Thursday, February 9.
Election of President.
Mr. Sitgreaves, from the joint committee appointed to confer with a committee of the Senate on the subject of the election of a President and Vice President, made a further report, viz: that they had agreed with the committee of the Senate to recommend to the House of Representatives the following resolution:
"Resolved, That the Clerk of this House be directed to give, by letter, to the Vice President elect, a notification of his election."
This resolution was agreed to; but some time afterwards, Mr. Parker (one of the committee) wished it to be rescinded, as he understood, though the committee from the Senate had concurred in this mode of notifying the Vice President of his election, the Senate would not agree to it, but wished to follow the mode adopted on a former occasion, viz: a message was sent from the House of Representatives to the Senate, directing that the persons elected should be notified in such a manner as they should direct. He wished, therefore, to prevent delay, the resolution might be rescinded and a different one agreed to. This motion occasioned a good deal of conversation. It was observed by the Speaker that the resolution was already before the Senate, (where it seemed it was not intended to be sent, as it was a distinct resolution of that House, a similar one to which was proposed for the adoption of the Senate by the joint committee.) It was at length, however, agreed to be rescinded. Immediately after which a message was received from the Senate, informing the House that they had disagreed to the resolution, and appointed a committee of conference. The House accordingly took up the message, and also agreed to appoint a committee of conference.
Compensation to Public Officers.
Mr. Parker then renewed his motion, and the House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the bill respecting compensations, Mr. Muhlenberg in the chair; when
Mr. Parker moved to strike out the first clause. He thought it necessary to make some additional allowance to the President, but he would do it in a different way from that proposed. When the present President came into office, he said, he had a quantity of furniture presented him, which might now be nearly worn out, and be of little value. It might be proper, therefore, to purchase new furniture for the gentleman just elected. It would be also during the period of the present Presidency that Government would remove to the Federal City, which would be attended with a good deal of expense to the President. He should wish, therefore, that a provision should be made for defraying that expense, and also for the purchasing of new furniture, but he should be opposed to the making of any addition to the salary at present.
Mr. Hartley spoke in favor of retaining the clause.
Mr. R. Sprigg said he should vote against the proposed advance of salary, and could not consent to any other mode of augmenting the present compensation allowed to the President. He could by no means agree to the plan proposed by the gentleman from Virginia; for, if they were to renew the furniture of the President every four or eight years, it would be found a pretty expensive business. That gentleman had also mentioned the removal of the Government, as taking place during the next Presidency; but, he said, the new election would happen about the time of removing the Government, and provision for paying that expense might be made at that time. He thought the salaries were already sufficiently high, and that it would be with difficulty that money was found to pay the present expenses of Government.
Mr. Williams was of opinion, on the score of economy, that it would be better to advance the compensation of the President in the way proposed by the present bill, and let him purchase his own furniture, than to purchase new furniture, which, perhaps, when the Government was removed, would not be suitable for his house in the Federal City. Mr. W. said he was one of the committee on the subject of compensation, and they endeavored to ascertain whether the twenty-five thousand dollars allowed to the President were an adequate compensation. It was generally believed it was not. They ought, he said, to enable their First Magistrate to live in a style becoming his situation. All their Executive officers should receive such salaries as would enable them to see company agreeably to their rank, otherwise the respectability attached to those offices would suffer greatly in the public opinion. He hoped, therefore, the section would not be struck out.
