Champlain on the War-Path.
[This narrative is of great interest, as showing the mode of early Indian warfare, and the way in which the French at once modified it by teaching them the use of fire-arms. It also illustrates the way in which the French explored the interior of the country, even before the English had colonized the coasts, thus giving rise to that dispute out of which grew the series of French and Indian wars. Samuel de Champlain first sailed for America in 1603, and was the founder and governor of Quebec.]
I LEFT the rapid[332] of the said River of the Iroquois on the 2d of July (1609).All the savages[333] began carrying their canoes, arms, and traps over land, about a league and a half, to avoid the current and force of the rapid. This was quickly effected.
They immediately launched the canoes into the water, two men in each with their baggage, whilst one of the men went by land about a league and a half, which was the probable extent of said rapid, though not so violent as at the foot, except at some points where rocks obstructed the river, which is no morethan three to four hundred paces wide. After the rapid was passed, though not without trouble, all the Indians who had gone by land over a pretty good road and level country, though covered with timber, re-embarked in their canoes. My men were also on land, and I on the water, in a canoe. They reviewed all their force, and found twenty four canoes with sixty men. After having completed their review, we continued our journey as far as an island, three leagues long, covered with the finest pines I ever beheld. They hunted, and caught some wild animals there. Passing thence about three leagues farther on, we camped, in order to rest for the night.
CHAMPLAIN.
CHAMPLAIN.
Forthwith some began to cut down timber, others to pull off bark to cover lodges to shelter them, others to fell large trees with which to barricade their lodges on the shore. They know so well how to construct these barricades, that five hundred of their enemies would find considerable difficulty in forcing them, in less than two hours, without great loss. They do not fortify the side of the river along which their canoes are ranged, so as to be able to embark, should occasion require.
After they had camped, they despatched three canoes with nine good men, as is their custom at all their encampments, to reconnoitre within two or three leagues, if they see any thing; after which they retire. Theydepend the whole night on the exploration of the vanguard, which is a bad habit of theirs; for sometimes their enemies surprise them asleep, and kill them, without [their] having an opportunity of recovering their feet to defend themselves.
Remarking that, I remonstrated with them against the error they committed; told them to watch, as they saw us do, all night, and to have outposts to spy and see if they could perceive any thing, and not to live in that style, like cattle. They told me they couldn’t watch, and that they labored all day hunting. So that, when they go to war, they divide their force into three: to wit, one party, scattered in divers places, hunting; another forms the main body, which is always under arms; and another party as a vanguard, to scout along the river, and see whether they will not discover some trail or mark indicating the passage of friends or enemies. This they ascertain by certain marks the chiefs of one nation give to those of another, which are not always alike, notifying each other from time to time when they alter any. By this means, they recognize whether those who have passed are friends or enemies.
The hunters never hunt in advance of the main body, or the scouts, so as not to create any alarm or disorder, but in the rear, and in the direction where they do not apprehend enemies. They thus continue until they are two or three days’ journey from the foe, when they advance stealthily by night, all in a body, except the scouts, and retire by day into the picket-fort, where they repose, without wandering abroad, making any noise, or building a fire, even for cooking, during thattime, so as not to be discovered, should their enemies happen to pass. The only fire they make is to smoke. They eat dried Indian meal, which they steep in water, like porridge. They prepare this meal for use when they are pinched, and when they are near the enemy, or when retreating. After these attacks, they do not amuse themselves hunting, retreating precipitately.…
We left next day, continuing our route along the riveras far as the lake.[334] Here are a number of beautiful but low islands, filled with very fine woods and prairies, a quantity of game and wild animals, such as stags, deer, fawns, roebucks, bears, and other sorts of animals that come from the mainland to the said islands. We caught a quantity of them. There is also quite a number of beavers, as well in the river as in several other streams which fall into it. These parts, though agreeable, are not inhabited by any Indians, in consequence of their wars. They retire from the rivers as far as possible, deep into the country, in order not to be so soon discovered.
Next day, we entered the lake, which is of considerable extent, some fifty or sixty leagues, where I saw four beautiful islands, ten, twelve, and fifteen leagues in length, formerly inhabited, as well as the Iroquois River, by Indians, but abandoned since they have been at war the one with the other. Several rivers, also, discharge into the lake, surrounded by a number of fine trees similar to those we have in France, with a quantity of vines handsomer than any I ever saw; a great many chestnuts; and I had not yet seen, exceptthe margin of the lake, where there is a larger abundance of fish of divers species.Among the rest there is one called by the Indians of the country chaousarou,[335] of divers lengths. The largest, I was informed by the people, are of eight to ten feet. I saw one of five, as thick as a thigh, with a head as big as two fists, with jaws two feet and a half long, and a double set of very sharp and dangerous teeth. The form of the body resembles that of the pike; and it is armed with scales that the thrust of a poniard cannot pierce; and it is of a silver gray-color. The point of the snout is like that of a hog. This fish makes war on all others in the lakes and rivers, and possesses, as these people assure, a wonderful instinct; which is, that, when it wants to catch any birds, it goes among the rushes or reeds bordering the lake in many places, keeping the beak out of the water without budging; so that when birds perch on the beak, imagining it a limb of a tree, it is so subtle, that, closing the jaws which it keeps half open, it draws the birds under water by the feet. The Indians gave me a head of it, which they prize highly, saying, when they have a headache, they let blood with the teeth of this fish at the seat of the pain, which immediately goes away.
Continuing our route along the west side of the lake, contemplating the country, I saw on the east side very high mountains capped with snow. I asked the Indians if those parts were inhabited. They answered me yes, and that they were Iroquois, and that there were in those parts beautiful valleys, and fields fertile in corn as good as I had ever eaten in the country, with aninfinitude of other fruits; and that the lake extended close to the mountains, which were, according to my judgment, fifteen leagues from us. I saw others to the south, not less high than the former; only that they were without snow. The Indians told me it was there we were to go to meet their enemies, and that they were thickly inhabited,and that we must pass by a waterfall,[336] which I afterwards saw,and thence enter another lake[337] three or four leagues long; and, having arrived at its head, there were four leagues overland to be travelled to passto a river[338] which flows towards the coast of the Almouchiquois,tending towards that of the Almouchiquois,[339] and they were only two days going there in their canoes, as I understood since from some prisoners we took, who, by means of some Algonquin interpreters who were acquainted with the Iroquois language, conversed freely with me about all they had noticed.
Now, on coming within about two or three days’ journey of the enemy’s quarters, we travelled only by night, and rested by day. Nevertheless, they never omitted their usual superstitions to ascertain whether their enterprise would be successful, and often asked me whether I had dreamed, and seen their enemies. I answered No, and encouraged them, and gave them good hopes. Night fell, and we continued our journey until morning, when we withdrew into the picket-fort to pass the remainder of the day there. About ten or eleven o’clock, I lay down, after having walked some time around our quarters; and, falling asleep, I thoughtI beheld our enemies, the Iroquois, drowning within sight of us in the lake near a mountain; and being desirous to save them, that our savage allies told me that I must let them all perish, as they were good for nothing. On awaking, they did not omit, as usual, to ask me if I had any dream. I did tell them, in fact, what I had dreamed. It gained such credit among them, that they no longer doubted but they should meet with success.
At nightfall we embarked in our canoes to continue our journey, and, as we advanced very softly and noiselessly, we encountered a war-party of Iroquois, on the 29th of the month, about ten o’clock at night, at the point of a cape which juts into the lake on the west side. They and we began to shout, each seizing his arms. We withdrew towards the water; and the Iroquois repaired on shore, and arranged all their canoes, the one Beside the other, and began to hew down trees with villanous axes which they sometimes got in war, and other of stone, and fortified themselves very securely. Our party likewise kept their canoes arranged, the one alongside the other, tied to poles so as not to run adrift, in order to fight all together, should need be. We were on the water about an arrow-shot from their barricades.
When they were armed and in order, they sent two canoes from the fleet, to know if their enemies wished to fight; who answered they desired nothing else, but that just then there was not much light, and that we must wait for day to distinguish each other, and that they would give us battle at sunrise. This was agreed to by our party. Meanwhile the whole night was spentin dancing and singing, as well on one side as on the other, mingled with an infinitude of insults and other taunts; such as the little courage they had, how powerless their resistance against their arms, and, that when day would break, they should experience this to their ruin. Ours, likewise, did not fail in repartee, telling they should witness the effect of arms they had never seen before; and a multitude of other speeches, as is usual at a siege of a town. After the one and the other had sung, danced,and parliamented[340] enough, day broke. My companions and I were always concealed, for fear the enemy should see us preparing our arms the best we could, being, however, separated, each in one of the canoes belongingto the savage Montagnars.[341]
After being equipped with light armor, we took each an arquebuse, and went ashore. I saw the enemy leave their barricade. They were about two hundred men, of strong and robust appearance, who were coming slowly toward us, with a gravity and assurance which greatly pleased me, led on by three chiefs. Ours were marching in similar order, and told me that those who bore three lofty plumes were the chiefs, and that there were but these three, and they were to be recognized by those plumes, which were considerably larger than those of their companions, and that I must do all I could to kill them. I promised to do what I could, and that I was very sorry they could not clearly understand me, so as to give them the order and plan of attacking their enemies, as we should indubitably defeat them all,—but there was no help for that,—that Iwas very glad to encourage them, and to manifest to them my good-will when we should be engaged.
CHAMPLAIN ON THE WAR-PATH.
The moment we landed, they began to run about two hundred paces towards their enemies, who stood firm, and had not yet perceived my companions, who went into the bush with some savages. Ours commenced calling me in a loud voice, and, making way for me, opened in two, and placed me at their head, marching about twenty paces in advance, until I was within thirty paces of the enemy. The moment they saw me, they halted, gazing at me, and I at them. When I saw them preparing to shoot at us, I raised my arquebuse, and, aiming directly at one of the three chiefs, two of them fell to the ground by this shot, and one of their companions received a wound of which he died afterwards. I had put four balls in my arquebuse. Ours, on witnessing a shot so favorable for them, set up such tremendous shouts, that thunder could not have been heard; and yet there was no lack of arrows on one side and the other.
The Iroquois were greatly astonished, seeing two men killed so instantaneously, notwithstanding they were provided with arrow-proof armor, woven of cotton thread and wood: this frightened them very much. Whilst I was reloading, one of my companions in the bush fired a shot, which so astonished them anew, seeing their chiefs slain, that they lost courage, took to flight, and abandoned the field and their fort, hiding themselves in the depths of the forest, whither pursuing them, I killed some others. Our savages also killed several of them, and took ten or twelve prisoners. The rest carried off the wounded. Fifteen or sixteen of ours were wounded by arrows: they were promptly cured.
After having gained the victory, they amused themselves plundering Indian corn and meal from the enemy, also their arms which they had thrown away in order to run better. And having feasted, danced, and sung, we returned three hours afterwards with the prisoners.
The place where this battle was fought is in forty-three degrees some minutes latitude; and I named it Lake Champlain.
BOOK XIII.
HENRY HUDSON AND THE NEW NETHERLANDS.
(A.D. 1609–1626.)
The extracts relating to Henry Hudson are reprinted from a very valuable book, containing many original documents in regard to him, and entitled “Henry Hudson the Navigator. The original documents in which his career is recorded … with an Introduction by G. M. Asher, LL.D.” London, Hakluyt Society, 1859, pp. 77–93, 174–179, 117–123. The same narratives may be found in Purchas’s Pilgrims, vol. iii.
There is a Life of Henry Hudson by Henry R. Cleveland in Sparks’s “American Biography,” vol. x. Brodhead’s “History of New York” and O’Callaghan’s “History of New Netherlands” also contain much information concerning him.
