Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. 1 (of 8) / Aboriginal America

by Unknown

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Herrera failed to add a list of authors to the original edition of his Historia (1601-1615), but one of about thirty-three entries is found in later editions.

[2] See Vol. IV. p. 417.

[3] Sabin, vol. x. no. 40,053; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 347; Rich (1832), no. 188; Trübner, Bibliographical Guide to American Literature, p. viii; Murphy, no. 1,471.

[4] Dictionary, vol. ii. no. 5,102.

[5] For an account of a likeness, see J. C. Smith’s British Mezzotint Portraits, iv. no. 1,694.

[6] The book, of which 250 copies only were printed, is rare, and Quaritch prices it at £3 (Sabin, vol. ix. no. 37,447). It preserves some titles which are not otherwise known; and represents a library which Kennett had gathered for presentation to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. Rich (Bibl. Amer. nova, i. 21) says the index was made by Robert Watts. Although Stevens (Historical Collections, i. 142) says that the books were dispersed, the library is still in existence in London, though it lacks many titles given in the printed catalogue, and shows others not in that volume. Cf. Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xx. 274; Allibone, ii. 1020; James Jackson’s Bibliographies géographiques (Paris, 1881), no. 606; Trübner’s Bibliographical Guide, p. ix; Sabin, Bibliography of Bibliographies, p. lxxxvii.

[7] Memorial History of Boston, vol. i. pp. xviii, xix; vol. ii. pp. 221, 426.

[8] The original edition was Valencia, 1607. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 52.

[9] Catalogue (1832), no. 188. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 568; Trübner, Bibliographical Guide, p. ix; Sabin, vol. i. no. 3,349. The portion on America is in vol. ii.

[10] For example, the Champlain of 1613, 3 fr.; that of 1632, 4 fr.; 21 volumes of the Relations of the Jesuits, 18 fr.

[11] Sabin, Dictionary, vol. ii. no. 5,198; and Bibliography of Bibliographies, p. xviii; Hist. Mag., i. 57; and Allibone, ii. 1764, who calls him Reid, an American resident in London, and says he issued the bibliography as preparatory to a history of America. Jackson’s Bibliographies géographiques, no. 611, and Trübner, Bibliographical Guide, p. x, call it by the name of the publisher, Debrett.

[12] Jackson’s Bibliographies géographiques, no. 621.

[13] Jackson, Bibliographies géographiques, no. 612; Serapeum (1845), p. 223; Trübner, Bibliographical Guide, p. xxv.

[14] Sparks, Catalogue, no. 1,635; Jackson’s Bibliographies géographiques, no. 613; Trübner, p. xxv.

[15] History of Mexico, iii. 512, where is an account of Alcedo’s historical labors.

[16] Sparks, Catalogue, no. 1,635 a, and p. 230.

[17] Sabin, Bibliography of Bibliographies, p. xxiv; H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 700, 760.

[18] Quincy’s Harvard University, ii. 413, 596. It is noteworthy, in view of so rich an accession coming from Germany, that Grahame, the historian of our colonial period, says that in 1825 he found the University Library at Göttingen richer in books for his purpose than all the libraries of Britain joined together.

[19] This collection is also embraced in the Catalogue of the College Library already referred to. Mr. Warden began the collection of another library, which he used while writing the American part (10 vols.) of the Art de vérifier des Dates, Paris, 1826-1844, and which (1,118 works) was afterward sold to the State Library at Albany for $4,000. Dr. Henry A. Homes, the librarian at Albany, informs me that when arranged it made twenty-one hundred and twenty-three volumes. Warden’s Bibliotheca Americana, Paris, 1831, reprinted at Paris in 1840, is a catalogue of this collection. Mr. Warden died in 1845, aged 67. Cf. Ludewig in the Serapeum, 1845, p. 209; Muller, Books on America (1872), no. 1734; Allibone, iii. 2,579; S. G. Goodrich, Recollections, ii. 243; Jackson’s Bibl. Géog., nos. 617, 618; Trübner, Bibliographical Guide, p. xiv. There was a final sale of Mr. Warden’s books by Horatio Hill, in New York, in 1846.

[20] This portrait of one of the earliest contributors to the bibliography of American history follows an engraving in the Allgemeine geographische Ephemeriden, May, 1800, p. 395. Ebeling was born Nov. 20, 1741, and died June 30, 1817, and his own contributions to American History were—

(a) Amerikanische Bibliothek (Zwei Stücke), Leipzig, 1777.

(b) Erdbescreibung und Geschichte von America, Hamburg, 1795-1816, in seven vols.; the author’s interleaved copy, with manuscript notes, is in Harvard College Library.

(c) With Professor Hegewisch, Americanisches Magazin, Hamburg, 1797.

There are other likenesses,—one a large lithograph published at Hamburgh; the other a small profile by C. H. Kniep. Both are in the collection of the American Antiquarian Society.

[21] This collection was offered to Congress for purchase through Edward Everett in December, 1827. The printed list, with nearly a hundred entries for manuscripts and three hundred and eighty-nine for printed books, covering the years 1506-1825, was printed as Document 37 of the 1st session of the 20th Congress. The sale was not effected. Rich had been able to gather the books at moderate cost because of the troubled political state of the peninsula. Trübner, Bibliographical Guide, p. xv.

[22] Dictionary, ii. 1788.

[23] Bibl. Amer. Vet., p. xxix.

[24] Dibdin (Library Companion, edition 1825, p. 467) refers to this spirit, hoping it would lead to a new edition of White Kennett, perfected to date.

[25] Bibliotheca Grenvilliana (London, 1842), now a part of the British Museum.

[26] Sabin, Bibliog. of Bibliog., p. cxxi; Allibone, Dictionary, p. 1787; Trübner, Bibliographical Guide to American Literature, Introduction, p. xiv; Jackson’s Bibl. Géog., no. 623, etc.; Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., i. 395; Historical Magazine, iii. 75; Menzies Catalogue, no. 1,690; Ternaux-Compans, Bibliothèque Américaine, Preface. Puttick and Simpson’s Catalogues, London, June 25, 1850, and March, April, and May, 1872, note some of his books, besides manuscript bibliographies.

