to the West, but it seems more likely that it records a disaster to the Elamite arms, which enabled Ḫammurabi to overthrow Rîm-Sin of Emutbālu next year. [47.] A deity, probably the god of destruction. [48.] Further details will be found in the paper, Certain Inscriptions and Records, etc. in the Journal of the Victoria Institute, 1895-96, pp. 43-90. Published also separately. [49.] The word ḳâtu, “hand,” in Semitic Babylonian, means also “power,” and as an explanatory gloss, the scribe has introduced the Hebrew זרוע or עורז, zuruḫ in Assyrian transcription, meaning “arm,” or, here, “power.” Apparently he was afraid that ḳâtu would not be understood. [50.] In this connection Maspero's remarks upon this fragment (Records of the Past, 2nd series, vol. ii. p. 43) are worth repeating. He points out that there were three Pharaohs named Soqnun-rî (= Seqnen-Rê), and he implies that it was in all probability the last of these which is referred to. He perished by a violent death, perhaps in battle against the Hyksos themselves. “He had shaved his head the morning before, ‘arraying himself for the combat like the god Montu,’ as the Egyptian scribes would say. His courage led him to penetrate too far into the ranks of the enemy; he was surrounded and slain before his companions could rescue him. The blow of an axe removed part of his left cheek and laid bare the teeth, striking the jaw and felling him stunned to the ground; a second blow entered far within the skull, a dagger or short lance splitting the forehead on the right side a little above the eye. The Egyptians recovered the body and embalmed it in haste, when already partly decomposed, before sending it to Thebes and the tomb of his ancestors.... The author of the legend may probably have continued the story down to the tragic end of his hero. The scribe to whom we owe the papyrus on which it is inscribed must certainly have intended to complete the tale; he had recopied the last lines on the reverse of one of the pages, and was preparing to continue it when some accident intervened to prevent his doing so.... It is probable, however, that it went on to describe how Soqnun-rî, after long hesitation, succeeded in escaping from the embarrassing dilemma in which his powerful rival had attempted to place him. His answer must have been as odd and extraordinary as the message of 'Apôpi, but we have no means even of conjecturing what it was.” [51.] Compare the name of the well near which Hagar the Egyptian woman fell down exhausted when fleeing from Sarai, Abraham's wife: “The well of the living one who seeth me.” [52.] Driver, in Hastings's Dictionary of the Bible, under Joseph. [53.] Or “to each hungry person.” [54.] This and other transcriptions of the name into cuneiform character suggests that it was generally pronounced Neb-mu'a-Re'a. [55.] Another god of Mitanni seems to have been Eaašarri, probably from the Babylonian Êa šarru, “Êa (Aê) the king.” Other Mitannian deities are Šimîgi and Sušbi. [56.] Compare the Arabic eshāra, “sign.” [57.] Nin-urmuru (?) is only a provisional transcription, being at least partly Akkadian. Her name in all probability began with Bêlit, “lady of” = Bâalat. As the name ends with the plural sign, the question naturally arises whether it may not be practically a title—“Lady of the Urmuru” (?), or something of the kind. [58.] I.e. to king Amenophis, to whom he was writing. [59.] In all probability this is metaphorically spoken, and means simply that he captured him. The feet of those vanquished in battle were sometimes cut off, but it is hardly likely that a man would survive this without medical treatment. [60.] Lit. “stood before him.” [61.] Lit. “a servant of faithfulness.” [62.] Lit. “I look thus, and I look thus.” [63.] It is doubtful whether the full form of the name is preserved, the tablet being broken at this point. [64.] Ḫani-galbat is identified with northern Mesopotamia (Aram-Naharaim), and was the land ruled over by Dušratta, king of Mitanni, a synonym of which, at least in part, the district