To show the result of Hudson’s discoveries, I give also a series of extracts from early Dutch chronicles, describing in quaint language the first founding of the New Netherlands. It is translated from Wassenaer’s “Historie van Europa” (Amsterdam, 1621–1632), and is taken from O’Callaghan’s “Documentary History of the State of New York,” vol. iii. pp. 27–28, 42–44.
HENRY HUDSON AND THE NEW NETHERLANDS.
I.—Discovery of the Hudson River.
[Hudson sailed from Amsterdam, on his third voyage, March 25, 1609. These extracts are from the diary of Robert Juet, one of his men, beginning on the day when they saw Sandy Hook, at the entrance of what is now New York harbor, Sept. 2, 1609.]
THEN the sun arose, and we steered away north again, and saw the land from the west by north, to the north-west by north,all like broken islands;[342]and our soundings were eleven and ten fathoms.[343]Then we luffed[344] in for the shore, and fair by the shore we had seven fathoms. The course along the land we found to be north-east by north from the land which we had first sight of, until we came to a great lake of water, as we could judge it to be,being drowned land,[345] which made it to rise like islands, which was in length ten leagues. The mouth of that land hath many shoals, and the sea breaketh on them as it is cast out of the mouth of it. And from that lake orbay, the land lieth north by east, and we had a great stream out of the bay; and from thence our sounding was ten fathoms two leagues from the land.… The 3d [September] the morning misty until ten of the clock; then it cleared, and the wind came to the south south-east: so we weighed, and stood to the northward. The land is very pleasant and high,and bold to fall withal.[346]
At three of the clock in the afternoon we came to three great rivers. So we stood along to the northernmost, thinking to have gone into it; but we found it to have a very shoal bar before it, for we had but ten foot water. Then we cast about to the southward, and found two fathoms, three fathoms, and three and a quarter, till we came to the souther side of them; then we had five and six fathoms, and anchored. So we sent in our boat to sound; and they found no less water than four, five, six, and seven fathoms, and returned in an hour and a half. So we weighed and went in, and rode in five fathoms, ooze ground, and saw salmons and mullets, and rays very great.The height[347] is 40° 30′.
The 4th, in the morning, as soon as the day was light,we saw that it was good riding[348] farther up. So we sent our boat to sound, and found that it was a very good harbor, and four and five fathoms two cables’ length from the shore. Then we weighed, and went in with our ship.Then our boat went on[349] land with our net to fish, and caught ten great mullets of a foot and a half long apiece, and a ray as great as fourmen could haul into the ship. So we trimmed our boat, and rode still all day. At night, the wind blew hard at the north-west,and our anchor came home;[350] and we drove on shore, but took no hurt, thanked be God! for the ground is soft sand and ooze. This day the people of the country came aboard of us, seeming very glad of our coming, and brought green tobacco, and gave us of it for knives and beads. They go in deerskins, loose, well dressed. They have yellow copper. They desire clothes, and are very civil. They have great stores of maize or Indian wheat, whereof they make good bread. The country is full of great and tall oaks.
The 5th in the morning, as soon as the day was light, the wind ceased,and the flood[351] came. So we heaved off our ship again into five fathoms water, and sent our boat to sound the bay; and we found that there was three fathoms [depth] hard by the souther shore. Our men went on land there, and saw great store of men, women, and children, who gave them tobacco at their coming on land. So they went up into the woods, and saw great store of very goodly oaks, and some currants. For one of them came aboard, and brought some dried, and gave me some, which were sweet and good. This day many of the people came aboard, some in mantles of feathers, and some in skins of divers sorts of good furs. Some women also came to us with hemp. They had red copper tobacco-pipes; and other things of copper they did wear about their necks. At night they went on land again: so we rode very quiet, but durst not trust them.
The 6th in the morning was fair weather; and our master sent John Colman with four other men in our boat, over to the north side to sound the other river, being four leagues from us. They found by the way shoal water, two fathoms, but at the north of the river eighteen and twenty fathoms, and very good riding for ships, and a narrow river to the westward between two islands. The lands, they told us, were as pleasant with grass and flowers and goodly trees as ever they had seen, and very sweet smells came from them. So they went in two leagues, and saw an open sea, and returned; and, as they came back, they were set upon by two canoes, the one having twelve, the other fourteen men. The night came on, and it began to rain,so that their match[352] went out; and they had one man slain in the fight,—which was an Englishman named John Colman,—with an arrow shot into his throat, and two more hurt. It grew so dark, that they could not find the ship that night, but labored to and fro on their oars. They had so great a stream,that their grapnel[353] would not hold them.
The 7th was fair, and by ten of the clock they returned aboard the ship, and brought our dead man with them, whom we carried on land, and buried, and named the point after his name, Colman’s Point. Then we hoisted in our boat, and raised her side with waste-boards for defence of our men. So we rode still all night, having good regard to our watch.
The 8th was very fair weather: we rode still very quietly. The people came aboard us, and broughttobacco and Indian wheat, to exchange for knives and beads, and offered us no violence. So we, fitting up our boat,did mark[354]them to see if they would make any show[355] of the death of our man; which they did not.
The 9th, fair weather. In the morning two great canoes came aboard, full of men,—the one with their bows and arrows, and the other in show of buying of knives, to betray us; but we perceived their intent. We took two of them to have kept them, and put red coats on them, and would not suffer the other to come near us. So they went on land; and two other came aboard in a canoe. We took the one, and let the other go; but he which we had taken got up, and leaped overboard. Then we weighed, and went off into the channel of the river, and anchored there all night.…
The 12th, very fair and hot. In the afternoon, at two of the clock, we weighed, the wind being variable between the north and north-west. So we turned into the river two leagues, and anchored. This morning, at our first ride in the river, there came eight and twenty canoes full of men, women, and children, to betray us; but we saw their intent, and suffered none of them to come aboard of us. At twelve of the clock they departed. They brought with them oysters and beans, whereof we bought some. They have great tobacco-pipes of yellow copper, and pots of earth to dress their meat in.…
The 15th, in the morning, was misty, until the sun arose; then it cleared. So we weighed with the wind at south, and ran up into the river twenty leagues,passing by high mountains. We had a very good depth, as six, seven, eight, nine, ten, twelve, and thirteen fathoms, and great store of salmons in the river. This morning our two savages got out of a port, and swam away. After we were under sail, they called to us in scorn. At night we came to other mountains, which lie from the river’s side. There we found very loving people, and very old men, where we were well used. Our boat went to fish, and caught great store of very good fish.
The 20th, in the morning, was fair weather. Our master’s mate, with four men more, went up with our boat to sound the river, and found, two leagues above us, but two fathoms water, and the channel very narrow, and, above that place, seven or eight fathoms. Toward night they returned; and we rode still all night. The one and twentieth was fair weather, and the wind all southerly. We determined yet once more to go farther up into the river to try what depth and breadth it did bear; but much people resorted aboard, so we went not this day. Our carpenter went on land, and made a fore-yard. And our master and his mate determined to try some of the chief men of the country, whether they had any treachery in them. So they took them down into the cabin,and gave them so much wine and aqua vitæ[356] that they were all merry. And one of them had his wife with him, which sat so modestly as any of our countrywomen would do in a strange place. In the end, one of them was drunk, which had been aboard of our ship all the time that we had been there; and that was strange to them; for they couldnot tell how to take it. The canoes and folk went all on shore; but some of them came again,and brought strops[357] of beads,—some had six, seven, eight, nine, ten,—and gave him: so he slept all night quietly.
HUDSON IN THE HIGHLANDS.
The two and twentieth was fair weather. In the morning our master’s mate and four more of the company went up with our boat to sound the river higher up. The people of the country came not aboard till noon; but when they came, and saw the savages well, they were glad. So at three of the clock in the afternoon, they came aboard, and brought tobacco and more beads, and gave them to our master, and made an oration, and showed him all the country round about. Then they sent one of their company on land, who presently returned, and brought a great platter full of venison, dressed by themselves; and they caused him to eat with them: then they made him reverence, and departed, all save the old man that lay aboard. This night, at ten of the clock, our boat returned in a shower of rain, from sounding of the river, and found it to be at an end for shipping to go in; for they had been up eight or nine leagues, and found but seven foot water, and inconstant soundings.
The four and twentieth was fair weather, the wind at the north-west. We weighed [anchor], and went down the river seven or eight leagues; and at half ebb we came aground on a bank of ooze in the middle of the river,and sat[358] there till the flood. Then we went on land,and gathered good store of chestnuts.[359] At ten of the clock we came off into deep water, and anchored.…
The six and twentieth was fair weather, and the wind at south a stiff gale. We rode still. In the morning, our carpenter went on land with our master’s mate, and four more of our company, to cut wood. This morning, two canoes came up the river from the place where we first found loving people; and in one of them was the old man that had lain aboard of us at the other place. He brought another old man with him, which brought more strops of beads, and gave them to our master, and showed him all the country thereabout as though it were at his command. So he made the two old men dine with him, and the old man’s wife; for they brought two old women, and two young maidens of the age of sixteen or seventeen years, with them, who behaved themselves very modestly. Our master gave one of the old men a knife; and they gave him and us tobacco. And at one of the clock they departed down the river, making signs that we should come down to them; for we were within two leagues of the place where they dwelt.…
The 1st of October, fair weather, the wind variable between the west and the north. In the morning we weighed at seven of the clock with the ebb, and got down below the mountains, which was seven leagues. Then it fell calm, and the flood was come, and we anchored at twelve of the clock. The people of the mountains came aboard us, wondering at our ship and weapons. We bought some small skins of them for trifles. This afternoon, one canoe kept hanging under our stern with one man in it, which we could not keep from thence, who got up by our rudder to the cabin-window, and stole out my pillow, two shirts, andtwo bandoleers. Our master’s mate shot at him, and struck him on the breast, and killed him. Whereupon all the rest fled away, some in their canoes, and so leaped out of them into the water. We manned our boat, and got our things again. Then one of them that swam got hold of our boat, thinking to overthrow it. But our cook took a sword, and cut off one of his hands, and he was drowned. By this time the ebb was come, and we weighed and got down two leagues. By that time it was dark. So we anchored in four fathoms water, and rode well.…
INDIANS ON BOARD THE HALF-MOON.
The 4th was fair weather, and the wind at north north-west. We weighed, and came out of the river, into which we had run so far.…
By twelve of the clock we were clear of all the inlet. Then we took in our boat, and set our mainsail and spritsail and topsails, and steered away east south-east and south-east by east, off into the main sea.…
We continued our course toward England, without seeing any land by the way, all the rest of this month of October;and on the seventh day of November, stilo novo,[360] being Saturday, by the grace of God we safely arrived in the range of Dartmouth, in Devonshire, in the year 1609.
II.—Indian Traditions of Henry Hudson’s Arrival.
[The following narrative was written in 1801, by Rev. John Heckewelder, for many years a missionary among the Indians; the traditions having been told to him, as he says, forty years earlier, that is, about 1761, a century and a half after the coming of Hudson.]
The following account of the first arrival of Europeans at New York Island is verbatim as it was related to me by aged and respected Delawares, Monseys, and Mahicanni (otherwise called Mohegans, Mahicandus), near forty years ago. It is copied from notes and manuscripts taken on the spot. They say,—
A long time ago, when there was no such thingknown to the Indians as people with a white skin,—their expression,—some Indians who had been out a-fishing, and where the sea widens, espied at a great distance something remarkably large, swimming or floating on the water, and such as they had never seen before. They, immediately returning to the shore, apprised their countrymen of what they had seen, and pressed them to go out with them, and discover what it might be. These together hurried out, and saw, to their great surprise, the phenomenon, but could not agree what it might be; some concluding it to be an uncommon large fish or other animal, while others were of opinion it must be some very large house. It was at length agreed among those who were spectators, that as this phenomenon moved towards the land,—whether or not it was an animal, or any thing that had life in it,—it would be well to inform all the Indians on the inhabited islands of what they had seen, and put them on their guard.