After Mr. Rich’s death Mr. Edward G. Allen took the business, and issued various catalogues of books on America in 1857-1871. Cf. Jackson’s Bibliog. Géog., nos. 677-682.

[27] See Vol. III. p. 159. The catalogue, being without date, is sometimes given later than 1833. Cf. Jackson, Bibliog. Géog., no. 636; and no. 690. A new Rough List of the Barlow Collection was printed in 1885.

[28] Magazine of American History, iii. 177. This library was sold in November, 1836, as Raetzel’s; the numbers 908-2,117 concerned America. Trübner (Bibliographical Guide, p. xviii) says the collection was formed by Ternaux probably with an ultimate view to sale. Ternaux did not die till December, 1864.

[29] Now worth 40 or 50 francs.

[30] Trübner, Bibliographical Guide, p. xvi.

[31] See Vol. IV. p. 367. Cf. also Trübner, Bibliographical Guide, p. xviii; and Daniel’s Nos Gloires Nationales, where will be found a portrait of Faribault.

[32] Sabin, x. nos. 42, 644-42, 645.

[33] Sabin, x. 42, 643; Trübner, Bibliographical Guide, p. xxi.

[34] Historical Magazine, xii. 145; Allibone, ii. p. 1142. The sale of Mr. Ludewig’s library (1,380 entries) took place in New York in 1858.

[35] In his Verrazano, p. 5.

[36] Cf. also D’Avezac in his Waltzemüller, p. 4.

[37] Sabin, viii. p. 107; Jackson, Bibliog. Géog., no. 696. The edition was four hundred copies.

[38] An error traced to the proof-reader, it is said in Sabin’s Bibliog. of Bibliog., p. lxxiv.

[39] Stevens noticed this defence by reiterating his charges in a note in his Bibliotheca Historica, 1870, no. 860.

[40] Vol. IV. p. 366.

[41] Sabin, Bibliography of Bibliographies, p. lxxv.

[42] Grandeur et décadence de la Colombine, Paris, 1885.

[43] J. J. Cooke Catalogue, no. 2,214; Griswold Catalogue, nos. 730, 731. The editions were fifty copies on large paper, two hundred on small. It may be worth record that Gowan, a publisher in New York, was the earliest (1846) to instigate a taste for large paper copies among American collectors, by printing in that style Furman’s edition of Denton’s Description of New York, after the manner of the English purveyors to book-fancying.

[44] See Proceedings of the Numismatic and Antiquarian Society, Philadelphia, 1881, p. 28.

[45] Mr. Wilberforce Eames is the new editor. A list of the catalogues prepared by Mr. Sabin is given in his Bibliography of Bibliographies, p. cxxiv, etc.

[46] The German translation, Kritische Untersuchungen, was made by J. I. Ideler, Berlin, 1852, in 3 vols. It has an index, which the French edition lacks.

[47] Sabin, viii. 539. The edition of Paris, without date, called Histoire de la géographie du nouveau continent, is the same, with a new title and an introduction of four pages, La Cosa’s map being omitted.

[48] Verrazano, p. 4.

[49] In his Cosmos Humboldt gives results, which he says are reached in his unpublished sixth volume of the Examen critique.

[50] The Humboldt Library was burned in London in June, 1865. Nearly all of the catalogues were destroyed at the same time; but a few large paper copies were saved, which, being perfected with a new title (London, 1878), have since been offered by Stevens for sale. Portions of the introduction to it are also used in an article by Stevens on Humboldt, in the Journal of Sciences and Arts January, 1870. Various of Humboldt’s manuscripts on American matters are advertised in Stargardt’s Amerika und Orient, no. 135, p. 3 (Berlin, 1881).

[51] Cf. Historical Magazine, vol. ix. no. 335; Magazine of American History, vol. ii. pp. 193, 221, 565; Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., April, 1868. Colonel Force died in January, 1868.

[52] Mr. Sparks died March 14, 1866. Tributes were paid to his memory by distinguished associates in the Massachusetts Historical Society (Proceedings, ix. 157), and Dr. George E. Ellis reported to them a full and appreciative memoir (Proceedings, x. 211). Cf. also Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., March, 1866; Historical Magazine, May, 1866; Brantz Mayer before the Maryland Historical Society, 1867, etc.

[53] Cf. Historical Magazine, vol. ix. p. 137.

[54] The principal interpreter of the Indian languages of the temperate parts of North America has been Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull, of Hartford, for whose labor in the bibliography of the subject see a chapter in vol i. of the Memorial History of Boston. There is also a collection edited by him, of books in and upon the Indian languages, in the Brinley Catalogue, iii. 123-145. He gave in the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, and also separately in 1874, a list of books in the Indian languages, printed at Cambridge and Boston, 1653-1721 (Field, Indian Bibliography, no. 1,571). Cf. also Ludewig’s Literature of American Aboriginal Languages, mentioned on an earlier page. It was edited and corrected by William W. Turner. (Cf. Pinart-Brasseur Catalogue, no. 565; Field, Indian Bibliography, no. 959).

Icazbalceta published in 1866, at Mexico, a list of the writers on the languages of America; and Romero made a similar enumeration of those of Mexico, in 1862, in the Boletin de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografia, vol. viii. Dr. Daniel G. Brinton has made a good introduction to the literary history of the native Americans in his Aboriginal American Authors, published by him at Philadelphia in 1883. For his own linguistic contributions, see Field, Indian Bibliography, no. 187, etc. One of the earliest enumerations of linguistic titles can be picked out of the list which Boturini Benaduci, in 1746, appended to his Idea de una nueva historia general de la America septentrional.

The most extensive enumeration of the literature of all the North American tongues is doubtless to be the Bibliography of North American Linguistics, which is preparing by Mr. James C. Pilling of the Bureau of Ethnology in Washington, and which will be published in due time by that bureau. A preliminary issue (100 copies) for corrections is called Proof-sheets of a Bibliography of the Indian Languages of North America (pp. xl, 1135).

