Saturday, June 3.
A report was received from the Commissioners of the Federal City, which was ordered to be printed.
Answer to the President's Speech.
Mr. Venable, from the committee appointed to wait on the President of the United States, to know when and where it will be convenient for him to receive the Address of this House, in answer to his Speech to both Houses of Congress, reported that the committee had, according to order, waited on the President, who signified to them that it would be convenient to him to receive the said Address, at twelve o'clock this day, at his own house.
Mr. Lyon said he yesterday voted against the appointment of a committee to wait upon the President to know when and where he would receive their Address, because he believed the President should always be ready to receive important communications. He wished to make a motion, which was, "that such members as do not choose to attend upon the President to present the Answer to his Speech, shall be excused." He wished to be understood. He thought the motion a reasonable one, because it proposed to leave them at liberty to do as they pleased. And by the rules he saw, he was obliged to attend, except sick, or leave of absence was obtained; now, as he hoped not to be sick, he wished to put himself out of the power of the Sergeant-at-Arms, if he did not attend. He had been told he might stay behind without being noticed; but this was not enough for him, as he was a timid man, and the House had the law on their side, as he recollected something of a reprimand which had been given to Mr. Whitney. [The Speaker reminded him it was out of order to censure the proceedings of the House on any former occasion.] He said he stood corrected, and proceeded.
He had spoken, he said, to both sides of the House (as they were called) on the subject. One side dissuaded him from his motion, and laughed at it; the other side did not wish to join him in it, because it would look like disrespect to the person lately elected, who was not a man of their choice; but he trusted our magnanimous President would, with the enlightened yeomanry of America, despise such a boyish piece of business. This, he said, was no new subject with him, he had long heard the folly of the wise made a matter of wonder in this respect. It was said this was not the time to abolish the custom; but this was the cant used against every kind of reform. No better time could ever arrive, he said, than this, which was the threshold of a new Presidency, at a time when the man elected to the office was beloved and revered by his fellow-citizens; he was as yet unused to vain adulation; he had spent a great part of his life amongst a people whose love of a plainness of manner forbids all pageantry; he would be glad to see the custom done away. Were he acting in his own personal character, he perhaps might conform to the idle usage, but acting as he was for eighty thousand people, every father of a family in his district would condemn him for such an act.
Mr. Blount said he had seconded the motion of the gentleman from Vermont, in order to give him an opportunity of stating his reasons for making it, and not from any desire to rescind the rule.
Mr. Dana observed that the House would not wish to do violence to the gentleman's feelings. It was true some of the most respectable men in the United States had waited upon the President in a similar way, yet, if the gentleman thought it would not comport with his own dignity to do it, he hoped he would be excused.
The motion was put, and carried unanimously.
The Speaker informed the House the hour was arrived at which the President had appointed to receive them.
Mr. Macon moved that the House do now adjourn. He should wait upon the President; but it seemed to be understood that members were obliged to go. He thought, however the power of the House might extend to bringing a member into the House, there was no power to carry him out.
The motion was negatived without a division.
The House then withdrew, and waited upon the President of the United States with the following Address:
To the President of the United States:
Sir, the interesting detail of those events which have rendered the convention of Congress, at this time, indispensable, (communicated in your Speech to both Houses,) has excited in us the strongest emotions. Whilst we regret the occasion, we cannot omit to testify our approbation of the measure, and to pledge ourselves that no considerations of private inconvenience shall prevent, on our part, a faithful discharge of the duties to which we are called.
We have constantly hoped that the nations of Europe, whilst desolated by foreign wars, or convulsed by intestine divisions, would have left the United States to enjoy that peace and tranquillity to which the impartial conduct of our Government has entitled us; and it is now, with extreme regret, we find the measures of the French Republic tending to endanger a situation so desirable and interesting to our country.
Upon this occasion we feel it our duty to express, in the most explicit manner, the sensations which the present crisis has excited, and to assure you of our zealous co-operation in those measures which may appear necessary for our security or peace.