Accordingly, they sent runners and watermen off to carry the news to their scattered chiefs, that these might send off in every direction for the warriors to come in. These arriving in numbers, and themselves viewing the strange appearance, and that it was actually moving towards them,—the entrance of the river or bay,—concluded it to be a large canoe or house, in which the Mannitto (great or supreme Being) himself was, and that he probably was coming to visit them. By this time the chiefs of the different tribes were assembled on York Island, and were deliberating on the manner they should receive their Mannitto on his arrival. Every step had been taken to be well provided withplenty of meat for a sacrifice. The women were required to prepare the best of victuals; idols or images were examined, and put in order; and a great dance was supposed not only to be an agreeable entertainment for the Mannitto, but might, with the addition of a sacrifice, contribute towards appeasing him, in case he was angry with them. The conjurers were also set to work to determine what the meaning of this phenomenon was, and what the result would be. Both to these, and to the chiefs and wise men of the nation, men, women, and children were looking up for advice and protection. Between hope and fear, and in confusion, a dance commenced.
While in this situation, fresh runners arrive, declaring it a house of various colors, and crowded with living creatures. It now appears to be certain that it is the great Mannitto bringing them some kind of game, such as they had not before; but other runners, soon after arriving, declare it a large house of various colors, full of people, yet of quite a different color than they—the Indians—are of; that they were also dressed in a different manner from them, and that one in particular appeared altogether red, which must be the Mannitto himself.
They are soon hailed from the vessel, though in a language they do not understand; yet they shout—or yell—in their way. Many are for running off to the woods, but are pressed by others to stay in order not to give offence to their visitors, who could find them out, and might destroy them. The house—or large canoe, as some will have it—stops, and a smaller canoe comes ashore with the red man and some others in it:some stay by this canoe to guard it. The chiefs and wise men (or councillors) have composed a large circle, unto which the red-clothed man with two others approach. He salutes them with friendly countenance; and they return the salute, after their manner. They are lost in admiration, both as to the color of the skin of these whites, as also to their manner of dress, yet most as to the habit of him who wore the red clothes, which shone with something they could not account for. He must be the great Mannitto (supreme Being), they think; but why should he have a white skin?
A large hockhack[361] is brought forward by one of the (supposed) Mannitto’s servants, and from this a substance is poured out into a small cup (or glass), and handed to the Mannitto. The (expected) Mannitto drinks, has the glass filled again, and hands it to the chief next to him to drink. The chief receives the glass, but only smelleth at it, and passes it on to the next chief, who does the same. The glass thus passes through the circle without its contents being tasted by any one, and is on the point of being returned again to the red-clothed man, when one of their number, a spirited man and great warrior, jumps up, harangues the assembly on the impropriety of returning the glass with the contents in it; that the same was handed them by the Mannitto in order that they should drink it, as he himself had done before them; that this would please him, but to return what he had given to them might provoke him, and be the cause of their being destroyed by him; and that since he believed it for the good of the nation that the contents offered themshould be drunk, and as no one was willing to drink it, he would, let the consequences be what it would; and that it was better for one man to die than a whole nation to be destroyed.
He then took the glass, and, bidding the assembly farewell, drank it off. Every eye was fixed on their resolute companion, to see what an effect this would have upon him; and he soon beginning to stagger about, and at last dropping to the ground, they bemoan him. He falls into a sleep, and they view him as expiring. He awakes again, jumps up, and declares that he never felt himself before so happy as after he had drank the cup; wishes for more. His wish is granted; and the whole assembly soon join him, and become intoxicated.
After this general intoxication had ceased,—during which time the whites had confined themselves to their vessel,—the man with the red clothes returned again to them, and distributed presents among them; to wit, beads, axes, hoes, stockings, &c. They say that they had become familiar to each other, and were made to understand by signs that they now would return home, but would visit them next year again, when they would bring them more presents, and stay with them a while; but that, as they could not live without eating, they should then want a little land of them to sow seeds, in order to raise herbs to put in their broth. That the vessel arrived the season following, and they were much rejoiced at seeing each other; but that the whites laughed at them, [the Indians,] seeing they knew not the use of the axes, hoes, &c., they had given them; they having had these hanging to their breasts as ornaments;and the stockings they had made use of as tobacco-pouches. The whites now put handles (or helves) in the former, and cut trees down before their eyes, and dug the ground, and showed them the use of their stockings. Here—say they—a general laugh ensued among them [the Indians] that they had remained for so long a time ignorant of the use of so valuable implements; and had borne with the weight of such heavy metal hanging to their necks for such a length of time.
They took every white man they saw for a Mannitto, yet inferior and attendant to the supreme Mannitto; to wit, to the one which wore the red and laced clothes. Familiarity daily increasing between them and the whites, the latter now proposed to stay with them, asking them only for so much land as the hide of a bullock would cover (or encompass), which hide was brought forward, and spread on the ground before them. That they readily granted this request; whereupon the whites took a knife, and, beginning at one place on this hide, cut it into a rope not thicker than the finger of a little child, so that, by the time this hide was cut up, there was a great heap. That this rope was drawn out to a great distance, and then brought around again, so that both ends might meet. That they carefully avoided its breaking, and that upon the whole it encompassed a large piece of ground. That they [the Indians] were surprised at the superior wit of the whites, but did not wish to contend with them about a little land, as they had enough.
That they and the whites lived for a long time contentedly together, although these asked from time totime more land of them; and, proceeding higher up the Mahicanittuk (Hudson River), they believed they would soon want all their country, and which at this time was already the case.
III.—The Last Voyage of Henry Hudson, and how he was set adrift in the Ice by his Men.
[Hudson had discovered the bay which bears his name, and spent all winter amid the ice, remaining into the spring, until his provisions were about out, and his crew grew mutinous. One of the crew, Abacuk or Habaccuk Prickett, thus describes what followed.]
Being thus in the ice, on Saturday,the one and twentieth of June,[362] at night, Wilson the boatswain, and Henry Greene, came to me, lying in my cabin, lame,and told me that they and the rest of their associates would shift[363] the company, and turn the master and all the sick men into the shallop, and let them shift for themselves; for there was not fourteen days’ victuals left for all the company. At that poor allowance they were at, and that there they lay, the master not caring to go one way or other; and that they had not eaten any thing these three days, and therefore were resolute, either to mend or end; and what they had begun they would go through with it, or die. When I heard this, I told them I marvelled to hear so much from them, considering that they were married men, and had wives and children; and that, for their sakes, they should not commit so foul a thing in the sight of God and man as that would be: for whyshould they banish themselves from their native country? Henry Greene bade me hold my peace, for he knew the worst, which was, to be hanged when he came home; and therefore, of the two, he would rather be hanged at home than starved abroad; and, for the good-will they bare me, they would have me stay in the ship. I gave them thanks, and told them I came into her, not to forsake her, yet not to hurt myself and others by any such deed. Henry Greene told me then that I must take my fortune in the shallop. “If there be no remedy,” said I, “the will of God be done.”
Away went Henry Greene in a rage, swearing to cut his throat that went about to disturb them, and left Wilson by me, with whom I had some talk, but to no good; for he was so persuaded that there was no remedy now butto go on while it was hot,[364] lest their party should fail them, and the mischief they intended to others should light on themselves. Henry Greene came again, and demanded of him what I said. Wilson answered, “He is in his old song, still patient.” Then I spake to Henry Greene to stay three days, in which time I would so deal with the master that all should be well. So I dealt with him to forbear but two days, nay, twelve hours. “There is no way, then,” say they,“but out of hand.”[365] Then I told them, that, if they would stay till Monday, I would join with them to share all the victuals in the ship, and would justify it when I came home; but this would not serve their terms. Wherefore I told them it was some worse matter they had in hand than they made show of, andthat it was blood and revenge he[366] sought, or else he would not at such a time of night undertake such a deed. Henry Greene, with that, taketh my Bible, which lay before me, and sware that he would do no man harm, and what he did was for the good of the voyage, and for nothing else; and that all the rest should do the like. The like did Wilson swear.
Henry Greene went his way;and presently came Juet,[367] who, because he was an ancient man, I hoped to have found some reason in him. But he was worse than Henry Greene; for he sware plainly that he would justify this deed when he came home. After him came John Thomas and Michael Perce, as birds of one feather; but, because they are not living, I will let them go, as then I did. Then came Moter and Bennet, of whom I demanded if they were well advised what they had taken in hand. They answered they were, and therefore came to take their oath.
Now, because I am much condemned for this oath, as one of them that plotted with them, and that by an oath I should bind them together to perform what they had begun, I thought good here to set down to the view of all, how well their oath and deeds agreed. And thus it was: “You shall swear truth to God, your prince, and country: you shall do nothing but to the glory of God, and the good of the action in hand, and harm to no man.” This was the oath without adding or diminishing. I looked for more of these companions, although these were too many; but there came no more. It was dark, and they in a readiness to putthis deed of darkness in execution. I called to Henry Greene and Wilson, and prayed them not to go in hand with it in the dark, but to stay till the morning. Now every man, I hope, would go to his rest; but wickedness sleepeth not. For Henry Greene keepeth the master company all night, and gave me bread which his cabin-mate gave him; and others [were] as watchful as he.
Then I asked Henry Greene whom he would put out with the master. He said, the carpenter, John King, and the sick men. I said they should not do well to part with the carpenter, what need soever they should have. Why the carpenter was in no more regard amongst them was, first,for that he and John King were condemned for wrong done in the victual.[368] But the chiefest cause was for that the master loved him, and made him his mate, upon his return out of our wintering place, thereby displacing Robert Billet; whereat they did grudge, because he could neither write nor read. “And therefore,” said they, “the master and his ignorant mate would carry the ship whither the master pleased;” the master forbidding any man to keep account or reckoning, having taken from all men whatsoever served for that purpose. Well, I obtained of Henry Greene and Wilson that the carpenter should stay, by whose means I hoped, after they had satisfied themselves, that the master and the poor man might be taken into the ship again. Or I hoped that some one or other would give some notice, either to the carpenter, John King, or the master; for so it might have come to pass by some of them that were the most forward.…
In the mean time, Henry Greene and another went to the carpenter, and held him with a talktill the master[369] came out of his cabin, which he soon did; then came John Thomas and Bennet before him, while Wilson bound his arms behind him. He asked them what they meant. They told him he should know when he was in the shallop. Now Juet, while this was a-doing, came to John King into the hold, who was provided for him; for he had got a sword of his own, and kept him at a bay, and might have killed him; but others came to help him: and so he came up to the master. The master called to the carpenter, and told him that he was bound; but I heard no answer he made. Now Arnold Lodlo and Michael Bute railed at them, and told them their knavery would show itself. Then was the shallop hauled up to the ship-side; and the poor, sick, and lame men were called upon to get them out of their cabins into the shallop. The master called to me, who came out of my cabin as well as I could, to the hatchway, to speak with him, where, on my knees, I besought them, for the love of God, to remember themselves, and to do as they would be done unto. They bade me keep myself well, and get me into my cabin, not suffering the master to speak with me. But when I came into my cabin again,he called to me at the horn[370] which gave light into my cabin, and told me that Juet would overthrow us all. “Nay,” said I, “it is that villain Henry Greene;” and I spake it not softly.