known as Ḫani-galbat was. Ḫana-galbat is apparently a variant spelling. [65.] Or “the keeper of thy horses.” The dual sign before the word “horses” suggests that “attendant,” “guardian,” or “driver” of the two horses of the king's chariot is meant. The expression is apparently intended merely to indicate the writer's position as vassal. [66.] Lit. “to whose head,” apparently meaning “to whose self” = “to whom.” [67.] Thus in the original—apparently Abdi-ṭâba thought that “they backbite” (îkalu karsi) might not be understood. [68.] The name is lost. [69.] The number is lost. [70.] This number is incomplete. [71.] Lit. “taken hostility against me.” [72.] Lit. “there is alliance to all the governors.” [73.] The scribe has left out a wedge in the middle character, making the name Kapasi. [74.] Apparently meaning that Milki-îli, pretending to be faithful to the king of Egypt, intended to ask him, later on, for the territory governed by Lab'aya and Arzawa, in order to give it back to them, they having forfeited it by their rebellion. [75.] So Naville and others. [76.] Sothis rose heliacally on the 9th of Epiphi of the 9th year (1545 b.c.) of Amenophis I. Amosis, his predecessor, ruled twenty-two years, so that his first year must be 1575 b.c. Subtract 240 years, the period of oppression, from 1575, and we obtain 1335 as the date of the Exodus. [77.] Mahler suggests that it was one of the sons of Rameses II. who met with his death in the Red Sea when pursuing the departing Israelites. [78.] Also Abdi-Aširta, Abdi-Ašratum. [79.] Lit. “chariots of the harness of their yoke.” [80.] Prof. Sayce translates “like moon-stone I laid low.” [81.] Or “fear which dreaded.” [82.] These words (ša mât Ḫat-ta-a-a) are inserted in this place in squeeze 84. [83.] See the list, p. [374] (with [373] and [378]). Amurrū (Amoria, p. 374) appears as in Ḫatti (p. [373]), or synonymous with it. [84.] Lit. “of his decision.” [85.] See p. [224]. [86.] The land of the Amorites. [87.] Or Šizanians. [88.] Only eleven are mentioned. [89.] The god of death and battle. [90.] Thus in the inscription, but translators generally read Gilzanu. [91.] Guide to the Nimroud Central Saloon, p. 31. This rendering is based on a careful comparison of the inscription with the bas-relief. [92.] “Son of Ê-saggil” means that he was one of the deities worshipped in the temple bearing that name. The god Ninip is called “son of E-sarra,” for the same reason. Nebo was especially worshipped, however, at Ê-zida. [93.] “The broad (land of) ... li,” however, occurs, and, as Professor Hommel actually suggests, may be a reference to Nap-ta-li or Naphtali. [94.] I.e. like the ruins of cities which had been swept away by a flood. In both Assyria and Babylonia floods were common things, and the devastation they caused naturally gave rise to the simile. [95.] According to Fried. Delitzsch, this is incorrectly given for Sewe, the Sib'e of the Assyrian inscriptions. [96.] If it be Sargon, then it was naturally he who carried Israel captive to Assyria, placing them in Halah, Habor, and the cities of the Medes. [97.] I.e. those of the island of Tyre, which still held out. [98.] Lit. “I smote their overthrow.” [99.] See the chapter upon the Tel-el-Amarna letters (p. [281] ff.). [100.] It is noteworthy, however, that Sabaco is elsewhere called Sabaku (see below, p. [389]). [101.] “The two borders,” see Sayce. The Assyrian form is singular, as is also the Babylonian Miṣir, which has i for u in both syllables. The Arabic form is Miṣr. Muṣur(u), Misir(u), Miṣraim, and Misr are all forms of the same name. [102.] Compare p. [366], where the earlier payment of tribute is referred to. [103.] See pp. [283], [291], [292]. [104.] The land of Heth, Syria in general. [105.] Lit. “wrought anew.” [106.] Or Ya(w)anana. (This is added from the bull-inscription.) [107.] Or Ṣidqaa (for Ṣidqaia = Zedekiah). [108.] Unknown objects—perhaps gold bangles or similar things. [109.] Lit. “whatever its name.” [110.] Or “I.” [111.] Elibus in Alexander Polyhistor, as quoted by Eusebius, Armenian