The Bibliotheca Americana of Leclerc (Paris, 1879) affords many titles to which a preliminary “Table des Divisions” affords an index, and most of them are grouped under the heading “Linguistique,” p. 537, etc. The third volume of H. H. Bancroft’s Native Races, particularly in its notes, is a necessary aid in this study; and a convenient summary of the whole subject will be found in chapter x. of John T. Short’s North Americans of Antiquity. J. C. E. Buschmann has been an ardent laborer in this field; the bibliographies give his printed works (Field’s Indian Bibliography, p. 208, etc.), and Stargardt’s Catalogue (no. 135, p. 6) shows some of his manuscripts. The Comte Hyacinthe de Charencey has for some years, from time to time, printed various minor monographs on these subjects; and in 1883 he collected his views in a volume of Mélanges de philologie et de paléographie Américaines.

The Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, in his Bibliothèque Mexico-Guatemalienne (Leclerc, nos. 81, 1,084), has given for Central America a very excellent list of the works on the linguistics of the natives, which are all contained also in the Catalogue of the Pinart-Brasseur sale, which took place in Paris in January and February, 1884. Cf. the paper on Brasseur by Dr. Brinton, in Lippincott’s Magazine, vol. i.; and the enumeration of his numerous writings in Sabin’s Dictionary, ii. 7,420; also Leclerc, Field, and Bancroft.

Dr. Félix C. Y. Sobron’s Los Idiomas de la America Latina,—Estudios Biografico-bibliograficos, published a few years since at Madrid, gives, according to Dr. Brinton, extended notices of several rare volumes; but on the whole the book is neither exhaustive nor very accurate.

Julius Platzmann’s Verzeichniss einer Auswahl Amerikanischer Grammatiken, etc. (Leipsic, 1876), is a small but excellent list, with proper notes. These bibliographies will show the now numerous works upon the aboriginal tongues, their construction and their fruits.

There are several important series interesting to the student, which are found in the catalogues. Such are the Bibliothèque linguistique Américaine, published in seven volumes by Maisonneuve in Paris (Leclerc, no. 2,674); the Coleccion de linguistica y etnografía Americanas, or Bibliothèque de linguistique et d’Ethnographie Américaines, 1875, etc., edited by A. L. Pinart; the Library of American Linguistics, in thirteen volumes, edited by Dr. John G. Shea (Cf. Brinley Catalogue, vol. iii. no. 5,631; Field, no. 1,396); Brinton’s Library of Aboriginal American Literature, published by Dr. D. G. Brinton in Philadelphia; and Brasseur de Bourbourg’s Collection de documents dans les langues indigènes, Paris, 1861-1864, in four volumes (cf. Field, p. 175).

The earliest work printed exclusively in a native language was the Catecismo de la Doctrina Cristiana en lengua Timuiquana, published at Mexico in 1617 (cf. Sabin, vol. xiv. no. 58,580; Finotti, p. 14). This is the statement often made; but Mr. Pilling refers me to references in Icazbalceta’s Zumárraga (vol. 1. p. 200) to an earlier edition of about 1547; and in the same author’s Bibliografia Mexicana (p. 32), to one of 1553. Molina’s Vocabulario de la lengua Castellana y Mexicana, placing the Nahuatl and Castilian in connection, was printed at Mexico in 1555. The book is very rare, five or six copies only being known; and Quaritch has priced an imperfect copy at £72 (Quaritch, Bibliog. Géog. linguistica, 1879, no. 12,616; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 206; Brinley Catalogue, vol. iii. no, 5,771). The edition of 1571 is also rare (Pinart-Brasseur Catalogue, no. 630; Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 285, 286; Quaritch, 1879, no. 12,617). The first edition of Molina’s Aztec grammar, Arte de la lengua Mexicana y Castellana, was published the same year (1571). Quaritch (1879, no. 12,615) prices this at £52 10s. Cf. also Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 284. One of the chief of the more recent studies of the linguistics of Mexico is Francisco Pimentel’s Cuadro descriptivo y comparativo de las lenguas indigenas de México, Mexico, 1862-1865; and second edition in 1874-1875.

This subject has other treatment later in the present volume.

[55] It included two thousand and thirty-four items, ninety-four of which were Mr. Squier’s own works.

[56] Vol. II. p. 578.

[57] He says that up to 1881 he had gathered 35,000 volumes, at a cost of $300,000, exclusive of time and travelling expenses. His manuscripts embraced 1,200 volumes. The annual growth of his library is still 1,000 volumes.

[58] One twelfth of the earth’s surface, as he says.

[59] Cf. account of Maximilian’s library in the Bookworm (1869), p. 14.

[60] These biographical data are derived from a tract given out by himself which he calls A brief account of the literary undertakings of Hubert Howe Bancroft (San Francisco, A. L. Bancroft & Co. [his own business house], 1882, 8vo, pp. 12). Other accounts of his library will be found in the American Bibliopolist, vii. 44; and in Apponyi’s Libraries of California, 1878. Descriptions of the library and of the brick building (built in 1881) which holds it, and of his organized methods, have occasionally appeared in the Overland Monthly and in other serial issues of California, as well as in those of the Atlantic cities. He has been free to make public the most which is known regarding his work. He says that the grouping and separating of his material has been done mostly by others, who have also written fully one half of the text of what he does not hesitate to call The Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft; and he leaves the reader to derive a correct understanding of the case from his prefaces and illustrative tracts. Cf. J. C. Derby’s Fifty Years among authors, books, and publishers (New York, 1884), p. 31.

[61] Averaging twelve from that time to this; a hundred persons were tried for every one ultimately retained as a valuable assistant,—is his own statement.

[62] At a cost, as he says, of $80,000 to 1882.

[63] They appeared in The Nation and in the New York Independent early in 1883. The first aimed to show that there were substantial grounds for dissent from Mr. Bancroft’s views regarding the Aztec civilization. The second ignored that point in controversy, and merely proposed, as was stated, to test the “bibliographic value” which Mr. Bancroft had claimed for his book, and to point out the failures of the index plan and the vicarious system as employed by him.