Now was the carpenter at liberty, who asked them if they would be hanged when they came home. And asfor himself, he said he would not stay in the ship, unless they would force him. They bade him go then; for they would not stay him. “I will,” said he, “so I may have my chest with me, and all that is in it.” They said he should; and presently they put it into the shallop. Then he came down to me to take his leave of me, who persuaded him to stay, which if he did, he might so work that all should be well. He said he did not think but they would be glad to take them in again; for he was so persuaded by the master, that there was not one in all the ship could tell how to carry her home. “But,” saith he, “if we must part,”—which we will not willingly do, for they would follow the ship,—he prayed me,if we came to the capes before them[371] that I would leave some token that we had been there, near to the place where the fowls bred, and he would do the like for us; and so, with tears, we parted. Now were the sick men driven out of their cabins into the shallop. But John Thomas was Francis Clement’s friend, and Bennet was the cooper’s: so there were words between them and Henry Greene,—one saying that they should go, and the other swearing that they should not go, but such as were in the shallop should return. When Henry Greene heard that, he was compelled to give place, and to put out Arnold Lodlo and Michael Bute, which with much ado they did.
In the mean time, there were some of them that plied their work as if the ship had been entered by force, and they had free leave to pillage, breaking up chests, and rifling all places. One of them came by me, whoasked me what they should do. I answered, he should make an end of what he had begun;for I saw him do nothing but shark[372] up and down. Now were all the poor men in the shallop, whose names are as followeth: Henry Hudson, John Hudson, Arnold Lodlo, Sidrack Faner, Philip Staffe, Thomas Woodhouse or Wydhouse, Adam Moore, Henry King, Michael Bute.The carpenter got of them a piece,[373] and powder and shot, and some pikes, an iron pot, with some meal, and other things. They stood out of the ice, the shallop being fast to the stern of the ship; and so, when they were nigh out, for I cannot say they were clean out,they[374] cut her head fast from the stern of our ship, then out with their topsails, and towards the east they stood in a clear sea. In the end, they took in their topsails, righted their helm, and lay under their foresail till they had ransacked and searched all places in the ship. In the hold, they found one of the vessels of meal whole, and the other half spent; for we had but two. We found also two firkins of butter, some twenty-seven pieces of pork, half a bushel of peas; but in the master’s cabin we found two hundred of biscuit cakes, a peck of meal, of beer to the quantity of a butt, one with another. Now it was said that the shallop was come within sight, they let fall the mainsail, and out with their topsails, and fly as from an enemy.
Then I prayed them yet to remember themselves; but William Wilson—more than the rest—would hear of no such matter.
[This is all that is known of the fate of Henry Hudson. These events are supposed to have occurred near the south-east corner of James Bay. The narrative goes on to describe the terrible hardships endured by the mutinous crew, during which, Robert Juet and others died of starvation. The survivors reached Plymouth, England, in September, 1611.]
IV.—The Dutch Settlement of the New Netherlands.
[From early Dutch Chronicles.]
[1624.] Numerous voyages realize so much profit for adventurers, that they discover other countries, which they afterwards settle and plant.Virginia, a country lying in 42½°[375] is one of these. It was first peopled by the French, afterwards by the English, and is today a flourishing colony.The Lords States General[376] observing the great abundance of their people, as well as their desire to plant other lands, allowed the West India Company to settle that same country. Many from the United Colonies did formerly, and do still, trade there. Yea, for the greater security of the traders, a castle—Fort Nassau—had been built on an island in 42° on the north side of the River Montagne,now called Mauritius.[377] But as the natives there were somewhat discontented, and not easily managed, the projectors abandoned it, intending now to plant a colony among the Maikans,a nation lying twenty five miles[378] on both sides of the river upwards.
This river, or the bay, lies in 40°, running well in; being as broad or wide as the Thames, and navigablefull fifty miles up, through divers nations, who sometimes manifest themselves with arrows, like enemies, sometimes like friends; but when they had seen the ships once or twice, or traded with our people, they became altogether friendly.…
This country, now called New Netherland, is usually reached in seven or eight weeks from here. The course lies towards the Canary Islands, thence to the Indian Islands, then towards the mainland of Virginia, steering right across, leaving in fourteen days the Bahamas on the left, and the Bermudas on the right hand, where the winds are variable with which the land is made.…
[1626.] In our preceding treatise, we made mention of New Netherland and its colony, planted by the West India Company, situate in Virginia on the river, called by the French Montagne, and by us Mauritius, and that some families were sent thither, which now increased to two hundred souls; and afterwards some ships,—one with horses, the other with cows, and the third hay. Two months afterwards, a fleet was equipped carrying sheep, hogs, wagons, ploughs, and all other implements of husbandry.
These cattle were, on their arrival, first landed on Nut Island, three miles up the river, where they remained a day or two. There being no means of pasturing them there,they were shipped in sloops and boats to the Manhates,[379] right opposite said island. Being put out to pasture here, they throve well; but afterwards full twenty in all died. The cause of this was that they had eaten something bad from an uncultivatedsoil. But they went in the middle of September on new grass, as good and as long as could be desired.
The colony was planted at this time on the Manhates, where a fort was staked out by Master Kryn Frederycke, an engineer. It will be of large dimensions. The ship which has returned home this month [November] brings samples of all the different sorts of produce there. The cargo consists of 7,246 beavers, 675 otter-skins, 48 minx, 36 wildcat, and various other sorts; several pieces of oak timber and hickory.
The counting-house there is kept in a stone building, thatched with reed: the other houses are of the bark of trees. Each has his own house.The director and koopman[380] live together. There are thirty ordinary houses on the east side of the river, which runs nearly north and south. The Honorable Pieter Minuit is director there at present; Jan Lempo, sheriff; Sebastiaen Jansz Crol and Jan Huyck, comforters of the sick, who, whilst awaiting a clergyman, read to the commonalty there on Sundays, from texts of Scripture with the comment. François Molemaecker is busy building a horse-mill, over which shall be constructed a spacious room, sufficient to accommodate a large congregation; and then a tower is to be erected, where the bells brought from Porto Rico will be hung.
The Council there administered justice in criminal matters as far as imposing fines, but not as far as capital punishment. Should it happen that any one deserves that, he must be sent to Holland with his sentence.… There is another there who fills no public office: he is busy about his own affairs. Menwork there as in Holland: one trades upwards, southwards, and northwards; another builds houses; the third farms. Each farmer has his farm and the cows on the land purchased by the Company;but the milk remains to the profit of the boor;[381] he sells to those of the people who receive their wages for work every week. The houses of the Hollanders now stand without the fort; but, when that is completed, they will all repair within, so as to garrison it, and be secure from sudden attack.
SETTLEMENT ON THE HUDSON RIVER.
Those of the South River will abandon their fort, and come hither: no more than fifteen or sixteen men will remain at Fort Orange, the most distant point atwhich the Hollanders traded: the remainder will come down to the Manhates. Right opposite is the fort of the Maykans, which they built against their enemies,the Maquaes,[382] a powerful people.
It happened this year that the Maykans, being at war with the Maquaes, requested to be assisted by the commander of Fort Orange and six others. Commander Krieckebeck went up with them a mile from the fort, and met the Maquaes, who peppered them so bravely with a discharge of arrows, that they were forced to fly, leaving many slain, among whom were the commander and three of his men. Among the latter was Tymen Bouwensz, whom they devoured,after having well cooked him.[383] The rest they burnt. The commander was buried with the other two by his side. Three escaped,—two Portuguese, and a Hollander from Hoorn. One of the Portuguese was wounded by an arrow in the back whilst swimming. The Indians carried a leg and an arm home to be divided amongst their families, as a proof that they had conquered their enemies.
Some days after, the worthy Pieter Barentsen, who usually was sent upwards and along the coast with the sloop, visited them. They wished to excuse their act, on the plea that they had never injured the whites, and asked the reason why the latter had meddled with them. Had it been otherwise, they would not have acted as they had.
BOOK XIV.
THE PILGRIMS AT PLYMOUTH.
(A.D. 1620–1621.)
These extracts are taken from that valuable collection, “Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers of the Colony of Plymouth, from 1602 to 1625; now first collected from original records and contemporaneous printed documents,” by Alexander Young, Boston, 1841.
The first extract is from Edward Winslow’s “Brief Narration,” London, 1646 (Young, p. 384). The rest are from the journal of Bradford and Winslow, commonly called “Mourt’s Relation,” London, 1622. (Young, pp. 125–136, 150–162, 167–174, 182–189.)
THE PILGRIMS AT PLYMOUTH.
I.—The Sailing of the Pilgrims.
[The Pilgrims sailed from Delft Haven,—often called by them Delph’s Haven,—in Holland, July 22, 1620.]
AND when the ship was ready to carry us away, the brethren that staid, having again solemnly sought the Lord with us and for us, and we further engaging ourselves mutually as before,—they, I say, that staid at Leyden, feasted us that were to go, at our pastor’s house, being large, where we refreshed ourselves, after tears, with singing of psalms, making joyful melody in our hearts, as well as with the voice, there being many of the congregation very expert in music; and indeed it was the sweetest melody that ever mine ears heard. After this, they accompanied us to Delph’s Haven, where we were to embark, and there feasted us again. And after prayer performed by our pastor, where a flood of tears was poured out, they accompanied us to the ship, but were not able to speak one to another for the abundance of sorrow to part. But we only going aboard,—the ship lying to the quay, andready to set sail, the wind being fair,—we gave them a volley of small shot, and three pieces of ordnance; and so, lifting up our hands to each other, and our hearts for each other to the Lord our God, we departed, and found his presence with us in the midst of our manifold straits he carried us through. And, if any doubt this relation, the Dutch, as I hear, at Delph’s Haven preserve the memory of it to this day, and will inform them.
DELPH’S HAVEN.
II.—Miles Standish at Cape Cod.
Some of our people, impatient of delay, desired for our better furtherance to travel by land into the country,—which was not without appearance of danger, not having the shallop with them, nor means to carry provision but on their backs,—to see whether it might befit for us to seat[384] in or no; and the rather, because, as we sailed into the harbor,there seemed to be a river[385] opening itself into the mainland. The willingness of the persons was liked; but the thing itself, in regard to the danger, was rather permitted than approved; and so with cautions, directions, and instructions,sixteen men were set[386] out,with every man his musket,[387] sword, and corselet, under the conduct of Captain Miles Standish, unto whom was adjoined for counsel andadvice William Bradford, Stephen Hopkins, and Edward Tilley.
MAYFLOWER OFF PROVINCETOWN.
Wednesday, the 15th of November,they were set ashore.[388] And when they had ordered themselves in the order of a single file, and marched about the space of a mile by the sea, they espied five or six people, with a dog, coming towards them, who were savages; who, when they saw them, ran into the wood, and whistled the dog after them, &c. First they supposed them to be Master Jones, the master, and some of his men; for they were ashore, and knew of their coming. But, after they knew them to be Indians, they marched after them into the woods, lest other of the Indians should lie in ambush. But, when the Indians saw our men following them, they ran away with might and main, and our men turned out of the wood after them, for it was the way they intended to go; but they could not come near them. They followed them that night about ten miles,by the trace of their footings,[389] and saw how they had come the same way they went, and at a turning perceived how they ran up a hill, to see whether they followed them. At length night came upon them,and they were constrained to take up their lodging.[390] So they set forth three sentinels; and the rest, some kindled a fire, and others fetched wood, and there held our rendezvous that night.
In the morning, as soon as we could see the trace, we proceeded on our journey,and had[391] the track untilwe had compassed the head of a long creek;[392] and there they took into another wood, and we after them, supposing to find some of their dwellings. But we marched through boughs and bushes, and under hills and valleys, which tore our very armor in pieces, and yet could meet with none of them, nor their houses, nor find any fresh water, which we greatly desired and stood in need of; for we brought neither beer nor water with us, and our victuals was only biscuit and Holland cheese, and a little bottle of aqua vitæ, so as we were sore athirst. About ten o’clock, we came into a deep valley, full of brush,wood-gaile,[393] and long grass, through which we found little paths, or tracks; and there we saw a deer, and found springs of fresh water, of which we were heartily glad, and sat us down and drunk our first New England water with as much delight as ever we drunk drink in all our lives.
