John Fox, the Martyrologist.
[The Ecclesiastical History, containing the
Acts and Monuments, &c. 2nd Ed., II.,
pp. 1355-6, 1570.]
How the Lord Cromwell helped Archbishop
Cranmer's Secretary.
[July 1539.]
MEntion was made before how King Henry, in the 31st year [1539-1540] of The Archbishop Cranmer disputeth three days in Parliament against the Six Articles. his reign, caused the Six Articles [31. Hen. VIII., c. 14. An Act abolishing diversity in opinions] to pass [in June 1539]; much against the mind, and contrary to the consent of the Archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas Cranmer: who had disputed three days against the same in the Parliament House, with great reasons and authorities. Which Articles, after they were granted and passed by the Parliament, the King, for the singular favour which he ever bare to Cranmer and reverence to his learning (being desirous to know what he had said and objected in the Parliament against these Articles; or what could be alleged by Learning against the same) required a Note of the Archbishop's doings, what he had said and opposed in the Parliament touching that matter. And this word was sent to him from the King by Cromwell and other Lords of the Parliament, whom the King then sent to dine with him at Lambeth: somewhat to comfort again his grieved mind and troubled spirits: as hath been above recited at page 1,298.
[The passage referred to runs thus:
After the Parliament was finished and that matter concluded; the King (considering the constant zeal of the Archbishop in defence of his cause; and partly also weighing the many authorities and reasons whereby he had substantially confirmed the same) sent [in July 1539] the Lord Cromwell (which within a few days after [or rather on 10th June 1540] was apprehended), the two Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, and all the Lords of the Parliament, to dine with him at Lambeth: where they signified to him, That it was the King's pleasure that they all should, in His Highness's behalf, cherish comfort and animate him as one that, for his travail in that Parliament, had declared himself both greatly learned, and also a man discreet and wise: and therefore they willed him not to be discouraged in anything that was passed in that Parliament contrary to his allegations.
He most humbly thanked, first the King's Highness of his singular good affection towards him; and them, for all their pains: adding moreover that he so hoped in GOD that hereafter his allegations and authorities should take place, to the glory of GOD and commodity of the realm.]
Whereupon, when this dinner was finished [in July 1539], the next day after the Archbishop (collecting both his arguments, authorities of Scripture, and Doctors [i.e. the Fathers of the Church] together) The name of this Secretary was Master Ralph Morice, being yet alive [i.e., in 1570]. caused his Secretary to write a fair Book thereof for the King, after this order:
First, the Scriptures were alleged.
Then, the Doctors.
Thirdly, followed the arguments deduced from those Authorities.
This book was written in his Secretary's Chamber [at Lambeth Palace]; where, in a by-chamber, lay the Archbishop's Almoner.
When this Book was fair written, and while the Secretary was gone to deliver the same unto the Archbishop his Master, who was, as it chanced, ridden to Croydon; returning back to his chamber, he found his door shut, and the key carried away to London by the Almoner.
At this season also [it] chanced the father of the said Secretary to come to the city; by whose occasion it so fell out, that he [Ralph Morice] must needs go to London. The Book he could not lay in his chamber, neither durst he commit it to any other person to keep; being straitly charged, in any condition, by the Archbishop his master, to be circumspect thereof: so he determined to go to his father, and to keep the Book about him.
And so, thrusting the Book under his girdle, he went over [the Thames] unto Westminster Bridge, with a sculler; where he entered into a wherry that went to London: wherein were four of the Guard, who meant to land at Paul's Wharf; and to pass by the King's Highness who was then in his barge, with a great number of barges and boats about him, then baiting of bears in the water, over against the Bank [Side in Southwark].
The aforesaid Yeomen of the Guard, when they came against the King's barge, they durst not pass by towards Paul's Wharf, lest they should be espied: and therefore entreated the Secretary to go with them to the Bearbaiting; and they would find the means, being of the Guard, to make room and to see all the pastime.
The Secretary perceiving no other remedy, assented thereto.
When the wherry came nigh the multitude of boats; they with poleaxes got the wherry so far that, being encompassed with many other wherries and boats, there was no refuge if the bear should break loose and come upon them: as, in very deed, within one Paternoster while, the bear brake loose; and came into the boat where the Yeomen of the Guard were, and the said Secretary.
Tall Yeomen, but ill Keepers.
The Guard forsook the wherry, and went into another barge; one or two of them leaping short, so fell into the water.
A Bearbaiting upon [the] Thames before the King.
The bear and the dogs so shaked the wherry wherein the Secretary was, that the boat being full of water sank to the ground; and being also, as it chanced, an ebbing tide, he sat there in the end of the wherry up to the middle in water. To whom came the bear and all the dogs. The bear, seeking as it were aid and succour of him, came back with his hinder parts The Book of Dr Cranmer against the Six Articles lost in the Thames. upon him; and so, rushing upon him, the Book was loosed from the Secretary's girdle, and so fell into the Thames out of his reach.
The flying of the people, after that the bear was loose, from one boat to another, was so cumbrous that divers persons were thrown into the Thames: the King commanding certain men, that could swim, to strip themselves naked; and to help to save them that were in danger.
This pastime so displeased the King, that he bade, "Away, away with the bear! and let us go all hence!"
The Secretary, perceiving his Book to fleet away in the Thames, called to the Bearward to take up the Book.
This Bearward was Princess Elizabeth's servant.
Dr Cranmer's Book against the Six Articles delivered to a Popish Priest.
When the Bearward had the Book in his custody, being an arrant Papist, far from the religion of his Mistress (for he was the Lady Elizabeth's Bearward, now the Queen's Majesty), ere that the Secretary could come to land, he had delivered the Book to a Priest of his own affinity in religion standing on the bank: who, reading in the Book, and perceiving that it was a manifest Refutation of the Six Articles, made much ado; and told the Bearward that whosoever claimed the Book, should surely be hanged.
Anon, the Secretary came to the Bearward for his Book.
"What," quoth the Bearward, "dare you challenge this Book? Whose servant be you?"
"I am servant to one of the [Privy] Council," said the Secretary, "and my Lord of Canterbury is my master."
"Yea, marry," quoth the Bearward, "I thought as much. You be like, I trust, to be both hanged for this Book."
"Well," said he "it is not so evil as you take it: and, I warrant you, my Lord will avouch the book to the King's Majesty. But I pray you let me have my Book, and I will give you a crown [6s., or in present value about £2] to drink."
"If you will give me 500 crowns, you shall not have it," quoth the Bearward.
With that the Secretary departed from him: and, understanding the malicious forwardness of the Bearward, he learned that Blage the Grocer in Cheapside might do much with him. To whom the Secretary brake this matter, requiring him to send for the Bearward to supper; and he would pay for the whole charge thereof: and besides that, rather than he would forego his Book after this sort, the Bearward should have 20s. [in present value about £6] to drink.
The supper was prepared. The Bearward was sent for, and came. After supper, the matter was intreated; and 20s. offered for the Book.
But do what could be done; neither friendship, acquaintance, nor yet reward of money, could obtain the Book out of his hands: but that the same should be delivered unto some of the [Privy] Council, that would not so slightly look on so weighty a matter as to have it redeemed for a supper, or a piece of money. The honest man, Master Blage, with many good reasons would have persuaded him not to be stiff in his own conceit: declaring that in the end he should nothing at all prevail of his purpose, but be laughed to scorn; getting neither penny nor praise for his travail. He, hearing that, rushed suddenly out of the doors from his friend Master Blage; without any manner of thanksgiving for his supper: more like a Bearward than like an honest man.
When the Secretary saw the matter so extremely to be used against him; he then thought it expedient to fall from any farther practising of entreaty with the Bearward, as with him that seemed rather to be a bear himself than master of the beast: determining the next morning to make the Lord Cromwell privy of the chance that happened.
So, on the next day, as the Lord Cromwell went to the Court, the Secretary declared the whole matter unto him; and how he had offered the Bearward 20s. for the finding thereof.
"Where is the fellow?" quoth the Lord Cromwell.
"I suppose," said the Secretary, "that he is now in the Court, attending to deliver the book unto some of the Council."
"Well," said the Lord Cromwell, "it maketh no matter. Go with me thither, and I shall get you your book again!"
The Bearward waiting to give Cranmer's Book to the Council.
When the Lord Cromwell came into the Hall of the Court, there stood the Bearward with the Book in his hand; waiting to have delivered the same unto Sir Anthony Browne or unto [Stephen Gardiner] the Bishop of Winchester, as it was reported.
The Lord Cromwell getteth the Book from the Bearward.
To whom the Lord Cromwell said, "Come hither, fellow! What Book hast thou there in thy hand?" and with that snatched the Book out of his hand: and looking in the Book, said, "I know this hand well enough. This is your hand," said he to the Secretary.
"But where hadst thou this Book?" quoth the Lord Cromwell to the Bearward.
"This Gentleman lost it two days ago in the Thames," said the Bearward.
"Dost thou know whose servant he is?" said the Lord Cromwell.
"He saith," quoth the Bearward, "that he is my Lord of Canterbury's servant."
"Why then didst thou not deliver to him the Book when he required it?" said the Lord Cromwell. "Who made thee so bold as to detain or withhold any Book or writing from a Councillor's servant, especially being his Secretary? It is more meet for thee to meddle with thy bears, than with such writing: and were it not for thy Mistress's sake, I would set thee fast by the feet, to teach such malapert knaves to meddle with Councillors' matters. Had not money been well bestowed upon such a good fellow as this is, that knoweth not a Councillor's man from a cobbler's man!"
And with those words, the Lord Cromwell went up into the King's Chamber of Presence, and the Archbishop's Secretary with him: where he found, in the Chamber, the Lord of Canterbury.
The words of the Lord Cromwell to the Archbishop Cranmer.
To whom he said, "My Lord, I have here found good stuff for you," showing to him the paper book that he had in his hand, "ready to bring both you, and this good fellow your man, to the halter: namely [especially] if the knave Bearward, now in the Hall, might have well compassed it."
At these words, the Archbishop smiled, and said, "He that lost the Book is like[ly] to have the worst bargain: for, besides that he was well washed in the Thames, he must write the Book fair again."
And, at these words, the Lord Cromwell cast the Book unto the Secretary, saying, "I pray thee, Morice, go in hand therewith, by and bye, with all expedition: for it must serve a turn."
"Surely, my Lord, it somewhat rejoiceth me," quoth the Lord Cromwell, "that the varlet might have had of your man 20s. for the Book: and now I have discharged the matter with never a penny; and shaken him well up for his overmuch malapertness."
"I know the fellow well enough," quoth the Archbishop, "there is not a ranker Papist within this realm than he is; most unworthy to be a servant unto so noble a Princess."
And so, after humble thanks given to the Lord Cromwell, the said Morice departed with his Book: which, when he again had fair written it, was delivered to the King's Majesty by the said Lord Cromwell, within four days after.
R. W[itc].
Against the wilful inconstancy of
his dear foe E. T.
Which example may justly be a sufficient warning
for all young Men to beware the feigned
fidelity of unconstant Maidens.
ALl youthful wights at liberty, whom Love did never thrall; I wish that my decay may be a warning to you all!
That have a sore, bred in my breast, although it be not strange; Yet will it bring me to the grave, without some sudden change.
For I, by suit, have servèd one two years and somewhat more, And now I can no longer serve; my heart it is so sore.
Which heart I let to Usury, through greedy fond desire; Not doubting to receive home twain, when I would them require.
But if that every Usurer had such good hap as I, There would not be so many men would use this usury.
My Debtor hath deceivèd me; for she is from me fled: And I am left among the briars to bring a fool to bed.
So that I silly [innocent] man remain each day in doubtful case: For Death doth daily lie in wait to 'rest me with his mace.
And cast me into prison strong, the door is made of grass: And I might bless my hour of birth, if it were come to pass.
For, lo, my careful choice doth choose to keep me still in thrall; And doth regard my love no more than stone that lies in wall.
Whereby I see that women's hearts are made of marble stone: I see how careless they can be, when pensive men do moan.
I sowed both pure and perfect seed on fair and pleasant ground; In hope, though harvest brought some pain, some profit might be found.
But now the harvest ended is; and for my faithful seeds, And all my pain and labour past, I have nought else but weeds.
I thrust my hand among the thorns, in hope the rose to find: I pricked my hand, and eke my heart; yet left the rose behind.
Not I, but many more I know in love do lack relief: But I, as cause doth me compel, do wail my pain and grief.
I doubtless cannot be the first that Love hath put to pain: Nor yet I shall not be the last that Women will disdain.
If I, poor wretch, should think upon the pains that I have past; Or if I could recount the cares that she hath made me taste:
Into despair it would me drive, and cleave my heart in twain; Or else bereave me of my wits, to think upon the pain.
I never spent one day in joy, my careful heart doth know; Since first I lent my love to her, by whom my grief doth grow.
There are no greater pains assigned for damnèd ghosts in hell, Than I do suffer for her sake, that I do love so well.
The price that I have paid for love, not many men would give: But I my bargain shall repent as long as I do live.
I paid for love, and that full dear: yet I received right nought. I never was so much deceived in anything I bought.
If every woman on her friend such pity used to take; Then shortly men will run to love, as bears unto a stake.
But now let Venus fire her forge! Let Cupid's shaft be sent! They can no more increase my woe: for all my love is spent.
But here, good Reader, thou mayst see how Love hath paid my hire! To leave me burning in the flame; compelled to blow the fire.
But if that thou, good friend, desire to live in happy state: Then seek in time to shun mishap! Repentance comes too late!
Frequent not women's company; but see thou from them swerve! For thy reward shall be but small whatever thou deserve.