Chronicle, 42. [112.] It is impossible, with our present knowledge, to determine the date of Merodach-baladan's envoy to Hezekiah (2 Kings xx. 12), but if at the late period indicated, he must have been in hiding, and waiting for the chance to mount the throne again. [113.] This, together with Nagitu, and Nagitu-di'ibina, are apparently different from the Nagite-raqqi or Nagitu-raqqu mentioned above. Apparently Merodach-baladan had fled from the Nagitu “within the sea” to the mainland. [114.] The Babylonian Chronicle claims victory for the allies, and Sennacherib for the Assyrians. The sequel implies that the latter is the more trustworthy. [115.] I.e. Mer-en-Ptah, Seti I. As, however, this king reigned as early as 1350 b.c., Herodotus must have been misinformed. Tirhakah, “king of Ethiopia,” was Sennacherib's opponent at the period of the siege of Jerusalem (2 Kings xix. 9). [116.] Tel-Assar (Isaiah xxxvii. 12)—Assar probably = Asari (p. 54). [117.] There were twenty provinces in all, including those of Nikû, king of Mempi and Sâa (Necho of Memphis and Sais); Šarru-lû-dâri (an Assyrian name), king of Ṣi'anu (Zoan or Tanis), Susinqu (Sheshonq), king of Buširu (Busiris), and many others. [118.] “To the long chariot, the vehicle of my royalty.” [119.] As pointed out by Commander Jones in 1852, the river responsible for the disaster was not the Tigris, but must have been the Khosr, which flows through Nineveh from the N.E., and runs into the Tigris W.S.W. of the village of Armushieh. [120.] Apparently Duwair, S.S.E. of Babylon. This, however, is probably not a real place-name, the word really meaning “mound.” [121.] A part of Babylon. [122.] Lit. “like as a corpse.” [123.] Lit. “went round” or “about.” [124.] Probably meaning Asiatics, in contradistinction to the fair inhabitants of Europe. [125.] The old name of Babylon as “the seat of life” = old Babylon. [126.] Lit. “their number cannot be announced.” [127.] Lit. “of the land of Amoria.” [128.] The old capital of Assyria. [129.] An addition by the scribe of the first tablet (the more correct copy), seemingly partly erased. [130.] The second copy (the less correct) has, instead of “who is over the city,” the words “the son of the king ...,” which (judging from the word for “man” before “king”) the scribe must have read into the traces which he saw. [131.] This must be another Marduka—it is most unlikely that it is the son of Adi'îlu and Ḫulîtu, concerning whom the document was written. [132.] Variant, Adi'îlu, possibly the seller of Marduka, and if so, Ukîn-zēra must have been the brother of the man sold. [133.] See above, p. [445], where the husbandmen are referred to. [134.] Probably = “under.” [135.] Apparently from the root par, “to be bright.” These stones were probably sacred to the Sun-god. [136.] Or “the woollen stuffs.” [137.] Lit. “thou (art) in thy house, in thy heart (there is) good to thee.” [138.] It seems to have been sometimes the custom for a man to be known by more than one name. [139.] Lit. “gardenership.” [140.] This may mean “the Egyptian,” but as there were more than one Miṣir, this is doubtful. [141.] Nabonidus. [142.] Or, perhaps, “(in) the plantation-territory.” [143.] Or, perhaps, “the territory of the great farther side.” [144.] As the Babylonians had no means of indicating the sound of o, characters containing u had to be used in such words as these. The Babylonian pronunciation of the Greek πολίτης was, therefore, poliṭē. Another form of this plural word, namely, puliṭannu (poliṭānu), also occurs. [145.] In 1890, when this inscription was copied, it was in the possession of Mr. Lucas, who kindly gave me permission to publish it. I do not know who possesses the tablet at present. The seal-impression at the end is exceedingly indistinct. [146.] The spirits of the earth. [147.] The Sungod was the god of justice, hence this comparison. [148.] The inhabitants of the land. [149.] The temple-tower of Niffur. [150.] The temple of Bel at Niffur. [151.] The temple of Eridu. [152.] The temple of Bel at