When we had refreshed ourselves, we directed our course full south, that we might come to the shore, which within a short while after we did, and there made a fire, that they in the ship might see where we were, as we had direction; and so marched on towards this supposed river. And, as we went in another valley,we found a fine clear pond[394] of fresh water, being about a musket-shot broad, and twice as long. There grew also many small vines, and fowl and deer haunted there. There grew much sassafras. From thence we went on, and found much plain ground, about fifty acres, fit for the plough, and some signs where the Indianshad formerly planted their corn. After this, some thought it best, for nearness of the river, to go down and travel on the sea-sands, by which means some of our men were tired, and lagged behind. So we staid and gathered them up, and struck into the land again, where we found a little path to certain heaps of sand, one whereof was covered with old mats,and had a wooden thing like a mortar whelmed[395] on the top of it, and an earthen pot laid in a little hole at the end thereof. We,musing[396] what it might be, digged, and found a bow, and, as we thought, arrows; but they were rotten. We supposed there were many other things; but, because we deemed them graves, we put in the bow again, and made it up as it was, and left the rest untouched, because we thought it would be odious unto them to ransack their sepulchres.
We went on farther, and found new stubble, of which they had gotten corn this year, and many walnut-trees full of nuts, and great store of strawberries, and some vines. Passing thus a field or two, which were not great, we came to another, which had also been new gotten; and there we found where a house had been, and four or five old planks laid together. Also we found a great kettle, which had been some ship’s kettle, and brought out of Europe. There was also a heap of sand, made like the former,—but it was newly done, we might see how they had paddled it with their hands,—which we digged up, and in it we found a little old basket full of fair Indian corn. We digged farther, and found a fine great new basket, full of very fair corn of this year, with some six and thirty goodly ears of corn,some yellow, and some red, and others mixed with blue,which was a very goodly sight.[397] The basket was round, and narrow at the top. It held about three or four bushels, which was as much as two of us could lift up from the ground, and was very handsomely and cunningly made. But, whilst we were busy about all these things, we set our men sentinel in a round ring, all but two or three, which digged up the corn. We were in suspense what to do with it and the kettle; and at length, after much consultation, we concluded to take the kettle, and as much of the corn as we could carry away with us; and when our shallop came, if we could find any of the people, and come to parley with them, we would give them the kettle again,and satisfy them for their corn.[398] So we took all the ears, and put a good deal of the loose corn in the kettle, for two men to bring away on a staff. Besides, they that could put any into their pockets filled the same. The rest we buried again; for we were so laden with armor, that we could carry no more.
Not far from this place we found the remainder of an old fort or palisado, which, as we conceived, had been made by some Christians. This was also hard by that placewhich we thought had been a river;[399] unto which we went, and found it so to be, dividing itself into two arms by a high bank, standing right by the cut or mouth, which came from the sea. That which was next unto us was the less. The other arm was more than twice as big, and not unlike to be a harbor for ships: but whether it be a fresh river,or only an indraught of the sea, we had no time to discover; for we had commandment to be out but two days. Here, also, we saw two canoes,—the one on the one side, the other on the other side. We could not believe it was a canoe till we came near it. So we returned, leaving the further discovery hereof to our shallop, and came that night back again to the freshwater pond; and there we made our rendezvous that night, making a great fire, and a barricade to windward of us, and kept good watch with three sentinels all night, every one standing when his turn came, while five or six inches of match was burning. It proved a very rainy night.
In the morning, we took our kettle, and sunk it in the pond, and trimmed our muskets, for few of them would go off because of the wet, and so coasted the wood again to come home, in which we were shrewdly puzzled, and lost our way. As we wandered, we came to a tree,where a young sprit[400] was bowed down over a bow, and some acorns strewed underneath. Stephen Hopkins said it had been to catch some deer. So as we were looking at it, William Bradford being in the rear, when he came, looked also upon it; and, as he went about, it gave a sudden jerk up, and he was immediately caught by the leg. It was a very pretty device, made with a rope of their own making, and having a noose as artificially madeas any roper[401] in England can make, and as like ours as can be; which we brought away with us. In the end, we got out ofthe wood, and were fallen[402] about a mile too high above the creek, where we saw three bucks; but we had rather have had one of them. We also did spring three couple of partridges: and, as we came along by the creek, we saw great flocks of wild geese and ducks; but they were very fearful of us. So we marched some while in the woods, some while on the sands, and other while in the water up to the knees, till at length we came near the ship, and then we shot off our pieces, and the long-boat came to fetch us. Master Jones and Master Carver, being on the shore with many of our people, came to meet us. And thus we came both weary and welcome home, and delivered in our corn into the store to be kept for seed; for we knew not how to come by any, and therefore were very glad, purposing, as soon as we could meet with any of the inhabitants of that place, to make them large satisfaction. This was our first discovery, whilst our shallop was in repairing.
III.—The First Encounter.
Wednesday, the 6th of December [1620], we set out, being very cold and hard weather. We were a long while, after we launched from the ship,before we could get clear of a sandy point[403] which lay within less than a furlough of the same; in which time two were very sick,and Edward Tilley had liked to have sounded[404] with cold. The gunner also was sick unto death;but hope of trucking[405] made him to go, and so remained allthat day and the next night. At length we got clear of the sandy point, and got up our sails, and, within an hour or two, we got under the weather-shore, and then had smoother water and better sailing. But it was very cold; for the water froze on our clothes, and made them many times like coats of iron.
GOVERNOR WINSLOW.
GOVERNOR WINSLOW.
We sailed six or seven leagues by the shore, but saw neither river nor creek. At length we met with a tongue of land, being flat off from the shore,with a sandy point.[406] We bore up to gain the point,and found there a fair income[407] or road of a bay, being a league over at the narrowest, and some two or three in length; but we made right over to the land before us, and left the discovery of this income till the next day.As we drew near to the shore,[408] we espied some ten or twelve Indians very busy about a black thing,—what it was we could not tell,—till afterwards they saw us, and ran to and fro, as if they had been carrying something away. We landed a league or two from them, and had much ado to put ashore anywhere, it lay so full of flat sands. When we came to shore, we made us a barricado, and got firewood, and set out sentinels, and betook us to our lodging, such as it was. We saw the smoke of the fire which the savages made that night, about four or five miles from us.
In the morning we divided our company, some eight in the shallop; and the rest on the shore went to discover this place.But we found it only to be a bay,[409] without either river or creek coming into it. Yet we deemed it to be as good a harbor as Cape Cod; for they that sounded it found a ship might ride in five fathom water. We on the land found it to be a level soil, though none of the fruitfulest.We saw two becks[410] of fresh water, which were the first running streams that we saw in the country; but one might stride over them. We found also a great fish,called a grampus,[411] dead on the sands. They in the shallop found two of them also in the bottom of the bay, dead in like sort. They were cast up at high water, and could not get off for the frost and ice. They were some five or six paces long, and about two inches thick of fat, and fleshed like swine. They would have yielded a great deal of oil, if there had been time and means to have taken it. So we, finding nothing for our turn, both we and our shallop returned.
We then directed our course along the sea-sands to the place where we first saw the Indians. When we were there, we saw it was also a grampus which they were cutting up. They cut it into long rands, or pieces, about an ell long, and two handful broad. We found here and there a piece scattered by the way, as it seemed, for haste. This place the most were minded we should call the Grampus Bay, because we found so many of them there. We followed the track ofthe Indians’ bare feet a good way on the sands. At length we saw where they struck into the woodsby the side of a pond.[412] As we went to view the place, one said he thought he saw an Indian house among the trees, so went up to see. And here we and the shallop lost sight one of another till night, it being now about nine or ten o’clock:so we light[413] upon a path, but saw no house, and followed a great way into the woods. At length we found where corn had been set, but not that year.
Anon we found a great burying-place, one part whereof was encompassed with a large palisado,like a churchyard with young spires,[414] four or five yards long, set as close one by another as they could, two or three foot in the ground. Within, it was full of graves, some bigger, and some less.Some were also paled[415] about, and others had like an Indian house made over them, but not matted. These graves were more sumptuous thanthose at Cornhill;[416] yet we digged none of them up, but only viewed them, and went our way. Without the palisado were graves also, but not so costly. From this place we went and found more corn-ground, but not of this year. As we ranged, we light on four or five Indian houses which had been lately dwelt in; but they were uncovered, and had no mats about them, else they were like those we found at Cornhill, but had not been so lately dwelt in. There was nothing left but two or three pieces of old mats, and a little sedge.Also, a little further, we found two baskets full of parched acorns hid in the ground, which we supposed had been corn when we began to dig the same. We cast earth thereon again, and went our way. All this while we saw no people.
We went ranging up and down till the sun began to draw low, and then we hasted out of the woods, that we might come to our shallop, which, when we were out of the woods, we espied a great way off, and called them to come unto us; the which they did as soon as they could, for it was not yet high water. They were exceeding glad to see us; for they feared because they had not seen us in so long a time, thinking we would have kept by the shore-side. So, being both weary and faint,—for we had eaten nothing all day,—we fell to make our rendezvous, and get firewood, which always costs us a great deal of labor. By that time we had done, and our shallop come to us, it was within night; and we fed upon such victuals as we had, and betook us to our rest, after we had set our watch. About midnight we heard a great and hideous cry; and our sentinels called, “Arm, arm!” So we bestirred ourselves, and shot off a couple of muskets, and the noise ceased. We concluded that it was a company of wolves or foxes; for one told us he had heard such a noise in Newfoundland.
About five o’clock in the morning, we began to be stirring; and two or three, which doubted whether their pieces would go off or no, made trial of them, and shot them off, but thought nothing at all. After prayer, we prepared ourselves for breakfast, and for a journey; and, it being now twilight in the morning, itwas thought meet to carry the things down to the shallop. Some said it was not best to carry the armor down. Others said they would be readier. Two or three said they would not carry theirs till they went themselves, but mistrusting nothing at all. As it fell out, the water not being high enough, they laid the things down upon the shore, and came up to breakfast. Anon, all of a sudden, we heard a great and strange cry, which we knew to be the same voices, though they varied their notes. One of the company, being abroad, came running in, and cried, “They are men! Indians, Indians!” and withal their arrows came flying amongst us.
Our men ran out with all speed to recover their arms, as by the good providence of God they did. In the mean time, Captain Miles Standish,having a snaphance[417] ready, made a shot; and after him another. After they two had shot, other two of us were ready: but he wished us not to shoot till we could take aim, for we knew not what need we should have; and there were four only of us which had their arms there ready, and stood before the open side of our barricado, which was first assaulted. They thought it best to defend it, lest the enemy should take it and our stuff,and so have the more vantage[418] against us. Our care was no less for the shallop; but we hoped all the rest would defend it. We called unto them to know how it was with them; and they answered, “Well, well,” every one; and, “Be of good courage.” We heard three of their pieces go off; and the rest called for a firebrand to light their matches. One took a log out of the fire onhis shoulder, and went and carried it unto them, which was thought did not a little discourage our enemies.The cry of our enemies[419] was dreadful, especially when our men ran out to recover their arms. Their note was after this manner, “Woach, woach, ha ha hach woach!” Our men were no sooner come to their arms, but the enemy was ready to assault them.
SWORD OF STANDISH.
SWORD OF STANDISH.