Take heed, for thou mayst come in thrall before that thou beware: And when thou art entanglèd once, thou canst not fly the snare.
Take thou not this to be a jest; but think it to be true! Before thou prove, as I have done: lest proof do make thee rue.
Yet if thou chance to place thy love; take heed What thou dost say! And see thou place thy talk in print, or else beware a fray!
And thus I end: not doubting but these words may well suffice To warn thy greedy heart of harm, and ease thy roving eyes.
Ease by Disease hath made me to halt: Time hath so turned my sugar to salt.
R. WITC
FINIS.
Imprinted at London, by
Richard Jones.
The History of Wyat's
Rebellion:
With the order and manner
of resisting the same.
Whereunto, in the end, is added
An earnest Conference with
the degenerate and seditious
rebels for the search of
the Cause of their
daily disorder.
Made and compiled by
John Proctor.
[Second Edition.]
Mense Januarii, anno 1555.
[In Wyat's Rebellion, there was as much a social strife as a political conflict. Like the Rebellions of the previous reign, it was largely a rising of the Masses against the Classes. The Kentish Gentlemen and their dependents were mostly Horsemen, and went for Queen Mary. The Kentish commons were chiefly Footmen, and many of them went for Wyat.
This Rebellion was nipped in the bud, because the Kentish commons were prevented from joining hands with the lower classes of London. Had they been able to do so, it would have been the days of Wat Tyler over again.
It is clear that, as stated at page [66], Wyat thought that the Footmen opposed to him would come over to his side. This is probably the reason why the action at Hyde Park Corner was so indecisive, see pages [87] to 89. Lord Pembroke could not trust his Footmen; so only the Horsemen fought there against Wyat.
Proctor was undoubtedly an affectionately loyal subject of Queen Mary, and magnifies her herein upon every possible occasion. He says himself at p. [44], that he has "not fully set forth the whole case, all as it was." He wrote too soon after the event to do so in print.
At Vol. IV., pp. 88-93, of this Series, we have given a Protestant account of this Rising by Edward Underhill, the "Hot Gospeller": and at pp. 112-142 of the same Volume will be found Fox's account of the Imprisonment of the Princess Elizabeth, which was occasioned by this Rebellion; though Wyat, with his dying breath, cleared her of all knowledge of it.
All these narratives should be compared with the account in Professor Froude's History.
To the most excellent and most virtuous Lady, our most
gracious Sovereign, Mary, by the grace of GOD,
Queen of England, France, Naples, Hierusalem, and
Ireland; Defender of the Faith; Princess of Spain,
and Sicily; Archduchess of Austria; Duchess of
Milan, Burgundy, and Brabant; Countess of Hapsburg,
Flanders, and Tyrol;
your Majesty's most faithful, loving, and
obedient subject, John Proctor, wisheth
all grace, long peace, quiet reign,
from GOD the Father,
the Son, and the
HOLY GHOST.
IT hath been allowed, most gracious Sovereign, for a necessary policy in all Ages, as stories do witness, that the flagitious enterprises of the wicked, which have at any time attempted with traitorous force to subvert or alter the Public State of their countries, as also the wise and virtuous policies of the good practised to preserve the Common Weal and to repel the enemies of the same, should by writing be committed to eternal memory. Partly that they of that Age in whose time such things happened might by the oft reading conceive a certain gladness in considering with themselves, and beholding as it were in a glass, from what calamity and extreme ruin, by what policy and wisdom, their native countries were delivered; besides the great misery and peril they themselves have escaped: partly for a doctrine and a monition serving both for the present and future time. But chiefly and principally that the traitors themselves (who, through hatred to their Prince or country, shall, either of their own malicious disposition be stirred; or else by other perverse counsel thereunto induced) may always have before their eyes the miserable end that happeneth as just reward to all such caytives [caitiffs] as, either of ambition not satisfied with their own state will seek preposterously to aspire to honour; or of malice to their Prince, will enter into that horrible crime of Privy Conspiracy or Open Rebellion.
The industry of Writers doth sufficiently declare in a number of stories that conspiracy and treason hath always turned to the authors a wretched and miserable end: and if their persons happen at any time to escape temporal punishment, as rarely they have done; yet their names, specially of the notorious and principal offenders, have been always had in such vile and odible detestation in all Ages and among all nations as, for the same, they have been ever after abhorred of all good men.
These general considerations, moving others to indict [endite] and pen stories, moved me also to gather together and to register for memory the marvellous practice of Wyat his detestable Rebellion; little inferior to the most dangerous reported in any history, either for desperate courage in the author, or for the monstrous end purposed by his Rebellion.
Yet I thought nothing less at the beginning than to publish the same at this time, or at this Age: minding only to gather notes thereof, where the truth might be best known, for the which I made earnest and diligent investigation; and to leave them to be published by others hereafter, to the behoof of our posterity.
But hearing the sundry tales thereof, far dissonant in the utterance, and many of them as far wide from truth, fashioned from the speakers to advance, or deprave, as they fantased [favoured] the parties; and understanding besides what notable infamy sprang of this Rebellion to the whole country of Kent, and to every member of the same, where sundry and many of them, to mine own knowledge, shewed themselves most faithful and worthy subjects, as by the story [it]self shall evidently appear, which either of haste or of purpose were omitted in a printed book late[ly] set forth at Canterbury. [1] I thought these to be special considerations whereby I ought, of duty to my country [County], to compile and digest such notes as I had gathered concerning that Rebellion, in some form or fashion of History; and to publish the same in this Age, and at this present, contrary to my first intent: as well that the very truth of that rebellious enterprise might be thoroughly known, as that also the Shire where that vile Rebellion was practised might, by opening the full truth in some part, be delivered from the infamy which, as by report I hear, is made so general in other Shires as though very few of Kent were free from Wyat's conspiracy.
Most humbly beseeching your Highness to take this my travail in so good and gracious part; as of your Grace's benign and gentle nature it hath pleased you to accept my former books dedicated unto your Highness. Whereby I mind nothing less than to excuse, or accuse, any affectionately [partially]; but to set forth each man's doings truly according to their demerits: that by the contemplation hereof both the good may be encouraged in the execution of perfect obedience and unspotted loyalty; and the wicked restrained from the hateful practice of such detestable purposes.
The Blessed Trinity preserve your Highness!
To the Loving Reader.
THe safe and sure recordation of pains and perils past hath present delectation, saith Tully. For things, were they never so bitter and unpleasant in the execution, being after in peace and security renewed by report or chronicle, are both plausible [praiseworthy] and profitable, whether they touched ourselves or others.
Being thus in this point persuaded, loving Reader, I thought it a travail neither unpleasant for thee, nor unthankful for me, to contrive the late Rebellion practised by Wyat in form of a Chronicle, as thou seest. Whereby as I mean not to please the evil, nor displease the good; so I much desire to amend the one by setting before his eye the lamentable Image of hateful Rebellion, for the increase of obedience; and to help the other by setting forth the unspotted loyalty of such as adventurously and faithfully served in this dangerous time, for the increase of knowledge and policy the better to repress the like dangers, if any hereafter happen.
And further, although hereby I covet not to renew a fear of a danger past, yet would I gladly increase a care and study in every good man's heart to avoid a like danger that may happen, and most times happeneth; when a danger with much difficulty avoided is not sufficient warning to beware of the next.
I have forborne to touch any man by name, Wyat only except; and a few others which the story would not permit to be left out. Yet take me not that I mean to excuse any man's fault thereby. For what, should I shew myself so ungrate or unnatural unto my natural countrymen; as namely to blaze them to the World whom, either their own good hap or the Queen's surpassing mercy, would to be covered at this time?
And although I touch some by name, terming them in certain places "traitors and rebels," just titles of their deserts: yet, GOD is my witness!, I do it not of malice or envy to any of their persons. I never hated any of them; no, not Wyat himself! whom, although he was utterly unknown unto me, yet for the sundry and singular gifts wherewith he was largely endued, I had him in great admiration. And now I rather pity his unhappy case than malice his person: and do much lament that so many good and commendable qualities were abused in the service of cursed Heresy; whose reward was never other than shameful confusion, by one way or other, to all that followed her ways.
Finally, if thou suppose I have not fully set forth the whole case, all as it was, I shall not againsay it; neither thought I it necessary so to do; but rather so much as for this time might be both plausible [praiseworthy] and profitable, and should satisfy such points as in the Dedicatory Epistle to the Queen's Majesty are expressed.
Hereafter it may be that further be said touching this matter. In mean time thou hast no just cause, I trust, to be offended with this my present enterprise, either for the manner of handling or for the matter herein handled: the one having sufficient perspicuity and plainness, the other full truth; for which I have made such diligent investigation, as I have found it and have herein expressed the same, especially so much as concerneth Kent.
Vale!
Wyat's Rebellion:
with the order and manner of
resisting the same.
WHat a restless evil Heresy is! ever travailing The dangerous nature of Heresy. to bring forth mischief! never ceasing to protrude all those in whose hearts she is received to confusion! By what plausible allurements at her entry, she catcheth favourable entertainment! With what ways of craft and subtilty she dilateth her dominion! and finally how, of course, she toileth to be supported by Faction, Sedition, and Rebellion! to the great peril of subversion of that State where, as a plague, she happeneth to find habitation: as well the lamentable history of the Bohemians and Germans, with all others treating of like enterprises by heretics, as also Wyat's late conspiracy practised with open force, doth plenteously declare. Who, Heresy the special ground of Wyat's Rebellion. as it should evidently seem by the trade of his life and the late disclosing of himself, was so fervently affected to heresy, although he laboured by false persuasion otherwise to have coloured it; that, burning inwardly with a prepensed treason in his breast for the continuance of the same within the realm, he persuaded to himself such an impossibility therein (the Queen's Highness prospering and bearing the sceptre of high governance) as could by no means be brought about without rebellion: the Rebellion, the only refuge of heretics. only refuge, as I said, that indurate heretics have always sought, for maintenance of their heresy; living under a Catholic Prince.
Wyat persuaded that the Queen and Heresy could not reign together.
Wyat's repair to London to stir others to his Rebellion.
He therefore, being thus inflamed, could no longer contain, but immediately upon the beginning of the Queen's most happy reign, forsaking his habitation in the country, went to London of purpose to stir [Henry Grey], the Duke of Suffolk and his brethren, with others of power in further countries [Counties], whom he knew to be like affected to heresies and consequently to burn in sembable desire for continuance of the same: leaving nevertheless such behind him in Kent, to solicit his and their unhappy case; whom he knew so much addicted thereunto as, in his absence, for their diligence in such a ministry needed no overseer.
He remained in London till he thought himself thoroughly furnished every way, and everywhere within the realm, to attempt his determined enterprise; when apt time should Wyat's return into Kent. serve. Which done, he returned into Kent: not of purpose then to proceed; but, understanding his strength, practised there by his agents to set things in order, and so to return to London; abiding the time appointed therefore by him and his complices.
But, so it befell, in the mean time, that, at his being in the country, the [Privy] Council committed a Gentleman of that Shire to ward, one to Wyat above all others most dear: whereby the common bruit grew that he, (suspecting his secrets to be revealed, and upon that occasion to be sent for Wyat preventeth the time. by the Council) felt himself, as it were for his own surety, compelled to anticipate his time. But whether that were the cause or no, doubtful it is.
But certain it was that Wyat, then proceeding in his detestable purpose, armed himself and as many as he could: and, giving intelligence of his determination to his complices, as well at London as elsewhere, the The first day of Wyat's stir, at Maidstone. Thursday after, at Maidstone, in the market time, being the 25th day of January [1554], in the first year of the Queen's reign, by Proclamation in writing, published his devilish pretence.
The cause why Wyat made not Religion the outward pretence of his Rebellion.
And considering with himself that to make the pretence of his Rebellion to be the restoring or continuance of the new and newly-forged Religion was neither agreeable to the nature of Heresy (which always defendeth itself by the name and countenance of other matter more plausible); neither so apt to further his wicked purpose, being not a case so general to allure all sorts to take part with him: he determined to speak no The colour of Wyat's Rebellion. word of Religion, but to make the only colour [pretence] of his commotion, only to withstand Strangers [i.e. the Spaniards], and to advance Liberty.
For as he made his full reckoning that such as accorded with him in religion would wholly join with him in that rebellion; so he trusted that the Catholics for the most part would gladly embrace that quarrel against the Strangers; whose name he took to become odible to all sorts by the seditious and malicious report which he and his had maliciously imagined and blown abroad against Wyat's preparative to his Rebellion. that nation, as a preparative to their abominable treason.
His Proclamation therefore published at Maidstone, and so in other places, persuaded that quarrel to be taken in hand in the defence of the realm from overrunning by Strangers and for the advancement of Liberty: where, in very deed, his only and very matter was the continuance of heresy: as by his own words at sundry times shall hereafter appear.
Wyat's untrue persuasions to further his Rebellion.
And to the end the people should not think that he alone, with a few other mean Gentlemen, had taken that traitorous enterprise in hand without comfort or aid of higher powers, he untruly and maliciously added further to his Proclamation, by persuasion to the people:
That all the Nobility of the realm and the whole [Privy] Council (one or two only except) were agreeable to his pretensed treason, and would with all their power and strength further the same; (which he found most untrue, to his subversion): and That the Lord Abergavenny, [Sir Thomas Cheyney,] the Lord Warden [of the Cinque Ports], Sir Robert Southwell, High Sheriff, with all other Gentlemen would join with him in this enterprise, and set their foot by his, to repel the Strangers.
How Wyat's untrue persuasions abused the people.
This Proclamation and such annexed persuasions made at Maidstone on the market day, and in other parts of the Shire, had so wrought in the hearts of the people that divers (which before hated him, and he them) were now, as it seemed, upon this occasion, mutually reconciled; and said unto him, "Sir, is your quarrel only to defend us from overrunning by Strangers and to advance Liberty; and not against the Queen?"