Mr. Buck said, as the motion now made was to try the principle, it would be well to go into an examination of the subject. He said he had never been a champion for raising salaries, or a stickler for lowering them; but, as the subject was brought before them, he should cheerfully declare his sentiments upon it. He conceived the true question to be, whether it was right and just that they should augment the salaries of the officers of Government and the members of the Legislature, or whether the present compensations were just and adequate to the sacrifices which they made in undertaking the business of Government. Because he did not believe, with some other gentlemen, that they were to estimate the compensations of their officers in proportion as money was scarce or plentiful in the Treasury, nor did he believe there was a real distress in Government for want of money; but their difficulties arose from a difference of opinion in that House on the mode of raising money. He believed there were persons who thought Government squandered away the public money; that its officers divided the loaves and fishes amongst them; and that the only way in which this profusion of expense could be checked was by pursuing a system of direct taxation, which would make the people feel the amount which they contributed to the support of Government. He should not undertake to examine this principle, nor deny that such facts might exist. It would be enough to look at existing circumstances in our country, and see how far they would apply. Our Government, he said, rested on public sentiment for support, and must always be regulated by it. He was willing, he said, to go all lengths with gentlemen in adopting a system of taxation calculated to raise a permanent revenue. Nor was he apprehensive for the result, when dictated by reason and justice.
Contemptible must be that state of Government, said Mr. B., where its public officers are starved for want of a proper spirit in the people to support them. Is America, said he, arrived at this melancholy state? If she were, God forbid she should ever experience another revolution! Is this all our boasted acquisition, in return for the struggle we have made for our country? No; he denied the fact. America was not reduced to that state which will not allow her to pay the expenses of her Government, nor is she unwilling to pay them; neither is public sentiment so debased as not to approve of any measure which shall be taken to secure a handsome maintenance for our officers. There was no occasion for hypocrisy in the business; he was willing to state the whole truth plainly to his constituents. He should not think of telling them they were giving too high salaries for their officers, when he knew, that, owing to their insufficiency, they were diminishing their own private fortunes. Nor did he wish to intrench on his own property in serving the public; he believed there was no occasion for this. He should, therefore, speak plainly to them.
Mr. B. said, he would inquire whether the present salaries were a reasonable and just compensation for the services performed? In respect to the President of the United States, it was said that he had already a large salary. He knew that twenty-five thousand dollars had a great sound in the ears of many, but he trusted the people of the United States not only possessed just views of Government, but that they also possessed virtue to support the just measures of Government, and would not consent that their Executive officers should be placed on such a footing as to be looked down by officers from foreign countries who moved in a lower sphere. Therefore, when they looked into the reason of the thing, and found their present salaries were unequal to their support, not in the style of splendor observed in foreign courts, but according to the manner of living in Philadelphia, would they not be willing to increase them? He believed they would.
The present President, he said, was a man of fortune, and never took from the Government more than would support his table, either during the war or during his Presidency. And what, he asked, did these expenses amount to? To the whole sum allowed him by law. But were they always to expect to have a President who would give his services to his country? Or had the President set a bad example, by living in a style of extravagance and splendor? He believed this was not the opinion of Americans, or that of foreign countries. If, then, the present President had lived upon his own fortune, and the whole of his compensation had gone to defray the expenses of his table, if this compensation was not advanced, how were future Presidents to come forward, to support the same style? They could not do it without infringing on their own fortunes. And do the citizens of the United States, he asked, wish their First Magistrate to be placed in this situation? He could not think so. He believed they meant to make ample provision for his support; and if the present provision was found inadequate, they would condemn their Representatives; they would say they did not support the dignity of their country, if they neglected to advance it.
The same observations, Mr. B. said, would apply to the Vice President, and to other officers of Government. He did not wish the salaries of their officers to be such as should enable them to make fortunes out of them, but he would have them sufficient to afford a handsome living. Were they so at present? He believed not. It had been said, the other day, that they could not afford to live in the same style with persons who stood on the same footing with them before they went into office. He could not say whether they were obliged to intrench on their own private fortunes; if it was so, he asked if it were reasonable or just that they should be so placed? It certainly was not; and, therefore, convinced as he was that the people of the United States were willing and able to support the expenses of their Government, and that they wished their officers to have a just and reasonable compensation, which should not only enable them to make a respectable appearance in the eyes of their own citizens, but in those of foreigners, he should have no scruples in giving his consent to the advances proposed.