There was a lusty man, and no whit less valiant, who was thought to be their captain, stood behind a tree, within half a musket-shot of us, and there let his arrows fly at us. He was seen to shoot three arrows, which were all avoided; for he at whom the first arrow was aimed saw it, and stooped down; and it flew over him. The rest were avoided also. He stood three shots of a musket. At length one took, as he said, full aim at him, after which he gave an extraordinary cry, and away they went all. We followed them about a quarter of a mile: but we left six to keep our shallop; for we were very careful of our business. Then we shouted all together two several times, and shot off a couple of muskets, and so returned. This we did, that they might see we were not afraid of them, nor discouraged.
Thus it pleased God to vanquish our enemies, and give us deliverance. By their noise we could not guess they were less than thirty or forty, though some thought that they were many more; yet, in the dark of the morning, we could not so well discern them among the trees as they could see us by our fireside. Wetook up eighteen of their arrows, which we have sent to England by Master Jones, some whereof were headed with brass, others with harts’ horn, and others with eagles’ claws. Many more, no doubt, were shot, for these we found were almost covered with leaves: yet, by the especial providence of God, none of them either hit or hurt us, though many came close by us, and on every side of us; and some coats which hung up in our barricado were shot through and through. So, after we had given God thanks for our deliverance, we took our shallop, and went our journey, and called this place “The First Encounter.”
IV.—The Landing on Plymouth Rock.
The same exploring-party, in a shallop, finally reached Plymouth harbor.
Having the wind good, we sailed all that day along the coast about fifteen leagues, but saw neither river nor creek to put into. After we had sailed an hour or two, it began to snow and rain, and to be bad weather. About the midst of the afternoon, the wind increased, and the seas began to be very rough; and the hinges of the rudder broke, so that we could steer no longer; but two men, with much ado, were fain to serve with a couple of oars. The seas were grown so great, that we were much troubled and in great danger; and night drew on. Anon Master Coppin bade us be of good cheer: he saw the harbor. As we drew near, the gale being stiff, and we bearing great sail to get in, split ourmast in three pieces, and were like to have cast away our shallop. Yet by God’s mercy, recovering ourselves,we had the flood[420] with us, and struck into the harbor.
Now he that thought that had been the place was deceived, it being a place where not any of us had been before; and, coming into the harbor, he that was our pilot did bear up northward, which if we had continued we had been cast away. Yet still the Lord kept us,and we bare up for an island[421] before us; and recovering of that island, being compassed about withmany rocks, and dark night growing upon us, it pleased the divine Providence that we fell upon a place of sandy ground, where our shallop did ride safe and secure all that night; and, coming upon a strange island, kept our watch all night in the rain upon that island. And in the morning we marched about it, and found no inhabitants at all; and here we made our rendezvous all that day, being Saturday, 9th of December.
SUNDAY ON CLARK’S ISLAND.
On the sabbath day we rested; and on Monday we sounded the harbor, and found it a very good harbor for our shipping.We marched also into the land,[422] and found divers cornfields, and little running brooks,—a place very good for situation: so we returned to our ship again with good news to the rest of our people, which did much comfort their hearts.
V.—Plymouth Village founded.
[The expedition having returned to the ship, the “Mayflower” came to Plymouth harbor, and landed the colonists.]
So in the morning, after we had called on God for direction, we came to this resolution, to go presently ashore again, and to take a better view of two places which we thought most fitting for us; for we could notnow take time for further search or consideration, our victuals being much spent, especially our beer, and it being now the 19th of December. After our landing and viewing of the places, so well as we could, we came to a conclusion, by most voices, to set on the mainland, on the first place, on a high ground, where there is a great deal of land cleared, and hath been planted with corn three or four years ago; and there is a very sweet brook runs under the hillside, and many delicate springs of as good water as can be drunk, and where we may harbor our shallops and boats exceeding well; and in this brook much good fish in their seasons: on the farther side of the river also much corn-ground cleared. In one field is a great hill,on which we point[423] to make a platform, and plant our ordnance, which will command all round about. From thence we may see into the bay, and far into the sea; and we may see thence Cape Cod. Our greatest labor will be fetching of our wood, which is half a quarter of an English mile; but there is enough so far off. What people inhabit here we yet know not; for as yet we have seen none. So there we made our rendezvous, and a place for some of our people, about twenty, resolving in the morning to come all ashore, and to build houses.
But the next morning, being Thursday, the 21st of December, it was stormy and wet, that we could not go ashore; and those that remained there all night could do nothing, but were wet, not having daylight enough to make them a sufficientcourt of guard[424] tokeep them dry. All that night it blew and rained extremely. It was so tempestuous, that the shallop could not go on land so soon as was meet, for they had no victuals on land. About eleven o’clock, the shallop went off with much ado, with provisions, but could not return, it blew so strong; and was such foul weather that we were forced to let fall our anchor, and ride with three anchors ahead.
Friday, the 22d, the storm still continued, that we could not get a-land, nor they come to us aboard.
Saturday, the 23d, so many of us as could went on shore, felled and carried timber, to provide themselves stuff for building.
Sunday, the 24th, our people on shore heard a cry of some savages, as they thought, which caused an alarm, and to stand on their guard, expecting an assault; but all was quiet.
Monday, the twenty-fifth day, we went on shore,—some to fell timber, some to saw,some to rive,[425] and some to carry: so no man rested all that day. But towards night, some, as they were at work, heard a noise of some Indians, which caused us all to go to our muskets; but we heard no further. So we came aboard again, and left some twenty to keep the court of guard. That night we had a sore storm of wind and rain.…
Thursday, the 28th of December, so many as could went to work on the hill, where we purposed to build our platform for our ordnance, and which doth command all the plain and the bay, and from whence we may see far into the sea,and might be easier impaled,[426] having two rows of houses and a fair street. So in theafternoon we went to measure out the grounds; and first we took notice how many families there were,willing[427] all single men that had no wives to join with some family, as they thought fit, that so we might build fewer houses; which was done, and we reduced them to nineteen families. To greater families we allowed larger plots,—to every person half a pole in breadth, and three in length; and so lots were cast where every man should lie; which was done, and staked out. We thought this proportion was large enough at the first, for houses and gardens to impale them round, considering the weakness of our people, many of them growing ill with colds; for our former discoveries in frost and storms, and the wading at Cape Cod, had brought much weakness amongst us, which increasedso every day more and more, and after was the cause of many of their deaths.…
LANDING OF MARY CHILTON.
Monday, the 8th of January, was a very fair day, and we went betimes to work. Master Jones sent the shallop, as he had formerly done, to see where fish could be got. They had a great storm at sea, and were in some danger. At night they returned with three great seals, and an excellent good cod, which did assure us that we should have plenty of fish shortly.
This day Francis Billington, having the week before seen from the top of a tree on a high hilla great sea,[428] as he thought, went with one of the master’s mates to see it. They went three miles, and then came to a great water, divided into two great lakes; the bigger of them five or six miles in circuit, and in it an isle a cable-length square; the other three miles in compass, in their estimation. They are fine fresh water, full of fish and fowl.A brook[429] issues from it. It will be an excellent place for us in time. They found seven or eight Indian houses, but not lately inhabited. When they saw the houses, they were in some fear; for they were but two persons, and one piece.
Tuesday, the 9th of January, was a reasonable fair day; and we went to labor that day in the building of our town,in two rows of houses,[430] for more safety. We divided by lot the plot of ground whereon to build our town, after the proportion formerly allotted. We agreed that every man should build his own house, thinking, by that course, men would make more hastethan working in common. The common house, in which, for the first, we made our rendezvous, being near finished, wanted only covering, it being about twenty foot square. Some should make mortar, and gather thatch; so that in four days half of it was thatched.Frost and foul weather hindered us much.[431] This time of the year, seldom could we work half the week.
VI.—“Welcome, Englishmen!”
MEETING OF CAPT. STANDISH AND MASSASOIT.
And, whilst we were busied hereabout, we were interrupted again; for there presented himself a savage, which caused an alarm. He very boldly came all alone, and along the houses, straight to the rendezvous; where we intercepted him, not suffering him to go in,as undoubtedly he would out of[432] his boldness. He saluted us in English, and bade us “Welcome;” for he had learned some broken English among the Englishmen that came to fishat Monhiggon,[433] and knew by name the most of the captains, commanders, and masters that usually come. He was a man free in speech, so far as he could express his mind, and of a seemly carriage. We questioned him of many things. He was the first savage we could meet withal. He said he was not of these parts, but of Morattiggon, and one of the sagamores or lords thereof, and had been eight months in these parts, it lying hence a day’s sail with a great wind, and five days by land. He discoursed of thewhole country, and of every province, and of their sagamores, and their number of men, and strength. The wind beginning to rise a little, we cast a horseman’s coat about him; for he was stark naked, only a leather about his waist, with a fringe about a span long, or little more. He had a bow and two arrows,—the one headed, the other unheaded. He was a tall, straight man; the hair of his head black, long behind, only short before, none on his face at all. He asked some beer;but we gave him strong water,[434] and biscuit, and butter, and cheese, and pudding,and a piece of mallard;[435] all which he liked well, and had been acquainted with such amongst the English.
He told us the place where we now live is called Patuxet, and that, about four years ago, all the inhabitants died of an extraordinary plague, and there is neither man, woman, nor child remaining, as indeed we have found none; so as there is none to hinder our possession, or to lay claim unto it. All the afternoon we spent in communication with him. We would gladly have been rid of him at night; but he was not willing to go this night. Then we thought to carry him on shipboard, wherewith he was well content, and went into the shallop; but the wind was high, and the water scant, that it could not return back. We lodged him that night at Stephen Hopkins’s house, and watched him.
The next day,he went away back to the Massasoits,[436] from whence he said he came, who are our next borderingneighbors. They are sixty strong, as he saith. The Nausites are as near, south-east of them, and are a hundred strong;and those were they of[437] whom our people were encountered, as we before related. They are much incensed and provoked against the English, and, about eight months ago, slew three Englishmen; and two more hardly escaped by flight to Monhiggon. They were Sir Ferdinando Gorges’ men, as this savage told us; as he did likewise of the huggery, that is,fight,[438] that our discoverers had with the Nausites, and of our tools that were taken out of the woods, which we willed him should be brought again: otherwise we would right ourselves. These people are ill affected towards the Englishby reason of one Hunt,[439] a master of a ship, who deceived the people, and got them, under color of trucking with them,—twenty out of this very place where we inhabit, and seven men from the Nausites;—and carried them away, and sold them for slaves, like a wretched man—for twenty pound a man—that cares not what mischief he doth for his profit.
Saturday, in the morning, we dismissed the savage, and gave him a knife, a bracelet, and a ring. He promised within a night or two to come again, and to bring with him some of the Massasoits, our neighbors,with such beavers’ skins as they had to truck[440] with us.
Saturday and Sunday, reasonable fair days. On this day came again the savage, and brought with him five other tall, proper men. They had every man a deer’sskin on him; and the principal of them had a wildcat’s skin, or such like, on the one arm. They had, most of them, long hose up to their groins, close made, and above their groins, to their waist, another leather: they were altogether like the Irish trousers. They are of complexion like our English gypsies; no hair, or very little, on their faces; on their heads, long hair to their shoulders, only cut before,—some trussed up before with a feather, broad-wise, like a fan; another, a fox-tail hanging out. These left—according to our charge given him before—their bows and arrows a quarter a mile of from our town.
We gave them entertainment as we thought was fitting them. They did eat liberally of our English victuals. They made semblance unto us of friendship and amity.They sang and danced after their manner like antics.[441] They brought with them in a thing like a bow-case—which the principal of them had about his waist—a little of their corn pounded to powder, which, put to a little water, they eat. He had a little tobacco in his bag;but none of them drank[442] but when he liked. Some of them had their faces painted black, from the forehead to the chin, four or five fingers broad; others after other fashions, as they liked.