[64] Seemingly intended to make part of one of the later volumes of his series, to be called Essays and Miscellanies.

[65] With a general title (as following his Native Races) of The History of the Pacific States, we are to have in twenty-eight volumes the history of Central America, Mexico, North Mexico, New Mexico, Arizona, California, Nevada, Utah, Northwest Coast, Oregon, Washington, Idaho, Montana, British Columbia, and Alaska,—to be followed by six volumes of allied subjects, not easily interwoven in the general narrative, making thirty-nine volumes for the entire work. The volumes are now appearing at the rate of three or four a year.

[66] The list which is prefixed to the first volume of the History of California, forming vol. xiii. of his Pacific States series, is particularly indicative of the rich stores of his library, and greatly eclipses the previous lists of Mr. A. S. Taylor, which appeared in the Sacramento Daily Union, June 25, 1863 and March 13, 1866. Cf. Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., p. xxxix. A copy of Taylor’s pioneer work, with his own corrections, is in Harvard College Library. Mr. Bancroft speaks very ungraciously of it.

[67] See Vol. IV., chap. i. p. 19.

[68] Jackson, Bibl. Géog., no. 639; Menzies Catalogue, nos. 1,459, 1,460; Wynne’s Private Libraries of New York, p. 335. Mr. Murphy died Dec. 1, 1882, aged seventy-two; and his collection, then very much enlarged, was sold in March, 1884. Its Catalogue, edited by Mr. John Russell Bartlett, shows one of the richest libraries of Americana which has been given to public sale in America. It is accompanied by a biographical sketch of its collector. Cf. Vol. IV. p. 22.

[69] Cf. Wynne’s Private Libraries of New York, p. 106. Mr. Brevoort died December 7, 1887.

[70] Cf. Sabin, v. 283; Farnham’s Private Libraries of Boston.

[71] February, 1880, aged eighty years. His father was Robert Lenox, a Scotchman, who began business in New York in 1783, and retired in 1812 with a large fortune, including a farm of thirty acres, worth then about $6,000, and to-day $10,000,000,—if such figures can be made accurate. Cf. also Charles Deane in Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., April, 1880. Henry Stevens’s Recoll. of Lenox is conspicuous for what it does not reveal.

[72] The Lenox Library is now under the direction of the distinguished American historical student, Dr. George H. Moore, so long in charge of the New York Historical Society’s library. Cf. an account of Dr. Moore by Howard Crosby in the Historical Magazine, vol. xvii. (January, 1870). The officer in immediate charge of the library is Dr. S. Austin Allibone, well known for his Dictionary of Authors.

[73] Mr. Bartlett was early in life a dealer in books in New York; and the Americana catalogues of Bartlett and Welford, forty years ago, were among the best of dealers’ lists. Jackson’s Bibl. Géog., no. 641.

[74] The field of Americana before 1800 has been so nearly exhausted in its composition, that recent purchases have been made in other departments, particularly of costly books on the fine arts.

[75] Cf. Vol. III. p. 380.

[76] Because Greenland in the map of the Ptolemy of this year is laid down. The slightest reference to America in books of the sixteenth century have entitled them to admission.

[77] The book purports to have been printed in one hundred copies; but not more than half that number, it is said, have been distributed. Some copies have a title reading, Bibliographical notices of rare and curious books relating to America, printed in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, in the library of the late John Carter Brown, by John Russell Bartlett.

[78] Sir Arthur Helps, in referring to the assistance he had got from books sent to him from America, and from this library in particular, says: “As far as I have been able to judge, the American collectors of books are exceedingly liberal and courteous in the use of them, and seem really to understand what the object should be in forming a great library.” Spanish Conquest, American edition, p. 122.

[79] Cf. Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., October, 1875.

[80] Dr. Trumbull himself has been a keen collector of books on American history, particularly in illustration of his special study of aboriginal linguistics; while his influence has not been unfelt in the forming of the Watkinson Library, and of that of the Connecticut Historical Society, both at Hartford.

[81] The first sale—there are to be four—took place in March, 1878, and illustrated a new device in testamentary bequests. Mr. Brinley devised to certain libraries the sum of several thousand dollars each, to be used to their credit for purchases made at the public sale of his books. The result was a competition that carried the aggregate of the sales, it is computed, as much beyond the sum which might otherwise have been obtained, as was the amount devised,—thus impairing in no degree the estate for the heirs, and securing credit for public bequests. The scheme has been followed in the sale of the library (the third part of which was Americana, largely from the Menzies library) of the late J. J. Cooke, of Providence, with an equivalent appreciation of the prices of the books. It is a question if the interests of the libraries benefited are advanced by such artificial stimulation of prices, which a factitious competition helps to make permanent.

[82] American Bibliopolist, viii. 128; Wynne’s Private Libraries of New York, p. 318. The collection was not exclusively American.

[83] Memoir of Mr. Crowninshield, by Charles Deane, in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xvii. 356. Mr. Stevens is said to have given about $9,500 for the library. It was sold in various parts, the more extensive portion in July, 1860. Allibone, vol. ii. p. 2,248.

[84] This collection—which Mr. Allan is said to have held at $15,000—brought $39,000 at auction after his death.

[85] Another catalogue rich in pamphlets relating to America is that of Albert G. Greene, New York, 18339.

[86] The Catalogue is more correctly printed than the Essay. Sabin, Bibliog. of Bibliog., p. cxxv.

[87] Bibliotheca Mejicana, a collection of books relating to Mexico, and North and South America; sold by Puttick & Simpson in London, June, 1869. (About 3,000 titles.)

[88] Jackson, Bibl. Géog., nos. 844, 845.

[89] Catalogue de la collection précieuse de livres anciens et modernes formant la Bibliothèque de feu M. Serge Sobolewski (de Moscou) Leipsic, 1873.

[90] Bibliotheca Sunderlandiana. Sale Catalogue of the Sunderland or Blenheim Library. Five Parts. London, 1881-1883. (13,858 nos.)