Babylon. [153.] See p. [193]. [154.] The temple of Ur—see p. [194] ff. [155.] The moon-goddess of Sippar. [156.] The temple of the sun at Sippar. [157.] Ellasar. [158.] The temple of the sun at Larsa (Ellasar). [159.] The god and goddess of Ê-anna, the temple of Erech. [160.] The temple of Isin or Nisin. [161.] The temple of Kiš. [162.] Apparently a conflict had taken place here, and the success of the Babylonian arms was attributed to the god of the place. [163.] The temple of Cuthah. [164.] Merodach—see p. [30] ff. [165.] The temple of Borsippa. [166.] The modern Dailem. [167.] The god of Dilmu. [168.] The temple at Lagas. [169.] Goddess of Ḫallabu. [170.] Lit.: “the raising of the hand.” [171.] Hadad. [172.] Or, with Scheil: who has rectified the course of the Tigris. As, however, the sign for “river” is wanting, the meaning “family,” “race,” which this word has, is to be preferred. [173.] The temple of Ištar of Nineveh, later called E-masmas. [174.] Lit.: “to the river-god,” and so throughout the clause. [175.] A matter of life and death. [176.] Lit.: “which is in that judgment.” [177.] Cf. 126, 131. [178.] Lit.: “a period to the sixth month.” [179.] Lit.: “in the sixth month.” [180.] Lit.: “shall call upon the spirit of God.” [181.] Lit.: “In the house of a man fire has been kindled.” [182.] Lit.: “a man of substitution.” [183.] The officer, etc. [184.] Lit.: “for opening.” [185.] Lit.: “the god Hadad.” [186.] Or, “did not cover the cost.” [187.] Lit.: “the god Hadad.” [188.] Lit.: “the lord of the interest.” [189.] Lit.: “profit.” [190.] Or, “its interest.” [191.] Lit.: “sons,” or “children.” [192.] I.e. in the same proportion. [193.] Lit.: “in days not full.” [194.] In the British Museum fragment 80-11-12, 1235, found by Mr. Rassam in Babylonia, 100 and 101 form a single section, the last one of the 5th tablet. [195.] Lit.: “invoke the spirit of God.” [196.] In other words, “he shall take a receipt for the amount.” [197.] Probably = “shall not be placed to his credit.” [198.] Lit.: “dwells on the road.” [199.] Lit.: “the possessions of his hand.” [200.] Lit.: “and to whatever its name, as much as he gave, he shall renounce.” [201.] Lit.: “the distraint.” [202.] Apparently the agent who lent him the money, and who is called “the distrainer” in the foregoing lines. [203.] Has not made a contract for her. [204.] Lit.: “If the wife of a man her husband accuse her.” [205.] Lit.: “she shall invoke the spirit of God.” [206.] The original text adds “before him,” probably meaning “before he left.” [207.] Or “may.” [208.] Lit.: “after him.” [209.] Or “need.” [210.] Lit.: “she may take the husband of her heart.” [211.] Lit.: “take.” [212.] Or “a chain.” [213.] Lit.: “her after (property).” [214.] Lit.: “a lord of interest.” [215.] Lit.: “set her upon a stake.” [216.] There is a mistake in the text here, the most probable reading being “cast him into the water.” [217.] Lit.: “movable(s),” French du meuble. [218.] Perhaps “shall add to it an equal amount,” as a kind of compensation. Scheil has “il égalera.” [219.] That is, to the man himself. [220.] In all probability it is an adopted son who is meant—it is doubtful whether a man could do more than disinherit his own child. [221.] I.e. decide to marry again. [222.] Lit.: “her sonhood, of her brothers it is.” [223.] The same word is used as in the case of a marriage-gift. [224.] The same word is used as in the case of a marriage-gift. [225.] That is, she must content herself with the marriage-gift. [226.] Lit.: “taken to childship.” [227.] Or “in his name.” [228.] These were in the position of orphans, having no proper home. [229.] Lit.: “the son of a worker.” [230.] Or “as a foster-child.” [231.] Here the term would seem to be equivalent to “apprentice.” [232.] Evidently such a denial on the child's part was regarded as the height of ingratitude (see the footnote to § [187]). [233.] In the original “his eye.” [234.] Lit.: “price.” [235.] Or “skull,” Scheil: “cerveau.” Peiser's rendering, “cheek” (Backe), seems to be the best. (This applies to