The Death of Sir Humphrey Gilbert.
[Sir Humphrey Gilbert sailed from England for Newfoundland with a fleet of five vessels. The largest of these (two hundred tons), fitted out by Sir Walter Raleigh, soon returned to England; the next in size was lost; and the three others were the “Golden Hind,” forty tons; the “Swallow,” of the same size; and the “Squirrel,” of only ten tons,—merely a sail-boat. The loss of their largest vessel, or “admiral,” discouraged the crews very much; and they finally insisted on returning, as appears in the narrative which follows. The original account is in Hakluyt’s Voyages (edition of 1810), vol. iii. p. 199.]
OUR people lost courage daily after this ill-success, the weather continuing thick and blustering, with increase of cold, winter drawing on, which took from them all hope of amendment, settling an assurance of worse weather to grow upon us every day.The lee-side[181] of us lay full of flats and dangers inevitable, if the wind blew hard at south.Some, again, doubted[182] we were ingulfed in the Bay of St. Lawrence, the coast full of dangers, and unto us unknown. But, above all, provision waxed scant,and hope of supply was gone with loss of our admiral.[183]
Those in the frigate[184] were already pinched with spare allowance, and want of clothes chiefly.Whereupon they besought the general[185] to return for England before they all perished. And to them of the “Golden Hind” they made signs of their distress, pointing to their mouths, and to their clothes thin and ragged. Then immediately they also of the “Golden Hind” grew to be of the same opinion, and desire to return home.
The former reasons having also moved the general to have compassion of his poor men, in whom he saw no want of good-will, but of means fit to perform the action they came for,[he] resolved upon retire;[186] and, calling the captain and master of the “Hind,” he yielded them many reasons enforcing this unexpected return, withal protesting himself greatly satisfied with that he had seen and knew already.
Reiterating these words, “Be content: we have seen enough, and take no care of expense past. I will set you forth royally the next spring, if God send us safe home. Therefore, I pray you, let us no longer strive here, where we fight against the elements.”…
How unwillingly the captain and master of the “Hind” conceded to this motion, his own company can testify; yet comforted with the general’s promise of a speedy return at spring, and induced by other apparent reasons proving an impossibility to accomplish the action at that time, it was concluded on all hands to retire.
So, upon Saturday, in the afternoon, the 31st of August, we changed our course, and returned back for England, at which very instant, even in winding about, there passed along between us and the land which we now forsook, a very lion, to our seeming, in shape, hair, and color; not swimming after the manner of a beast, by moving of his feet, but rather sliding upon the water with his whole body—not excepting the legs—in sight; neither yet diving under, and again rising above the water, as the manner is of whales, dolphins, tunnies, porpoises, and all other fish, but confidently showing himself above water without hiding, notwithstanding we presented ourselves in open view and gestures to amaze him, as all creatures will be commonly at a sudden gaze and sight of men. Thus he passed along, turning his head to and fro, yawning and gaping wide, with ugly demonstration of long teeth and glaring eyes; and to bid us a farewell, coming right against the “Hind,” he sent forth a horrible voice, roaring or bellowing as doth a lion; which spectacle we all beheld so far as we were able to discern the same, as men prone to wonder at every strange thing, as this doubtless was, to see a lion in the ocean sea, or fish in the shape of a lion. What opinion others had thereof, and chiefly the general himself, I forbear to deliver;but he took it for bonum omen,[187] rejoicing that he was to war against such an enemy, if it were the devil.…
Leaving the issue of this good hope unto God, who knoweth the truth only, and can at his good pleasure bring the same to light, I will hasten to the end of this tragedy, which must be knit up in the person of ourgeneral. And as it was God’s ordinance upon him, even so the vehement persuasion and entreaty of his friends could nothing avail to divert him from a wilful resolution of going through in his frigate,which was over-charged upon the decks with fights,[188] nettings, and small artillery, too cumbersome for so small a boat that was to pass through the ocean sea at that season of the year, when by course we might expect much storm of foul weather, whereof indeed we had enough.
But when he was entreated by the captain, master, and other his well-willers of the “Hind,” not to venture in the frigate, this was his answer: “I will not forsake my little company going homeward, with whom I have passed so many storms and perils.” And in very truth he was urged to be so over hard by hard reports given of him that he was afraid of the sea; albeit this was rather rashness, than advised resolution, to prefer the wind of a vain report to the weight of his own life. Seeing he would not bend to reason, he had provision out of the “Hind” such as was wanting aboard his frigate. And so we committed him to God’s protection to set him aboard his pinnace; we being more than three hundred leagues onward of our way home.
By that time, we had brought the islands of Azores south of us, yet we then keeping much to the north until we had got into the height and elevation of England, met with very foul weather, and terrible seas, breaking short and high, pyramid-wise. The reason whereof seemed to proceed either of hilly grounds, high and low, within the sea,—as we see hills and dales upon the land,—upon which the seas do mount and fall; orelse the cause proceedeth of diversity of winds, shifting often in sundry points: all which having power together to move the great ocean, which again is not presently settled, so many seas do encounter together as there had been diversity of winds. Howsoever it cometh to pass, men which all their lifetime had occupied the sea never saw more outrageous seas. We had also upon our mainyard an apparition of a little fire by night,which seamen do call Castor and Pollux;[189] but we had only one, which they take an evil sign of more tempest: the same is usual in storms.
Monday, the 9th of September, in the afternoon, the frigate was near cast away, oppressed by waves; yet at that time recovered, and giving forth signs of joy, the general, sitting abaft, with a book in his hand, cried out to us in the “Hind,”—so oft as we did approach within hearing,—“We are as near to heaven by sea as by land,” reiterating the same speech, well beseeming a soldier resolute in Jesus Christ, as I can testify he was.
The same Monday night, about twelve of the clock, or not long after, the frigate being ahead of us in the “Golden Hind,” suddenly her lights were out, whereof, as it were in a moment, we lost the sight; and withal our watch cried [that] the general was cast away, which was too true; for in that moment the frigate was devoured and swallowed up of the sea.…
Thus have I delivered the contents of the enterprise and last action of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, Knight, faithfully, for so much as I thought meet to be published; wherein may always appear, though he be extinguished, some sparks of his virtue; he remaining firmand resolute in a purpose, by all pretence honest and godly as was this, to discover, possess, and to reduce unto the service of God and Christian piety, those remote and heathen countries of America not actually possessed by Christians, and most rightly appertaining unto the crown of England.
BOOK IX.
THE LOST COLONIES OF VIRGINIA.
(A.D. 1584–1590.)
These extracts from the early Virginia narratives may be found in Hakluyt’s Voyages (ed. 1810), vol. iii. pp. 301–305, 323, 340–346, 354–355.
THE LOST COLONIES OF VIRGINIA.
I.—The First Voyage to Virginia.
THE first voyage made to the coasts of America, with two barks, wherein were Captains M. Philip Amadas and M. Arthur Barlowe, who discovered part of the country now called Virginia, Anno 1584. Written by one of the said captains, and sent to Sir Walter Raleigh Knight, at whose charge and direction the said voyage was set forth.
The twenty-seventh day of April, in the year of our redemption,[190] 1584, we departed [from] the west of England, with two barks well furnished with men and victuals, having received our last and perfect directions by your letters, confirming the former instructions and commandments, delivered by yourself at our leaving the River of Thames.…
The 2d of July we found shoal water, where we smelt so sweet and so strong a smell, as if we had been in the midst of some delicate garden abounding with all kind of odoriferous flowers, by which we were assured that the land could not be far distant. Andkeeping good watch, and bearing but slack sail, the 4th of the same month we arrived upon the coast, which we supposed to be a continent and firm land; and we sailed along the same a hundred and twenty English miles before we could find any entrance or river issuing into the sea. The first that appeared unto us, we entered, though not without some difficulty, and cast anchor about three arquebuse-shot within the haven’s mouth on the left-hand of the same. And, after thanks given to God for our safe arrival thither, we manned our boats, and went to view the land next adjoining, and “to take possession of the same in the right of the Queen’s most excellent Majesty, as rightful queen and princess of the same,”and after[191] delivered the same over to your use, according to her Majesty’s grant, and letters-patent, under her Highness’ great seal.…
We passed from the seaside towards the tops of those hills next adjoining, being but of mean height; and from thence we beheld the sea on both sides to the north, and to the south, finding no end any of both ways. This land lay stretching itself to the west,which after we found to be but an island of twenty miles long, and not about six miles broad.[192] Under the bank or hill whereon we stood, we beheld the valleys replenished with goodly cedar-trees; and, having discharged our arquebuse-shot, such a flock of cranes—the most part white—arose under us, with such a cry, redoubled by many echoes, as if an army of men had shouted all together.
We remained by the side of this island two whole days before we saw any people of the country. The third day we espied one small boat rowing towards us, having in it three persons. This boat came to the island side, four arquebuse-shot from our ships; and there, two of the people remaining, the third came along the shore-side toward us; and we,being then all within board,[193] he walked up and down upon the point of land next unto us.Then the master and pilot of the admiral,[194] Simon Ferdinando, and the captain, Philip Amadas, myself, and others, rowed to the land, whose coming this fellow attended, never making any show of fear or doubt. And, after he had spoken of many things not understood by us, we brought him, with his own good liking, aboard the ships, and gave him a shirt, a hat, and some other things, and made him taste of our wine and our meat, which he liked very well; and, after having viewed both barks, he departed, and went to his own boat again, which he had left in a little cove or creek adjoining. Soon as he was two bow-shot into the water, he fell to fishing; and in less than half an hour he had laden his boat as deep as it could swim, with which he came again to the point of the land; and there he divided his fish into two parts,pointing[195] one part to the ship, and the other to the pinnace; which after he had, as much as he might, requited the former benefits received, departed out of our sight.
The next day, there came unto us divers boats, and in one of them the king’s brother, accompanied with forty or fifty men, very handsome and goodly people, and in their behavior as mannerly and civil as any ofEurope. His name was Granganimeo, and the king is called Wingina; the country, Wingandacoa; and now, by her Majesty, Virginia. The manner of his coming was in this sort: he left his boats all together, as the first man did, a little from the ships by the shore, and came along to the place over against the ships, followed with forty men. When he came to the place, his servants spread a long mat upon the ground, on which he sat down; and at the other end of the mat four others of his company did the like: the rest of his men stood round about him somewhat afar off. When we came to the shore to him with our weapons, he never moved from his place, nor any of the other four, nor never mistrusted any harm to be offered from us; but, sitting still, he beckoned us to come and sit by him, which we performed; and, being set, he made all signs of joy and welcome, striking on his head and his breast, and afterwards on ours, to show we all were one, smiling and making show, the best he could, of all love and familiarity. After he had made a long speech unto us, we presented him with divers things, which he received very joyfully and thankfully. None of the company durst speak one word all the time: only the four which were at the other end spoke one in the other’s ear very softly.
A day or two after this, we fell to trading with them, exchanging some things that we had for chamois, buff, and deer skins.When we showed him[196] all our packet of merchandise, of all things that he saw, a bright tin dish most pleased him, which he presently took up, and clapped it before his breast, and, after,made a hole in the brim thereof, and hung it about his neck, making signs that it would defend him against his enemies’ arrows; for these people maintain a deadly and terrible war with the people and king adjoining. We exchanged our tin dish for twenty skins, worth twenty crowns, or twenty nobles; and a copper kettle for fifty skins, worth fifty crowns. They offered us good exchange for our hatchets and axes and for knives, and would have given any thing for swords;but we would not depart[197] with any.
After two or three days, the king’s brother came aboard the ships, and drank wine, and ate of our meat and our bread, and liked exceedingly thereof; and, after a few days overpassed, he brought his wife with him to the ships, his daughter, and two or three children. His wife was very well favored, of mean stature, and very bashful. She had on her back a long cloak of leather, with the fur side next to her body, and before her a piece of the same; about her forehead she had a band of white coral, and so had her husband many times; in her ears she had bracelets of pearl hanging down to her middle,—whereof we delivered your Worship a little bracelet,—and those were of the bigness of good peas. The rest of her women of the better sort had pendants of copper hanging in either ear; and some of the children of the king’s brother, and other noblemen, have five or six in either ear. He himself had upon his head a broad plate of gold, or copper; for, being unpolished, we knew not what metal it should be; neither would he by any means suffer us to take it off his head; but feeling it,it would bow[198] very easily.His apparel was as his wife’s; only the women wear their hair long on both sides, and the men but on one. They are of color yellowish, and their hair black, for the most part; and yet we saw children that had very fine auburn and chestnut colored hair.
After that these women had been there, there came down from all parts great store of people, bringing with them leather, coral, divers kind of dyes, very excellent, and exchanged with us. But when Granganimeo, the king’s brother, was present, none durst trade but himself, except such as wear red pieces of copper on their heads like himself; for that is the difference between the noblemen and the governors of countries, and the meaner sort. And we both noted there, and you have understood since by these men which we brought home, that no people in the world carry more respect to their king, nobility, and governors, than these do. The king’s brother’s wife, when she came to us,—as she did many times,—was followed with forty or fifty women always; and, when she came into the ship, she left them all on land, saving her two daughters, her nurse, and one or two more. The king’s brother always kept this order: as many boats as he would come withal to the ships, so many fires would he make on the shore afar off, to the end we might understand with what strength and company he approached.