[91] Catalogue de livres rares et précieux, manuscrits et imprimés, principalement sur l’Amérique et sur les langues du monde entier, composant la bibliothèque de Alphonse L. Pinart, et comprenant en totalité la bibliothèque Mexico-Guatémalienne de M. l’abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg. Paris, 1883. viii. 248 pp. 8º.

[92] Catalogue de la précieuse bibliothèque de feu M. le Docteur J. Court, comprenant une collection unique de voyageurs et d’historiens relatifs à l’Amérique. Première partie. Paris, 1884. (458 nos.)

[93] There is an account of his family antecedents, well spiced as his wont is, in the introduction to his Bibliotheca Historica, 1870.

[94] Trübner, Bibliographical Guide to American Literature (1859), p. iv.; North American Review, July, 1850, p. 205, by George Livermore.

[95] Allibone, ii. 2247-2248.

[96] Sabin, vol. xii. no. 49,961.

[97] Stevens, Historical Collections, i. 874. It was ostensibly made in preparation for his projected Bibliographia Americana.

[98] Historical Collections, vol. i. no. 90; Allibone, vol. ii. p. 2248.

[99] Allibone, ii. 2248; Historical Collections, vol. i. no. 875; Bibliotheca Historica (1870), no. 1,974.

[100] Allibone, ii. 2248; Historical Collections, vol. i. no. 878.

[101] It was first published, less perfectly, in the American Journal of Science, vol. xcviii. p. 299; and of the separate issue seventy-five copies only were printed. Bibliotheca Historica (1870), no. 1,976. It was also issued as a part of a volume on the proposed Tehuantepec Railway, prepared by his brother, Simon Stevens, and published by the Appletons of New York the same year. Ibid. no. 1,977; Historical Collections, vol. i. nos. 894-895; Allibone, vol. ii. p. 2348, nos. 17, 18, 19.

[102] Historical Collections, vol. i. no. 897.

[103] It is a droll fancy of his to call his bookshop the “Nuggetory;” to append to his name “G. M. B.,” for Green Mountain Boy; and even to parade in a similar titular fashion his rejection at a London Club,—“Bk-bld—Ath.-Cl.”

[104] Historical Collections, vol. i. no. 898.

[105] Historical Collections, vol. i. no. 899.

[106] The public is largely indebted to the efforts of Mr. Theodore F. Dwight, the librarian and keeper of the Archives of the Department of State at Washington, for the ultimate success of the endeavor to secure these manuscripts to the nation. Mr. Stevens had lately (1885) formed a copartnership with his son, Mr. Henry N. Stevens, and had begun a new series of Catalogues, of which No. 1 gives his own publications, and No. 2 is a bibliography of New Hampshire History. He died in London, February 28, 1886.

[107] N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1863, p. 203. Dr. Homes, of Albany, is confident Joseph Bumstead was earlier in Boston than Mr. Drake. The Boston Directory represents him as a printer in 1800, and as a bookseller after 1816.

[108] His earliest catalogue appeared in 1842, as of his private library. Sabin’s Bibl. of Bibl., p. xlix. A collection announced for sale in Boston in 1845 was withdrawn after the catalogue was printed, having been sold to the Connecticut Historical Society for $4,000. At one time he amassed a large collection of American school-books to illustrate our educational history. They were bought (about four hundred in all) by the British Museum.

[109] Cf. Jackson’s Bibl. Géog., no. 684, and pp. 185, 199. Also see Vol. III. 361.

[110] His catalogues are spiced with annotations signed “Western Memorabilia.” Sabin (Dictionary, vii. 369) quotes the saying of a rival regarding Gowans’s catalogues, that their notes “were distinguished by much originality, some personality, and not a little bad grammar.” His shop and its master are drawn in F. B. Perkins’s Scrope, or the Lost Library. A Novel. Mr. Gowans died in November, 1870, at sixty-seven, leaving a stock, it is said, of 250,000 bound volumes, besides a pamphlet collection of enormous extent. Mr. W. C. Prime told the story of his life, genially, in Harper’s Magazine (1872), in an article on “Old Books in New York.” Speaking of his stock, Mr. Prime says: “There were many more valuable collections in the hands of booksellers, but none so large, and probably none so wholly without arrangement.” Mr. Gowans was a Scotchman by birth, and came to America in 1821. After a varied experience on a Mississippi flat-boat, he came to New York, and in 1827 began life afresh as a bookseller’s clerk. Cf. American Bibliopolist, January, 1871, p. 5.

[111] Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., p. xxx.

[112] Jackson, Bibl. Géog., nos. 670-676.

[113] Jackson, no. 687. See Vol. IV. p. 435. Munsell issued privately, in 1872, a catalogue of the works printed by him. Sabin, Bibl. of Bibl., p. cv. Cf. a Biographical Sketch of Joel Munsell, by George R. Howell, with a Genealogy of the Munsell Family, by Frank Munsell. Boston, 1880. This was printed (16 pp.) for the New England Historic Genealogical Society.

[114] Jackson, no. 669.

[115] They have been issued in 1869, 1871, 1873, 1876, 1877, 1878, 1879, 1883. Jackson, nos. 705-711. Lesser lists have been issued in Cincinnati by William Dodge. The chief dealer in Americana in Boston, who issues catalogues, is, at the present time, Mr. George E. Littlefield.

[116] Another is now in progress.

[117] With these canons Mr. Quaritch’s prices can be understood. The extent and character of his stock can be inferred from the fact that his purchases at the Perkins sale (1873) amounted to £11,000; at the Tite sale (1874), £9,500; at the Didot sales (1878-1879), £11,600; and at the Sunderland sales (1883), £32,650, out of a total of £56,851. At the recent sales of the Beckford and Hamilton collections, which produced £86,444, over one half, or £44,105, went to Mr. Quaritch. These figures enable one to understand how, in a sense, Mr. Quaritch commands the world’s market of choice books. A sketch, B. Q., a biographical and bibliographical Fragment (1880, 25 copies), in the privately printed series of monographs issued to a club in London, of which Mr. Quaritch is president, called “The Sette of Odd Volumes,” has supplied the above data. The sketch is by C. W. H. Wyman, and is also reprinted in his Bibliography of Printing, and in the Antiquarian Magazine and Bibliographer, November, 1882. One of the club’s “opuscula” (no. iii.) has an excellent likeness of Mr. Quaritch prefixed. Cf. also the memoir and portrait in Bigmore and Wyman’s Bibliography of Printing, ii. 230.