The nature of a heretic is to say one thing and think another.
"No," quod Wyat, "we mind nothing less than any wise to touch her Grace; but to serve her and honour her, according to our duties."
"Well," quod they, "give us then your hand. We will stick to you to death in this quarrel!"
That done, there came to him one other, of good wealth, saying, "Sir," quod he, "they say I love potage well. I will sell all my spoons, and all the plate in my house rather than your purpose shall quail; and sup my potage with my mouth [see p. [72]]. I trust," quod he, "you will restore the right religion again."
Wyat's own words to prove Heresy to be the ground of his Rebellion.
"Whist!" quod Wyat, "you may not so much as name religion, for that will withdraw from us the hearts of many. You must only make your quarrel for overrunning by Strangers. And yet to thee, be it said in counsel, as unto my friend, we mind only the restitution of GOD's Word. But no words!"
By these his words it appeared that his principal intent was not to keep out Strangers, which commonly do not invade to our hindrance but by rebellion amongst ourselves; nor to advance Liberty, which ever decayeth through treason: but to advance Heresy, the Lady Regent of his life and doings.
This same Thursday [25th January 1554] as Wyat, Thomas Isley, and others were occupied at Maidstone with Proclamations to stir the people and such like; so were others his confederates occupied in like manner by Proclamations at Milton, Ashford, and other towns in the east parts of the Shire. Through whose allurements, the multitude were grown so earnestly affected to Wyat's purpose that they suffered Master Christopher Roper, a man of good worship and so esteemed of them, to be taken of Wyat's ministers, and carried out of the market place, without any manner of rescue: for that he, The apprehension of Master Christopher Roper by the rebels. having his heart and eye full fixed upon the Queen, not only withstood the reading of Wyat's traitorous Proclamation at Milton; but also in the same place proclaimed him and all his, traitors. And being roughly charged therewith by Wyat and others his gallants, Master Christopher Roper's words to Wyat. when he was brought to Rochester, he answered, "This tongue spake it, and doth now avow it."
The apprehension of Master Tucke and Master Dorrel.
They suffered Master Tucke also, and Master Dorrel of Calehill, being Gentlemen of good worship and Justices of Peace, to be taken out of their houses by the rebels; and conveyed, without any manner of rescue, in the day time, to Rochester, being twenty miles distant: where they, with Master Roper, were kept as prisoners in great danger of life.
In like manner, Sir Henry Isley, Anthony Knevet, William Knevet, with others, were at Tonbridge, Sevenoaks, and other towns in the west parts of the Shire, stirring the people by alarms, drums, and Proclamations.
Now ye shall understand that the evening afore [24th January 1554] the publishing his pretence at How Wyat wrote to the Sheriff of his intent to stir. Maidstone, Wyat sent a letter, by one Thomas Monde, a man of much honesty, to Sir Robert Southwell, being Sheriff of the Shire: unto whom long before, as I can understand, he had neither spoken nor written other than in defiance; they being in contention for matters of religion as it was said. Nevertheless to serve his purpose, dissembling his great malice and haughty courage, he wrote a letter to him of such effect as followeth:
The effect of Wyat's letter to
Sir Robert Southwell, Sheriff of Kent.
AFter hearty commendations. There hath been between you and me many quarrels and grudges, and I ever the sufferer; and yet have you sought the end which is now friendly offered unto you, if you be willing to receive it.
But whatsoever private quarrel you have to me, I doubt not but your wisdom is too much, seeing so many perils at hand to us both (this pretensed Marriage [of King Philip to Queen Mary] taking effect), to dissent from us in so necessary a purpose as wherein we now determine to enter for the common wealth of the whole realm. And that you may the better understand our pretence, I send you the copy of our Proclamation comprehending the sum and effect of our meaning: whereunto if the common wealth shall find you an enemy, say not hereafter but that you were friendly warned.
We forbear to write to the Lord Abergavenny; for what you may do with him, if you list, we know.
The style of Wyat's Proclamation.
A Proclamation agreed unto by Thomas
Wyat, George Harper, Henry Isley,
Knights; and by divers of the best
of the Shire; sent unto the
commons of the same.
Wyat's false presumption of the best of the Shire.
FOrasmuch as it is now spread abroad, and certainly pronounced by [Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester] the Lord Chancellor and others of the [Privy] Council, of the Queen's determinate pleasure to marry with a Stranger, &c. Because. We therefore write unto you, because you be our friends, and because you be Englishmen, that you will join with us, as we will with you unto death, in this behalf; protesting unto you before GOD, that no earthly cause could move us unto this enterprise but this alone: wherein we seek no Such Councillors he meaneth, as would favour heresy, &c. harm to the Queen, but better counsel and Councillors; which also we would have foreborne in all other matters, saving only in this. For herein lieth the health and wealth of us all.
Lo, loud lie!
For trial hereof and manifest proof of this intended purpose, lo now, even at hand, Spaniards be now already arrived at Dover, at one passage, to the number of a hundred, passing upward to London in companies of ten, four, and six, with harness [armour] harquebusses and morians [helmets] with match light[ed]; the foremost company whereof be already at Rochester.
We shall require you therefore to repair to such places as the bearers hereof shall pronounce unto you, there to assemble and determine what may be best for the advancement of Liberty and common wealth in this behalf, and to bring with you such aid as you may.
The end of Wyat's Proclamation.
The messenger that brought the letter, with the Proclamation, from Wyat to the Sheriff, being not privy to the contents thereof and having charge, upon his life, to return an answer with all speed, importuned the Sheriff so much therefore (although he saw him greatly busied in giving advertisement throughout the Shire of Wyat's traitorous determination) as he nevertheless (to satisfy the messenger, whom he knew to be a right honest man; notwithstanding his diligence was abused in so lewd a message), made him answer out of hand as followeth:
The Sheriff's answer to the Messenger
that brought Wyat's letter.
"NEighbour monde, rather to satisfy your importunity than to answer Wyat's letter, whom in this case I disdain to answer, or to speak with you apart coming from a traitor, you may say unto him, That as indeed I have been desirous of his friendship for neighbourhood's sake, so have I much more desired his reformation in divers points of great disorder: whereby he certainly knew, as well by my speech to himself as other means coming to his knowledge, that I have sithens the beginning of the Queen's reign holden him and some of his colleges [colleagues] in this conspiracy vehemently suspected for like matters as now they have attempted.
"Wherein seeing he hath not deceived me, but by opening himself hath manifestly verified mine opinion conceived of him; I purpose not to purchase his friendship so dear[ly] as for the game of him to lose myself and my posterity in perpetual infamy. And if such things which his fond [foolish] head hath weighed for perils, to the condemnation of the whole wisdom of the realm (they allowing the same for good), had been indeed as perilous as he with others, for want of due consideration, deemeth them: his duty had been to have opened his opinion therein as a humble and reverent petitioner to the Queen's Highness, or to some of her Grace's Council. But to press his Sovereign, in any suit or upon any occasion, with weapon and armour, by stirring her subjects to rebellion; that is, and always hath been, accounted the part of the most arrogant and presumptuous traitors: and so do I note him and his mates, as you may tell them; and shall, GOD willing, provide for them accordingly.
"Now good man Monde, it shall be in your choice whether you will carry this message or no. But, as your friend, I shall advise you to seek out better company."
The messenger excusing himself by ignorance, departed to Wyat with answer: and, soon after, returned to the Sheriff; under whom he served the Queen very faithfully.
The Sheriff being made privy, as ye have heard, by Wyat to his traitorous pretence the night before he stirred; and wanting no good will, as it should seem, with the help of the Lord Abergavenny who was as forward as he, to have resisted the reading of Wyat's Proclamation at Maidstone the day following and to disperse his force, sent for Gentlemen and yeomen in all haste to that end.
But before he could gather Power meet to attempt the repressing of such a force (sundry of his neighbours of greatest possessions, and towns most populous, which should have been his chief aid, being contrary bent), Wyat accompanied with a force well armed and weaponed marched to Rochester the same Thursday [25th January 1554]; Harper and others meeting him in the way. Where fortifying the east parts of the town, and breaking up the bridge towards the west; he abode the coming of his appointed strength: suffering all passengers to pass quietly through the town, to London, or to the sea; taking nothing from them but only their weapons.
And being the Friday [26th January] all day at Rochester, and not hearing from Isley, the town of Tonbridge, and other his conjurates of the west part of the Shire; he addressed an earnest letter the Saturday morning [27th January] to Isley, the Knevets, and others, with the town of Tonbridge, requiring them to accelerate their coming unto him.
The rifling of Sir Henry Sidney his armour.
According whereunto Isley, the Knevets, with others, being newly returned from Penshurst (where they rifled Sir Henry Sidney [of] his armour; he being attendant upon the Queen's Highness as a faithful subject), perceiving Wyat to long for their coming, resolved to observe their promise and march forwards that night towards Wyat.
But understanding that the Lord Abergavenny, the Sheriff, and George Clarke had now gathered a force, and were prest to encounter them: first ere they departed out of the town, they thought it good by some kind of Proclamation, to alienate the people's hearts from them; as they did in the manner following:
The copy of the Proclamation made at Tonbridge,
by Sir Henry Isley, Antony Knevet
and his brother, with others.
YOu shall understand that Henry [Neville] Lord Abergavenny, Robert Southwell Knight, George Clarke Gentleman, have most traitorously, to the disturbance of the common wealth, stirred and raised up the Queen's most loving subjects of this realm to defend the most wicked and devilish enterprise of certain of the wicked and perverse Councillors, to the utter confusion of this her Grace's realm, and the perpetual servitude of all the Queen's most loving subjects. In consideration whereof, we Sir Thomas Wyat Knight, Sir George Harper Knight, Sir Henry Isley Knight, Antony Knevet Esquire, with all the faithful Gentlemen of Kent and trusty commons of the same, do pronounce the said Henry Lord Abergavenny, Robert Southwell and George Clarke Gentleman, to be traitors to GOD, the Crown, and the common wealth.
This done, with all speed calling their company together by noise of drums, and leaving their direct way to Rochester, for that they would not come under the wing of the Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff, they marched that night [27th January] to Sevenoaks. Taking order with such as were left behind in the town [of Tonbridge], that they should be in a readiness to come whensoever they should be sent for by Wyat; and that by no ways they should believe any tales. "For," quod they, "the Council will now send abroad flying lies and tales to discredit us and discomfort you: for it is their policy."
Antony Knevet, after he was lept to his horse, took one by the hand, and said, "Fare you well. And if you hap to hear that I am taken, never believe it: for undoubtedly I will either die in the field or achieve my purpose." But within four and twenty hours he brake his promise, and ran away no faster than his legs could carry him.
The Herald's coming to Rochester.
Well, I shall now leave them marching to Sevenoaks; and return to Wyat at Rochester. This present Saturday [27th January] came unto him from the Queen's Highness a Herald and a trumpeter.
Wyat, at the sound of the trumpet, came to the bridge, where the Herald was with his coat armour carrying the Arms of England on his back. But Wyat, without using any reverence to him either for his coat or office, would not suffer him to come into the town to declare his message; and [the Herald] pressing to come in, he offered to strike him: whereupon the Herald stayed and did his message there, so that only Wyat with a few with him heard it. Which, as men could gather by the report of them that heard it, was promise of pardon to as many as would retire to their houses within four and twenty hours after the Proclamation, and become good subjects. But Wyat would not suffer his soldiers in anywise to hear it, nor any other Proclamation coming from the Queen.
The Lord Warden's greeting to Wyat.
In the mean time also, Sir Thomas Cheyney, Lord Warden, being a most faithful and noble subject, had sent him such salutations as of honour ought to be used to a traitor. And being very desirous to be doing with him, and to prove on his body what in words of greeting he had affirmed, felt yet by his discretion and long experience great causes of stay. For Wyat desired nothing more than his coming forth; persuading [himself] that he wanted no friends about him, nor any others that would take in hand to repress him with force gathered in that Shire. And, undoubtedly, doubtful were the hearts of the people, and marvellously bent to favour Wyat and his purpose; as by daily events appeared.
The Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff who, the Saturday [27th January] next after Wyat's stir, were at Malling in the way towards Rochester (where Wyat lay); having with them a company of well appointed subjects. In whom notwithstanding for the more part they had good opinion of trustiness and honesty: yet having the general case of the people's disposition in their eye; and not without cause suspecting in their Band, amongst so many faithful and good, some such to be, upon trust of whose trustless and brittle aid it were no good policy to adventure far—pondering therewith that this illusion of the people, whereby they were so far drawn from their right course and duty, grew chiefly by such crafty and false persuasions as Wyat and his mates had set forth in sundry parts of the Shire, by way of Proclamation in writing: wherein, amongst other gross lies they had set forth also matters of untruth to discredit the Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff; as Wyat, in his persuasions, that they would join with him; and Isley, in his Proclamation that they had traitorously assembled the Queen's loving subjects against her Grace and the realm.
It seemed unto them very good and necessary to spend some time at Malling in advising and lessening [lessoning] the multitude; and by way of exhortation to impugn those traitorous Proclamations, and refell such gross and false lies therein contained; and finally to dissuade the people, which, that day being market day, were assembled to a great number of all sorts, from the traitors and their attempts.
And accordingly the Sheriff had penned an Exhortation to that purpose, which was pronounced out of writing in Malling; and sent after by him into other parts. The hearing whereof did undoubtedly much move the people, as after shall appear.
I shall report the same in substance truly; howbeit not fully in the same form and manner as I found it, and as it was penned and pronounced by the Sheriff: who, in the utterance and setting forth thereof, spared not to speak plainly and touch sharply, as then the present time and case employed vehement occasion.