Their boats are made of one tree, either of pine or of pitch trees, a wood not commonly known to our people, nor found growing in England. They have no edge-tools to make them withal: if they have any, they are very few, and those it seems they had twenty years since, which, as those two men declared, was outof a wreck, which happened upon their coast, of some Christian ship, being beaten that way by some storm and outrageous weather, whereof none of the people were saved, but only the ship, or some part of her, being cast upon the sand, out of whose sides they drew the nails and the spikes, and with those they made their best instruments.
The manner of making their boats is thus: they burn down some great tree, or take such as are windfallen, and, putting gum and resin upon one side thereof, they set fire into it, and, when it hath burned it hollow, they cut out the coal with their shells, and ever, where they would burn it deeper or wider, they lay on gums which burn away the timber; and by this means they fashion very fine boats,and such as will transport twenty men.[199] Their oars are like scoops;and many times they set[200] with long poles, as the depth serveth.
The king’s brother had great liking of our armor, a sword, and divers other things which we had,and offered to lay a great box of pearls in gage[201] for them; but we refused it for this time, because we would not make them know that we esteemed thereof, until we had understood in what places of the country the pearl grew; which now your Worship doth very well understand.
He was very just of his promise, for many times we delivered him merchandise upon his word; but ever he came within the day, and performed his promise. He sent us every day a brace or two of fat bucks, conies, hares, fish, the best in the world.
II.—Visit to an Indian Princess.
INDIAN VILLAGE IN VIRGINIA.
INDIAN VILLAGE IN VIRGINIA.
The evening following, we came to an island, which they call Roanoke, distant from the harbor by which we entered seven leagues; and at the north end thereof was a village of nine houses, built of cedar, and fortified round about with sharp trees, to keep out their enemies, and the entrance into it made like a turnpike very artificially. When we came towards it, standing near unto the water’s side, the wife of Granganimeo, the king’s brother, came running out to meet us, very cheerfully and friendly: her husband was not then in the village. Some of her people she commanded to draw our boat on shore, for the beating of the billow: others she appointed to carry us on their backs to the dry ground; and others to bring our oars into the house, for fear of stealing. When we were come into the outerroom,—having five rooms in her house,—she caused us to sit down by a great fire, and after took off our clothes, and washed them, and dried them again. Some of the women plucked off our stockings, and washed them: some washed our feet in warm water; and she herself took great pains to see all things ordered in the best manner she could, making great haste to dress some meat for us to eat.
After we had thus dried ourselves, she brought us into the inner room,where she set on the board standing along the house some wheat like frumenty,[202] sodden[203] venison and roasted, fish sodden, boiled, and roasted, melons raw and sodden, roots of divers kinds, and divers fruits. Their drink is commonly water; but, while the grape lasteth, they drink wine: and, for want of casks to keep it, all the year after they drink water, but it is sodden, with ginger in it, and black cinnamon, and sometimes sassafras, and divers other wholesome and medicinal herbs and trees. We were entertained with all love and kindness, and with as much bounty, after their manner, as they could possibly devise. We found the people most gentle, loving, and faithful, void of all guile and treason, and such as live after the manner of the golden age. The people only care how to defend themselves from the cold in their short winter, and to feed themselves with such meat as the soil affordeth. Their meat is very well sodden, and they make broth very sweet and savory. Their vessels are earthen pots, very large, white, and sweet: their dishes are wooden platters of sweet timber. Within the place where they feed was their lodging, and within that their idol whichthey worship, of whom they speak incredible things. While we were at meat, there came in at the gates two or three men, with their bows and arrows, from hunting, whom when we espied, we began to look one towards another, and offered to reach our weapons.But, as soon as she[204] espied our mistrust, she was very much moved, and caused some of her men to run out, and take away their bows and arrows, and break them, and, withal, beat the poor fellows out of the gate again. When we departed in the evening, and would not tarry all night, she was very sorry, and gave us into our boat our supper half dressed, pots and all, and brought us to our boat-side, in which we lay all night, removing the same a pretty distance from the shore.She, perceiving our jealousy,[205] was much grieved, and sent divers men and thirty women to sit all night on the bank-side by us, and sent us into our boats five mats to cover us from the rain, using very many words to entreat us to remain in their houses. But because we were few men, and if we had miscarried, the voyage had been in very great danger, we durst not adventure on any thing, although there was no cause of doubt; for a more kind and loving people there cannot be found in the world, as far as we have hitherto had trial.
III.—Adventures of the First Virginia Colony.
In the year of our Lord 1586, Sir Walter Raleigh, at his own charge, prepared a ship of an hundred tons, freighted with all manner of things in most plentifulmanner, for the supply and relief of his colony then remaining in Virginia. But, before they set sail from England, it was after Easter; so that our colony half despaired of the coming of any supply; wherefore every man prepared for himself, determining resolutely to spend the residue of their life in that country. And, for the better performance of this their determination, they sowed, planted, and set such things as were necessary for their relief in so plentiful a manner as might have sufficed them two years, without any further labor. Thus, trusting to their own harvest, they passed the summer till the 10th of June, at which time their corn which they had sowed was within one fortnight of reaping; but then it happened that Sir Francis Drake, in his prosperous return from the sacking of Saint Domingo, Cartagena, and Saint Augustine, determined, in his way homeward, to visit his countrymen, the English colony then remaining in Virginia. So, passing along the coasts of Florida,he fell with[206] the parts where our English colony inhabited; and, having espied some of that company, there he anchored,and went a-land,[207] where he conferred with them of their state and welfare, and how things had passed with them.
They answered him that they lived all, but hitherto in some scarcity, and as yet could hear of no supply out of England: therefore they requested him that he would leave with them some two or three ships, that, if in some reasonable time they heard not out of England, they might then return themselves. Which he agreed to. Whilst some were then writing their letters to send into England, and some others making reports of theaccidents of their travels each to other,—some on land, some on board,—a great storm arose, and drove most of their fleet from their anchors to sea; in which ships at that instant were the chiefest of the English colony. The rest on land, perceiving this,hasted to those three sails[208] which were appointed to be left there; and, for fear they should be left behind, they left all things confusedly, as if they had been chased from thence by a mighty army. And no doubt so they were; for the hand of God came upon them for the cruelty and outrages committed by some of them against the native inhabitants of that country.
Immediately after the departing of our English colony out of this paradise of the world, the ship above mentioned, sent and set forth at the charges of Sir Walter Raleigh, and his direction,arrived at Hatorask;[209] who, after some time spent in seeking our colony up in the country, and not finding them, returned with all the aforesaid provision into England.
About fourteen or fifteen days after the departure of the aforesaid ship, Sir Richard Grenville, general of Virginia, accompanied with three ships well appointed for the same voyage, arrived there; who, not finding the aforesaid ship, according to his expectation,nor hearing any news of our English colony there seated and left by him Anno[210] 1585, himself travelling up into divers places of the country, as well to see if he could hear any news of the colony left there by him the yearbefore, under the charge of Master Lane, his deputy, as also to discover some places of the country. But after some time spent therein, not hearing any news of them, and finding the places which they inhabited desolate, yet unwilling to lose the possession of the country which Englishmen had so long held, after good deliberation he determined to leave some men behind to retain possession of the country. Whereupon he landed fifteen men in the Isle of Roanoke, furnished plentifully with all manner of provision for two years, and so departed for England.
IV.—The Second English Colony in Virginia.
In the year of our Lord 1587, Sir Walter Raleigh, intending to persevere in the planting of his country of Virginia, prepared a new colony of one hundred and fifty men to be sent thither, under the charge of John White, whom he appointed governor; and also appointed under him twelve assistants, unto whom he gave a charter, and incorporated them by the name of Governor and Assistants of the City of Raleigh in Virginia.
Our fleet—being in number three sail, viz., the admiral,[211] a ship of one hundred and twenty tons,a fly-boat,[212] and a pinnace—departed the six and twentieth of April from Portsmouth, and the same day came to an anchor at the Cowes, in the Isle of Wight, where we staid eight days.…
The two and twentieth of July, we arrived safe at Hatorask, where our ship and pinnace anchored. The governor went aboard the pinnace, accompanied with forty of his best men, intending to pass up to Roanoke forthwith, hoping there to find those fifteen Englishmen which Sir Richard Grenville had left there the year before, with whom he meant to have conference concerning the state of the country and savages; meaning, after he had so done, to return again to the fleet, and pass along the coast to the Bay of Chesapeake, where we intended to make our seat and fort, according to the charge given us among other directions in writing, under the hands of Sir Walter Raleigh. But, as soon as we were put with our pinnace from the ship, a gentleman by the name of Ferdinando, who was appointed to return for England, called to the sailors in the pinnace, charging them not to bring any of the planters back again, but to leave them in the island, except the governor, and two or three such as he approved, saying that the summer was far spent, whereupon he would land all the planters in no other place. Unto this were all the sailors, both in the pinnace and ship, persuaded by the master;wherefore it booted not[213] the governor to contend with them, but [we] passed to Roanoke;and the same night at sunset went a-land[214] on the island, in the place where our fifteen men were left: but we found none of them, nor any sign that they had been there, saving only we found the bones of one of those fifteen which the savages had slain long before.
The three and twentieth of July, the governor, with divers of his company, walked to the north end of theisland, where Master Ralph Lane had his fort, with sundry necessary and decent dwelling-houses, made by his men about it the year before, where we hoped to find some signs or certain knowledge of our fifteen men. When we came thither, we found the fort razed down, but all the houses standing unhurt, saving that the nether rooms of them, and also of the fort, were overgrown with melons of divers sorts, and deer within them feeding on those melons: so we returned to our company, without hope of ever seeing any of the fifteen men living.
The same day, order was given that every man should be employed for the repairing of those houses which we found standing, and also to make other new cottages for such as should need.
The 25th, our flyboat and the rest of our planters arrived all safe at Hatorask, to the great joy and comfort of the whole company.But the master of our admiral,[215] Ferdinando, grieved greatly at their safe coming; for he purposely left them in the Bay of Portugal, and stole away from them in the night, hoping that the master thereof, whose name was Edward Spicer,—for that he never had been in Virginia,—would hardly find the place, or else, being left in so dangerous place as that was, by means of so many men-of-war as at that time were abroad, they should surely be taken, or slain. But God disappointed his wicked pretences.
The 28th, George Howe, one of our twelve assistants, was slain by divers savages which were come over to Roanoke, either of purpose to espy our company, and what number we were, or else to hunt deer, whereofwere many in the island. These savages—being secretly hidden among high reeds, where oftentimes they find the deer asleep, and so kill them—espied our man wading in the water alone, almost naked, without any weapon save only a small forked stick, catching crabs therewithal, and also being strayed two miles from his company; and shot at him in the water, where they gave him sixteen wounds with their arrows; and, after they had slain him with their wooden swords, they beat his head in pieces, and fled over the water to the main.
On the 30th of July, Master Stafford and twenty of our men passed by waterto the Island of Croatoan,[216] with Manteo, who had his mother and many of his kindred dwelling in that island; of whom we hoped to understand some news of our fifteen men, but especially to learn the disposition of the people of the country towards us, and to renew our old friendship with them. At our first landing, they seemed as though they would fight with us; but,perceiving us to begin to march with our shot[217] towards them, they turned their backs, and fled. Then Manteo their countryman called to them in their own language, whom as soon as they heard, they returned, and threw away their bows and arrows; and some of them came unto us, embracing and entertaining us friendly, desiring us not to gather or spill any of their corn, for they had but little. We answered them that neither their corn, nor any thing of theirs, should be diminished by any of us; and that our coming was only to renew the old love that was between us and them at the first, and to live with themas brethren and friends: which answer seemed to please them well. Wherefore they requested us to walk up to their town, who there feasted us after their manner, and desired us earnestly that there might be some token or badges given them of us, whereby we might know them to be our friends when we met them anywhere out of the town or island.…
We understood by them of Croatoan, how that the fifteen Englishmen left at Roanoke the year before by Sir Richard Grenville were suddenly set upon by thirty of the men of Secota, Aquascogoc, and Dasamonguepeuk in manner following. They conveyed themselves secretly behind the trees, near the houses where our men carelessly lived. And, having perceived that of those fifteen they could see but eleven only, two of those savages appeared to the eleven Englishmen, calling to them by friendly signs, that but two of their chiefest men should come unarmed to speak with those two savages, who seemed also to be unarmed. Wherefore two of the chiefest of our Englishmen went gladly to them; but, whilst one of those savages traitorously embraced one of our men, the other with his sword of wood, which he had secretly hidden under his mantle, struck him on the head, and slew him; and presently the other eight and twenty savages showed themselves.