[118] Jackson, nos. 643-649; Trübner, Bibliographical Guide, p. xix.

[119] Mr. Trübner died in London March 30, 1884. Cf. memorial in The Library Chronicle, April, 1884, p. 43, by W. E. A. Axon; also a “Nekrolog” by Karl J. Trübner in the Centralblatt für Bibliothekswesen, June, 1884, p. 240.

[120] Cf. notice by Mr. Brevoort in Magazine of American History, iv. 230.

[121] There is a paper on “Edwin Tross et ses publications relatives à l’Amérique” in Miscellanées bibliographiques, Paris, 1878, p. 53, giving a list of his imprints which concern America.

[122] Jackson, nos. 689, 703, 717.

[123] Vol. IV. chap. viii. editorial note. There is an account of Muller and his bibliographical work in the Centralblatt für Bibliothekswesen, November, 1884.

[124] Jackson, nos. 650-654; Trübner, Bibliographical Guide, p. xix; Sabin, Bibliog. of Bibliog., p. cv; Petzholdt, Bibliotheca Bibliographica.

[125] More or less help will be derived from the American portion of the Liste provisoire de bibliographies géographiques spéciales, par James Jackson, published in 1881 by the Société de Géographie de Paris,—a book of which use has been made in the preceding pages.

[126] See the chapter on the libraries of Boston in the Memorial History of Boston, vol. iv.

[127] The extent of Dr. Dexter’s library is evident from the signs of possession which are so numerously scattered through the 7,250 titles that constitute the exhaustive and very careful bibliography of Congregationalism and the allied phases of religious history, which forms an appendix to his Congregationalism as seen in its Literature, New York, 1880. He explains in the Introduction to his volume the wide scope which he intended to give to this list; and to show how poorly off our largest public libraries in America are in the earliest books illustrating this movement, he says that of the 1,000 earliest titles which he gives, and which bear date between 1546 and 1644, he found only 208 in American libraries. His arrangement of titles is chronological, but he has a full name-index.

The students of the early English colonies cannot fail to find for certain phases of their history much help from Joseph Smith’s Descriptive Catalogue of Friends’ Books, London, 1867; his Bibliotheca Anti-Quakeriana, 1873; and his Bibliotheca Quakeristica, a bibliography of miscellaneous literature relating to the Friends, of which Part I. was issued in London in 1883.

[128] The private library of George Bancroft is in Washington. It is described as it existed some years ago in Wynne’s Private Libraries of New York.

[129] A book on the private libraries of San Francisco by Apponyi was issued in 1878.

[130] An account of the libraries of the various historical societies in the United States is given in the Public Libraries of the United States, issued by the Bureau of Education at Washington in 1876.

[131] The title is quoted differently by different authorities. Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 32, and Additions, no. 16; his Christophe Colomb, i. 89; Humboldt, Examen critique, iv. 67; Sabin, Dictionary of Books relating to America, x. 327; D’Avezac, Waltzemüller, p. 79; Varnhagen, Nouvelles Recherches, p. 17; Irving’s Columbus, app. ix.

[132] See Vol. IV. p. 12. The editorship is in dispute,—whether Zorzi or Montalboddo. The better opinion seems to be that Humboldt erred in assigning it to Zorzi rather than to Montalboddo. Cf. Humboldt, Examen critique; Brunet, v. 1155, 1158; Sabin, Dictionary, vol. xii. no. 50,050; D’Avezac, Waltzemüller, p. 80; Graesse, Trésor; Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., nos. 48, 109, app. p. 469, and Additions, no. 26; Bulletin de la Société de Géographie, October, 1857, p. 312; Santarem’s Vespucius, Eng. tr., p. 73; Irving’s Columbus, app. xxx.; Navarrete, Opúsculos, i. 101; Harrisse, Christophe Colomb, i. 89. There are copies of this 1507 edition in the Lenox and Carter-Brown libraries, and in the Grenville Library; and one in the Beckford sale, 1882 (no. 186), brought £270. Cf. also Murphy Catalogue, no. 2,612[A], and Catalogue de la précicuse bibliothèque de feu M. le Docteur F. Court (Paris, 1884), no. 262. The Paesi novamente retrovati is shown in the chapter on the Cortereals in Vol. IV. to be of importance in elucidating the somewhat obscure story of that portion of the early Portuguese discoveries in North America. Since Vol. IV. was printed, two important contributions to this study have been made. One is the monograph of Henry Harrisse, Les Cortereal et leur voyages au Nouveau-monde. D’après des documents nouveaux ou peu connus tirés des archives de Lisbonne et de Modène. Suivi du texte inédit d’un recit de la troisième expédition de Gasper Cortereal et d’une carte nautique portugaise de 1502 reproduite ici pour la première jois. Mémoire lu à l’Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres dans sa séance du 1er juin, 1883, and published in Paris in 1883, as Vol. III. of the Recueil de voyages et de documents pour servir à l’histoire de la géographie depuis le XIIIe jusqu’à la fin du XVIe siècle. The other is the excerpt from the Archivo des Açores, which was drawn from that work by the editor, Ernesto do Canto, and printed separately at Ponta Delgarda (S. Miguel) in an edition of one hundred copies, under the title of Os Corte-Reaes, memoria historica accompanhada de muitos documentos ineditos. Do Canto refers (p. 34) to other monographs on the Portuguese discoveries in America as follows: Sebastião Francisco Mendo Trigoso,—Ensaio sobre os Descobrimentos e Commercio dos Portuguezes em as Terras Septentrionaes da America, presented to the Lisbon Academy (1813), and published in their Memorias da Litteratura, viii. 305. Joaquim José Gonçalves de Mattos Corrêa,—Acerca da prioridade das Descobertas feitas pelos portuguezes nas costas orientaes da America do norte, which was printed in Annaes maritimos e Coloniaes, Lisbon, 1841, pp. 269-423. Luciano Cordeiro,—De la part prise par les Portugais dans le découverte de l’Amerique, Lisbon, 1876. This was a communication made to the Congrès des Américanistes in 1875. Cf. Vol. IV. p. 15.