An Exhortation made by Sir Robert Southwell
Knight, Sheriff of Kent, at Malling, the Satur-
day being the 27th day of January, and
market day there, to a great assembly
of people; refelling and confuting
Wyat and his complices'
traitorous Proclama-
tions. Wyat being
at Rochester,
four miles
distant.
LOving neighbours and friends. Where of late there hath been most pestilent and traitorous Proclamations, as ye have heard, set forth by Thomas Wyat, George Harper, Henry Isley, and others, as most arrant traitors to the Queen and the realm; some of them the Queen's ancient enemies aforetime, and double traitors: yet notwithstanding accounting themselves to be the best of the Shire in their Proclamations; and in the same reputing and pronouncing others as traitors whom ye can witness to have been, from time to time, true and faithful subjects to the Queen and this our common weal, as the Lord Abergavenny here present, myself, and other Gentlemen now prest and ready with you, according to our duty, to serve our noble Queen. I shall need to spend the less time to declare unto you how evil they be, or how evil their enterprise is that they have taken in hand: forasmuch as this their arrogant presumption and presumptuous pride in advancing themselves so far from all truth, and in depraving of others so maliciously for executing their bounden duty, ought abundantly to persuade what they be, to all of consideration, without further circumstance.
"But forasmuch as in their Proclamations they fill the ears of the Queen's liege people with gross and manifest lies to stir them against her Grace, in the utterance whereof they use this demonstration, "Lo!" signifying some notable thing near at hand, for credit worthy impression in their memory, as:—
'Lo, a great number of Strangers be now arrived at Dover in harness [armour] with harquebusses morians and matchlight.'
"I say unto you, neighbours and friends, upon pain to be torn in pieces with your hands, that it is untrue; and a manifest lie invented by them to provoke and irritate the Queen's simple people to join with them in their traitorous enterprise. And therefore I have perfect hope that you, being afore time abused with their crafty and deceitful treason, will not now once again (having experience of their former evil) be trapped, for any persuasion, in so heinous a snare as this most vile and horrible crime of treason.
"Do you not see and note that, as in the beginning of the Queen's most gracious reign, some of them sought to deprive her Grace of her princely estate and rightful dignity, minding to advance thereunto the Lady Jane, daughter to the Duke of Suffolk; so are they and others newly confedered [confederated] with the Duke and his brethren, being in arms at this present for the same purpose, and daily looking for aid of these traitors and others of their conspiracy: as by the Queen's most gracious letters, signed with her own hand, and ready to be read here, may plainly appear unto you? And will you now nevertheless aid them any ways, or sit still whilst they go about thus wrongfully and traitorously to depose their, and our, most gracious Sovereign Lady and Queen! the comfort of us all! the stay of us all! the only safeguard of us all! to whom can no displeasure or danger chance, but the same must double [doubly] redound to all and every of us!
"No, friends and neighbours, I trust never to live to see you so far abused. They go about to blear you with matters of Strangers, as though they should come to overrun you and us also. He seemeth very blind, and willingly blinded, that will have his sight dimmed with such a fond [foolish] mist! For if they meant to resist Strangers, as they mind nothing less: they would then prepare to go to the sea coasts; and not to the Queen's most royal person, with such a company in arms and weapon.
"Ye can consider, I trust, this noble Gentleman, the Lord Abergavenny here present, being of an ancient and great parentage, born among you; and such other Gentlemen as you see here, which be no strangers unto you; myself also, although a poor Gentleman (who I trust at no time hath abused you), hath somewhat to lose as well as they; and would be as loth to be overrun with Strangers as they; if any such thing were meant. But for that we know most certainly that there is meant no manner of evil to us by those Strangers; but rather aid profit and comfort against other strangers, our ancient enemies [the French]; with whom they, as most arrant and degenerate traitors, do indeed unkindly and unnaturally join: we, in her Grace's defence, will spend both life and what we have beside, to the uttermost penny, against them.
"Well, I can no more now say unto you, but (understanding the Queen's Highness, as a most merciful Princess, to be once again determined to pardon as many as, by their traitorous and deceitful Proclamations and other illusions, were allured to this last treason; so they repair to their habitations within four and twenty hours after her Grace's Proclamation read, and become true subjects to her Grace) to advise such as hath taken part with those traitors, or have withdrawn themselves (contrary to their allegiance) from aiding and serving of their Sovereign, according to their duties, against her enemies, thankfully to accept and embrace her most gracious pardon; and use means of themselves to apprehend those arrant and principal traitors, and make a present of them to the Queen's Highness; or leave them to themselves, as most detestable traitors: who being once so graciously and mercifully forgiven could not but carry the clemency of the same in their hearts to the furtherance of all obedience whiles they lived, if there had been any spark of grace in them.
"And further I have to say unto you that as these traitors, by their Proclamations without authority, have moved you to stir against the Queen your Sovereign; and appointed you places where to meet and consult for the furtherance of their traitorous purpose and to bring with you such aid as you can: so shall I require you, and in her Grace's name charge you that be here present, not to come there; but that you, and such as be absent, taking knowledge hereby, repair to such places as I, the Queen's Sheriff and Officer, shall appoint you, with such aid as you can bring for the better service of the Queen and the Shire: where you shall be assured to receive comfort, thanks, and honesty to the end of your lives and your posterity. And the other way but endless shame and utter undoing to you and yours; which shall be worst to yourselves, and yet a great grief to us your neighbours: whose advice in all other your private causes you have been content to follow; and now in this weightiest that hath, or may, happen to you will refuse us, and follow them that hath ever abused you to your and their utter confusion.
At Malling, the 27th of January [1554], anno Mariæ primo.
GOD save Queen Mary and all her well willers!"
The Sheriff reading this Exhortation, caused one Barram, a Gentleman and servant to the Lord Abergavenny, to pronounce it, as he read it, so loud and so distinctly as the people assembled round about him, to a very great number, in manner of a ring, might easily hear and understand every word proceeding from Barram: who of his own head cried out unto them, "You may not so much as lift up your finger against your King or Queen!"
And after the people had heard the Sheriff's Exhortation; and cried "GOD save Queen Mary!" which they did most heartily, spending therein a convenient time; the Sheriff used these words unto them:
The Sheriff's speech to the multitude.
"Masters," quod he, "although I alone did speak unto you; yet what words were spoken to you by me were also spoken to you by the Lord Abergavenny and all the Gentlemen here present: in whose persons I then spake; and now require at your hands a plain and resolute answer. Will you now therefore join with such as you see evidently to be arrant traitors; or else with the Lord Abergavenny and such Gentlemen as you see here present, that will live and die with you in defence of our rightful Queen against these traitors?"
The people's answer to the Sheriff.
The people with one voice defied Wyat and his complices as arrant traitors, and said that they now well espied they had but abused them. Wherefore in defence of Queen Mary, they would die upon them: expressing their minds with such earnest shouts and cries as shewed to proceed unfeignedly from their hearts; which after was confirmed by a better experience the day following, as ye shall anon hear.
Wyat's promise of Barram's reward.
But by the way ye shall understand that Wyat hearing of this Proclamation, said, "I know that Barram well; but yet I never took him to have so wide a throat. If I live, I may happen to make him crow a higher note in another place." What trow you should then have become of the author?
In the Sunday following [28th January 1554], the Lord Abergavenny, the Sheriff, and the rest of the Gentlemen were determined to have marched in the morning early The Duke of Norfolk and Sir Henry Jerningham's coming to Gravesend. towards Rochester, to have aided the Duke of Norfolk and Sir Henry Jerningham Captain of the Guard, then being at Gravesend, towards Wyat; with a certain Band [Regiment] of White Coats, to the number of 600, sent unto them from London; whereof Bret and others were their Captains.
Roger Appulton and Thomas Swan trusty Gentlemen.
Roger Appulton Gentleman was also at Gravesend with the Duke, attendant to serve: wherein likewise was Thomas Swan Gentleman.
The Lord Abergavenny sets the watch in person.
This Saturday [27th January] at night, the Lord Abergavenny suspecting Wyat and his complices (living within four miles of them; and being so much provoked in that they were, in the day, so rightly set forth in their colours [illusions] at Malling) would, for revenge, work some annoyance to them or his Band that night, either by a camasado [night attack] or by some other means; did therefore, to prevent the same, set a strong watch in the market place at Malling and other parts of entry into the town: and gave the watch-word himself before he would take any rest.
A larom at Malling.
But between one and two of the clock in the night, when everybody was taken to rest save the watch, there happened a larom [an alarm], sundry crying, "Treason! Treason! We are all betrayed!" in such sort that such as were in their beds or newly risen thought verily that, either Wyat with his Band had been in the town, or very near.
The thing was so sudden and happened in such a time as men not acquainted with like matters were so amazed that some of them knew not well what to do: and yet in the end it proved to [be] nothing.
For it grew by a messenger that came, very late in the night, desiring to speak with the Lord Abergavenny or Master Sheriff, to give them certain advertisement, That Sir Henry Isley, the two Knevets, and certain others, with 500 Wealdish men [i.e., from the Weald of Kent] were at Sevenoaks; and would march in the morning early from thence towards Rochester, for the aid of Wyat A meaning of the rebels to burn Master George Clarke's house. against the Duke of Norfolk: and in their way, burn and destroy the house of George Clarke aforesaid.
Whereupon the Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff, by the advice of the Gentlemen before named, for that the said Clarke had been a painful [painstaking] and serviceable Gentleman, changed their purposed journey from Rochester, to encounter with Isley and his Band, to cut them [off] from Wyat and save Clarke from spoil.
The marching of the Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff to encounter Isley.
And so, in the morning early, being Sunday [28th January 1554], the Lord Abergavenny; the Sheriff; Warram Sentleger, Richard Covert, Thomas Roydon, Antony Weldon, Henry Barney, George Clarke, John Dodge, Thomas Watton, Hugh Catlyn, Thomas Henley, Christopher Dorrel, Hugh Cartwright, John Sybil, Esquires; John Clarke, Darsie of Wrotham, Thomas Chapman, James Barram, Jasper Iden, John Lambe, Walter Heronden, Walter Taylor, John Raynoldes, Thomas Tuttesham, John Allen, and Thomas Holdiche, Gentlemen; with yeomen to the number of 600 or thereabouts; marched out of Malling in order till Wrotham Heath. they came to Wrotham Heath: where they might easily hear the sound of the traitor's drums; and so, making haste, pursued them till they came to a place Barrow Green. called Barrow Green [Borough Green] through which lay their right and ready way that the traitors should take, marching from Sevenoaks towards Master Clarke.
The Lord Abergavenny, being very glad that he had prevented [anticipated] them in winning the Green, sent out spials [spies] to understand their nearness, and to discrive [ascertain] their number: reposing themselves there till the return of his spials: who at their coming said, That he needed not to take further pains to pursue them, for they were at hand, coming towards him as fast as they could march. Which was glad tidings to the Lord Abergavenny and his Band. And taking order forthwith to set his men in array; he determined to abide their coming, and there to take or give the overthrow.
The shrinking of the rebels.
Which the traitors understanding, Whether it was for that they misliked the match, or the place to fight; whiles the Lord Abergavenny and his Band were busy in placing themselves; they shrank as secretly as they could by a bye-way. And were so far gone before the Lord Abergavenny understood thereof by his spials; as for doubt [fear] of overtaking them afore their coming to Rochester, he was driven to make such haste for the overtaking of them as divers of his footmen were far behind at the onset giving.
The rebel's overtaken.
The first sight that the Lord Abergavenny could have of them, after they forsook their purposed way, was as they ascended Wrotham Hill, directly over [against] Yaldarn, Master Peckham's house. Where they, thinking to have The displaying of the rebel's Ensigns. great advantage by the winning of the Hill, displayed their Ensigns bravely: seeming to be in great ruff. But it was not long after ere their courage was abated. For the Lord Abergavenny, the Sheriff, and the rest of the Gentlemen, with such other of the Queen's true and faithful subjects, as with great pains taking to climb the Hill and to hold way with the Horsemen, overtook the rebels at a field Blacksoll Field. called Blacksoll Field in the parish of Wrotham, a mile distant from the very top of the Hill; where the Lord Abergavenny, the Sheriff, the Gentlemen aforenamed, and others the Queen's true and faithful subjects, The Skirmish. handled them so hot and so fiercely that, after a small shot with long bows by the traitors, and a fierce brag shewed by some of the Horsemen, they took their flight away as fast as they could. Yet of them were taken prisoners above three score.
In this conflict Warram Sentleger, who brought with him a good company of soldiers and [was] always a serviceable Gentleman, also George Clarke, Antony Weldon, and Richard Clarke did very honestly behave themselves. William Sentleger, hearing of a fray towards between the Queen's true subjects and the traitors, came to the Lord Abergavenny into the field, with all haste, not an hour before the Skirmish; who with the rest of the Gentlemen, with certain of the Lord Abergavenny's and [the] Sheriff's servants, being all The chase of the Horsemen. well horsed, served faithfully: and from thence chased the Horsemen till they came to a wood called Hartley Wood, four miles distant from the place where the onset began.
The Queen's true subjects did so much abhor their treason, and had the traitors in such detestation, as with great difficulty any escaped with life that were taken prisoners; and yet were they all very well armed and weaponed, and had also great advantage by the place of fight. Sir Henry Isley lay all that night in the Wood, and fled after into Hampshire. The two Knevets, being well horsed, were so hastily pursued as they were driven to leave their horses, and creep into the Wood; and for haste to rip their boots from their legs and run away in the vampage of their hose. The chase continued so long as night came on before it was full finished.