The other Englishman, perceiving this, fled to his company, whom the savages pursued with their bows and arrows so fast, that the Englishmen were forced to take the house, wherein all their victuals and weapons were; but the savages forthwith set the same on fire, by means whereof our men were forced to take upsuch weapons as came first to hand, and without order to run forth among the savages, with whom they skirmished above an hour. In this skirmish,another of our men was shot into the mouth with an arrow, where[218] he died; and also one of the savages was shot into the side by one of our men,with a wildfire arrow,[219] whereof he died presently.
The place where they fought was of great advantage to the savages, by means of the thick trees, behind which the savages, through their nimbleness, defended themselves, and so offended our men with their arrows, that our men, being some of them hurt, retired fighting to the water-side, where their boat lay, with which they fled towards Hatorask. By that time they had rowed but a quarter of a mile, they espied their four fellows coming from a creek thereby, where they had been to fetch oysters. These four they received into their boat, leaving Roanoke, and landed on a little island on the right hand of our entrance into the harbor of Hatorask, where they remained a while, but afterward departed, whither as yet we know not.
Having now sufficiently despatched our business at Croatoan, the same day departed friendly, taking our leave, and came aboard the fleet at Hatorask.…
The 18th, Eleanor, daughter to the governor, and wife to Ananias Dare, one of the assistants, was delivered of a daughter in Roanoke, and the same was christened there the Sunday following; and, because this child was the first Christian born in Virginia, she was named Virginia. By this time, our ships had unladen thegoods and victuals of the planters, and began to take in wood and fresh water, and to new calk and trim them for England: the planters, also, prepared their letters and tokens to send back into England.…
The next day, the 22d of August, the whole company, both of the assistants and planters, came to the governor, and with one voice requested him to return himself into England, for the better and sooner obtaining of supplies and other necessaries for them; but he refused it.…
BAPTISM OF FIRST CHILD IN VIRGINIA.
The governor, being at the last, through their extreme entreating, constrained to return into England, having then but half a day’s respite to prepare himself for the same, departed from Roanoke the seven andtwentieth of August, in the morning, and the same day after midnight came aboard the fly-boat, who already had weighed anchor, and rode without the bar, the admiral riding by them, who, but the same morning, was newly come thither again. The same day both the ships weighed anchor, and set sail for England.
V.—Search for the Lost Colony.
[It was three years before Governor White returned to the colony which he had left. He reached the coast of Virginia in August, 1590, and thus describes what followed.]
Our boats and all things fitted again, we put off from Hatorask, being the number of nineteen persons in both boats. But, before we could get to the place where our planters were left, it was so exceeding dark, that we overshot the place a quarter of a mile: there we espied, towards the north end of the island, the light of a great fire through the woods, to the which we presently rowed: when we came right over against it, we let fall our grapnel near the shore, and sounded with a trumpet a call, and afterward many English tunes of songs, and called to them friendly, but we had no answer. We therefore landed at daybreak, and, coming to the fire, we found the grass and sundry rotten trees burning about the place. From hence we went through the woods to that part of the island directly over against Dasamonguepeuk; and from thence we returned by the water-side round about the north point of the island, until we came to the placewhere I left our colony in the year 1586.[220]
THE EXPLORERS LOOKING AT THE TREE.
In all this way we saw in the sand the print of the savages’ feet, of two or three sorts, trodden [in] the night; and as we entered up the sandy bank, upon a tree, in the very brow thereof, were curiously carved these fair Roman letters, C R O: which letters presently we knew to signify the placewhere I should find the planters seated,[221] according to a secret token agreed upon between them and me at my last departure from them. Which was, that in any ways they should not fail to write or carve upon the trees or posts of the doors the name of the place where they should be seated; for at my coming away they were prepared to remove from Roanoke fifty miles into the main. Therefore at mydeparture from them in 1587, I willed them, that, if they should happen to be distressed in any of those places, then they should carve over the letters or name a cross ＋ in this form; but we found no such sign of distress. And, having well considered of this, we passed toward the place where they were left in sundry houses; but we found the houses taken down, and the place very strongly enclosed with a high palisado of great trees,with curtains[222] and flankers,[223] very fort-like. And one of the chief trees or posts at the right side of the entrance had the bark taken off; and five feet from the ground, in fair capital letters, was graven C R O A T O A N, without any cross, or sign of distress. This done, we entered into the palisado, where we found many bars of iron, two pigs of lead,four iron fowlers,[224] iron saker-[224]shot, and such like heavy things, thrown here and there, almost overgrown with grasses and weeds.
From thence we went along by the water-side, toward the point of the creek, to see if we could find any of their boats or pinnace; but we could perceive no sign of them,nor any of the last falcons[225] and small ordnance which were left with them at my departure from them. At our return from the creek, some of our sailors, meeting us, told us they had found where divers chests had been hidden, and long since digged up again, and broken up, and much of the goods in them spoiled and scattered about, but nothing left, of such things as the savages knew any use of, undefaced. Presently Captain Cooke and I went to the place, which was in the end of an old trench, made two years pastby Captain Amadas, where we found five chests that had been carefully hidden of the planters, and of the same chests three were my own; and about the place many of my things spoiled and broken, and my books torn from the covers, the frames of some of my pictures and maps rotten, and spoiled with rain, and my armor almost eaten through with rust. This could be no other but the deed of the savages, our enemies, at Dasamonguepeuk, who had watched the departure of our men to Croatoan, and, as soon as they were departed, digged up every place where they suspected any thing to be buried. But although it much grieved me to see such spoil of my goods, yet on the other side I greatly joyed that I had safely found a certain token of their safe being at Croatoan, which is the place where Manteo was born, and the savages of the island our friends.…
The next morning it was agreed by the captain and myself, with the master and others, to weigh anchor, and go for the place at Croatoan, where our planters were, for that then the wind was good for that place, and also to leave that cask with fresh water on shore in the island until our return. So then they brought the cable to the captain; but,when the anchor was almost apeak,[226] the cable broke, by means whereof we lost another anchor, wherewith we drove so fast into the shore, that we were forced to let fall a third anchor; which came so fast home, that the ship was almost aground by Kenrick’s Mounts; so that we were forced to let slip the cable end for end.… Being thus clear of some dangers, and gotten into deeperwater, but not without some loss, for we had but one cable and anchor left us of four, and the weather grew to be fouler and fouler, our victuals scarce, and our cask and fresh water lost: it was therefore determined that we should go for St. John, or some other island to the southward, for fresh water.
[No trace of this lost colony has ever been discovered; and we can only guess at the fate of the first white child born in America, Virginia Dare. Strachey, the secretary of the Jamestown (Virginia) colony, twenty years after, was told by the Indians that seven of the English, “who escaped the slaughter at Roanoke,” were preserved alive by a certain chief; but neither he nor Captain John Smith has left on record any thing more.]
PALISADED TOWN.
BOOK X.
UNSUCCESSFUL SETTLEMENTS IN NEW ENGLAND.
(A.D. 1602–1607.)
The narrative of Captain Gosnold’s adventures is taken from John Brereton’s “Brief and True Relation of the Discovery of the North Part of Virginia: being a most pleasant, fruitful, and commodious soil.” Reprinted in the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 3d series, vol. viii. pp. 85–93.
Waymouth’s narrative is taken from “A True Relation of the most Prosperous Voyage made this Present Year, 1605, by Captain George Waymouth, in the discovery of the land of Virginia, where he discovered, sixty miles up, a most excellent river, together with a most fertile land. Written by James Rosier, a gentleman employed in the voyage.” Reprinted in the same volume of the Massachusetts Historical Collections, pp. 135–156.
The other two narratives are from Strachey’s “Historie of Travaile into Virginia” (reprinted by the Hakluyt Society, 1849), pp. 171–173, 176–180.
UNSUCCESSFUL SETTLEMENTS IN NEW ENGLAND
I.—Gosnold’s Fort at Cuttyhunk.
[Gosnold was the first Englishman who attempted to found a colony in New England; and this account of his attempt is by his companion, John Brereton.]
TO the Honorable Sir Walter Raleigh, Knight. Honorable Sir,—Being earnestly requested by a dear friend to put down in writing some true relation of our late-performed voyageto the north parts of Virginia,[227] at length I resolved to satisfy his request.…
May it please your Lordship, therefore, to understand that upon the five and twentieth of March, 1602, being Friday, we went from Falmouth, being in all two and thirty persons, in a small bark of Dartmouth, called “The Concord,” holding a course for the north part of Virginia.…
On Friday, the 14th of May, early in the morning, we made the land, being full of fair trees, the landsomewhat low, certain hammocks[228] or hills lying into the land, the shore full of white sand, but very stony or rocky. And standing fair along by the shore, about twelve of the clock the same day, we came to an anchor,where eight Indians in a Basque-shallop,[229] with mast and sail, an iron grapple, and a kettle of copper, came boldly aboard us, one of them apparelled with a waistcoat and breeches of black serge, made after our sea fashion, hose and shoes on his feet: all the rest—saving one that had a pair of breeches of blue cloth—were naked. These people are of tall stature, broad and grim visage, of a black, swart complexion, their eyebrows painted white. Their weapons are bows and arrows. It seemed by some words and signs they made, that some Basques,or of St. John de Luz,[230] have fished or traded in this place, being in the latitude of forty-three degrees.
But riding here, in no very good harbor, and withal doubting the weather, about three of the clock the same day, in the afternoon, we weighed, and standing southerly off into sea the rest of that day and the night following, with a fresh gale of wind,in the morning we found ourselves embayed with a mighty headland.[231] But coming to an anchor about nine of the clock the same day, within a league of the shore, we hoisted out the one-half of our shallop; and Captain Bartholomew Gosnold, myself, and three others, went ashore, being a white, sandy, and bold shore; andmarching all that afternoon, with our muskets on our necks, on the highest hills which we saw,—the weather very hot,—at length we perceived this headland to be parcel of the main, and sundry islands lying almost round about it. So returning towards evening to our shallop,—for by that time the other part was brought ashore, and set together,—we espied an Indian, a young man of proper stature, and of a pleasing countenance; and, after some familiarity with him, we left him at the seaside, and returned to our ship, where, in five or six hours’ absence,we had pestered[232] our ship so with codfish, that we threw numbers of them overboard again. And surely, I am persuaded, that in the months of March, April, and May, there is upon this coast better fishing, and in as great plenty, as in Newfoundland; for the skulls of mackerel, herrings, cod, and other fish, that we daily saw as we went and came from the shore, were wonderful. And besides, the places where we took these cods, and might in a few days have laden our ship, were but in seven fathoms water, and within less than a league from the shore;where,[233] in Newfoundland, they fish in forty or fifty fathoms water, and far off.
From this place we sailed round about this headland almost all the points of the compass, the shore very bold; but, as no coast is free from dangers, so I am persuaded this is as free as any. The land somewhat low, full of goodly woods, but in some places plain. At length we were come amongst many fair islands, which we had partly discerned at our first landing, all lying within a league or two one of another, and theoutermost not above five or seven leagues from the main.But coming to an anchor under one of them,[234] which was about three or four leagues from the main, Captain Gosnold, myself, and some others, went ashore; and, going round about it, we found it to be four English miles in compass, without house or inhabitant, saving a little old house made of boughs covered with bark, an old piece of a weir of the Indians to catch fish, and one or two places where they had made fires. The chiefest trees of this island are beeches and cedars, the outward parts all overgrown with low, bushy trees three or four feet in height, which bear some kind of fruits, as appeared by their blossoms; strawberries, red and white, as sweet and much bigger than ours in England; raspberries, gooseberries, whortleberries, and such an incredible store of vines, as well in the woody part of the island, where they run upon every tree, as on the outward parts, so that we could not go for treading upon them; also many springs of excellent sweet water, and a great standing lake of fresh water near the seaside an English mile in compass, which is maintained with the springs, running exceeding pleasantly through the woody grounds, which are very rocky. Here are also in this island great store of deer, which we saw, and other beasts, as appeared by their tracks; as also divers fowls, as cranes,hernshaws,[235] bitterns, geese, mallards, teals, and other fowl in great plenty; also great store of peas, which grow in certain plots all the island over. On the north side of this island we found many huge bones and ribs of whales.
From hence we went to another island to the north-westof this, and within a league or two of the main, which we found to be greater than before we imagined, being sixteen English miles, at the least, in compass; for it containeth many pieces or necks of land, which differ nothing from several islands, saving that certain banks of small breadth do like bridges join them to this island. On the outside of this island are many plain places of grass, abundance of strawberries, and other berries before mentioned. In mid-May we did sow in this island, for a trial, in sundry places, wheat, barley, oats, and peas, which in fourteen days were sprung up nine inches, and more. The soil is fat and lusty, the upper crust of gray color, but a foot or less in depth, of the color of our hemp-lands in England, and being thus apt for these and the like grains. The sowing or setting—after the ground is closed—is no greater labor than if you should set or sow in one of our best prepared gardens in England. This island is full of high timbered oaks, their leaves thrice so broad as ours; cedars, straight and tall; beech, elm, holly, walnut-trees in abundance, the fruit as big as ours, as appeared by those we found under the trees, which had lain all the year ungathered; hazelnut-trees, cherry-trees, the leaf, bark, and bigness not differing from ours in England, but the stalk beareth the blossoms or fruit at the end thereof, like a cluster of grapes, forty or fifty in a bunch; sassafras-trees, great plenty all the island over, a tree of high price and profit; also divers other fruit-trees, some of them with strange barks of an orange color, in feeling soft and smooth like velvet: in the thickest parts of these woods you may see a furlong or more round about.