[133] Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 55; D’Avezac, Waltzemüller, p. 80; Wieser, Magalhâes-Strasse, pp. 15, 17. There are copies in the Lenox, Carter-Brown, Harvard College, and Cincinnati Public libraries. The Beckford copy brought, in 1882, £78. Quaritch offered a copy in 1883 for £45. At the Potier sale, in 1870 (no. 1,791), a copy brought 2,015 francs; the same had brought 389 francs in 1844 at the Nodier sale. Livres payés en vente publique 1,000 francs et au dessus, 1877, p. 77. Cf. also Court, no. 263.

[134] Only one copy in the United States, says Sabin.

[135] In Carter-Brown and Lenox libraries; also in the Marciana and Brera libraries. Leclerc in 1878 priced a copy at 1,000 francs. Cf. Harrisse, no. 90, also p. 463, and Additions, no. 52; Sobolewski, no. 4,130; Brunet, v. 1158; Court, no. 264.

[136] Sabin, vol. xii. no. 50,054; Leclerc, no. 2,583 (500 francs). A copy was sold in London in March, 1883. There is a copy in the Cincinnati Public Library.

[137] Harrisse, no. 109; Sobolewski, no. 4,131; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 68; Murphy, no. 2,617.

[138] Newe unbekanthe landte (Nuremberg, 1508), by Ruchamer; copies are in the Lenox, Carter-Brown, Congress, and Cincinnati Public libraries. Cf. Sabin, vol. xii. no. 50,056; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 36; Harrisse, no. 57; Murphy, no. 2,613; Sobolewski, no. 4,069; D’Avezac, Waltzemüller, p. 83; Rosenthal, Catalogue (1884), no. 67, at 1,000 marks.

[139] Nye unbekande Lande (1508), in Platt-Deutsch, by Henning Ghetel, of Lubeck, following the German. Sabin, vol. xii. no. 50,057; Harrisse, Additions, no. 29. The Carter-Brown copy (Catalogue, vol. i. no. 37) cost about 1,000 marks at the Sobolewski (no. 4,070) sale, when it was described as an “édition absolument inconnu jusqu’au présent.” Mr. C. H. Kalbfleisch has since secured a copy at 3,000 marks,—probably the copy advertised “as the second copy known,” by Albert Cohn, of Berlin, in 1881, in his Katalog, vol. cxxxix. no. 27. Cf. Studi biografici e bibliografici della Società Italiana, i. 219.

[140] Itinerariū Portugallēsiū e Lusitania in Indiā (Milan, 1508), a Latin version by Archangelus Madrinanus, of Milan. Cf. D’Avezac, Waltzemüller, p. 82; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 50,058; Harrisse, no. 58; Sobolewski, no. 4,128; Muller (1870), no. 1,844. There are copies in the Lenox, Barlow, Harvard College, Carter-Brown (Catalogue, vol. i. no. 35), and Congressional libraries. The Beckford copy (no. 1,081) brought £78. Sabin quotes Bolton Corney’s copy at £137. Copies have been recently priced at £30, £36, and £45. A copy noted in the Court Catalogue (no. 177) differs from Harrisse’s collation.

[141] Sensuyt le nouveau mōde, supposed to be 1515; some copies vary in text. The Lenox Library has two varieties. Cf. Sabin, vol. xii. nos. 50,059, 50,061; Harrisse, no. 83, and Additions, no. 46; D’Avezac, Waltzemüller, p. 84. An edition of 1516 (Le nouveau monde) is in the Carter-Brown and Lenox libraries (Sabin, vol. xii. no. 50,062; Court, no. 248; Harrisse, no. 86; Sobolewski, no. 4,129). One placed in 1521 (Sensuyt le nouveau mōde) is in Harvard College Library (Harrisse, no. 111; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 50,063). Another (Sensuyt le nouveau monde) is placed under 1528 (Sabin, vol. xii. no. 50,064; Harrisse, no. 146, and Additions, no. 87).

[142] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 50. Harrisse also gives a chapter to Peter Martyr in his Christophe Colomb, i. 85.

[143] See also the reference in Joannes Tritemius’ De scriptoribus ecclesiasticis (Cologne, 1546), pp. 481-482. There have been within a few years two monographs upon Martyr:(1) Hermann A. Schumacher’s Petrus Martyr, der Geschichtsschreiber des Weltmeeres (New York, 1879); (2) Dr. Heinrich Heidenheimer’s Petrus Martyr Anglerius und sein Opus epistolarum (Berlin, 1881). This last writer gives a section to his geographical studies.

[144] Humboldt, Examen critique, ii. 279; Irving, Columbus, app.; Prescott, Ferdinand and Isabella (1873), ii. 74, and Mexico, ii. 96; H. H. Bancroft, Central America, i. 312; Helps, Spanish Conquest. Cf. Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., nos. 66 and 160.

[145] Morelli’s edition of Letter of Columbus, 1810.

[146] There is an examination of this edition on page 109 of Vol. II.

[147] Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 88; Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. i. no. 50; Huth, p. 920; Brunet, i. 293; Murphy, no. 1,606; Leclerc, no. 2,647 (600 francs); Stevens, Nuggets, £10 10s.; Bibliotheca Grenvilliana. There is a copy in Charles Deane’s collection. Tross priced a copy in 1873 at 900 francs.

[148] Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. i. no. 61; Graesse, Trésor, i. 130; Sabin, i. 201, who says Rich put it under 1560.

[149] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 62; Additions, p. 78.

[150] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 110.

[151] There are copies in Harvard College and Carter-Brown libraries. Cf. Sabin, i. 199; Leclerc, no. 24 (150 francs); Court, no. 13; Murphy, no. 1,606[A]; Stevens, Historical Collection, i. 48; his Nuggets, £2 2s. But recent prices have been £20 and £25; Brunet, i. 294; Ternaux, no. 24; Sunderland, vol. iv. no. 8,173. This tract was reprinted in the Novus orbis (Basle, 1532), and was appended to the Antwerp edition (1536) of Brocard’s Descriptio terræ sanctæ (Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 218; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 117). It is also in the Novus orbis of Rotterdam, 1596 (Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 505).