Thus were Isley, the Knevets, and their Band overthrown by the faithful service of divers Gentlemen and yeomen serving under the Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff; whose forwardness courage and wisdom in this traitorous broil no doubt was very much praiseworthy; as well for their speedy acceleration of their strength which (considering how they were every way [en]compassed with the traitors) was no small matter in so little space; and for their wise and politic handling also in keeping them together from Wyat, who marvellously and by sundry ways sought to allure them away. For had not they, in their own persons, to the encouraging of their company adventured far; and by their wisdom, discretion and great charge, politically handled the matter: some think that Wyat had been at London before he was looked for by any good man, with no small train; whose journey was greatly hindered, and his company very much discomfited by this repulse given to Isley and his Band. Where, amongst other things, GOD's secret hand was greatly felt, to the great comfort and present aid of true subjects against the traitors: who having such advantage of the place, as indeed they had, were like rather to give, than receive, so foul an overthrow. But this it is, you see, to serve in a true cause; and her whom GOD so favoureth that he will not suffer the malice and rage of her enemies at any time to prevail against her: to whom he hath given so many notable victories and so miraculous that her enemies might seem rather to have been overthrown Spiritu DEI than vanquished humano robore.
Thanksgiving to GOD for victory.
The Lord Abergavenny, the Sheriff, and the Gentlemen with them, after they had given humble thanks to GOD for the victory, which they did very reverently in the Field, and taken order for the prisoners, were driven to divide themselves for want of harborough [lodging] and vittaile [victuals] for the soldiers, that had well deserved both. The Lord Abergavenny and certain with him went to Wrotham. The Sheriff and certain with him to Otford, where they had much to do to get vittaile for their soldiers.
The Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff (suspecting that some of those Gentlemen lately discomfited in this Skirmish would not long tarry in the realm, but make shift to pass the seas; yea, by spial [spies], understanding that Wyat himself with some of his company thereunto bent) devised to lay [warn] the country [round] about, that they might not escape. And considering that they would not do it at Dover, nor in that coast [district]; they knowing [Sir John Cheyney] the Lord Warden to have Thomas Dorrell of Scotney the younger. such watch unto them: but rather, for sundry respects, at Rye, or more southward. And having great proof of Thomas Dorrell the younger his fidelity; he returned the same Dorrell, being newly come unto him with 80 men well appointed, into Sussex: giving him strait charge that, consulting with Sir John Guildford, they should, both day and night, set a sure watch for the passing of any that way to the seacoast; and further to take such order as no munition, fish, wine, or other vittaile coming out of these parts, should pass to the relief of the traitors.
Antony Knevet, notwithstanding great and strait watch laid round about the country by the Sheriff for the apprehension of him and others that fled, arrived that Sunday [28th January 1554] at night late at Rochester: where Harper's running away from Wyat. his news was so joyful that Harper forthwith found the mean to rid himself out of their company, without any leave taking; and ran to the Duke of Norfolk. To whom he seemed so greatly to lament his treason, that the Duke, pitying his case, the rather for the long acquaintance between them in times past, received him to grace. But, within a day after, he ran from the Duke and returned to his old mate; as hereafter shall appear.
Wyat hearing of Isley his overthrow, and understanding by the proceeding at Malling the day before, that those things set forth in his Proclamations whereby he thought his strength at home to be most surely knit unto him, were now become rather a weakening than otherwise; the people there being ready to fall from him for his so abusing of them: he fell into so great extreme anguish and sorrow, as writing a letter of expostulation to some of his Wyat bewailing his case with tears. familiars abroad, in reprehension of their infidelity in that they sticked not to him so fast as they promised, he bedewed the paper whereupon he wrote with tears issuing so abundantly from his eyes as it would bear Wyat's coat of fence quilted with angels. no ink. And so leaving to write, calling for a privy coat [of armour] that he had quilted with angels [a gold coin of the value of 10s.] not long afore; which might serve both for his defence, and [also be] a refuge for his necessity being in another country: he Wyat's practice to fly by sea. practised with such as were near unto him, where they might have ready passage, and most for their surety to take the sea. "For England," said he, "is no place for us to rest in."
His company also shrank from him as fast as they could devise means to escape: whereunto Thomas Isley and others had a greater respect than himself; he seeming to take care for nothing but how he might safely convey himself [away]; being well friended, it was thought, with some of the ship-masters.
Wyat mated.
Thus was Wyat so mated by the Lord Abergavenny, the Sheriff, and their Band as he was at his wits' end, as ye have heard: and chiefly by keeping him from that, which by spial about him they afterwards understood him specially to desire; which was offer of battle. He and his being fully persuaded that there could be no great force raised against him in the Shire; whereof the most part should not be his when it should come to the shew. Wherein although he might be deceived, as indeed he was; yet his quarrel, with the disposition of the people thereunto well considered, with the end of his travail which could be but spoil and ravin (ready means and lures to draw the careless multitude unto him): it seemed to the Lord Abergavenny and such as served with him, better policy for to weary Wyat, and weaken him by the cutting away of his strength from him; than to offer him battle till the Duke of Norfolk's coming: whom the Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff knew to be at hand towards Wyat; unto whom they and all the Gentlemen of their Band, after their Skirmish with Isley, made the haste possible they might.
But before their coming, the case was wonderfully changed, to the great discomfort of all the Queen's true subjects: and that came to pass that [which] of all men was least feared. For who was it that suspected such cruel and malicious disposition to remain in any English heart towards his country, in any subject's thought towards his Sovereign, that, receiving her Grace's armour weapons and money, would have played so traitorous a part as these Captains did with their Band? It is so strange a case as the world never saw. It is so malicious a part as the Jew would not have done the like, having received his hire to serve.
So it was that the noble Duke, being an ancient and worthy Captain (and yet, by long imprisonment, so diswonted from the knowlege of our malicious World and the iniquity of our Time, as he suspecting nothing less than that which followed; but judging every man to accord The Duke's marching from Stroud to Rochester. with him in desire to serve truly, marched forth the Monday [29th January 1554], about ten of the clock in the morning, from Gravesend to Stroud towards Rochester; and about four of the clock in the afternoon of the same day, he arrived at Stroud, near The names of the Gentlemen serving under the Duke. unto Rochester: having with him the Captain of the Guard; Maurice Griffith, now Bishop of Rochester; Sir Edward Braye, Sir John Fogge, Knights; John Coverte, Roger Appulton, Esquires; and Thomas Swan, Gentleman: with certain of the Guard, and others, to the number of 200 or thereabout.
Bret, Chief Captain of the White Coats.
Besides Bret and other five Captains: who, with their Band, being 600, all in white coats, tarried behind at a hill called Spittle [Hospital] Hill, near unto Stroud; whiles the Duke went to Stroud to see the planting of the ordnance. Which being ready charged and bent upon the town of Rochester; and perceiving Wyat and the other traitors, by hanging out their flags upon the bridge wall, to be in great bravery; which considering the miserable state they were in the night before, could not be, had they not received some new comfort by some traitorous mean: the Duke commanded one of the pieces to be fired for shot into Rochester.
And, as the gunner was firing the piece, Sir Edward Bray's eldest son came in all haste to the Duke saying, "Sir, did I not tell your Grace, this morning, that yonder false wretches would deceive you?"
"How know you that?" quod the Duke.
"Why, Sir," quod Braye, "you may see them, as false traitors [ready] bent against you."
And immediately Bret and other Captains of the White Coats with their Band, being upon the Hill and at the back of the Duke, made great and loud shouts sundry The revolt of the Captains of the White Coats and their Band. times, crying "We are all Englishmen! We are all Englishmen!": fashioning themselves in array, ready bent with their weapons to set upon the Duke, if he had made any resistance.
Whereupon the Duke and the Captain of the Guard commanded the pieces that were bent upon the town, to be turned upon Bret and his Band. But, upon further consideration, the shot was spared: and the Duke's Grace with the Captain of the Guard Sir Henry Jerningham, considering (not without bleeding hearts) their chief strength thus turned upon them, so that they were now environed both behind and before with traitorous enemies, shifted themselves away; as did also their company.
After whose departure, Wyat, accompanied with two or three and not many more, came out of Rochester half a mile from the town at the least, to meet the six Captains Harper returned to his old mate. of the White Coats. Amongst whom was Harper, notwithstanding his crouching and kneeling before the Duke; and fair promises that he would undertake that Wyat should have yielded. Who, footing afore the other Captains, with his sword drawn, said to Wyat, "I promised you good turn, and say not now but I have paid it."
Who had seen the embracing, clipping, and congratulation used at this meeting from traitor to traitor, might justly wonder thereat. Shortly after they had well clawed one another, they went together like themselves into Rochester.
When this, of all other most infortunate chance, came to the knowledge of the Lord Abergavenny, the Sheriff, and their friends; they were not a little troubled with the strangeness of the case: much doubting that the people, which before seemed brought to good frame, would be impaired by this alteration; and such as were afore evil disposed would not be greatly amended thereby.
The Sheriff's being at Maidstone.
The Sheriff, being the same night at Maidstone, that had come the same day from Otford, fourteen miles distant, to meet Thomas Guildford, Steven Dorrell, Edward Horden, John Robartes, and John Finch, Esquires, to march towards the Duke. And in the morning, so far from any mistrust of that which followed the same day [Monday, 29th January 1554], as having no sure place to convey the prisoners, taken the day before in the Skirmish with Isley, he left the chiefest and trustiest of his servants and friends, both Gentlemen and yeomen, of all his Band at Malling, for the safeguard of the prisoners; where also lay the Lord Abergavenny and his Band: doubting [fearing] that Isley and the rest that escaped would have made some means that night to have recovered the prisoners; sundry of whom, being men of good wealth and well friended, and [at that moment] living within four miles of Wyat.
Upon these news, whether it were for the absence [from Maidstone] of the Lord Abergavenny and his strength, or mistrusting false measure in the town The Sheriff's secret return to Malling. [of Maidstone], or moved with example of the revolt of the White Coats: he thought, it should seem, Maidstone no meet place for him to make any abode; nor yet good policy, all parts considered, to disclose the time of his removing. But judging plainly himself the only mark of these parts whereat the traitors shot; or falling any ways into their hands, so newly after the case of the Duke, one part of the tragedy to be then ended: he returned to his strength; giving knowledge to the Gentlemen remaining in Maidstone to repair to his house for consultation, What was to be done for the redubbing of that unhappy chance?
In which consultation there did rise so many different opinions; some saying, They would to the Queen; and some, to the Earl of Pembroke being her Grace's Lieutenant: that the Sheriff, without further debating, intreating the Lord Abergavenny and certain Gentlemen to remain and entertain such of their Bands as they could hold till his return, which he promised should be without delay, [and then] went to the [Privy] Council for knowledge of their pleasure; where he tarried uneth [scarcely] two hours, but returned in post the same night [to Malling]. And at his coming, the Lord Abergavenny and he assembled as many of their force as they could call together.
The traitors and their friends were grown as men revived from death to life, flattering themselves that a thing so far above men's expectation could not have happened to them so fortunately but by GOD's miraculous provision, as favouring greatly their case: and so it blew abroad, as well by wind as by writing; the more part of the people being ready to believe it, as the case, in the heads of the multitude, was wonderfully changed both for strength and opinion.
Wyat's advertisement to the Duke of Suffolk.
Wyat advertised by his letter the Duke of Suffolk of his victory "by GOD's provision" as he termed it: whose letter was intercepted in Essex, as the messenger passed the ferry, by a servant of Sir Robert Southwell's; and brought to the Council.
He wrote also to the Duke of Norfolk, but in another style; his letters being open and importing such matter as follloweth:
Wyat's letter to the Duke of Norfolk.
"Be it known to all men, and especially to the Duke of Norfolk, that I have taken nothing in hand but what I will maintain with the expense of my life; which, before it depart out of my body, shall be sold full dear, &c."
Such of those parts as hung in the wind, as Neuters, (whereof were no small number that had lurked in caves An Invective against the Neuters. all the tempest, watching but where should come the victory, that for example of the evil were nothing inferior to the arrantest traitors but rather for a number of respects much worse), began to appear very cheerful, giving themselves great thanks for handling the matter so finely, that conveying themselves out of the way by their policy could avoid charge and peril so wittily. And as they met with such as had served faithfully, with whom they durst be frank, they spared not to open their mouths largely, pouring out such language as could be but lamentable, or rather odible, to every true ear, to understand any subject so far perverted from his allegiance and duty that, for gain or security of their own persons, would rejoice in sitting still as indifferent where the Crown is a party; or to persuade security to themselves, be they never in so strong a hold, where their Sovereign is in peril. Which, all things rightly weighed, seemed a strange persuasion to account either gain or saving in sparing some part of the accidents by sitting still to adventure the loss of the principal whereupon life and the whole dependeth; or by affecting a little corruption inordinately, to lose both honest fame and good opinion of his country [County]; which every honest man ought to seek to preserve as tenderly as the well-doing of himself and his whole posterity.
Thus may we evidently see the divers effects of divers inclinations according to truth and untruth of perfect obedience prevailing in men's hearts. These Neuters, or counterfeits (that would be neither open foes nor adventurous friends; but as wily vultures, hovering in the wind to catch and gripe some part of the prey, although they would no part of the fray) persuaded themselves to save that which in their opinion the true hearty subject should lose by giving such adventure; that was security of body and goods. Which grant they saved; yet, in the just judgment of the honest, they deserved thereby the same blot of infamy that is due to the open enemies.