On the north-west side of this island, near to the seaside, is a standing lake of fresh water, almost three English miles in compass, in the midst whereof stands a plot of woody ground, an acre in quantity, or not above. This lake is full of small tortoises, and exceedingly frequented with all sorts of fowls,before rehearsed,[236] which breed, some low on the banks, and others on low trees about this lake, in great abundance, whose young ones of all sorts we took and ate at our pleasure; but all these fowls are much bigger than ours in England. Also in every island, and almost in every part of every island, are great store of ground-nuts, forty together on a string, some of them as big as hen’s eggs: theygrow not two inches under ground, the which nuts we found to be as good as potatoes. Also divers sorts of shell-fish, as scallops, mussels, cockles, lobsters, crabs, oysters, and whelks, exceeding good and very great.…
GOSNOLT’S FORT.
Now the next day, we determined to fortify ourselves in a little plot of ground in the midst of the lake above mentioned, where we built our house, and covered it with sedge, which grew about this lake in great abundance; in building whereof we spent three weeks, and more. But, the second day after our coming from the main, we espied eleven canoes or boats, with fifty Indians in them, coming toward us from this part of the main, where we two days before landed; and, being loath they should discover our fortification, we went out on the seaside to meet them. And, coming somewhat near them, they all sat down upon the stones, calling aloud to us, as we rightly guessed, to do the like, a little distance from them. Having sat a while in this order,Captain Gosnold willed me to go unto them to see what countenance[237] they would make; but, as soon as I came up unto them, one of them, to whom I had given a knife two days before in the main, knew me, whom I also very well remembered, and, smiling upon me, spake somewhat unto their lord or captain, which sat in the midst of them, who presently rose up, and took a large beaver-skin from one that stood about him, and gave it unto me, which I requited for that time the best I could. But I, pointing towards Captain Gosnold, made signs unto him that he was our captain, and desirous to be his friend, and enter league with him, which, as I perceive, he understood, and made signs of joy. WhereuponCaptain Gosnold, with the rest of his company, being twenty in all, came up unto them, and after many signs of gratulations,—Captain Gosnold presenting their lord with certain trifles which they wondered at and highly esteemed,—we became very great friends, and sent for meat aboard our shallop, and gave them such meats as we had then ready dressed; whereof they misliked nothing but our mustard, whereat they made many a sour face.…
So the rest of the day we spent in trading with them for furs, which are beavers, luzernes, martens, otters, wildcat-skins,—very large and deep fur,—black foxes, coney skins, of the color of our hares, but somewhat less, deer-skins very large, seal-skins, and other beasts’ skins, to us unknown. They have also great store of copper, some very red, and some of a paler color: none of them but have chains, ear-rings, or collars of this metal. They head some of their arrows herewith, much like our broad arrow-heads, very workmanly made. Their chains are many hollow pieces cemented together, each piece of the bigness of one of our reeds, a finger in length, ten or twelve of them together on a string, which they wear about their necks. Their collars they wear about their bodies,like bandoleers,[238] a handful broad, all hollow pieces like the other, but somewhat shorter, four hundred pieces in a collar, very fine and evenly set together. Besides these, they have large drinking-cups made like skulls, and other thin plates of copper, made much like our boar spear blades, all which they so little esteem as they offered their fairest collars or chains for a knife or such like trifle; but we seemedlittle to regard it. Yet I was desirous to understand where they had such store of this metal, and made signs to one of them, with whom I was very familiar, who, taking a piece of copper in his hand, made a hole with his finger in the ground,and withal pointed to the main[239] from whence they came.…
Thus they continued with us three days, every night retiring themselves to the furthermost part of our island, two or three miles from our fort; but the fourth day they returned to the main, pointing five or six times to the sun, and once to the main, which we understood [to mean] that, within five or six days, they would come from the main to us again. But, being in their canoes a little from the shore, they made huge cries and shouts of joy unto us; and we with our trumpet and cornet, and casting up our caps into the air, made them the best farewell we could. Yet six or seven of them remained with us behind, bearing us company every day into the woods, and helped us to cut and carry our sassafras,and some of them lay[240] aboard our ship.
These people, as they are exceeding courteous, gentle of disposition, and well conditioned, exceeding all others that we have seen, so for shape of body and lovely favor, I think they excel all the people of America. [They are] of stature much higher than we; of complexion or color much like a dark olive; their eyebrows and hair black, which they wear long, tied up behind in knots, whereon they prick feathers of fowls, in fashion of a coronet. Some of them are black, thin-bearded. They make beards of the hair of beasts;and one of them offered a beard of their making to one of our sailors, for his that grew on his face, which, because it was of a red color, they judged to be none of his own. They are quick-eyed, and steadfast in their looks, fearless of others’ harms, as intending none themselves; some of the meaner sort given to filching, which the very name of savages, not weighing their ignorance in good or evil, may easily excuse. Their garments are of deer-skins; and some of them wear furs round and close about their necks. They pronounce our language with great facility; for one of them one day sitting by me, upon occasion I spake smiling to him these words, “How now, sirrah, are you so saucy with my tobacco?” which words, without any further repetition, he suddenly spake so plain and distinctly, as if he had been a long scholar in the language. Many other such trials we had, which are here needless to repeat.…
But after our bark had taken in so much sassafras,[241] cedar, firs, skins, and other commodities, as were thought convenient, some of our company that had promised Captain Gosnold to stay,having nothing but a saving[242] voyage in their minds, made our company of inhabitants, which was small enough before,much smaller; so as[243] Captain Gosnold seeing his whole strength to consist but of twelve men, and they but meanly provided, determined to return for England, leaving this island,which he called Elizabeth’s Island,[244] with as many true sorrowful eyes as were before desirous to see it. So the 18th of June, being Friday, weweighed, and with indifferent fair wind and weather came to anchor the 23d of July, being also Friday, in all bare five weeks, before Exmouth.
Your Lordship’s to command,
John Brereton.
II.—Captain Waymouth captures Indians, and explores the Penobscot river.
[Captain George Waymouth, or Weymouth, sailed from England in 1605.]
Wednesday the twenty-ninth day [of May], our shallop being now finished, and our captain and men furnished to depart with her from the ship, we set up a cross on the shore-side upon the rocks.
Thursday, the 30th of May, about ten o’clock before noon, our captain, with thirteen men more, in the name of God, and with all our prayers for our prosperous discovery and safe return, departed in the shallop; leaving the ship in a good harbor, which before I mentioned, well moored, and manned with fourteen men.
This day, about five o’clock in the afternoon, we in the ship espied three canoes coming towards us, which went to the island adjoining, where they went ashore, and very quickly had made a fire, about which they stood beholding our ship, to whom we made signs with our hands and hats, waving unto them to come unto us, because we had not seen any of the people yet. They sent one canoe with three men, one of which, when they came near unto us, spake in his language very loud and very boldly, seeming as though he would know why we were there; and by pointing withhis oar towards the sea, we conjectured he meant we should be gone. But when we showed them knives and their use, by cutting of sticks; and other trifles, as combs and glasses, they came close aboard our ship, as desirous to entertain our friendship. To these we gave such things as we perceived they liked, when we showed them the use,—bracelets, rings, peacock-feathers, which they stuck in their hair, and tobacco-pipes. After their departure to their company on the shore, presently came four others in another canoe; to whom we gave as to the former, using them with as much kindness as we could.
The shape of their body is very proportionable. They are well countenanced, not very tall nor big, but in stature like to us. They paint their bodies with black; their faces, some with red, some with black, and some with blue.
Their clothing is beaver-skins or deer-skins cast over them like a mantle, and hanging down to their knees, made fast together upon the shoulder with leather: some of them had sleeves, most had none; some had buskins of such leather sewed.…
The next morning, very early, came one canoe aboard us again, with three savages, whom we easily then enticed into our ship, and under the deck, where we gave them pork, fish, bread, and peas, all which they did eat; and this I noted, they would eat nothing raw, either fish or flesh. They marvelled much, and much looked upon the making of our can and kettle,so they did at a head-piece,[245] and at our guns, of which they are most fearful, and would fall flat down at the reportof them. At their departure, I signed unto them, that, if they would bring me back such skins as they wear, I would give them knives, and such things as I saw they most liked, which the chief of them promised to doby that time the sun should be beyond the midst of the firmament.[246] This I did to bring them to an understanding of exchange, and that they might conceive the intent of our coming to them to be for no other end.…
I return now to our savages, who, according to their appointment, about one o’clock, came with four canoes to the shore of the island right over against us, where they had lodged the last night, and sent one canoe to us with two of those savages who had been aboard, and another who then seemed to have command of them; for though we perceived their willingness, yet he would not permit them to come aboard; but he, having viewed us and our ship, signed that he would go to the rest of the company, and return again. Presently after their departure, it began to rain, and continued all that afternoon, so as they could not come to us with their skins and furs, nor we go to them. But, after an hour or thereabout, the three which had been with us before came again, whom we had to our fire, and covered them with our gowns. Our captain bestowed a shirt upon him, whom we thought to be their chief, who seemed never to have seen any before. We gave him a brooch to hang about his neck, a great knife, and lesser knives to the two other; and to every one of them a comb and glass, the use whereof we showed them; whereat they laughed and took thesepresents gladly.We victualled[247] them,and gave them aqua vitæ,[248] which they tasted, but would by no means drink. Our beverage they liked well. We gave them sugar-candy, which after they had tasted they liked, and desired more, and raisins which were given them; and some of every thing they would reserve to carry to their company. Wherefore we, pitying their being in the rain, and therefore not able to get themselves victual, as we thought, we gave them bread and fish.
Thus, because we found the land a place answerable to the intent of our discovery, namely, fit for any nation to inhabit, we used the people with as great kindness as we could devise, or found them capable of.
The next day being Saturday, and the 1st of June, I traded with the savages all the forenoon upon the shore, where were eight and twenty of them; and, because our ship rode nigh, we were but five or six; where, for knives, glasses, combs, and other trifles, to the value of four or five shillings, we had forty good beavers’ skins, otters’ skins, sables, and other small skins which we knew not how to call. Our trade being ended, many of them came aboard us, and did eat by our fire, and would be very merry and bold in regard of our kind usage of them. Towards night, our captain went on shore to have a draught with the seine, or net. And we carried two of them with us, who marvelled to see us catch fish with a net. Most of that we caught we gave them and their company. Then on the shore I learned the names of divers things of them; and, when they perceived me to note them down, theywould of themselves fetch fish and fruit-bushes, and stand by me to see me write their names.
Our captain showed them a strange thing, which they wondered at. His sword and mine, having been touched with the loadstone, took up a knife, and held it fast when they plucked it away, made the knife turn,—being laid on a block,—and, touching it with his sword, made that take up a needle, whereat they much marvelled. This we did to cause them to imagine some great power in us, and for that to love and fear us.…
Our captain had two of them at supper with us in his cabin, to see their demeanor,and had them in presence at service,[249] who behaved themselves very civilly, neither laughing nor talking all the time, and at supper fed not like men of rude education; neither would they eat or drink more than seemed to content nature. They desired peas to carry ashore to their women, which we gave them, with fish and bread, and lent them pewter dishes, which they carefully brought again.…
This day, about five o’clock, afternoon, came three other canoes from the main, of which some had been with us before: and they came aboard us, and brought us tobacco, which we took with them in their pipes, which were made of earth, very strong, black, and short, containing a great quantity. Some tobacco they gave unto our captain, and some to me, in very civil, kind manner: we requited them with bread and peas, which they carried to their company on shore, seeming very thankful. After supper they returned with their canoe, to fetch us ashore, to take tobacco with them there, with whom six or seven of us went, and carried sometrifles, if peradventure they had any truck,[250] among which I carried some few biscuits, to try if they would exchange for them, seeing they so well liked to eat them. When we came at shore, they most kindly entertained us, taking us by the hands, as they observed we did to them aboard, in token of welcome, and brought us to sit down by their fire, where sat together thirteen of them. They filled their tobacco-pipe, which was then the short claw of a lobster, which will hold ten of our pipes full,and we drank[251] of their excellent tobacco as much as we would with them.But we saw not any great quantity to truck[252] for; and it seemed they had not much left of old, for they spend a great quantity yearly by their continual drinking. And they would sign unto us that it was grown yet but a foot above ground, and would be above a yard high, with a leaf as broad as both their hands.…
About eight o’clock this day, we went on shore with our boats, to fetch aboard water and wood; our captain leaving word with the gunner in the ship, by discharging a musket, to give notice, if they espied any canoe coming; which they did about ten o’clock. He, therefore, being careful they should be kindly treated, requested me to go aboard, intending with despatch to make what haste after he possibly could. When I came to the ship, there were two canoes, and in either of them three savages, of whom two were below at the fire: the others staid in their canoes about the ship, and, because we could not entice them aboard, we gave them a can ofpeas and bread, which they carried to the shore to eat. But one of them brought back our can presently, and staid aboard with the other two; for he, being young, of a ready capacity, and one we most desired to bring with us into England, had received exceeding kind usage at our hands, and was therefore much delighted in our company. When our captain was come, we consulted how to catch the other three at shore, which we performed thus:—
We manned the light horseman[253] with seven or eight men. One standing before carried our box of merchandise, as we were wont when I went to traffic with them, and a platter of peas,which meat[254] they loved. But, before we were landed, one of them (being so suspiciously fearful of his own good) withdrew himself into the wood. The other two met us on the shore-side, to receive the peas, with whom we went up the cliff to their fire, and sat down with them; and while we were discussing how to catch the third man, who was gone, I opened the box, and showed them trifles to exchange, thinking thereby to have banished fear from the other, and drawn him to return. But, when we could not, we used little delay, but suddenly laid hands upon them. And it was as much as five or six of us could do to get them into the light horseman; for they were strong,and so naked as[255] by far our best hold was by the long hair on their heads. And we would have been very loath to have done them any hurt, which of necessity we had been constrained to have done if we had attempted them in a multitude, which we must and would, ratherthan have wanted them, being a matter of great importance for the full accomplishment of our voyage.