Although it is the earnest wish of our hearts that peace may be maintained with the French Republic, and with all the world, yet we will never surrender those rights which belong to us as a nation; and whilst we view with satisfaction the wisdom, dignity, and moderation, which have marked the measures of the supreme Executive of our country, in its attempts to remove, by candid explanations, the complaints and jealousies of France, we feel the full force of that indignity which has been offered our country in the rejection of its Minister. No attempts to wound our rights as a sovereign State will escape the notice of our constituents; they will be felt with indignation, and repelled with that decision which shall convince the world that we are not a degraded people, that we can never submit to the demands of a foreign power without examination and without discussion.
Knowing as we do the confidence reposed by the people of the United States in their Government, we cannot hesitate in expressing our indignation at any sentiments tending to derogate from that confidence. Such sentiments, wherever entertained, served to evince an imperfect knowledge of the opinions of our constituents. An attempt to separate the people of the United States from their Government, is an attempt to separate them from themselves; and although foreigners, who know not the genius of our country, may have conceived the project, and foreign emissaries may attempt the execution, yet the united efforts of our fellow-citizens will convince the world of its impracticability.
Sensibly as we feel the wound which has been inflicted by the transactions disclosed in your communications, yet we think with you, that neither the honor nor the interest of the United States forbid the repetition of advances for preserving peace. We, therefore, receive with the utmost satisfaction your information that a fresh attempt at negotiation will be instituted; and we cherish the hope that a mutual spirit of conciliation, and a disposition on the part of France to compensate for any injuries which may have been committed upon our neutral rights; and, on the part of the United States, to place France on grounds similar to those of other countries in their relation and connection with us, if any inequalities shall be found to exist, will produce an accommodation compatible with the engagements, rights, duties and honor of the United States. Fully, however, impressed with the uncertainty of the result, we shall prepare to meet with fortitude any unfavorable events which may occur, and to extricate ourselves from their consequences with all the skill we possess, and all the efforts in our power. Believing with you that the conduct of the Government has been just and impartial to foreign nations, that the laws for the preservation of peace have been proper, and that they have been fairly executed, the Representatives of the people do not hesitate to declare that they will give their most cordial support to the execution of principles so deliberately and uprightly established.
The many interesting subjects which you have recommended to our consideration, and which are so strongly enforced by this momentous occasion, will receive every attention which their importance demands; and we trust that by the decided and explicit conduct which will govern our deliberations, every insinuation will be repelled which is derogatory to the honor and independence of our country.
Permit us, in offering this Address, to express our satisfaction at your promotion to the first office in the Government, and our entire confidence that the pre-eminent talents and patriotism which have placed you in this distinguished situation, will enable you to discharge its various duties with satisfaction to yourself and advantage to our common country.
To which the President returned the following answer:
Mr. Speaker, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:
I receive with great satisfaction your candid approbation of the convention of Congress; and thank you for your assurances that the interesting subjects recommended to your consideration shall receive the attention which their importance demands; and that your co-operation may be expected in those measures which may appear necessary for our security or peace.
The declaration of the Representatives of this nation, of their satisfaction at my promotion to the first office in the Government, and of their confidence in my sincere endeavors to discharge the various duties of it, with advantage to our common country, have excited my most grateful sensibility.
I pray you, gentlemen, to believe, and to communicate such assurance to our constituents, that no event which I can foresee to be attainable by any exertions in the discharge of my duties, can afford me so much cordial satisfaction as to conduct a negotiation with the French Republic, to a removal of prejudices, a correction of errors, a dissipation of umbrages, an accommodation of all differences, and a restoration of harmony and affection, to the mutual satisfaction of both nations. And whenever the legitimate organs of intercourse shall be restored, and the real sentiments of the two Governments can be candidly communicated to each other, although strongly impressed with the necessity of collecting ourselves into a manly posture of defence, I nevertheless entertain an encouraging confidence that a mutual spirit of conciliation, a disposition to compensate injuries, and accommodate each other in all our relations and connections, will produce an agreement to a treaty consistent with the engagements, rights, duties, and honor of both nations.
JOHN ADAMS.
United States, June 3, 1797.