On the other side, the true and faithful, whose hearts and hands such dim colour [illusion] of unthankful policy could not withhold from the utterance of needful service in such general case of danger, thought it rather a gain to adventure body and goods; whereby either to preserve the head and the whole, which was cruelly pursued; or at least by defence of the same to purchase unto them and their names the honest opinion of unspotted members, and the immortality of good fame wherewith truth always rewardeth unfeigned service. For such an incomparable virtue is faithful loyalty, so much abhorring all corruptible allurements, that whose hearts she hath in governance; with such, neither savour of gain nor hope of security, neither persuasion of friendship ne other enticement, can so much prevail as, for any respect, they will digress from the right course of true service. Where the contrary, wanting that perfection (to taste of Fortune's corruptible members, whereafter they gape; to obtain quiet to the restive carcase, and lucre to themselves, the thing they only seek), are easily drawn to run a clean contrary race.
The naughty [worthless] brood therefore of Counterfeits, of all others not tolerable in a common weal, are specially to be looked to in their beginning; lest their evil example by long sufferance grow to such a precedent at the last, that the common saying "Good to sleep in a whole skin," being espied to escape without danger of reprehension, be taken for a policy; and thereby outweigh the just peize [weight] of bounden duty.
A consultation of the rebels after the revolt of the White Coats.
After this most unhappy chance, the traitors with their new adjuncts fell to a great and solemn council that same night at Rochester for their proceeding in their pretensed [intended] treason. In discourse whereof proceeded such unfitting talk, as well towards the Queen's Highness as her honourable Council, tending to the alteration of the whole State, as abhorred the ears of some of the self traitors; that, understanding by that talk the end of their purpose, whereof before they were ignorant, wished themselves under the earth for being so unhappy as to be so much as acquainted with so damnable an enterprise. Such an opinion had they, as they deemed very few Councillors, or Officers of authority or of Nobility, within the realm worthy the places whereunto they were called: and persuading great choice to be amongst themselves for the supplying of that want, such overweening had they of themselves and made so sure a reckoning of the victory, as they disposed the honourable Offices of the Realm among themselves.
Wyat thought himself now so sure of the victory as seeing him that offered "to sell his spoons and all the plate that he had rather than his purpose should quail, and sup his pottage with his mouth" [p.[48]], warranted him, That he should eat his pottage with silver, as he did. England, when good counsel should stand it in most available steed, needed no better counsellors than such as they were, if they had half the wit they thought themselves to have, coupled with grace and honesty. But what they had indeed, their acts declare plainly to their own confusion; as it hath always, and ever hereafter shall, to as many as be of like disposition.
One of them, that had some wit indeed, although he wanted grace, perceiving by their talk in what fond [foolish] frenzy they were entered; to interrupt them therein, he said, That such matters were good to be treated of at further opportunity: but for the present it were meet to devise upon their next journey [expedition]; and whether it should be good policy in them, minding to march towards London, to leave the Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff at liberty (that annoyed their friends, and by all likelihood would not so cease as they may or dare) at their back, being left at large.
One of them, taking upon him first to answer, thought nothing more necessary than their sequestration: and if his A device to apprehend the Sheriff. advice might have been heard in the beginning [of the Rebellion], the Sheriff should have been in hold, as I have heard, before anything should have been attempted.
But the Captains to the White Coats (meet counsellors for such an enterprise!), having the spoil of London in their eyes, would not dispute that was past: but for the present they persuaded clean contrary to the former opinion; saying That their going about the apprehension of the Sheriff The misreckoning of the rebels upon London. should be but a loss of time. "For London," said they, "longed sore[ly] for their coming; which they could by no means protract without breeding great peril and weakness to themselves." And having London at their commandment, whereof they were in no manner of doubt, if it were not lost by their sloth; their revenge to the Lord Abergavenny, the Sheriff, with others [of] their enemies, would easily follow.
Wyat, savouring full well their disposition, and understanding their meaning by their arguments, and knowing also that without his assenting thereto he could not long have their company, yielded to their counsel.
And so, being out of measure exalted into haughty courage and pride by the revolt of the White Coats, he marched the day after, being Tuesday [30th January 1554], in great pomp and glory, carrying with him six pieces of ordnance which they had gotten of the Queen's, besides their own, to Cowling Castle, a hold of the Lord Cobham's, four miles distant from Rochester; and not much out of their way towards London: where the Lord Cobham was.
The assault of Cowling Castle.
Wyat at his coming to Cowling Castle, bent his ordnance against the gate; and with great and sundry shots and fire brake and burned up a way through the gate. The Lord Cobham defended his Castle as stoutly as any man might do, having so few against so great a number; and so little munition; [he] himself discharging his gun at such as approached the gate right hardily. And in that assault two of his own men were slain.
After this assault, and talk with the Lord Cobham, Wyat marched to Gravesend; where he reposed that night.
Wyat's marching to Dartford.
From Gravesend, he and his Band marched, the Wednesday next after [31st January 1554], to Dartford, where he reposed that night.
The coming of the Master of the Horse and Sir Thomas Cornwallis to Wyat.
Whither came Sir Edward Hastings, Master of the Queen's Horse, and Sir Thomas Cornwallis Knights, both of her Grace's honourable Privy Council, sent from the Queen to Wyat to understand the cause of his commotion; and also, as it was said, finding any repentant submission in him, to promise pardon, or at the least great hope thereof.
Wyat, understanding [of] their coming and taking with him certain of his Band, went to the west end of the town, where he had planted his ordnance; and at the [a]lighting of Master Hastings and Sir Thomas Cornwallis from their horses, Wyat, having a partisan [halberd] in his hand, Pride. advanced himself somewhat afore such Gentlemen as were with him; and, using but little reverence due from a subject to [Privy] Councillors, traced near them.
To whom, the Master of the Horse spake in substance as followeth:
"The Queen's Majesty requireth to understand the very cause wherefore you have thus gathered together in arms her liege people, which is the part of a traitor; and yet, in your Proclamations and persuasions, you call yourself a true subject: which cannot stand together."
"I am no traitor," quod Wyat, "and the cause whereof I have gathered the people is to defend the realm from our overrunning by Strangers; which follows, this Marriage taking place."
"Why," quod the Queen's Agents, "there be no Strangers yet come whom either for power or number ye need to suspect. But if this be your only quarrel, because, ye mislike the Marriage: will ye come to communication touching that case? and the Queen, of her gracious goodness, is content ye shall be heard."
Wyat's arrogant answer.
To whom Wyat shaped such answer as clearly might declare his malicious intent and traitorous heart to the Queen's own person and royal estate. "I yield thereto," quod Wyat, "but for my surety I will rather be trusted than trust. And therefore I demand the custody of the Tower, and [of] her Grace in the Tower; the displacing of certain Councillors, and placing others in their rooms as to me shall seem best."
Upon this lewd answer, long and stout conference was between them: insomuch that the Master of the Horse said unto him, with a stout courage, "Wyat, before thou shalt have that thy traitorous demand granted, thou shalt die and 20,000 with thee!"
Shortly after, the Master of the Horse with Master Cornwallis, finding him an arrant traitor and desperately set to all mischief, returned to the Queen's Majesty.
The common people being with him, and calling to their remembrance how Wyat, in all appearance, made his whole matter of stir for Strangers, and no ways against the Queen; and perceiving how unreverently he used himself as well to the Queen's Herald at Rochester as to the Privy Council[lors] at Dartford; and considering within themselves also that he would suffer none of the Queen's Proclamations to be read among them: their hearts began to rise against him. And among themselves sundry of them much murmured, wishing with the loss of all they had they had never been acquainted with Wyat nor his doings; and indeed sought as many ways as they could to be rid of him.
A crafty policy.
Which perceived by Wyat and his mates, they devised a bruit [rumour] to be sounded in his Band, that the Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff did cause to be hanged as many as they could take, coming from Wyat's Band: wherewith the people, standing in a great maze what to do, were wonderfully perplexed.
The Queen understanding by the Master of the Horse and Sir Thomas Cornwallis the arrogancy of Wyat, and notwithstanding that she perceived her merciful inclination rather to provoke him than otherwise: yet seemed she nothing willing, even then, by violence and force, as she easily might, to suppress him: but yet a longer time to suffer and abide, if by delay and mercy her enemy might be won to reconciliation.
The suit of the Nobles to the Queen.
The Nobility (which were at that time with her Grace, perceiving such surmounting mercy rather to increase than any ways to abate courage and malice in the insolent and proud heart of the traitors; and further understanding that the traitors deemed the contation or forbearing to proceed rather of debility or fear than of mercy and clemency) counselled with her Grace that, with her gracious leave and licence, they might set upon him and his Band before he should pass Blackheath: declaring that to suffer such an arrogant traitor, being but a mean member, to approach thus contemptuously so near her royal person, as it were in defiance of her Grace and her true subjects, should greatly redound to their dishonours in the opinion of all faithful men throughout the world.
The Queen's answer to the Nobles.
The Queen gave them all most hearty and loving thanks saying That she nothing doubted of their true hearts towards her: yet was she loth to make any proof or trial thereof in such quarrel as should be with loss of blood. "For to repress them with violence, and subdue them by the sword could not have so happy success but many of my poor subjects" quod she, "should dearly bye [abide] it with the loss of their lives." Wherefore she determined to suffer as long as she might; and to forbear that practice till there were no other hope ne remedy. For albeit in the capital traitors there could be but great default: yet in the multitude she was persuaded to be no malice, but only misled by their Captains; and rather seduced by ignorance than upon any evil purpose meant to her Grace. Wherefore she desired them to be contented: for she was fully determined to continue her merciful sufferance and other her gentle means so long as she might; and [to] vanquish her enemies without the sword, if any sparkle of obedience or natural zeal remain in their hearts. Notwithstanding, she required them to prepare and retain their force in a readiness, if their [the rebels'] stony hearts should drive her to use extremity.
But her Highness doubting [fearing] that London, being her Chamber and a city holden of dear price in her princely heart, might, by Wyat and such ruffens [ruffians] as were with him, be in danger of spoil, to the utter ruin of the same: her Highness therefore, as a most tender and loving Governess, went the same day [31st January 1554] in her royal person to the Guild Hall to foresee those perils.
The Queen's speech in the Guild Hall in London.
Where, among other matter proceeding from her incomparable wisdom, her Grace declared how she had sent that day two of her Privy Council to the traitor Wyat: desirous rather to quiet their tumult by mercy than by the justice of the sword to vanquish: whose most godly heart fraight[ed] with all mercy and clemency, abhorred from all effusion of blood.
Her Highness also there shewed the insolent and proud answer returned from Wyat: whereat the faithful citizens were much offended; and in plain terms defied him as a most rank traitor, with all his conjurates.
And touching the Marriage, her Highness affirmed that nothing was done herein by herself alone, but with consent and advisement of the whole Council, upon deliberate consultation, that this conjunction and Second Marriage should greatly advance this realm (whereunto she was first married) to much honour, quiet, and gain.
"For," quod her Grace, "I am already married to this Common Weal and the faithful members of the same; the spousal ring whereof I have on my finger: which never hitherto was, nor hereafter shall be, left off. Protesting unto you nothing to be more acceptable to my heart, nor more answerable to my will, than your advancement in wealth and welfare, with the furtherance of GOD's glory." And to declare her tender and princely heart towards them, she promised constantly not to depart from them, although by her Council she had been much moved to the contrary: but would remain near and prest to adventure the spense [shedding] of her royal blood in defence of them.
Such matter passed from her besides as did so wonderfully enamour the hearts of the hearers as it was a world to hear with what shouts they exalted the honour and magnanimity of Queen Mary.
This done her Grace returned towards Whitehall, and passing through the streets, being full of people pressing to behold her Grace wherein they had singular delight and pleasure, one amongst all, most impudent of all others, A malepert Artificer. stepped forward saying, "Your Grace may do well to make your Foreward [Vanguard] in battle, of your Bishops and Priests: for they be trusty, and will not deceive you!"
For which words, he was commanded to Newgate: who deserved to be hanged at the next bough, for example to all others, so impudently and arrogantly to assault his Sovereign and Queen with such seditious and traitorous language. The voice went that he was a Hosier. Out of all doubt, he was a traitor and a heretic; whose heart was wholly in Wyat's bosom, although his body were absent. For it was not possible any faithful subject, or true Christian, to utter such shameless speech to his liege Lady and Princess as he did then. But such is the fruit of heresy, Contempt of GOD and man; as by daily experience is seen.
Wyat's marching to Deptford strand.
The Thursday next after [1st February 1554], Wyat having fourteen Ensigns in his Band and not past four thousand men, although they were accounted of a far greater number, marched to Deptford strand, eight miles from Dartford and within four miles of London. Where, upon such advertisement as he received by espial of the Queen's being in the Guild Hall and the order of the people to her, he remained that night and the next whole day: divers of his own company doubting [suspecting] by his longer tarrying there than he did in other places, with other presumptions, that he would have passed the water [i.e. the Thames] into Essex.
His prisoners, as Master Christopher Roper, George Dorrel of Calehill [and] John Tucke Esquires, who were kept very straitly, The departure of Master Christopher Roper and Master Dorrel from Wyat. being sickly and having within the town no convenient harborough or attendance, were licensed by Wyat, upon promise of their worship to be true prisoners, to provide for themselves out from the town, where they best might. But they, thinking no part of their worship stained in breaking promise with a traitor, sought ways to escape; and came no more at him.
Wyat's marching to Southwark.
On the Saturday following [3rd February 1554], very early, Wyat marched to Southwark: where approaching the Gate at London Bridge foot, [he] called for the opening of the same; which he found not so ready as he looked for.
After he had been a little while in Southwark, divers of the soldiers went to Winchester Place [the town residence of the Bishop of Winchester]. Where one of them, being a Gentleman, began to shew his game before all the cards were full[y] dealed; I mean, to rifle and spoil: which indeed was the determinate end of their purpose; but the time was not yet come, nor they come to the place, where they should begin it.