Thus we shipped five savages, two canoes, with all their bows and arrows.… Tuesday, the 11th of June,we passed up into the river[256] with our ship about six and twenty miles, of which I had rather not write than by my relation to detract from the worthiness thereof.…
As we passed with a gentle wind up with our ship in this river, any man may conceive with what admirationwe all consented[257] in joy. Many of our company who had been travellers in sundry countries, and in the most famous rivers, yet affirmed them not comparable to this they now beheld. Some that were with Sir Walter Raleigh in his voyage to Guiana,in the discovery of the River Orenoque,[258] which echoed fame to the world’s ears, gave reasons why it was not to be compared with this, which wanteth the danger of many shoals and broken ground, wherewith that was encumbered. Others before that notable river in the West Indies called Rio Grande; some before the River of Loire, the River Seine, and of Bourdeaux, in France, which, although they be great and goodly rivers, yet it is no detraction from them to be accounted inferior to this, which not only yieldeth all the aforesaid pleasant profits, but also appeareth infallibly to us free from all inconveniences.
CAPT. WEYMOUTH SAILING UP THE PENOBSCOT.
I will not prefer it before our River of Thames, because it is England’s richest treasure; but we all did wish those excellent harbors, good deeps in a continual convenient breadth, and small tide-gates, to be as well therein for our country’s good as we found them here[—]beyond our hopes—in certain, for those to whom it shall please God to grant this land for habitation; which if it had, with the other inseparable adherent commodities here to be found, then I would boldly affirm it to be the most rich, beautiful, large, and secure harboring river that the world affordeth.… Further, I have thought fit to add some things worthy to be regarded, which we have observed from the savages since we took them.
First, although at the time we surprised them, they made their best resistance, not knowing our purpose, nor what we were, not how we meant to use them; yet, after perceiving by their kind usage we intended them no harm, they have never since seemed discontented with us, but very tractable, loving, and willing by their best means to satisfy us in any thing we demand of them, by words or signs for their understanding. Neither have they at anytime been at the least discord among themselves, insomuch as we have not seen them angry, but merry, and so kind, as, if you give any thing to one of them, he will distribute part to every one of the rest.
We have brought them to understand some English, and we understand much of their language, so as we are able to ask them many things.
[The Indians thus carried to England were the objects of great wonder, and crowds of people followed them in the streets. It is thought that Shakspeare may have referred to them in the Tempest, written a few years later, about 1610. Trinculo there wishes to take the monster Caliban to England, and says, “Not a holiday fool there but would give a piece of silver; there would this monster make a man; any strange beast there makes a man. When they will not give a doit to relieve a lame beggar, they will lay out ten to see a dead Indian.”]
III.—The Popham Colony on the Kennebec.
[So much interest was excited by the voyages of Gosnold and Waymouth, that two companies were formed in England for the settlement of America,—the London Company and the Plymouth Company. Each company sent out a colony in 1606; but the ship sent by the Plymouth Company was taken by a Spanish fleet, while the other colony reached Virginia. Then in June, 1607, the Plymouth Company sent another colony, under command of Captain George Popham, he being in a vessel called “The Gift of God,” accompanied by “The Mary and John,” Captain Raleigh Gilbert. They reached the mouth of the River Sachadehoc, or Kennebec, in August; and the narrative proceeds as follows, as told by Strachey, secretary of the Virginia Colony.]
Captain Popham, in his pinnace, with thirty persons, and Captain Gilbert in his long-boat, with eighteen persons more, went early in the morning from their ship into the River Sachadehoc, to view the river, and to search where they might find a fit place for their plantation. They sailed up into the river near forty leagues, and found it to be a very gallant river, very deep, and seldom less water than three fathom, … whereupon they proceeded no farther, but, in their return homewards, observed many goodly islands therein, and many branches of other small rivers falling into it.
JAMES I.
JAMES I.
They all went ashore, and there made choice of aplace for their plantation,[259] at the mouth or entry of the river on the west side,—for the river bendeth itself towards the nor’-east, and by east,—being almost an island, of a good bigness, being in a province called by the Indians Sabino, so called of a sagamo, or chief commander,under the grand Bassaba.[260] As they were ashore, three canoes full of Indians came to them, but would not come near, but rowed away up the river.
They all went ashore where they had made choice of their plantation, and where they had a sermon delivered unto them by their preacher; and, after the sermon, the president’s commission was read, with the laws to be observed and kept.George Popham, gent.,[261] was nominated president. Captain Raleigh Gilbert, James Davies, Richard Lymer, preacher, Captain Richard Davies, Captain Harlow, the same who brought away the savages at this time showed in London, from the river of Canada, were all sworn assistants; and so they returned back again.
Aug. 20. All went to shore again, and there began to intrench and make a fort, and to build a storehouse.…
You may please to understand how, whilst this business was thus followed here, soon after their first arrival, that [they] had despatched away Captain Robert Davies, in the “Mary and John,” to advertise of their safe arrival and forwardness of their plantation within this River of Sachadehoc, with letters to the lord chiefjustice, importuning a supply for the most necessary wants to the subsisting of a colony to be sent unto them betimes the next year.
After Captain Davies’ departure, they fully finished the fort, trenched and fortified it with twelve pieces of ordnance, and built fifty houses therein, besides a church and a storehouse;and the carpenters framed a pretty pinnace[262] of about some thirty tons, which they called the “Virginia;” the chief shipwright being one Digby of London.
Many discoveries, likewise, had been made both to the main and unto the neighbor rivers, and the frontier nations fully discovered by the diligence of Captain Gilbert, had not the winter proved so extreme unseasonable and frosty; for it being in the year 1607, when the extraordinary frost was felt in most parts of Europe, it was here likewise as vehement, by which no boat could stir upon any business. Howbeit, as time and occasion gave leave, there was nothing omitted which could add unto the benefit or knowledge of the planters, for which when Captain Davies arrived there in the year following,—set out from Topsham, the port town of Exeter, with a ship laden full of victuals, arms, instruments, and tools, &c.,—albeit he found Mr. George Popham, the president, and some other dead, yet he found all things in good forwardness, and many kinds of furs obtained from the Indians by way of trade, good store of sarsaparilla gathered, and the new pinnace all finished. But by reason that Captain Gilbert received letters that his brother was newly dead, and a fair portion of land fallen unto his share,which requiredhis repair[263] home, and no mines discovered, and no hope thereof,—being the main intended benefit expected to uphold the charge of this plantation,—and the fear that all other winters would prove like the first, the company by no means would stay any longer in the country, especially Captain Gilbert being to leave them, and Mr. Popham, as aforesaid, dead: therefore they all embarked in this new arrived ship, and in the new pinnace, the “Virginia,” and set sail for England. And this was the end of that northern colony upon the River Sachadehoc.
[This was the first colony that spent a winter in New England,—thirteen years before the Plymouth Colony arrived. The winter was an unusually severe one; and, moreover, the chief promoters of the colony, Sir John Popham and Captain Popham, died. But for this, it is possible that the colony might have remained; and, in that case, Maine would have been settled only a year later than Virginia.]
IV.—Captain Gilbert’s Adventure with the Indians.
[Captain Gilbert, the companion of Captain Popham, went up the River Kennebec, or Sachadehoc, in a shallop with nineteen men, and had this adventure with Indians.]
In the morning there came a canoe unto them,and in her a sagamo[264] and four savages,—some of those which spoke to them the night before. The sagamo called his name Lebenoa, and told us how he was lord of the River Sachadehoc. They entertained him friendly, and took him into their boat, and presented him withsome trifling things, which he accepted. Howbeit, he desired some one of our men to be put in his canoe as a pawn of his safety, whereupon Captain Gilbert sent in a man of his, when presently the canoe rowed away from them, with all the speed they could make, up the river. They followed with the shallop, having great care that the sagamo should not leap overboard. The canoe quickly rowed from them, and landed; and the men made to their houses, being near a league on the land from the river’s side, and carried our man with them. The shallop, making good way,at length came to another downfall,[265] which was so shallow and so swift that by no means they could pass any farther, for which Captain Gilbert, with nine others, landed,and took their fare,[266] the savage sagamo, with them, and went in search after those other savages, whose houses, the sagamo told Captain Gilbert, were not far off. And, after a good tedious march, they came indeed at length unto those savages’ houses, where [they] found near fifty able men, very strong and tall, such as their like before they had not seen, all newly painted, and armed with their bows and arrows. Howbeit, after that the sagamo had talked with them, they delivered back again the man, and used all the rest very friendly, as did ours the like by them, who showed them their commodities of beads, knives, and some copper, of which they seemed very fond, and, by way of trade, made show that they would come down to the boat, and there bring such things as they had, to exchange them for ours. So Captain Gilbert departed from them; and, within half an hour after he had gotten to his boat, there came three canoes downunto them, and in them some sixteen savages, and brought with them some tobacco, and certain small skins, which were of no value; which Captain Gilbert perceiving, and that they had nothing else wherewith to trade, he caused all his men to come aboard. And, as he would have put from the shore, the savages perceiving so much, subtly devised how they might put out the fire in the shallop, by which means they sawthey should be free from the danger of our men’s pieces;[267] and, to perform the same, one of the savages came into the shallop, and taking the firebrand which one of our company held in his hand thereby to light the matches, as if he would light a pipe of tobacco, as soon as he had gotten it into his hand he presently threw it into the water, and leaped out of the shallop. Captain Gilbert, seeing that, suddenly commanded his men to betake them to their muskets, and the targetiers too, from the head of the boat; and had one of the men before, with his target on his arm, to step on the shore for more fire. The savages resisted him, and would not suffer him to take any, and some others holding fast the boat-rope, that the shallop could not put off. Captain Gilbert caused the musketeers to present their pieces, the which the savages seeing, presently let go the boat-rope, and betook them to their bows and arrows, and ran into the bushes,nocking[268] their arrows, but did not shoot, neither did ours at them. So the shallop departed from them to the farther side of the river, where one of the canoes came unto them, and would have excused the fault of the others. CaptainGilbert made show as if he were still friends, and entertained them kindly, and so left them, returning to the place where he had lodged the night before, and there came to an anchor for that night.
BOOK XI.
CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH.
(A.D. 1606–1631.)
The first four of the following extracts are from Smith’s “Generall Historie of Virginia, New England, and the Summer Isles” (edition of 1626), pp. 39–49. The next four are from the “Historie of Travaile into Virginia Britannia,” by William Strachey, secretary of the Virginia Colony. Reprinted by the Hakluyt Society (1849), pp. 49–52, 57, 58, 80, 81, 110, 111. The ninth is from the “Generall Historie,” p. 219. The tenth is from “A Description of New England, by Captain John Smith,” printed in the Massachusetts Historical Collections, 3d series, vol. vi. pp. 109, 121. The eleventh is from the “Generall Historie,” pp. 121–123. The last two are from “Advertisements for the Unexperienced Planters of New England or anywhere, by Captaine John Smith, sometimes Governour of Virginia, and Admirall of New England.” London, 1631. Reprinted in Mass. Hist. Coll., 3d series, vol. iii. pp. 7, 29, 30, 44. There is a memoir of Captain Smith, by G. S. Hillard, in Sparks’s “American Biography,” vol. ii.
CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH.
I.—Captain John Smith in Virginia.