They brought three or four skins; but we would not truck with them at all that day, but wished them to bring more, and we would truck for all; which they promised within a night or two, and would leave these behind them, though we were not willing they should; and they brought us all our tools again, which were taken in the woods, in our men’s absence. So, becauseof the day, we dismissed them as soon as we could. But Samoset, our first acquaintance, either was sick, or feigned himself so, and would not go with them, and staid with us till Wednesday morning. Then we sent him to them to know the reason they came not according to their words; and we gave him a hat, a pair of stockings and shoes, a shirt, and a piece of cloth to tie about his waist.
GOV. CARVER’S CHAIR.
BOOK XV.
THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY.
(A.D. 1629–1631.)
The first of these extracts is from Rev. Francis Higginson’s “True Relation of the Last Voyage to New England, written from New England, July 24, 1629,” reprinted in Young’s “Chronicles of the First Planters of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay:” Boston, 1846 (pp. 235–237). The second is from the same work: (Young, pp. 232–235). The third is from “New England’s Plantation; or, A Short and True Description of the Commodities and Discommodities of that Country,” by Francis Higginson: London, 1630: (Young, pp. 242–256). This pamphlet attracted so much attention, that three distinct editions of it were published in a year.
The next two passages are from “Life and Letters of John Winthrop” (vol. ii. pp. 15–16, 64–65). The last passage is from the “Memoirs of Captain Roger Clap:” (Young, pp. 351–354).
THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY.
I.—The Voyage of the Massachusetts Colonists.
[The first large colony of the Massachusetts Bay Company sailed from England in April, 1629, with two hundred people; Governor Endicott, with “a few men,” having preceded them the year before. The Reverend Francis Higginson was the leader of this larger party. These were the colonists properly called Puritans, as distinct from the Pilgrims, who settled Plymouth.]
NOW in our passage divers things are remarkable.
First, through God’s blessing, our passage was short and speedy; for whereas we had a thousand leagues, that is, three thousand miles English, to sail from Old to New England, we performed the same in six weeks and three days.
Secondly, our passage was comfortable and easy, for the most part, having ordinarily fair and moderate wind, and being freed, for the most part, from rough and stormy seas, saving one night only, which we that were not used thought to be more terrible than indeed it was; and this was Wednesday at night, May 27.
FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
FRANCIS HIGGINSON.
Thirdly, our passage was also healthful to our passengers, being freed from the great contagionof the scurvy and other maledictions,[443] which in other passages to other places had taken away the lives of many. And yet we were, in all reason, in wonderful danger all the way, our ship being greatly crowded with passengers; but, through God’s great goodness, we had none that died of the pox, but that wicked fellow that scorned at fasting and prayer. There were, indeed, two little children,—one of my own, and another beside: but I do not impute it merely to the passage; for they were both very sickly children, and not likely to have lived long if they had not gone to sea. And take this for a rule, if children be healthful when they come to sea, the younger they are, the better they will endure the sea, and are not troubled with sea-sickness as older people are, as we had experience in many children that went this voyage. My wife, indeed, in tossing weather, was something ill; … but in calm weather she recovered again, and is now much better for the sea-sickness. And for my own part, whereas I have for divers years past been very sickly, … and was very sick at London and Gravesend, yet from the time I came on shipboard to this day I have been strangely healthful; and now I can digest our ship diet very well, which I could not when I was at land.… Also divers childrenwere sick of the smallpox, but are safely recovered again; and two or three passengers, towards the latter end of the voyage, fell sick of the scurvy, but, coming to land, recovered in a short time.
Fourthly, our passage was both pleasurable and profitable; for we received instruction and delight in beholding the wonders of the Lord in the deep waters, and sometimes seeing the sea round us appearing with a terrible countenance, and, as it were, full of high hills and deep valleys; and sometimes it appeared as a most plain and even meadow. And ever and anon we saw divers kinds of fishes sporting in the great waters, great grampuses and huge whales going by companies, and puffing up water-streams. Those that love their own chimney-corner, and dare not go far beyond their own town’s end, shall never have the honor to see these wonderful works of Almighty God.
II.—The Massachusetts Bay Colonists in Salem Harbor.
Friday a foggy morning, but after clear, and wind calm. We saw many schools of mackerel, infinite multitudes on every side of our ship. The sea was abundantly stored with rockweed and yellow flowers like gilliflowers. By noon we were within three leagues of Cape Ann; and, as we sailed along the coasts, we saw every hill and dale, and every island, full of gay woods and high trees. The nearer we came to the shore, the more flowers in abundance,—sometimes scattered abroad, sometimes joined in sheets nine or tenyards long, which we supposed to be brought from the low meadows by the tide.[444] Now what, with fine woods and green trees by land, and these yellow flowers painting the sea, made us all desirous to see our new paradise of New England,whence we saw such forerunning signal[445] of fertility afar off. Coming near the harbor towards night, we tacked about for sea-room.
GOVERNOR ENDICOTT.
GOVERNOR ENDICOTT.
Saturday a foggy morning, but, after eight o’clock in the morning, very clear. The wind being somewhat contrary at south and by west, we tacked to and again with getting little, but with much ado. About four o’clock in the afternoon, having with much pain compassed the harbor, and being ready to enter the same, (see how things may suddenly change!) there came a fearful gust of wind and rain, and thunder and lightning, whereby we were borne with no little terror and trouble to our mariners, having very much ado to loose down the sails when the fury of the storm struck us. But, God be praised! it lasted but a while, and soon abated again. And hereby the Lord showed us what he could have done with us, if it had pleased him. But, blessed be God! he soon removed this storm, and it was a fair and sweet evening.
We had a westerly wind, which brought us, between five and six o’clock,to a fine and sweet harbor[446] seven miles from the head-point of Cape Ann. This harbor twenty ships may easily ride therein;where there was an island,[447] whither four of our men with a boat went,and brought back again ripe strawberries and gooseberries, and sweet single roses. Thus God was merciful to us in giving us a taste and smell of the sweet fruit as an earnest of his bountiful goodness to welcome us at our first arrival.This harbor was two leagues and something more from the harbor at Naimkecke,[448] where our ships were to rest, and the plantation is already begun. But because the passage is difficult, and night drew on, we put into Cape Ann harbor.
The sabbath, being the first we kept in America, and the seventh Lord’s Day after we parted with England.
Monday we came from Cape Ann to go to Naimkecke, the wind northerly. I should have told you before, that, the planters spying our English colors,the governor[449] sent a shallop with two men to pilot us. These rested the sabbath with us at Cape Ann; and this day, by God’s blessing and their directions, we passed the curious and difficult entrance into the large, spacious harbor of Naimkecke. And, as we passed along, it was wonderful to behold so many islands, replenished with thick wood and high trees, and many fair, green pastures. And, being come into the harbor, we saw the “George,” to our great comfort, there being come on Tuesday, which was seven days before us.We rested that night with glad and thankful hearts that God had put an end to our long and tedious journey through the greatest sea in the world.
The next morning, the governor came aboard to our ship, and bade us kindly welcome, and invited me and my wife to come on shore, and take our lodging in his house, which we did accordingly.
III.—Fire, Air, Earth, and Water in New England.
[As described by Francis Higginson, 1629.]
Letting pass our voyage by sea, we will now begin our discourse on the shore of New England. And because the life and welfare of every creature here below, and the commodiousness of the country whereas such creatures live, doth, by the most wise ordering of God’s providence, depend, next unto himself, upon the temperature and disposition of the four elements, earth, water, air, and fire, … therefore I will endeavor to show you what New England is, by the consideration of each of these apart; and truly endeavor, by God’s help, to report nothing but the naked truth, and that both to tell you of the discommodities as well as of the commodities. Though, as the idle proverb is, “Travellers may lie by authority,” and so may take too much sinful liberty that way, yet I may say of myself, as once Nehemiah did in another case, Shall such a man as I lie? No, verily.…
Of the Earth of New England.
It is a land of divers and sundry sorts all about Masathulets[450] Bay; and at Charles River is as fat black earth as can be seen anywhere; and in other places you have a clay soil; in other, gravel; in other, sandy, as it is all about our plantation at Salem; for so our town is now named.
FIRST CHURCH IN SALEM.
The form of the earth here, in the superficies of it, is neither too flat in the plainness, nor too high in hills, but partakes of both in a mediocrity, and fit for pasture, or for plough or meadow ground, as men please to employ it. Though all the country be, as it were, a thick wood for the general, yet in divers places there is much ground cleared by the Indians, and especiallyabout the plantation; and I am told, that, about three miles from us, a man may stand on a little hilly place, and see divers thousands of acres of ground as good as need to be, and not a tree in the same.…
In our plantation we have already a quart of milk for a penny. But the abundant increase of corn proves this country to be a wonderment. Thirty, forty, fifty, sixty, are ordinary here: yea, Joseph’s increase in Egypt is outstripped here with us. Our planters hope to have more than a hundred-fold this year. And all this while I am within compass: what will you say of two-hundred-fold, and upwards? It is almost incredible what great gain some of our English planters have had by our Indian corn. Credible persons have assured me, and the party himself avouched the truth of it to me, that, of the setting of thirteen gallons of corn, he hath had increase of it fifty-two hogsheads, every hogshead holding seven bushels of London measure; and every bushel was by him sold and trusted to the Indians for so much beaver as was worth eighteen shillings; and so of this thirteen gallons of corn, which was worth six shillings eightpence, he made about £327 of it the year following, as by reckoning will appear: where you may see how God blesseth husbandry in this land. There is not such great and plentiful ears of corn, I suppose, anywhere else to be found but in this country, being also of variety of colors, as red, blue, and yellow, &c.; and of one corn there springeth four or five hundred. I have sent you many ears of divers colors, that you might see the truth of it.
Little children here, by setting of corn, may earn much more than their own maintenance.…
For beasts, there are some bears, and they say some lions also; for they have been seen at Cape Ann. Also here are several sorts of deer, some whereof bring three or four young ones at once, which is not ordinary in England; also wolves, foxes, beavers, martens, great wildcats,and a great beast called a molke,[451] as big as an ox. I have seen the skins of all these beasts since I came to this plantation, excepting lions. Also here are great store of squirrels,—some greater, and some smaller and lesser: there are some of the lesser sort, they tell me,that by a certain skin will fly from tree to tree,[452] though they stand far distant.
Of the Water of New England.
New England hath water enough, both salt and fresh. The greatest sea in the world, the Atlantic Sea, runs all along the coast thereof. There are abundance of islands along the shore, some full of wood and mast, to feed swine, and others clear of wood, and fruitful, to bear corn. Also we have store of excellent harbors for ships, as at Cape Ann, and at Masathulets Bay, and at Salem, and at many other places; and they are the better, because for strangers there is a very difficult and dangerous passage into them; but unto such as are well acquainted with them they are easy and safe enough. The abundance of sea-fish are almost beyond believing; and sure I should scarce have believed it, except I had seen it with mine own eyes. I saw great store of whales, and grampuses, and such abundance of mackerels,that it would astonish one to behold; likewise codfish, abundance on the coast, and in their season are plentifully taken. There is a fish called a bass, a most sweet and wholesome fish as ever I did eat: it is altogether as good as our fresh salmon; and the season of their coming was begun when we came first to New England in June, and so continued about three months’ space. Of this fish our fishers take many hundreds together, which I have seen lying on the shore, to my admiration. Yea, their nets ordinarily take more than they are able to haul to land; and, for want of boats and men, they are constrained to let a many go after they have taken them; and yet sometimes they fill two boats at a time with them. And, besides bass, we take plenty of skate and thornback, and abundance of lobsters; and the least boy in the plantation may both catch and eat what he will of them. For my own part, I was soon cloyed with them, they were so great and fat and luscious. I have seen some myself that have weighed sixteen pound; but others have had, divers times, so great lobsters as have weighed twenty-five pound, as they assured me.…
Of the Air of New England.