Whereunto Wyat, having further respect than the young Gentleman had, shewed himself, with stern and fiery visage, so much to be offended with his doings that he made divers believe that he would have hanged him upon the wharf. Which whereof it grew, either of hatred to the evil, or of policy to purchase credit for a further mischief, as well the nature and course of rebellion, as also Wyat's own words, may easily let us understand.
Who, the Monday [22nd January 1554] next afore this stir, devising with two of his friends for the execution of his pretensed [intended] purpose; one of them at length said unto him, "I have no doubt but you shall be able to assemble a great force: but how you shall be able to continue the same with you, having not sufficient treasure and money, the only bait wherewith the multitude is holden, I stand much in doubt."
"What then?" quod Wyat.
"Marry," said the other, "methinketh a good way for your provision thereof, after your force is once gathered, that ye apprehend [Sir John Cheyney] the Lord Warden, the Lord Abergavenny, Sir Robert Southwell, Sir Thomas Moyle, with others; of whose hearts and affections towards you and your case you stand in doubt: whereby ye shall not only have them in safety which are most like[ly] within the Shire to withstand your enterprise; but also provide you both treasure and money, which they want not, for the relief of your Band."
"Ah," quod Wyat, "is this the best counsel ye can give? If we pretend to keep out Strangers, and begin our quarrel with the spoil of our own country [County] men; what will the whole realm, trow ye, then deem of us? Nay, your advice is naught; and your way, the next way to accelerate our confusion. For if we will go forwards in our matter and make the best of it to our purpose, Spoil and Tyranny may not be our guides. We must, by all means, devise, and all little enough, to continue good opinion in the heads of the multitude of some plausible [praiseworthy] end to succeed by our stir: otherwise we undo ourselves. For perceiving at our entry that our minds run of spoil: who will not rather resist us, and abide the adventure of that whereof we bear them in hand; than to be in certain to be spoiled by us? And I see no cause why you should doubt of money; seeing ye know that such Gentlemen as are confedered with us, keeping appointment; their soldiers shall come ready furnished to bear their own charges for nine days: and our hap shall be very hard if we be not at London shortly after we stir; and that with so great a company as shall be out of danger to be stopped by any of the Shire upon such a sudden, or letted [hindered] of entry into London finding half the Wyat's reckoning of the spoil of the Tower and London. friends there as we think to have. And being once in London, and having the Tower in our hands; I trust you think we shall not lack money long after if any be to be had there, or in the Aldermen's coffers."
To that said another, that had spoken as yet never a word, "I know Commoners in London that have more ready money than some of the Aldermen."
"Soft," quod Wyat, "I pray you in any wise forbear all such talk till we come to the place where we would be. In mean time let us work secretly; and by all tokens and signs shew ourselves to favour and maintain our pretence of Strangers only."
Such and the like communication was between Wyat and two others the Monday [22nd January] before his rising. Whereby it is evident that their final intent was to advance themselves by spoil of other men's goods: although they pretended otherwise.
And to colour [make pretence of] the same, Wyat so fell out with this Gentleman for rifling the Lord Chancellor's House [i.e., the House in Southwark of Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester,] that he made a number believe he would have hanged him out of hand: had not Bret and others entreated for him.
The Lord William Howard, Admiral of England.
When they had lien in Southwark a day or two, and found themselves deceived in London: which (by the great diligence and politic handling of that worthy and faithful Knight, the Lord William Howard, Admiral of England, that had the special charge thereof; with the aid of Sir Thomas Wight, Knight, Mayor of London, his brethren [the Aldermen] and citizens) was so well preserved as the traitors thereby were disappointed of that they looked most certainly for—Wyat, as a man desperate and setting all at sixe and seven, adventuring the breaking down of a wall out of a Wyat's coming into the Porter's Lodge at the Bridge foot. house joining to the Gate at the Bridge foot, whereby he might enter into the leads over the Gate, came down into the Lodge about eleven of the clock in the night: where he found the Care away. Porter in a slumber; [and] his wife with others waking, watching a coal.
But seeing Wyat, they began suddenly to start as greatly amazed.
"Whist!" quod Wyat, "as you love your lives, sit you still! You shall have no hurt!"
Glad were they of that warranty, pardye! What should they do, people better accustomed with the tankard of beer to pass forth the night, than acquainted with target and spear to endure the fight.
Wyat and a few with him went forth as far as the Drawbridge [in the middle of London Bridge]: on the further side whereof he saw the Lord Admiral, the Lord Mayor, Sir Andrew Judd, and one or two others in consultation for ordering of the Bridge: whereunto he gave diligent ear a good time, and [was] not seen. At length [he] conceived by their talk more than he could digest; and, perceiving the great ordnance there bent, returned, saying to his mates, "This place is too hot for us."
And when he was come to his colleges [colleagues], and declared upon his exploit what he had heard and seen; they then all together fell to a new council what was to be done.
The rebels at their wits' end.
Some would then return to Greenwich, and so pass the water into Essex (whereby their company as they thought should increase), and enter into London by Ald Gate.
And some would to Kingston-upon-Thames, and so further west[ward].
And some, of the which Wyat himself was chief, would return into Kent to meet with the Lord Abergavenny, the Sheriff, Sir Thomas Moyle, Sir Thomas Kemp, Sir Thomas Finch, that were at Rochester, coming on Wyat's back with a great company well appointed: falsely persuading himself that he should find among them more friends than enemies. But whether his desire to return into Kent grew upon hope he had to find aid there; or whether it was to shift himself away; it was much doubted of his own company. And some of them that knew him well, except they were much deceived, reported not long before their execution, that his desire to retire into Kent was only to shift himself over the sea.
The Lord Warden's being at Rochester towards Wyat.
The Lord Warden [Sir John Cheyney] being now come to Rochester, as ye heard, and very honourably furnished with horse and men well appointed, to no small number, entering into consultation with such Gentlemen as were there, for the better proceeding in their service, shewed a great desire to accelerate the onset upon the traitors: lest malice should impute both his former and present stay rather to want of forwardness than to good policy. Wherefore he desired to pursue after them with all expedition.
Whereunto the Gentlemen, being then in arms with him, said, "As for your Lordship's contation [delay] hitherto, it shall be weighed not as fools by fancy and malice deem; but as wise men shall measure it by their discretion of wisdom. We see not but unadvised hardiness [rashness] and preproperous [? preposterous] haste in most matters have these two companions: Error in the beginning, and Repentance in the end. And for this our case, whoso understandeth the same cannot but confess your Lordship's deliberate forbearing to have proceeded of great wisdom, as wherein haste could little prevail. And whereas your Lordship is so desirous to pursue after Wyat and his Band, you see how they have lien in Southwark and within four miles of London these four days [Thursday 1st, to Sunday 4th February 1554]; and yet not meddled with by the Queen's army, being so near: which is neither for want of men, nor of forwardness in that noble Gentleman, The Earl of Pembroke, the Queen's Lieutenant. the Earl of Pembroke, the Queen's Lieutenant; but upon great policy and further respect no doubt than we seem to conceive.
"Wherefore your Lordship may do better to pause, and first to advertise the Queen's Majesty and the Lord Lieutenant [the Earl of Pembroke] both what your Lordship, upon grave and deep consideration, hath conceived in this doubtful time, and also in what readiness your Lordship is, and other Gentlemen with you: whose pleasures known, we may then happily proceed in service; both with good contentation to them above [us], and best surety for ourselves. Otherwise if fortune should not favour our journey [expedition], there may be thought in us more impotent will to haste than provident policy to speed. And danger hereby can none follow, our enemies lying between her Grace's army and us: considering withal that London is so well furnished, and so willing to resist their entry."
Whereupon the Lord Warden went in post to the Queen; leaving the Lord Abergavenny and the rest of the Gentlemen with his and their Bands until his return: which was very shortly after. [See Vol. IV. p. 92.]
Who, according to his first purpose, with the rest of the Gentlemen, marched forth towards Wyat. Which who had seen so well appointed, and with what willing hearts they went; and had known withal the faithful dealing of sundry Gentlemen besides in other parts of the Shire, ought to say, That notwithstanding there were many evil; yet were there many worthy, Gentlemen and honest faithful yeomen in Kent, free from Wyat's conspiracy: and that the same [would] receive some injury at his hand that, taking upon him to set forth any Chronicle, should name only four Gentlemen of this Shire to be workers against Wyat. For though every man pursued him not in the beginning, many of them dwelling far from him: yet were they as well occupied where they were, and as much towards Wyat's confusion, by staying and withholding [a] great force, through their earnest persuasions and labour, that else would have been with Wyat.
Now to return to Wyat: whom in this meantime Bret and the other Captains espying to have a desire to be gone, dissembling the knowledge thereof, [they] wrought all the secret means they could devise to stay his going; as having the weight of their lives depending upon this enterprise as well as he.
One of them, by agreement in their consultation, said to him: "You see," quod he, "with what difficulty you keep your soldiers here: notwithstanding they be in a town where they are in a manner as pent in, and thereby the more uneasy to get away; being so narrowly looked to. And now if you shall leave the town and retire into Kent, as some of your company suspect you will, whereby they and all others shall judge you to be in despair of the aid of London; the hope whereof hath been hitherto the greatest occasion of stay of such as be already here, and the comfort for the coming of others to the increase of your power: you may assure yourself that such as be here will not tarry long after with you, finding time to escape as they shall easily enough, being at large; nor such as be absent will have haste to repair unto you, when they shall perceive you to be in despair of London. And so you shall weaken yourself, to the comfort of your enemies and discomfort of your friends."
Bret, under colour [pretence] of singular affection to Wyat, devising an apt occasion to avoid suspicion (which wanted not among them), required to speak with him apart; and having him alone, said:
Bret's words to Wyat.
"It shall not be amiss that, for your own surety, you have in remembrance the effect of the several Proclamations made at Dartford: the one by Master William Roper, wherein you were betraitored; the other by Master Appulton, which, as I hear, was also made at London and in other parts of the realm, wherein is promised the inheritance of One Hundred Pounds [in] land to such as can apprehend and present you to the Queen.
"Now what fantasies may grow into the heads of your own fellows, for the safeguard of themselves; of whom you have had already some experience, it is to be doubted: or what may grow in the heads of your soldiers when, failing of the aid of London, they shall be in despair of your enterprise, it is also to be doubted. On the other part, when such of Kent, on whom it seemeth you repose some trust, shall hear of your retire: their disposition perhaps will be much changed. And therefore it standeth you in hand to look to the matter substantially."
Trustless traitors!
Wyat (having the same confidence in Bret, that Bret would Wyat to have had in others; remembering his most deceitful treason to the Queen, contrary to the trust reposed in him for the conduct of the White Coats; and feeling his grief doubled, and his desire to convey himself away so much the more increased, by Bret's secret talk with him); as a stricken deer, wandereth aside, all alone complaining with himself [of] his most unhappy fate.
And soon after calling Thomas Isley unto him, said, "Ah, cousin Isley, in what extreme misery are we? The revolt of these Captains with the White Coats seemed a benefit in the beginning; and as a thing sent by GOD for our good, and to comfort us forward in our enterprise: which I now feel to our confusion. Ah, cousin, this it is to enter such a quarrel, which notwithstanding we now see must have a ruthful end; yet of necessity we must prosecute the same."
Wyat as desperate (finding others to accord with Bret's opinion, upon his conference with them: by whom for direction of his traitorous journey [expedition] he was chiefly advised; although for this shifting away there were others Wyat's marching to Kingston. whom he better trusted) marched, the Tuesday being Shrove Tuesday [6th February 1554], out of Southwark to Kingston upon Thames, ten miles distant; where they arrived about four of the clock in the afternoon.
And finding thirty feet or thereabouts of the bridge taken away, saving the posts that were left standing; Wyat practiced [bargained] with two mariners to swim over to convey a barge unto him. Which the mariners, tempted with great Wyat's passage at Kingston. promises of preferment, did. Wherein Wyat and certain with him were conveyed over: who, in the time that the number of the soldiers baited [lunched] in the town, caused the bridge to be trimmed with ladders planks and beams, the same tied together with ropes and boards as, by ten of the clock in the night, [it] was in such plight that both his ordnance and Band of men might pass over without peril.
And so, about eleven of the clock in the same night, Wyat with his Band, without either resistance or peril, marched over the bridge towards London; having such a loving heart in his body to the Queen as before day he meant to have been at the Court Gate [of Whitehall]. Which he could never have attempted, having any sparkle of that good zeal in his breast to the Queen's surety as, to further his treason, he outwardly pretended to the World; considering the danger that might have grown, by the fear thereof, to her Grace.
But, as GOD would, partly by weariness of his soldiers, and partly by the breach [break down] of the wheels that carried his ordnance; it was nine of the clock of the day following, being Ash Wednesday [7th February 1554], before he came so far as Hyde Park: where his courage, being tofore as ye have heard not very lusty, began now utterly to die; beholding as it were before his face the present bane and confusion whereunto his malicious intent was shaped.
Yet desperation being his lewd guide, he marcheth forward; and cometh within the power of Sir William Herbert, Earl of Pembroke; being, that day, the Queen's Lieutenant General in the field. Who yet (with divers other Noblemen and faithful subjects, being then in arms with him prest and ready to receive so impudent a race of traitorous rebels to their deserved breakfast) understanding, partly by sure spial, partly by their own view, that the rebels exceeded not the number of four thousand, and most of them naked [unarmed], void of all policy and skill; considering withal that they could not set upon Wyat and his whole Band but great effusion of blood should follow, the Queen's army being so greedy to be revenged and the other so impotent to resist, determined rather by policy to achieve the victory than by bloodshed to confound the rebels. Wherein they should please GOD, answer the Queen's merciful expectation, and purchase unto themselves most renown and honour of that day's service.