CAPTAIN BARTHOLOMEW GOSNOLL,[269] one of the first movers of this plantation, having many years solicited many of his friends, but found small assistance, at last prevailed with some gentlemen, as Captain John Smith, Mr. Edward Maria Wingfield, Mr. Robert Hunt, and divers others,who depended[270] a year upon his projects; but nothing could be effected, till, by their great charge and industry, it came to be apprehended by certain of the nobility, gentry, and merchants, so that his Majesty by his letters-patents gave commission for establishing councils to direct here, and to govern and to execute there. To effect this was spent another year; and by that, three ships were provided,—one of a hundred tons, another of forty,and a pinnace[271] of twenty. The transportation of the company was committed to Captain Christopher Newport, a mariner well practiced for the western partsof America. But their orders for government were put in a box, not to be opened, nor the governors known, until they arrived in Virginia.
On the 19th of December, 1606, we set sail from Blackwall, but by unprosperous winds were kept six weeks in the sight of England.…
We watered at the Canaries. We traded with the savages at Dominica. Three weeks we spent in refreshing ourselves among the West India Isles. In Gaudaloupe we found a bath so hot, as in it we boiled pork as well as over the fire; and, at a little isle called Monica, we took from the bushes with our hands, near two hogsheads full of birds in three or four hours. In Mevis, Mona, and the Virgin Isles, we spent some time, where, with a loathsome beast like a crocodile,called a gwayn,[272] tortoises, pelicans, parrots, and fishes, we daily feasted. Gone from thence in search of Virginia, the company was not a little discomforted,seeing the mariners had three days passed their reckoning,[273] and found no land; so that Captain Ratliffe, captain of the pinnace, rather desired to bear up the helm to return for England than make further search. But God the guider of all good actions,forcing them by an extreme storm to hull[274] all night, did drive them by his providence to their desired port, beyond all their expectation; for never any of them had seen that coast.
The first land they made they called Cape Henry, where thirty of them, recreating themselves on shore, were assaulted by five savages, who hurt two of the English very dangerously. That night was the box opened, and the orders read, in which BartholomewGosnoll, John Smith, Edward Wingfield, Christopher Newport, John Ratliffe, John Martin, and George Kendall, were named to be the council, and to choose a president among them for a year, who, with the council, should govern. Matters of moment were to be examined by a jury, but determined by the major part of the council, in which the president had two voices. Until the 13th of May,they sought a place to plant[275] in; then the council was sworn, Mr. Wingfield was chosen president,and an oration made[276] why Captain Smith was not admitted of the council as the rest.
Now falleth every man to work: the council contrive the fort, the rest cut down trees to make place to pitch their tents, some provide clapboard to relade the ships, some make gardens, some nets, &c. The savages often visited us kindly.The president’s overweening jealousy[277] would admit no exercise at arms, or fortification but the boughs of trees cast together in the form of a half-moon. By the extraordinary pains and diligence of Captain Kendall, Newport, Smith, and twenty others,were sent to discover the head of the river.[278] By divers small habitations they passed. In six days they arrive at a town called Powhatan, consisting of some twelve houses pleasantly seated on a hill, before it three fertile isles, about it many of their cornfields. The place is very pleasant, and strong by nature. Of this place the prince is called Powhatan, and his people Powhatans. To this place the river is navigable; but higher within a mile, by reason of the rocks and isles, there is not passage for a small boat. This they callthe falls.The people in all parts kindly entreated[279] them, till, being returned within twenty miles of Jamestown, they gave just cause of jealousy. But had God not blessed the discoverers otherwise than those at the fort, there had then been an end of that plantation; for at the fort, where they arrived the next day, they found seventeen men hurt, and a boy slain by the savages.And had it not chanced a cross-bar shot[280] from the ships struck down a bough from a tree amongst them, that caused them to retire, our men had all been slain, being securely all at work,and their arms in dry-vats.[281]
Hereupon the president was willingthe fort should be palisaded,[282] the ordnance mounted, his men armed and exercised, for many were the assaults and ambuscades of the savages; and our men, by their disorderly straggling, were often hurt, when the savages, by the nimbleness of their heels, well escaped. What toil we had,with so small a power to guard our workmen a-days,[283] watch all night, resist our enemies, and effect our business, to relade the ships, cut down trees, and prepare the ground to plant our corn, &c. I refer to the reader’s consideration.
II.—The Virginia Colonists.
Being, for most part, of such tender educations, and small experience in martial accidents, because they found [neither] English cities, nor such fair houses, norat their own wishes any of their accustomed dainties, with feather-beds and downy pillows, taverns and alehouses in every breathing-place, neither such plenty of gold and silver, and dissolute liberty, as they expected, had little or no care of any thing but to … procure their means to return for England. For the country was to them a misery, a ruin, a death, a hell, and their reports here and their actions there according.
Some other there were that had yearly stipends[284] to pass to and again for transportation. And those with their great words deluded the world with such strange promises as abused the business much worse than the rest. For the business being builded upon the foundation of their feigned experience, the planters, the money, and means have still miscarried; yet they ever returning, and the planters so far absent, who could contradict their excuses? Which, still to maintain their vain glory and estimation from time to time, have used such diligence as made them pass for truths, though nothing more false. And, that the adventurers might be thus abused, let no man wonder; for the wisest living is soonest abused by him that hath a fair tongue and a dissembling heart.
There were many in Virginia merely projecting,verbal and idle contemplators,[285] and those so devoted to pure idleness, that, though they had lived two or three years in Virginia, lordly necessity itself could not compel them to pass the peninsula or palisades of Jamestown; and those witty spirits,what would they not affirm in behalf of our transporters[286] to get victual fromtheir ships, or obtain their good words in England to get their passes! Thus from the clamors and the influence of false informers are sprung those disasters that sprung in Virginia;and our ingenious verbalists[287] were no less a plague to us in Virginia than the locusts to the Egyptians. For the labor of twenty or thirty of the best only preserved in Christianity by their industry the idle lives of near two hundred of the rest, who, living near ten months of such natural means as the country naturally of itself affordeth. Notwithstanding all this, and the worst fury of the savages, the extremity of sickness, mutinies, faction, ignorances, and want of victual, in all that time I lost but seven or eight men, yet subjected the savages to our desired obedience, and received contribution from thirty-five of their kings, to protect and assist them against any that should assault them. In which order they continued true and faithful, and as subjects to his Majesty, so long after as I did govern there, until I left the country.
III.—Smith captured by the Indians.
And now the winter approaching, the rivers became so covered with swans, geese, ducks, and cranes, that we daily feasted with good bread, Virginia peas, pumpkinsand putchamins,[288] fish, fowl, and divers sorts of wild beasts as fat as we could eat them:so that none of our tuftaffatty humorists[289] desired to go for England. But our comedies never endured long without a tragedy; some idle exceptions being muttered againstCaptain Smith for not discovering the head of Chickahamania[290] River, and taxed by the council to be too slow in so worthy an attempt. The next voyage he proceeded so far, that, with much labor by cutting of trees asunder, he made his passage; but, when his barge could pass no farther, he left her in a broad bay, out of danger of shot, commanding none should go ashore until his return. Himself, with two English and two savages, went up higher in a canoe; but he was not long absent. But his men went ashore, whose want of government gave both occasion and opportunity to the savages to surprise one George Cassen, whom they slew,and much failed not[291] to have cut off the boat and all the rest. Smith, little dreaming of that accident, being got to the marshes at the river’s head, twenty miles in the desert, had his two men slain, as is supposed, sleeping by the canoe, while himself, by fowling,sought them victuals; who finding he was beset with two hundred savages, two of them he slew, still defending himself with the aid of a savage, his guide, whom he bound to his arms with his garters, and used him as a buckler; yet he was shot in his thigh a little, and had many arrows that stuck in his clothes, but no great hurt till at last they took him prisoner. When this news came to Jamestown, much was their sorrow for his loss, few expecting what ensued. Six or seven weeks those barbarians kept him prisoner, many strange triumphs and conjurations they made of him; yet he so demeaned himself among them, as he not only diverted them from surprising the fort, but procured his own liberty, and got himself and his company such estimation amongst them, that those savages admired himmore than their own Quiyougkcosoucks.[292] The manner how they used and delivered him is as followeth.
OLD PRINT OF SMITH’S CAPTURE.
The savages having drawn from George Cassen whither Capt. Smith was gone, prosecuting that opportunity, they followed him with three hundred bowmen, conducted by the King of Pamaunkee, who in divisions, searching the turnings of the river, found Robinson and Emry by the fireside: those they shot full of arrows, and slew. Then finding the captain, as is said, that used the savage that was his guide as his shield,—three of them being slain, and divers others so galled,—all the rest would not come near him. Thinking thus to have returned to his boat, regarding them, as he marched more than his way,slipped up to the middle in an oozy[293] creek, and his savage with him; yet durst they not come to him, till, being near dead withcold, he threw away his arms.Then according to their composition[294] they drew him forth, and led him to the fire, where his men were slain. Diligently they chafed his benumbed limbs.
He demanding for their captain, they showed him Opechankanough, King of Pamaunkee, to whom he gave a round ivory double compass-dial. Much they marvelled at the playing of the fly and needle, which they could see so plainly, and yet not touch it, because of the glass that covered them. But when he demonstrated by that globe-like jewel the roundness of the earth and skies, the sphere of the sun, moon, and stars, and how the sun did chase the night round about the world continually, the greatness of the land and sea, the diversity of nations, variety of complexions, and how we were to them antipodes, and many other such like matters, they all stood as amazed with admiration. Notwithstanding, without an hour after, they tied him to a tree, and as many as could stand about him prepared to shoot him; but, the king holding up the compass in his hand, they all laid down their bows and arrows, and in a triumphant manner led him to Orapaks, where he was after their manner kindly feasted, and well used.
Their order in conducting him was thus: drawing themselves all in file, the king in the midst, had all their pieces and swords borne before him. Captain Smith was led after him by three great savages, holding him fast by each arm; and on each side six went in filewith their arrows nocked.[295] But arriving at thetown,—which was only thirty or forty hunting-houses made of mats, which they remove as they please, as we our tents,—all the women and children staring to behold him, the soldiers first, all in file,performed the form of a bissom[296] so well as could be; and on each flank, officers as sergeants to see them keep their order. A good time they continued this exercise, and then cast themselves in a ring, dancing in such several postures, and singing and yelling out such hellish notes and screeches; being strangely painted, every one his quiver of arrows, and at his back a club; on his arm a fox or an otter’s skin,or some such matter for his vambrace;[297]their heads and shoulders painted red with oil and pocones[298] mingled together, which scarlet-like color made an exceeding handsome show; his bow in his hand, and the skin of a bird with her wings abroad dried, tied on his head, a piece of copper, a white shell, a long feather, with a small rattle growing at the tails of their snakes tied to it, or some such like toy. All this while, Smith and the king stood in the midst, guarded, as before is said; and after three dances they all departed. Smith they conducted to a long house, where thirty or forty tall fellows did guard him; and ere long more bread and venison was brought him than would have served twenty men.I think his stomach[299] at that time was not very good: what he left they put in baskets, and tied over his head. About midnight, they set the meat again before him, all this time notone of them would eat a bit with him, till the next morning they brought him as much more; and then did they eat all the old, and reserved the new as they had done the other, which made him think they would fat him to eat him. Yet in this desperate estate to defend him from the cold, one Maocassater brought him his gown, in requital of some beads and toys Smith had given him at his first arrival in Virginia.
IV.—Captain John Smith and Pocahontas.
[This narrative is taken from Smith’s “Generall Historie.” It was possibly written by Captain Smith, but is now generally disbelieved by historical students, because it is inconsistent with an earlier account of the same events, also written by Smith, and because the incident is not mentioned by Strachey, who also described the Virginia Colony.]
Two days after, a man would have slain him—but that the guard prevented it—for the death of his son, to whom they conducted him to recover the poor man, then breathing his last. Smith told them that at Jamestown he had a water would do, if they would let him fetch it. But they would not permit that, but made all the preparations they could to assault Jamestown, craving his advice, and, for recompense, he should have life, liberty, land, and women.In part of a table book[300] he wrote his mind to them at the fort,—what was intended, how they should follow that direction to affright the messengers, and without fail send him such things as he wrote for; and an inventory with them. The difficulty and danger he told thesavages, of the mines, great guns, and other engines, exceedingly affrighted them; yet, according to his request, they went to Jamestown in as bitter weather as could be of frost and snow, and within three days returned with an answer.