As to the compensation allowed to the members of that House, here he had knowledge; he could speak from experience. He could say that he had diminished his income one thousand dollars a year since he had a seat in that House. Did his constituents, he asked, wish this? He believed not. They did not wish him to intrench on his private fortune while he was serving them. They did not expect him to squander away their money in profusion, nor did he; he lived in the most economical style; but they wished his reasonable expenses to be paid. Besides, said Mr. B., were the rates of compensation, when first established, established upon this principle? He thought not. They were then thought to be a just and reasonable compensation; and, if it was not then unreasonable, it could not now be reasonable. Was it right, he asked, when every kind of labor was higher by one third or one-half than at that time, that the compensations allowed to persons employed by Government should remain stationary? He could not conceive that this was either just or proper, or that the citizens of the United States wished it.
If any conclusion might be drawn from the practice of individual States, they would be warranted in making the proposed advance, since many of their Legislatures had advanced the pay of their members. Indeed, he believed the people were generally convinced of the necessity of advancing the compensations allowed to the officers of Government and members of the Legislature, under the present circumstances.
Mr. B. said he was not for making a permanent increase of salaries, except to the President and Vice President. He did not conceive that the members of the Legislature ought to have more than was sufficient to support them, without obliging them to infringe upon their own fortunes. He wished the advance thereof to operate no longer than until the present existing circumstances were removed; he should move, therefore, to have the duration of this regulation for one year, instead of two, as it was possible in the mean time the price of living might be so reduced as to make the additional allowance no longer necessary.
Mr. Rutherford said, if gentlemen reasoned together for a moment, they would be convinced this measure was altogether improper and unjust. Our present President, said he, is looked up to with reverence, as to Cincinnatus, as a good republican. When the commissioners from the Republic of Holland went to treat with Spain, they went in a style of such simplicity as to command the greatest respect. They afterwards appointed a Stadtholder, a man of great reputation and patriotism doubtless, like our President; but, as soon as they suffered themselves to lose sight of their simplicity and plainness of manners, and got into the policy and splendor of Courts, they were enslaved by their Stadtholder; for, within these few years, the office of Stadtholder has been declared hereditary. What an extravagance is this; that a man should be born a Stadtholder or a King! While the Roman people maintained their simplicity of manners, while Cincinnatus was amongst them, they were a happy people; but when they lost sight of their plainness of manners, they lost sight of their happiness. Let us look at our sister rising Republic, and observe how they are doing away all pomp and pageantry in their Government and country, and aiming at a simplicity of manners; but, said he, I fear we have not lost sight sufficiently of kings, priests, and courts. This was his dread. It was necessary to bound these ideas. Patriotism could not be purchased, and should they despair of getting a man to fill the office of President without they increased the salary? Must they hire a man for this purpose? No, they should not be obliged to do this; there would always be found men of abilities and patriotism to fill that office, without any view to pecuniary advantage.
Mr. Dent said the question was to make an amendment by striking out the first section. Being in favor of that part which contemplated the addition of five thousand dollars to the salary of the President, and opposed to any addition to that of the Vice President, he wished the question divided, in order to accommodate his vote.
The Chairman said the motion was to strike out the whole section, and it could not be divided.
The motion for striking out was then put and carried—56 members being in favor of it.
Election of President.
A message was received from the Senate informing the House that the Vice President had laid before them the following communication:
Gentlemen of the Senate:
In consequence of the declaration made yesterday in the Chamber of the House of Representatives of the election of a President and Vice President of the United States, the record of which has just now been read from your journal by your Secretary, I have judged it proper to give notice that, on the 4th of March next, at 12 o'clock, I propose to attend again in the Chamber of the House of Representatives, in order to take the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President, to be administered by the Chief Justice or such other Judge of the Supreme Court of the United States as can most conveniently attend; and, in case none of those Judges can attend, by the Judge of the District of Pennsylvania, before such Senators and Representatives of the United States as may find it convenient to honor the transaction with their presence.