Upon these resolutions, they permitted Wyat with the fore part of his Band to pass quietly along; and through between the Queen's Majesty's Horsemen: the Lord Clinton being Marshal of the Field and Captain of the barbed horses and Demi-lances on the south side; Jack of Musgrave being Captain of the Light Horsemen on the north side. The great ordnance being charged to shoot full upon the breast of the rebels coming eastward: the Earl of Pembroke with the Main Battle of footmen as well for handguns, morishpikes, bows, and bills, standing in goodly array on the north-east side, behind the said great ordnance, ready to set upon the rebels in the face coming towards Holborn.
Wyat, coming in the forefront of his Band, perceiving that he was thus beset with horsemen on both sides, the great ordnance and the footmen before his face north-eastward; so that he could no ways escape, but necessarily must fall into their hands, although for policy he was suffered and a great part of his men to pass so far quietly and without resistance through the Horsemen—he suddenly forsook his way intended through Holborn; and, with might and main, as fast as they could, he and his mates ran down underneath the Park Wall of brick adjoining to the Queen's Manor House, called St. James's.
The Lord Clinton, observing his time; first with his Demi-lances brake their array, and divided Wyat's Band in two parts. Then came the Light Horsemen, who so hardly pursued the tail of his Band, that they slew many, hurt more, and took most of them.
Whilst the said Horsemen were thus in fight with the tail of his Band; Wyat himself and 500 men or thereabouts peked [pushed] on still all along under St. James's Park Wall until he came to Charing Cross: where divers of the Queen's Household servants and others fought with them, and in the end killed 16 of the rebels.
Nevertheless Wyat, having escaped with a part of his company, marching along in battle [ar]ray, entered into Fleet street, and came over Fleet Bridge towards Lud Gate.
And although no man resisted his passage through the streets thus far: yet, when at length he perceived that he had no help of friends at London and the suburbs as he looked for, [he] left his men standing still in battle array; and rode back as far as the Temple Bar Gate, with a naked [drawn] sword in his hands the hilts upward, as some report.
At which Gate, he would have gone through towards Charing Cross, to the residue of his men: but he was then stopped by force, of the Queen's true subjects; who would not suffer him to pass without Temple Bar.
At length came one Sir Maurice Berkeley Knight unto him, and required him to consider that he could not prevail in this wicked purpose; and that his men were all taken and slain in the Field: and therefore willed him to cease off from any further occasion of bloodshed; exhorting him to yield himself prisoner, and to stand to the Queen's mercy.
Which to do, Wyat refused; and said That he would rather be slain than yield to any man.
And yet, nevertheless, as it chanced, there came a Herald of Arms immediately, riding in the Queen's Coat Armour to this place: to his Coat shortly after Wyat submitted himself prisoner; and so went to the Court at Westminster, and there was brought before the Privy Council; and shortly after, within one hour, sent from thence to the Tower of London [a] prisoner.
Amongst other things this is to be remembered, that whiles the said Wyat and certain of his men, as aforesaid, were coming thus towards Fleet street; a certain Captain of the said rebels, with divers of his soldiers, returned from Charing Cross down to the Court Gate at Whitehall, and gave a larum [an alarm] before the Gate: and shot divers arrows into the said Court, the Gate being open. Insomuch that one Master Nicholas Rockewood, being a Gentleman of Lincoln's Inn and in armour at the said Court Gate, was shot through his nose with an arrow by the rebels. [See Edward Underhill's account of this fright at Vol. IV., p. 92.]
For the coming of the said rebels was not looked for that way: but [it was] thought that the Queen's army should have joined battle with them in the Field; according to promise made by the said Wyat on his behalf: who promised that he would come to the Queen's Foot Battle [Infantry], and fight with them pike against pike and man to man. Which, when it came to the very point, he refused; and shrank [by] a bye way by Saint James's Park Wall for his refuge, as you have heard before: where many of them were slain by Horsemen, so that they came not nigh the Queen's power of the Foot Battle. Which increased some desperate boldness in the despairing rebels: not without great discomfiture to all the Court and the city of London; perceiving that he was himself, and so many rebels with him, come through the Queen's army thus far.
Whereupon grew great admiration [wonderment] amongst them that knew not their doings in the Field: how for policy, and to avoid much manslaughter, Wyat was suffered purposely to pass along. Insomuch divers timorous and cold hearted soldiers came to the Queen, crying, "All is lost! Away! Away! A barge! A barge!"
Yet her Grace never changed her cheer, nor removed one foot out of the House: but asked for the Lord of Pembroke, in whom her Grace had worthily reposed great confidence.
Answer being made, That he was in the Field.
"Well then," quod her Grace, "fall to prayer! and I warrant you, we shall hear better news anon. For my Lord will not deceive me, I know well. If he would, GOD will not: in whom my chief trust is, who will not deceive me." And indeed, shortly after, news came all of victory, [and] how that Wyat was taken.
This day [7th February 1554], the Judges in the Common Place [Common Pleas] at Westminster sat in armour. The Mayor, Aldermen, and the householders of the city, by four of the clock in the morning, were in armour: the Lord William Howard, High Admiral, being amongst them. Who, as I have tofore said, was by the Queen's Majesty appointed Captain General and Lieutentant for the time, to confer in counsel and join in execution with the Lord Mayor and his Brethren [the Aldermen] for the sure and speedy guarding and warding of the city: to the preservation whereof the Queen's Grace had special regard. The Gates were diligently watched; every Gate with 100 men: Moor Gate being closed up and rampired.
Thus was this wily heretic and open traitor Wyat, and his complices, brought to their confusion; and to the end which never missed all such malicious[ly] disposed wretches. Partly by the wisdom and policy of him that was armed in the Field, the worthy Earl of Pembroke; but chiefly by the mighty hand of GOD, at the contemplation of her high merits and virtues; who remaining in the closet of stedfast hope and confidence, being appointed with the armour of faith, fought with ardent and continual prayer, in perfect devotion, under the banner and ensign of GOD: who indeed alone gave this victory, and alone without policy or might of man overthrew her enemies; yet so that he therewith declared his special favour and pleasure towards his servant, that noble Knight, the Earl of Pembroke, in appointing him chief champion this day to defend his chosen and elect Virgin; whose faith hath not been wavering in his Catholic religion nor his truth and service doubtful at any time towards his Prince.
Wyat, as is said, was committed to the Tower. So were divers other Gentlemen: as, soon after, was Henry Grey Duke of Suffolk and his two brethren.
The Duke of Suffolk's apprehension by the Earl of Hastings.
The Duke, being so hardly pursued by the Lord Hastings, Earl of Huntingdon, was by him apprehended in Leicestershire. Whereby he declared himself, as well in honour and unspotted loyalty as in parentage and patrimony, to succeed his great grandfather the Lord Hastings; whose fidelity and stedfast truth towards King Edward IV. and his children, the Chronicles report to his immortal honour.
Of the common people there was such a number taken in the chase by the Earl of Pembroke that besides the usual gaols, sundry churches in London were made places for their safeguard, till order was taken for their enlargement.
The Duke [of Suffolk] was arraigned by his Peers, and by verdict found guilty of Treason, before the Duke of Norfolk, being Lord Constable, and that day his Judge. Both he, and his brother Thomas, at several days, made their end at Tower Hill, by loss of their heads.
Sundry others of Wyat's complices, being arraigned, and condemned upon their confession of treason, suffered in divers parts of the Shire, as:
Henry Isley Knight, Thomas Isley his brother, and Walter Mentel, at Maidstone; where Wyat first displayed his standard.
Anthony Knevet, William his brother, with another of the Mantels, at Sevenoaks.
Bret, at Rochester, hanging in chains.
And of the common sort very few were executed, save only of the White Coats; that, to say truth, deserved it trebly.
Wyat himself, last of all, was arraigned at Westminster; the Earl of Sussex, Sir Edward Hastings, and Sir Thomas Cornwallis being his Judges: where and before whom, he most earnestly craved life; not by plea of his matter or justifying of himself, but by earnest suit, in humble submission, for the Queen's mercy.
Wyat's words at his arraignment.
It seemeth not amiss here to make report of such special words as by him were uttered at his arraignment: which I myself heard, standing not ten feet from him at that time. By the which words may appear both what he himself thought of his doings, how much he misliked the same, and also how penitent and sorrowful he was therefor.
Certain-words proceeding from Wyat
at his arraignment.
MY Lords, I must confess myself guilty; as, in the end, truth must enforce me to say: and that I am justly plagued for my sins, which most grievously I have committed against GOD; who hath suffered me to fall into this beastly brutishness and horrible offence of treason. And lo, in me the like end; as all such that have attempted like enterprizes, from the beginning have had. For peruse the Chronicles throughout, and you shall find that rebellion never from the beginning prospered. For the love of GOD, all you Gentlemen that be here present remember! and be here taught by the examples past, and also by this my present infelicity and heinous offence!
"O most miserable, mischievous, brutish, and beastly furious imagination of mine! For I thought that by the marriage of the Prince of Spain, this realm should have been in danger: and that I, that have lived a free born man, should, with my country, have been brought to bondage and servitude by aliens and Strangers. Which brutish beastliness then seemed reason; and wrought so far and to such effect as it led me to the practice and use of this committed treason: that now understanding the great commodity honour and surety which this realm shall receive by this marriage; if it shall please the Queen to be merciful to me there is no man living that shall be more trusty and faithful to serve her Grace; no, nor more ready to die at her Highness's foot, whatsoever the quarrel be."
Thus far touching Wyat's words at his arraignment, I thought not superfluous here to report, to the end that all others blindly fallen into the same error, would by the example of Wyat rise also to repentance; as well confessing to the World with open voice their detestable mischief, as also from the very heart with tears detesting the same; as, in utterance of the former words, he plentifully did.
He lost his head at Tower Hill; and his body, divided, was set up in divers parts about London.
Other poor men, being taken in Wyat's Band, and kept a time in divers churches and prisons without the Of such as did penance by wearing halters before the Queen. city [of London], kneeling all, with halters about their necks, before the Queen's Highness at Whitehall; her Grace mercifully pardoned, to the number of 600: who immediately thereupon, with great shouts, casting their halters up into the air, cried "GOD save your Grace! GOD save your Grace!"
Howbeit sundry of them that did wear halters afore the Queen's Highness were afterwards, by means, called before the Justices in the country to be arraigned: but her Grace, being moved thereof by the Sheriff, would them to be no further vexed.
Thus have ye heard of Wyat's end, and [of] some of his complices: by whose lamentable tragedy, and others of like sort that happened in our Age, not only we, but such as shall succeed us, may be abundantly taught to foresee what it is to enter into rebellion. For neither could Wyat with his stoutness, nor yet with the pretence of his quarrel coloured with a meaning to defend his country from overrunning by Strangers, nor yet through the aid of sundry conspirators of great power, ne by any other policy, prevail.
Six of the Gentlemen that were offenders were pardoned, going to their execution, by the Queen's clemency, at Rochester: as were also all the others of the whole Kentish Gentlemen remitted; a few of the rankest excepted, that, only for example, suffered.
The Queen's Highness, not long after, sent out her Commission to Sir Thomas Moyle, Sir John Guildford, Sir Thomas Kemp; Warram Sentleger, Thomas Roydon, Christopher Roper, George Dorrell of Calehill, George Fane, John Tucke, John Robarts, Thomas Lovelace, John Leonard, Esquires; with others: not only to bail and set at large such as were in prison in the country [County of Kent] for that offence, being of no small number; but also to compound [fine] with the offenders, according to the quality of their offences. Which manner of order, being not heard of in the like case, or at the least very rarely, declared a singular clemency and benignity in the Queen: that, being followed so cruelly, would yet be so moved with pity as to vouchsafe to answer them with so much lenity, in the executing of so few, in comparison to so great a number and so large a cause; being all in her Grace's mercy to dispose at her pleasure. And besides [to] suffer the rest to escape with so small abashment of their countenance [small amount of fine] after so heinous [an] offence.
He that shall peruse this Story diligently, and consider all parts thereof exactly, with remembrance of things past since the beginning of the Queen's most happy reign, must of force recognize, of what condition soever he be, the magnificence mercy and fortitude of this most noble Princess, as from time to time with such patience to endure so great malice of her own subjects, with such lenity to forbear the revenge of so intolerable outrage, with such mercy in the end to pardon and remit so heinous and great offenders. Happy was it with those heinous offenders that her Grace's most worthy and honourable Council were so agreeable to her virtuous inclination! as inclined rather to pursue merciful pardon for continuance of life than to prosecute revenge by execution of death.
It is to be wished by all good men with one assent that, provoked with so great clemency, these degenerates reform themselves! and forbear thus to attempt so gracious a Princess! unto whom, by GOD's authority, the sword is not vainly committed; lest thereby they procure to themselves damnation in seeking by such outrage their own death and confusion. From the desire whereof we see, by a number of evident arguments, the Queen's Highness and her honourable Council to be so far as, by all means they can imagine, they seek to eschew that they by most wilful and malicious means follow to their subversion.
[The following are omitted for want of space.]
An earnest Conference with the Degenerates
and Seditious, for the search of the cause
of their great disorder.
A Table [or Index].
Imprinted at London by Robert Caley within the
Precinct of the late dissolved House of the
Grey Friars, now converted to a Hospital
called Christ's Hospital
[The present Blue Coat
School],
The 10th day of January 1555.
Cum privilegio ad imprimendum solum.
Footnotes
[1] This account of Wyat's Rebellion, printed by John Michel at Canterbury, has apparently perished.—E. A.