laws [203-205] as well.) [236.] According to Winckler, this expression (“son of a man”) means “a free-born man.” [237.] Lit.: “slave like slave.” [238.] Lit.: “the silver of half his price.” [239.] Lit.: “lord of the injury.” [240.] This was regarded as a fraud, and punished as such. [241.] Or “the boatman shall repair that vessel, and strengthen (it) with his own capital, and give the strengthened vessel (back) to the owner of the vessel.” [242.] Lit.: “price.” [243.] Lit.: “ox like ox.” [244.] Such is the general translation. An injury of this kind would render the animal useless, as it would be unable to bear the yoke, hence this enactment. [245.] Or “slit.” [246.] Lit.: “shall invoke the spirit of God.” [247.] As the dog his first bite, so the bull was allowed his first toss free. [248.] Or “failing,” “defect.” [249.] Or “weakened,” “starved.” [250.] Lit.: “given.” [251.] Lit.: “it is good to his heart.” [252.] Lit.: “the fate,” i.e., divine decree concerning them. [253.] Lit.: “of.” [254.] The character used is the same as that for grain (wheat, etc.), but the weight is unknown. [255.] Winckler: “potter.” [256.] Lit.: “man of linen.” Scheil, Winckler, and Johns translate “tailor.” [257.] A part only of the word is preserved. [258.] Lit.: “he has had a claim.” [259.] Lit.: “shall answer the claim.” [260.] Lit.: “he shall make their freedom without silver.” This law seems to indicate that neither owner was regarded as having a right to them. [261.] Lit.: “silver.” [262.] The people. [263.] The Ninevite duplicate has a different reading. [264.] Probably = “north and south,” or “in mountain and valley.” [265.] Winckler: “put an end to battles.” [266.] Lit.: “proclaimed.” [267.] Apparently meaning the head of the stone bearing this inscription. [268.] The Nineveh duplicate has: “by the command of Šamaš and Hadad, judges of justice, deciders of decisions, may justice have power.” [269.] Lit.: “a word.” [270.] Lit.: “good flesh.” [271.] Lit.: “thoughts.” [272.] Lit.: “the going forth.” [273.] Lit.: “his dark of head.” [274.] Scheil: “given rectitude.” [275.] The future king. [276.] Lit.: “cause another to take (this responsibility).” [277.] Lit.: “whose name has been proclaimed.” [278.] I.e., his throne. [279.] Lit.: “honourable.” [280.] Lit.: “go before.” [281.] Lit.: “ear.” [282.] Or “oblivion.” [283.] Or “visions.” [284.] Lit.: “spirits” (utukke). Perhaps the “soul” and “spirit” are meant, the plural being indicated by writing the character twice, though nothing certain can be deduced from this. [285.] Scheil and Winckler: “sickle” (= crescent), but this seems to be a different word. [286.] Scheil: “is in conflict.” [287.] Mounds of an inundation, such as the great Flood was supposed to have produced. [288.] Probably repeated by an error of the stone-cutter. [289.] The Nineveh duplicate has: “whose battle has no equal.” [290.] Or “bind.” [291.] Or “strength,” apparently meaning the imperfectness of that quality. [292.] Generally referred to under the fuller form Anunnaki. [293.] Or “temple,” either that of Merodach at Babylon, or Ê-babbara. [294.] The temple of the Sun at Sippar or at Larsa—probably the former. [295.] In Ex. xxi. 8 it is presumed that the master of the girl betrothed her to himself, as in the case of Šamaš-nûri (p. [185]), who, however, could be sold as a slave if she denied her mistress. [296.] The old Sumerian law referring to injuries to slaves (p. 191) inflicts a fine on the hirer, not on the owner. [297.] Isaiah xlv. 20: “They have no knowledge that carry the wood of their graven images.” R. V. [298.] Num. vi. 26: “The Lord lift up his countenance upon thee,” equivalent to “to raise the eyes” in Assyro-Babylonian. [299.] Lit.: “shall not bring his hand to the sick.” [300.] Lit.: “the raising of his hands.” [301.] This form is due to a false etymology, but it is used by Delitzsch as a very convenient compound word. [302.] The word may also be translated “inhabiting,” but this does not seem to be so good. [303.] Lit.: “ill.” [304.] For parallels to the Babylonian