But when they came to Jamestown, seeing men sally out, as he had told them they would, they fled. Yet in the night they came again to the same place where he had told them they should receive an answer, and such things as he had promised them; which they found accordingly, and with which they returned, with no small expedition, to the wonder of them all that heard it, that he could either divine, or the paper could speak.…
Not long after, early in a morning, a great fire was made in a long house, and a mat spread on the one side as on the other. On the one they caused him to sit, and all the guard went out of the house; and presently came skipping in a great grim fellow, all painted over with coal, mingled with oil, and many snakes’ and weasels’ skins stuffed with moss, and all their tails tied together, so as they met on the crown of his head in a tassel. And round about the tassel was as a coronet of feathers, the skins hanging round about his head, back, and shoulders, and in a manner covered his face; with a hellish voice, and a rattle in his hand. With most strange gestures and passions, he began his invocation, and environed the fire with a circle of meal; which done, three more such like devils came rushing in with the like antic tricks, painted half black, half red; but all their eyes were painted white, and some red strokes like mustachesalong their cheeks. Round about him those fiends danced a pretty while; and then came in three more as ugly as the rest, with red eyes, and white strokes over their black faces. At last they all sat down right against him, three of them on the one hand of the chief priest, and three on the other. Then all with their rattles began a song; which ended, the chief priest laid down five wheat-corns; then straining his arms and hands with such violence that he sweat, and his veins swelled, he began a short oration: at the conclusion they all gave a short groan, and then laid down three grains more. After that began their song again, and then another oration, ever laying down so many corns as before, till they had twice encircled the fire. That done, they took a bunch of little sticks prepared for that purpose, continuing still their devotion; and at the end of every song and oration they laid down a stick betwixt the divisions of corn. Till night, neither he nor they did either eat or drink, and then they feasted merrily, with the best provisions they could make. Three days they used this ceremony, the meaning whereof, they told him, was to know if he intended them well or no. The circle of meal signified their county; the circles of corn, the boundaries of the sea; and the sticks, his country. They imagined the world to be flat and round like a trencher, and they in the middle. After this they brought him a bag of gunpowder, which they carefully preserved until the next spring, to plant, as they did their corn, because they would be acquainted with the nature of that seed. Opitchapam, the king’s brother, invited him to his house, where, with as many platters of bread, fowl, andwild beasts as did environ him, he bid him welcome; but not any of them would eat a bit with him, but put up all the remainder in baskets.…
FACSIMILE ILLUSTRATION FROM SMITH’S “GENERAL HISTORY.”
At last they brought him to Meronocomoco,[301] where was Powhatan, their emperor. Here more than two hundred of those grim courtiers stood wondering athim, as he had been a monster,till Powhatan and his train had put themselves in their greatest braveries.[302] Before a fire, upon a seat like a bedstead, he sat, covered with a great robe made of raccoon-skins, and all the tails hanging by. On either hand did sit a young wench of sixteen or eighteen years, and along on each side the house two rows of men, and behind them as many women, with all their heads and shoulders painted red, many of their heads bedecked with the white down of birds; but every one with something; and a great chain of white beads about their necks. At his entrance before the king, all the people gave a great shout.The Queen of Appamatuck[303] was appointed to bring him water to wash his hands; and another brought him a bunch of feathers, instead of a towel, to dry them. Having feasted him after the best barbarous manner they could, a long consultation was held; but the conclusion was, two great stones were brought before Powhatan.Then as many as could laid hands on him,[304] dragged him to them, and thereon laid his head; and being ready with their clubs to beat out his brains, Pocahontas, the king’s dearest daughter, when no entreaty could prevail, got his head in her arms, and laid her own upon his,to save him from death.[305] Whereatthe emperor was contented he should live to make him hatchets, and her bells, beads, and copper;for they thought him as well[306] of all occupations as themselves. For the king himself will make his own robes, shoes, bows, arrows, pots; plant, hunt, or do any thing so well as the rest.…
Two days after, Powhatan, having disguised himself in the most fearfulest manner he could, caused Captain Smith to be brought forth to a great house in the woods, and there, upon a mat by the fire, to be left alone. Not long after, from behind a mat that divided the house was made the most dolefulest noise he ever heard; then Powhatan, more like a devil than a man, with some two hundred more as black as himself, came unto him, and told him now they were friends, and presently he should go to Jamestown, to send him two great guns and a grindstone, for which he would give him the country of Capahowosick, and forever esteem him as his son Nantaquond. So to Jamestown with twelve guides Powhatan sent him. That night they quartered in the woods, he still expecting—as he had done all this long time of his imprisonment—every hour to be put to one death or other, for all their feasting. But Almighty God by his divine providence had mollified the hearts of those stern barbarians with compassion. The next morning betimes, they came to the fort, where Smith, having used the savages with what kindness he could, he showed Rawhunt, Powhatan’s trusty servant,two demi-culverins[307] and a millstone, to carry Powhatan. They found them somewhat too heavy; but when they did see him discharge them, being loaded with stones,among the boughs of a great tree loaded with icicles, the ice and branches came so tumbling down, that the poor savages ran away half dead with fear.But at last we regained some conference[308] with them, and gave them such toys, and sent to Powhatan, his women, and children, such presents, as gave them, in general, full content.
V.—King Powhatan.
He is a goodly old man, not yet shrinking, though well beaten with many cold and stormy winters, in which he hath been patient of many necessities and attempts of his fortune to make his name and family great. He is supposed to be little less than eighty years old, I dare not say how much more. Others say he is of a tall stature and clean limbs, of a sad aspect, round, fat-visaged, with gray hairs, but plain and thin, hanging upon his broad shoulders; some few hairs upon his chin, and so on his upper lip. He hath been a strong and able savage, sinewy, and of a daring spirit, vigilant, ambitious, subtile to enlarge his dominions.… Cruel he hath been, and quarrelsome,as well with his own weroances[309] for trifles, and that to strike a terror and awe into them of his power and condition, as also with his neighbors, in his younger days, though now delighted in security and pleasure.…
Watchful he is over us,and keeps good espial[310] upon our proceedings, concerning which he hath his sentinels, that—at what time soever any of our boats, pinnaces,or ships come in, fall down, or make up the river—give the alarm, and take it quickly one from the other, until it reach and come even to the court or hunting-house, wheresoever he and his cronoccoes, that is, councillors and priests, are; and then he calls to advise, and gives out directions what is to be done.… About his person ordinarily attendeth a guard of forty or fifty of the tallest men his country do afford. Every night, upon the four quarters of his house, are four sentinels drawn forth,each standing from other a flight-shot;[311] and at every half-hour,one from the corps de garde[312] doth halloo, unto whom every sentinel returns answer round from his stand: if any fail, an officer is presently sent forth that beateth him extremely.
The word weroance, which we call and construe for a king, is a common word, whereby they call all commanders; for they have but few words in their language, and but few occasions to use any officers more than one commander, which commonly they call weroance.
It is strange to see with what great fear and adoration all this people do obey this Powhatan; for at his feet they present whatsoever he commandeth: and at the least frown of his brow the greatest will tremble, it may be because he is very terrible and inexorable in punishing such as offend him.… And sure it is to be wondered at, how such a barbarous and uncivil prince should take unto him—adorned and set forth with no great outward ornament and munificence—a form and ostentation of such majesty as he expresseth, which oftentimes strikes awe and sufficient wonder in our people presenting themselves before him.
VI.—A Virginia Princess.
Nor is [she] so handsome a savage woman as I have seen amongst them, yet with a kind of pride can take upon her a show of greatness; for we have seen her forbear to come out of her quintan, or boat, through the water, as the other, both maids and married women, usually do, unless she were carried forth between two of her servants. I was once early at her house—it being summer time—when she was laid without doors, under the shadow of a broad-leaved tree, upon a pallet of osiers, spread over with four or five fine gray mats, herself covered with a fair white dressed deerskin or two; and, when she rose,she had a maid who fetched her a frontall[313] of white coral, and pendants of great but imperfect colored and worse drilled pearls, which she put into her ears, and a chain with long links of copper, which they call tapoantaminais, and which came twice or thrice about her neck, and they account a jolly ornament. And sure thus attired, with some variety of feathers and flowers stuck in their hairs, they seem as debonaire, quaint, and well pleased as …a daughter of the house of Austria[314] decked with all her jewels. Likewise, her maid fetched her a mantle, which they call puttawus, which is like a side cloak, made of blue feathers, so artificially and thick sewed together, that it seemed like a deep purple satin, and is very smooth and sleek; and after, she brought her water for her hands, and then a branch or two of fresh green ashen leaves, as for a towel to dry them.
VII.—An Indian Dance in Virginia.
INDIAN DANCE.
As for their dancing, the sport seems unto them, and the use, almost as frequent and necessary as their meat and drink, in which they consume much time, and for which they appoint many and often meetings, and have therefore, as it were,set orgies[315] or festivals for the same pastime, as have yet at this day the merry Greeks.… At our colony’s first sitting down amongst them,when any of our people repaired[316] to their towns, the Indians would not think they had expressed their welcome sufficiently enough, until they had showed them a dance, the manner of which is thus. One of them standeth by, with some fur or leather thing in his left hand, upon which he beats with his right hand, and sings withal, as if he began the choir, and kept unto the rest their just time; when upon a certain stroke or more,—as upon his cue or time to come in,—one riseth up,and begins to dance. After he hath danced a while, steps forth another, as if he came in just upon his rest; and in this order all of them, so many as there be, one after another, who then dance an equal distance from each other in ring, shouting, howling, and stamping their feet against the ground with such force and pain, that they sweat again, and with all varieties of strange mimic tricks and distorted faces, making so confused a yell and noise as so many frantic and disquieted bacchanals; and sure they will keep stroke just with their feet to the time he gives, and just one with another, but with the hands, head, face, and body, every one hath a several gesture. And those who have seen the dervishes in their holy dances, in their mosques, upon Wednesdays and Fridays in Turkey,may resemble[317] these unto them. You shall find the manner expressed in the figure.
VIII.—Indian Children in Virginia.
To make the children hardy, in the coldest mornings they wash them in the rivers, and by paintings and ointments so tan their skins, that, after a year or two, no weather will hurt them. As also, to practise their children in the use of their bows and arrows, the mothers do not give them their breakfast in a morning before they have hit a mark which she appoints them to shoot at; and commonly, so cunning they will have them, as throwing up in the air a piece of moss, or some such light thing, the boy must with his arrow meet it in the fall, and hit it, or else he shall not have his breakfast.
Both men, women, and children have their several names; at first, according to the several humor of their parents. And for the men-children, at first, when they are young, their mothers give them a name, calling them by some affectionate title, or, perhaps, observing their promising inclination, give it accordingly; and so the great King Powhatan called a young daughter of his whom he loved well, Pocahontas,which may signify “little wanton;”[318] howbeit, she was rightly called Amonate at more ripe years. When they become able to travel into the woods, and to go forth a hunting, fowling, and fishing with their fathers, the fathers give him another name, as he finds him apt,and of spirit to prove toward[319] and valiant, or otherwise, changing the mother’s [name], which yet in the family is not so soon forgotten. And if so be, it be by agility, strength, or any extraordinary strain of wit, he performs any remarkable or valorous exploit in open act of arms, or by stratagem, especially in the time of extremity in the wars for the public and common state, upon the enemy, the king, taking notice of the same, doth then, not only in open view and solemnly, reward him with some present of copper, or chain of pearl and beads, but doth then likewise—and which they take for the most eminent and supreme favor—give him a name answerable to the attempt, not much differing herein from the ancient warlike encouragement and order of the Romans to a well-deserving and gallant young spirit.
IX.—“The Planter’s Pleasure and Profit.”
There are who delight extremely in vain pleasure, that take much more pains in England to enjoy it than I should do here to gain wealth sufficient: and yet I think they should not have half such sweet content; for our pleasure here is still gain, in England charges and loss. Here nature and liberty afford us that freely which in England we want, or it costeth us dearly. What pleasure can be more than being tired with any occasion ashore, in planting vines, fruits, or herbs; in contriving their own ground to the pleasure of their own minds, their fields, gardens, orchards, buildings, ships, and other works, &c.; to recreate themselves before their own doors, in their own boats upon the sea, where man, woman, and child, with a small hook and line, by angling, may take divers sorts of excellent fish at their pleasures? And is it not pretty sport to pull up twopence, sixpence, and twelvepence as fast as you can haul and veer a line? He is a very bad fisher [who] cannot kill in one day, with his hook and line, one, two, or three hundred cods; which dressed and dried, if they be sold there for ten shillings a hundred, though in England they will give more than twenty, may not both servant, master, and merchant be well content with this gain? If a man work but three days in seven, he may get more than he can spend, unless he will be exceedingly excessive. Now that carpenter, mason, gardener, tailor, smith, sailor, forger, or what other—may they not make this a very pretty recreation, though they fish but an hour in a day, to take more than they caneat in a week; or if they will not eat it, because there is so much better choice, yet sell it, or change it with the fishermen or merchants, for any thing you want? And what sport doth yield a more pleasing content, and less hurt and charge, than angling with a hook, and crossing the sweet air from isle to isle, over the silent streams of a calm sea, wherein the most curious may find profit, pleasure, and content?
Thus, though all men be not fishers, yet all men whatsoever may in other matters do as well, for necessity doth in these cases so rule a commonwealth, and each in their several functions, as their labors, in their qualities, may be as profitable, because there is a necessary mutual use of all.