The temper of the air of New England is one special thing that commends this place. Experience doth manifest that there is hardly a more healthful place to be found in the world that agreeth better with our English bodies. Many that have been weak and sickly in Old England, by coming hither have been thoroughly healed, and grown healthful and strong; for here is a most extraordinary clear and dry air, that is of a mosthealing nature to all such as are of a cold, melancholy, phlegmatic, rheumatic temper of body. None can more truly speak hereof by their own experience than myself. My friends that knew me can well tell how very sickly I have been, and continually in physic.…
And I that have not gone without a cap for many years together, neither durst leave off the same, have now cast away my cap, and do wear none at all in the daytime. And whereas beforetime I clothed myself with double clothes and thick waistcoats to keep me warm, even in the summer-time, I do now go as thin clad as any.… Besides, I have one of my children, that was formerly most lamentably handled with sore breaking out of both his hands and feet, of the king’s-evil; but since he came hither he is very well [as] ever he was, and there is hope of perfect recovery shortly, even by the very wholesomeness of the air, altering, digesting, and drying up the cold and crude humors of the body; and therefore I think it is a wise course for all cold complexions to come to take physic in New England; for a sup of New England’s air is better than a whole draught of Old England’s ale.
In the summer-time, in the midst of July and August, it is a good deal hotter than in Old England; and in winter January and February are much colder, so they say; but the spring and autumn are of a middle temper.
Fowls of the air are plentiful here, and of all sorts as we have in England, as far as I can learn, and a great many of strange fowls which we know not. Whilst I was writing these things, one of our men brought home an eagle which he had killed in the wood: they saythey are good meat. Also here are many kinds of excellent hawks, both sea-hawks and land-hawks; and myself walking in the woods, with another in company, sprung a partridge so big, that through the heaviness of his body could fly but a little way: they that have killed them say they are as big as our hens. Here are likewise abundance of turkeys often killed in the woods, far greater than our English turkeys, and exceeding fat, sweet, and fleshy; for here they have abundance of feeding all the year long, as strawberries,—in summer all places are full of them,—and all manner of berries and fruits. In the winter-time I have seen flocks of pigeons, and have eaten of them. They do fly from tree to tree, as other birds do, which our pigeons will not do in England. They are of all colors, as ours are; but their wings and tails are much longer; and therefore it is likely they fly swifter to escape the terrible hawks in this country. In winter-time this country doth abound with wild geese, wild ducks, and other sea-fowl, that a great part of winter the planters have eaten nothing but roast meat of divers fowls which they have killed.
Of the Fire of New England.
Thus you have heard of the earth, water, and air of New England. Now it may be you expect something to be said of the fire, proportionable to the rest of the elements.
Indeed, I think New England may boast of this element more than of all the rest. For though it be here somewhat cold in the winter, yet here we have plenty of fire to warm us, and that a great deal cheaper than they sell billets and fagots in London: nay, all Europeis not able to afford to make so great fires as New England. A poor servant here, that is to possess but fifty acres of land, may afford to give more wood for timber and fire, as good as the world yields, than many noblemen in England can afford to do. Here is good living for those that love good fires. And although New England have no tallow to make candles of, yet, by the abundance of the fish thereof, it can afford oil for lamps. Yea, our pine-trees, that are the most plentiful of all wood, doth allow us plenty of candles, which are very useful in a house; and they are such candles as the Indians commonly use, having no other; and they are nothing else but the wood of the pine-tree cloven in two little slices something thin, which are so full of turpentine and pitch, that they burn as clear as a torch. I have sent you some of them that you may see the experience of them.
New England’s Discommodities.[453]
Thus of New England’s commodities. Now I will tell you of some discommodities that are here to be found.
First, in the summer season, for these three months June, July, and August, we are troubled much with little flies called mosquitoes, being the same they are troubled with in Lincolnshire and the fens; and they are nothing but gnats, which, except they be smoked out of their houses, are troublesome in the night season.
Secondly, in the winter season, for two months’ space, the earth is commonly covered with snow, which is accompanied with sharp, biting frosts, something moresharp than is in Old England, and therefore are forced to make great fires.
Thirdly, this country, being very full of woods and wildernesses, doth also much abound with snakes and serpents, of strange colors and huge greatness. Yea, there are some serpents, called rattlesnakes, that have rattles in their tails, that will not fly from a man as others will, but will fly upon him, and sting him so mortally that he will die within a quarter of an hour after, except the party stinged have about him some of the root of an herb called snake-weed to bite on; and then he shall receive no harm. But yet seldom falls it out that any hurt is done by these. About three years since, an Indian was stung to death by one of them; but we heard of none since that time.
OLD PLANTER’S HOUSE AT SALEM.
Fourthly and lastly, here wants as yet the good company of honest Christians, to bring with them horses, kine, and sheep, to make use of this fruitful land. Great pity it is to see so much good ground for corn and for grass as any is under the heavens, to lie altogetherunoccupied, when so many honest men and their families in Old England, through the populousness thereof, do make very hard shift to live one by the other.
IV.—A Sea-Adventure of the Puritan Colonists.
[Governor John Winthrop, with a large number of colonists, sailed from England in April, 1630. Seventeen vessels came to the Massachusetts Colony that year, bringing nearly a thousand people. England was then at war with Spain; and many Spanish cruisers made their rendezvous at Dunkirk, and other ports in the Spanish Netherlands, whence they were called “Dunkirkers.”]
April 9.—In the morning we descried from the top, eight sail astern of us, whom Captain Lowe told us he had seen at Dunnose in the evening. We supposing they might be Dunkirkers, our captain caused the gunroom and gundeck to be cleared. All the hammocks were taken down, our ordnance loaded, and our powderchests and fireworks made ready, and our landmen quartered among the seamen, and twenty-five of them appointed for muskets,and every man written down for his quarter.[454]
The wind continued north, with fair weather; and after noon it calmed, and we still saw those eight ships to stand towards us. Having more wind than we, they came up apace: so as our captain, and the masters of our consorts, were more occasioned to think they might be Dunkirkers; for we were told at Yarmouth that there were ten sail of them waiting for us. Whereupon we all prepared to fight with them, and took down somecabins which were in the way of our ordnance; and out of every ship were thrown such bed-matters as were subject to take fire; and we heaved out our long-boats,and put up our waist-cloths,[455] and drew forth our men, and armed them with muskets and other weapons, and instruments for fireworks; and, for an experiment, our captain shot a ball of wildfire, fastened to an arrow, out of a crossbow, which burnt in the water a good time.
The Lady Arbella[456] and the other women and children were removed into the lower deck, that they might be out of danger. All things being thus fitted, we went to prayer upon the upper deck. It was much to see how cheerful and comfortable all the company appeared. Not a woman or child that showed fear, though all did apprehend the danger to have been great, if things had proved as might well be expected; for there had been eight against four, and the least of the enemy’s ships were reported to carry thirty brass pieces. But our trust was in the Lord of hosts; and the courage of our captain, and his care and diligence, did much encourage us.
It was now about one of the clock, and the fleet seemed to be within a league of us: therefore our captain, because he would show he was not afraid of them, and that he might see the issue before night should overtake us, tacked about, and stood to meet them. And, when we came near, we perceived them to be our friends,—the “Little Neptune,” a ship of some twentypieces of ordnance, and her two consorts, bound for the straits; a ship of Flushing, and a Frenchman, and three other English ships, bound for Canada and Newfoundland. So, when we drew near, every ship, as they met, saluted each other, and the musketeers discharged their small shot; and so, God be praised! our fear and danger was turned into mirth and friendly entertainment.
V.—Governor Winthrop’s Night out of Doors.
GOVERNOR WINTHROP.
GOVERNOR WINTHROP.
The governor, being at his farm-house at Mistick,[457] walked out after supper,and took a piece[458] in his hand, supposing he might see a wolf; for they came daily about the house, and killed swine and calves, &c. And, being about half a mile off, it grew suddenly dark, so as in coming home he mistook his path, and went till he came to a little house ofSagamore John,[459] which stood empty. There he staid; and, having a piece of match in his pocket,—for he always carried about him match and a compass, and, in summer-time, snakeweed,—he made a good fire near the house, and lay down upon some old mats which hefound there, and so spent the night, sometimes walking by the fire, sometimes singing psalms, and sometimes getting wood, but could not sleep. It was, through God’s mercy,a warm night,[460] but, a little before day, it began to rain; and, having no cloak, he made shift by a long pole to climb up into the house. In the morning, there came thither an Indian squaw; but, perceiving her before she had opened the door, he barred her out: yet she staid there a great while, essaying to get in, and at last she went away, and he returned safe home, his servants having been much perplexed for him, and having walked about, and shot off pieces, and hallooed in the night; but he heard them not.
VI.—The Privations of the Puritans.
Now coming into this country, I found it a vacant wilderness in respect of English. There were, indeed, some English at Plymouth and Salem, and some few at Charlestown, who were very destitute when we came ashore; and, planting-time being past shortly after, provision was not to be had for money. I wrote to my friends, namely, to my dear father, to send me some provision; which accordingly he did, and also gave order to one of his neighbors to supply me with what I needed, he being a seaman, who, coming hither, supplied me with divers things.… Fish was a good help to me and others. Bread was so very scarce, that sometimes I thought the very crusts of my father’stable would have been very sweet unto me. And, when I could have meal and water and salt boiled together, it was so good, who could wish better?
FAMINE AMONG THE PILGRIMS.
In our beginning, many were in great straits for want of provision for themselves and their little ones. Oh the hunger that many suffered, and saw no hope in an eye of reason to be supplied, only by clams and mussels and fish! We did quickly build boats, and some went a-fishing. But bread was with many a very scarce thing, and flesh of all kind as scarce.
And in those days, in our straits, though I cannot say God sent a raven to feed us, as he did the prophet Elijah, yet this I can say to the praise of God’s glory, that he sent not only poor ravenous Indians, who camewith their baskets of corn on their backs to trade with us, which was a good supply unto many; but also sent ships from Holland and Ireland with provisions, and Indian corn from Virginia, to supply the wants of his dear servants in this wilderness, both for food and raiment. And when people’s wants were great, not only in one town, but in divers towns, such was the godly wisdom, care, and prudence—not selfishness, but self-denial—of our Governor Winthrop and his assistants, that, when a ship came laden with provisions, they did order that the whole cargo should be bought for a general stock; and so accordingly it was, and distribution was made to every town, as every man had need. Thus God was pleased to care for his people in times of straits, and to fill his servants with food and gladness. Then did all the servants of God bless his holy name, and love one another with pure hearts fervently.
In those days God did cause his people to trust in him, and to be contented with mean things. It was not accounted a strange thing in those days to drink water, and to eat samp or hominy without butter or milk. Indeed, it would have been a strange thing to see a piece of roast beef, mutton, or veal; though it was not long before there was roast goat. After the first winter, we were very healthy, though some of us had no great store of corn. The Indians did sometimes bring corn, and truck with us for clothing and knives; and once I had a peck of corn, or thereabouts, for a little puppy-dog. Frost-fish, mussels, and clams, were a relief to many. If our provision be better now than it was then, let us not, and do you, dear children, take heed that you do not, forget the Lord our God.You have better food and raiment than was in former times; but have you better hearts than your fore-fathers had? If so, rejoice in that mercy, and let New England then shout for joy. Sure, all the people of God in other parts of the world, that shall hear that the children and grandchildren of the first planters of New England have better hearts and are more heavenly than their predecessors, they will doubtless greatly rejoice, and will say, “This is the generation whom the Lord hath blessed.”