legend of Tiamtu in the Talmud and Midrash, see S. Daiches in the Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, xvii. (1903), pp. 394-399. [305.] Similar figures are shown on the slabs in the British Museum (Nimroud Gallery) standing before the sacred tree. [306.] The Religious Ideas of the Babylonians, in the Journal of the Transactions of the Victoria Institute, 1895. [307.] P. 181. [308.] P. 183, where the reading is Ibsina-ili. [309.] P. 184. [310.] For a list of these, see “Observations sur la Religion des Babyloniens 2000 ans avant Jésus-Christ,” by Th. G. Pinches, in the Revue de l'Histoire des Religions, 1901. [311.] See Hugo Winckler, Die im Sommer 1906 in Kleinasien ausgeführten Ausgrabungen, Orientalische Literatur-Zeitung, Dec. 15, 1906; Vorläufige Nachrichten über die Ausgrabungen in Boghaz-Köi im Sommer 1907, Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft, Dec. 1907 (No. 35). [312.] See pp. [297], [298], where Cassites (Kâsi) are referred to. The Kassites east of Babylonia were the Cosssæans of the Greeks. (Cf. pp. [122], [140], [170].) [313.] See pp. [275] ff. [314.] See pp. [222] ff. [315.] It will be noticed that the Hittite-Babylonian transcription is of considerable value for the pronunciation of Egyptian. [316.] See p. [232]. [317.] Aramaic Papyri discovered at Assuan, edited by A. H. Sayce and A. E. Cowley. London, 1906. [318.] Lit.: “they shall remove.” [319.] Sachau suggests that this may be gentilic, and mean “the Lachite.” [320.] Possibly “companions” (Sachau). [321.] Variant: “the 7 great doors.” [322.] QYMu, a word of doubtful meaning. [323.] Or “bronze.” [324.] Sachau suggests that this may be the name of Waidrang's tribe—that of Caleb, or the like. [325.] Possibly signs of dignity or wealth, made of some precious metal. [326.] In the original Ostan âḫûhi zi 'Anani, a construction which reminds us of the Babylonian âbli-šu ša, “son of.” May we, therefore, read “Ostanes, brother of 'Anani?” [327.] That is, the receivers of Bagohi's benefits. [328.] As such a reward would be much too small, Sachau suggests that the kinkar (? talent) was much below the value of an ordinary talent. [329.] See page [539]. [330.] Chnub, the Greek Chnubis, Knuphis, or Kneph. [331.] If this be the case, Waidareng is also a possible reading. [332.] Sanballat in Nehemiah. The transcription here used is that of the Septuagint, but the vocalization is in both cases incorrect—it should be Sin-uballiṭ. This name, which is Babylonian, means “the moon-god has given life.” He is called a Horonite in Neh. ii. 10, 19. [333.] Lit.: “going.” [334.] See the Author's Religion of Babylonia and Assyria (A. Constable & Co., 1906), pp. 43-44. [335.] Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft, 1902, I.: Ein Altbabylonisches Fragment des Gilgamosepos, von Bruno Meissner. Berlin, Wolf Peiser Verlag. [336.] Oriental Translation Fund, New Series, I. The Rauzat-us-Safa; or Garden of Purity, by Mirkhond. Translated by E. Rehatsek. Royal Asiatic Society, 1891. [337.] The Babylonian Excavations and Early Bible History, by Prof. Kittel, translated by Edmund McClure, M.A., with a preface by Henry Wace, D.D. Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1903. [338.] Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, vol. v., pl. 2, l. 40, and Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets, part xii., pl. 6. Cf. p. 144. [339.] Probably illustrating the Sumerian Laws. [340.] Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1897. [341.] The Bronze Ornaments of the Palace Gates of Balawat, with an introduction by Walter de Gray Birch, and descriptions and translations by Theophilus G. Pinches. Published at the Offices of the Society of Biblical Archæology, Bloomsbury, W.C. [342.] Or “images.” [343.] Assyria. [344.] See p. [207], upper part. [345.] That is, Babylonia. [346.] Collection de Clercq. Catalogue méthodique et raisonné, par M. de Clercq, avec la collaboration de M. J. Menant. Paris, Leroux, 1885, etc.

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