For gentlemen, what exercise should more delight them than ranging daily these unknown parts,using fowling and fishing for[320] hunting and hawking? and yet you shall see the wild hawks give you some pleasure in seeing them stoop six or seven times after one another, an hour or two together,at the skults[321] of fish in the fair harbors, as those ashore at a fowl, and never trouble nor torment yourselves with watching,mewing,[322] feeding, and attending them, nor kill horse and man with running, and crying, “See you not a hawk?” For hunting, also, the woods, lakes, and rivers afford not only chase sufficient for any that delights in that kind of toil or pleasure, but such beasts to hunt, that, besides the delicacy of their bodies for food, their skins are so rich as they will recompense thy daily labor with a captain’s pay.
X.—The Glories of Fishing.
COD-FISHING.
The main staple from hence to be extracted, for the present, to produce the rest, is fish; which, however it may seem a mean and base commodity, yet who will but truly take the pains, and consider the sequel, I think will allow it well worth the labor. It is strange to see what great adventures the hopes of setting forth men-of-war to rob the industrious innocent would procure.… But who doth not know that the poor Hollanders, chiefly by fishing, at a great charge and labor, in all weathers in the open sea, are made a people so hardy and industrious?and by the sending this poor commodity to the Easterlings[323]for as mean,[324] which is wood, flax, pitch, tar, rosin, cordage, and such like,—whichthey exchange again to the French, Spaniards, Portuguese, and English, &c., for what they want,—are made so mighty, strong, and rich, as no state but Venice, of twice their magnitude, is so well furnished with so many fair cities, goodly towns, strong fortresses, and that abundance of shipping and all sorts of merchandise, as well of gold, silver, diamonds, precious stones, silks, velvets, and cloth-of-gold, as fish, pitch, wood, or such gross commodities? What voyages and discoveries, east and west, north and south, yea, about the world, make they! What an army, by sea and land, have they long maintained in despite of one of the greatest princes of the world! And never could the Spaniard, with all his mines of gold and silver, pay his debts, his friends and army, half so truly as the Hollanders still have done by this contemptible trade of fish.…
You shall scarce find any bay, shallow shore, or cove of sand, where you may not take many clams, or lobsters, or both, at your pleasure, and in many places load your boat, if you please; nor isles where you find not fruits, birds, crabs, and mussels, or all of them, for taking, at a low water. And, in the harbors we frequented,a little boy might take of cunners and pinnacks,[325] and such delicate fish, at the ship’s stern, more than six or ten can eat in a day, but with a casting-net, thousands when we pleased; and scarce any place, but cod, cusk, halibut, mackerel, skate, or such like, a man may take with a hook or line what he will. And in divers sandy bays a man may draw with a net great store of mullets, bass, and divers other sorts of suchexcellent fish, as many as his net can draw on shore. No river where there is not plenty of sturgeon, or salmon, or both; all which are to be had in abundance, observing but their seasons. But if a man will go at Christmas to gather cherries in Kent, he may be deceived, though there be plenty in summer. So here these plenties have each their seasons, as I have expressed. We, for the most part, had little but bread and vinegar; and though the most part of July, when the fishing decayed,they wrought[326] all day, lay abroad in the isles all night, and lived on what they found, yet were not sick. But I would wish none put himself long to such plunges, except necessity constrain it. Yet worthy is that person to starve that here cannot live, if he have sense, strength, and health.
XI.—Visit of Pocahantas to London in 1617.
During this time, the Lady Rebecca, alias Pocahontas, daughter to Powhatan, by the diligent care of Master John Rolfe, her husband, and his friends, was taught to speak such English as might well be understood, well instructed in Christianity, and was become very formal and civil after our English manner. She had also, by him, a child, which she loved most dearly; and the treasurer and company took order, both for the maintenance of her and it. Besides, there were divers persons of great rank and quality had been very kind to her; and, before she arrived at London, Captain Smith, to deserve her former courtesies, madeher qualities known to the queen’s most excellent majesty and her court, and wrote a little book to this effect to the queen, an abstract whereof followeth:—
To the Most High and Virtuous Princess, Queen Anne of Great Britain.
Most Admired Queen,—The love I bear my God, my king and country, hath so oft emboldened me in the worst of extreme dangers, that now honesty doth constrain me [to] presume thus far beyond myself to present your Majesty this short discourse. If ingratitude be a deadly poison to all honest virtue, I must be guilty of that crime, if I should omit any means to be thankful. So it is,
That some ten years ago, being in Virginia, and taken prisoner by the power of Powhatan, their chief king, I received from this great savage exceeding great courtesy, especially from his son Nantaquond, the most manliest, comeliest, boldest spirit I ever saw in a savage, and his sister Pocahontas, the king’s most dear and well-beloved daughter,—being but a child of twelve or thirteen years of age, whose compassionate, pitiful heart of my desperate estate gave me much cause to respect her, I being the first Christian this proud king and his grim attendants ever saw. And, thus enthralled in their barbarous power, I cannot say I felt the least occasion of want that was in the power of those my mortal foes to prevent, notwithstanding all their threats. After some six weeks’ fatting amongst those savage courtiers, at the minute of my execution, she hazarded the beating out of her own brains to save mine; and not only that, but so prevailed withher father, that I was safely conducted to Jamestown, where I found about eight and thirty miserable, poor, and sick creatures, to keep possession of all those large territories of Virginia. Such was the weakness of this poor commonwealth, as, had the savages not fed us, we directly had starved.
POCAHANTAS.
POCAHANTAS.
And this relief, most gracious Queen, was commonly brought us by this lady, Pocahontas. Notwithstanding all these passages, when inconstant fortune turned our peace to war, this tender virgin would still not spare to dare to visit us, and by her our jars have been oft appeased, and our wants still supplied. Were it the policy of her father thus to employ her, or the ordinance of God thus to make her his instrument, or her extraordinary affection to our nation, I know not. But of this I am sure; when her father, with the utmost of his policy and power, sought to surprise me, having but eighteen with me, the dark night could not affright her from coming through the irksome woods; and with watered eyes gave me intelligence, with her best advice to escape his fury, which had he known, he had surely slain her. Jamestown, with her wild train, she as freely frequented as her father’s habitation; and, during the time of two or three years, she, next under God, was still the instrument to preservethis colony from death, famine, and utter confusion, which, if in those times, had once been dissolved, Virginia might have lain as it was at our first arrival to this day. Since then, this business having been turned and varied by many accidents from that I left it at, it is most certain, after a long and troublesome war after my departure, betwixt her father and our colony, all which time she was not heard of, about two years after, she herself was taken prisoner, being so detained near two years longer. The colony by that means was relieved, peace concluded, and at last, rejecting her barbarous condition, [she] was married to an English gentleman, with whom at this present she is in England; the first Christian ever of that nation, the first Virginian ever spoke English, or had a child in marriage by an Englishman,—a matter surely, if my meaning be truly considered and well understood, worthy a princess’ understanding.
Thus, most gracious lady, I have related to your Majesty, what, at your best leisure, our approved histories will account you at large, and done in the time of your Majesty’s life; and, however this might be presented you from a more worthy pen, it cannot from a more honest heart. As yet I never begged any thing of the state, or any; and if my want of ability, and her exceeding desert, your birth, means, and authority, her birth, virtue, want, and simplicity, doth make me thus bold, humbly to beseech your Majesty to take this knowledge of her, though it be from one so unworthy to be the reporter as myself.… And so I humbly kiss your gracious hands.
Being about this time preparing to set sail for NewEngland, I could not stay to do her that service I desired, and she well deserved; but, hearing she was at Branford with divers of my friends, I went to see her. After a modest salutation, without any word, she turned about, obscured her face, as not seeming well contented; and in that humor her husband, with divers others, we all left her two or three hours, repenting myself to have written she could speak English. But not long after, she began to talk, and remembered me well what courtesies she had done, saying, “You did promise Powhatan what was yours should be his, and he the like to you. You called him father, being in his land a stranger, and by the same reason so must I do you.” Which, though I would have excused, I durst not allow of that title, because she was a king’s daughter. With a well-set countenance she said, “Were you not afraid to come into my father’s country, and caused fear in him and all his people,—but me,—and fear you here I should call you father? I tell you, then, I will, and you shall call me child; and so I will be for ever and ever your countryman. They did tell us always you were dead; and I knew no other till I came to Plymouth. Yet Powhatan did command Vetamatomakkin to seek you, and know the truth, because your countrymen will lie much.”
This savage, one of Powhatan’s council, being amongst them held an understanding fellow, the king purposely sent him to number the people here, and inform him well what we were, and our state. Arriving at Plymouth, according to his directions, he got a long stick, whereon by notches he did think to have kept the number of all the men he could see; but he was quicklyweary of that task. Coming to London, where by chance I met him, having renewed our acquaintance, where many were desirous to hear and see his behavior, he told me Powhatan did bid him to find me out, to show him our God, the king, queen, and prince I so much had told them of. Concerning God I told him the best I could; the king I heard he had seen; and the rest he should see when he would. He denied ever to have seen the king, till by circumstances he was satisfied he had. Then he replied very sadly, “You gave Powhatan a white dog, which Powhatan fed as himself; but your king gave me nothing, and I am better than your white dog.”
The small time I staid in London, divers courtiers and others my acquaintances hath gone with me to see her, that generally concluded they did think God had a great hand in her conversion; and they have seen many English ladies worse favored, proportioned, and behaved. And, as since I have heard, it pleased both the king’s and queen’s Majesty honorably to esteem her, accompanied with that honorable lady, the Lady De la Ware, and that honorable lord, her husband, and divers other persons of good qualities, both publicly at the masques, and otherwise, to her great satisfaction and content; which doubtless she would have deserved, had she lived to arrive in Virginia.
The treasurer, council, and company having well furnished Captain Samuel Argall, the lady Pocahontas alias Rebecca with her husband and others, in the good ship called “The George,” it pleased God at Gravesend to take this young lady to his mercy, where she madenot more sorrow for her unexpected death than joy to the beholders to hear and see her make so religious and godly an end. Her little child, Thomas Rolfe, therefore was left at Plymouth with Sir Lewis Stukely that desired the keeping of it.
XII.—First Buildings of the Virginia Colonists.
[This description was written by Smith in the last year of his life,—1631.]
When I went first to Virginia, I well remember we did hang an awning—which is an old sail—to three or four trees to shadow us from the sun. Our walls were rails of wood, our seats unhewed trees till we cut planks, our pulpit a bar of wood nailed to two neighboring trees. In foul weather we shifted into an old rotten tent, for we had few better;and this came by the way of adventure[327] for new. This was our church till we built a homely thing like a barn, set upon crotchets, covered with rafts, sedge, and earth: so was also the walls.The best of our houses [were] of the like curiosity,[328] but the most part far much worse workmanship,that could neither well defend[329] wind nor rain; yet we had daily common prayer morning and evening, every Sunday two sermons, and every three months the holy communion, till our minister died. But our prayers daily, with an homily on Sundays, we continued two or three years after, till more preachers came.…
Notwithstanding, out of the relics of our miseries, time and experience had brought that country to agreat happiness, had they not so much doted on their tobacco,on whose fumish[330] foundation there is small stability; there being so many good commodities besides.
XIII.—Captain John Smith’s Recollections of his own Life.
[Also written in the last year of his life,—1631.]
The wars in Europe, Asia, and Africa, taught me how to subdue the wild savages in Virginia and New England in America.… Having been a slave to the Turks, prisoner amongst the most barbarous savages; after my deliverance commonly discovering and ranging those large rivers and unknown nations, with such a handful of ignorant companions, that the wiser sort often gave me for lost; always in mutinies, wants, and miseries; blown up with gunpowder; a long time prisoner among the French pirates, from whom escaping in a little boat by myself, and adrift all such a stormy winter night, when their ships were split, more than an hundred thousand pound lost, we had taken at sea,and most of them drowned upon the Isle of Ree,[331] not far from whence I was driven on shore in my little boat, &c.; and many a score of the worst of winter months lived in the fields; yet to have lived near thirty-seven years in the midst of wars, pestilence, and famine, by which many an hundred thousand have died about me, and scarce five living of them went first with me to Virginia, and see the fruitsof my labors thus well begin to prosper,—though I have but my labor for my pains, have I not much reason both privately and publicly to acknowledge it, and give God thanks, whose omnipotent power only delivered me to do the utmost of my best to make his name known in those remote parts of the world, and his loving mercy to such a miserable sinner?
BOOK XII.
CHAMPLAIN ON THE WAR-PATH.
(A.D. 1609.)
This passage is taken from “Voyages de la Nouvelle France, par le Sieur de Champlain,” Paris, 1632, as translated in O’Callaghan’s “Documentary History of the State of New York,” vol. iii. p. 3.
Parkman gives a full account of Champlain’s adventures, in the latter half of his “Pioneers of France in the New World,” from p. 165 onward.
CHAMPLAIN ON THE WAR-PATH.