[152] There are copies in the Harvard College, Lenox, and Carter-Brown libraries. It is very rare; a fair copy was priced in London, in 1881, at £62. Cf. Brunet, i. 293; Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. i. no. 94; Sabin, i. 198; Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 154; Murphy, no. 1,607; Court, no. 14.

[153] The book is very rare. There is a copy in Harvard College Library. A copy was priced in London at £36; but Quaritch holds the Beckford copy (no. 2,275), in fine binding, at £148. Harrisse (Bill. Amer. Vet., no. 167) errs in his description. Cf. Brunet, i. 294; Sobolewski, no. 3,667; Sabin, i. 199; Huth, p. 920; Stevens, Historical Collections, i. 48; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 99; Murphy, no. 3,002; Court, no. 124.

[154] Richard Eden’s copy of this book, with his annotations, apparently used in making his translation of 1555, was sold in the Brinley sale, no. 40, having been earlier in the Judge Davis sale in 1847 (no. 1,352). The first of the Stevens copies, in his sale of 1870 (nos. 75, 1,234), is now in Mr. Deane’s library. There are also copies in the Force (Library of Congress), Carter-Brown (Catalogue, vol. i. no. 104), and Ticknor (Catalogue, p. 14) collections, and in Harvard College Library. Cf. Sabin, i.; Stevens’s Nuggets, £1 11s. 6d.; Ternaux, no. 47; Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 176; Muller (1877), no. 2,031; Court, no. 15; Murphy, no. 1,608; Leclerc (1878), no. 25 (80 francs); Quaritch, no. 11,628 (£3 10s.; again, £5 5s.); Sunderland, vol. iv. no. 8,176 (£50). Priced in Germany at 60 and 100 marks.

[155] Ramusio’s name does not appear, but D’Avezac thinks his editorship is probable; cf. Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (1872), p. 11. There are copies in Harvard College, Carter-Brown, J. C. Brevoort, H. C. Murphy, and Lenox libraries. For an account of a map said to belong to it, see Winsor’s Bibliography of Ptolemy, sub anno 1540. Cf. Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 190; Stevens, Historical Collections, vol. i. no. 344, and Nuggets, vol. ii. no. 1,808; Murphy, no. 1,609; Sunderland, vol. iv. no. 8,177; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 107; Ternaux, no. 43; Court, no. 213. Ramusio also included Martyr in the third volume of his Navigationi. Cf. the opinions of Mr. Deane and Mr. Brevoort on the Summario as given in Vol. III. p. 20.

[156] Brunet, Graesse, Ternaux.

[157] Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 214.

[158] Vol. i. p. 199.

[159] See Vol. III. p. 200; Murphy, no. 1,610.

[160] The book is rare; the copy in the Menzies sale (no. 1,332) brought $42.50. Cf. further in Vol. III. p. 204; also Cooke, no. 1,642.

[161] It has three decades and three books of the “De Babylonica legatione.” There are copies in Harvard College and the Carter-Brown libraries. Cf. Rich (1832), no. 52; Nuggets, £1 10s. 6d.; Sabin, i. 201; Muller, (1877), no. 2,031; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 295; Leclerc, no. 26 (80 francs); Harrassowitz, 35 marks; Quaritch, £1 5s. and £1 16s.; Sunderland, vol. iv. no. 8,178; O’Callaghan, no. 1,479; Cooke, no. 1,641; Court, no. 16; Murphy, no. 1,611.

[162] Graesse, i. 130; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 344; Stevens (1870), no. 1,235.

[163] The Sunderland copy (vol. iv. no. 8,179), with the map, brought £24; a French catalogue advertised one with the map for 250 francs. Without the map it is worth about $25. See further in Vol. III. p. 42; also Murphy, no. 1,612; Cooke, no. 1,643; Court, no. 17. Hakluyt’s text was used by Lok in making an English version (he adopted, however, Eden’s text of the first three decades), which was printed as De Novo Orbe; or, the Historie of the West Indies. Bibliographers differ about the editions. One without date is held by some to have been printed in 1597 (White-Kennett; Field, Indian Bibliography, no. 1,013; Menzies, no. 1,333, $35; Huth, p. 923); but others consider it the sheets of the 1612 edition with a new title (see Vol. III. p. 47, Field, no. 1,014; Stevens, 1870, no. 1,236; Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 10; O’Callaghan, no. 1,481; Murphy, no. 1,612*; Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 129, 130). There are copies of this 1612 edition in the Boston Athenæum, Harvard College, Carter-Brown, and Massachusetts Historical Society libraries; it is worth from $30 to $40. Mr. Deane’s edition of 1612 has a dedication to Julius Cæsar, the English jurist of that day, which is not in the edition without date. See Vol. III. p. 47. The same was reissued as a “second edition,” with a title dated 1628, of which there is a copy in Harvard College Library (Field, no. 1,015; Stevens, Nuggets, £4 14s. 6d.; Menzies, no. 1,334; Griswold, no. 475; Quaritch, £9 and £12).

[164] Brunet, i. 294; Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 10; Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 160; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 93; Sunderland, vol. iv. no. 8,174, (£61). There is also a copy in Harvard College Library.

[165] Sabin, i. 200. Copy in Harvard College Library; it was printed at the Elzevir Press (Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 11; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,036; Sunderland, vol. iv. no. 8,175).

[166] Prescott’s copy is in Harvard College Library (Ferdinand and Isabella, 1873, ii. 76).

[167] Cf. Arana, Bibliog. de obras anon. (1882), no. 373.

[168] There are copies of this Basle edition in the Boston Public, Harvard College, Carter-Brown, Lenox, Astor, and Barlow libraries. Münster’s map, of which an account is given elsewhere, is often wanting; the price for a copy with the map has risen from a guinea in Rich’s day (1832), to £5. Cf. Harrisse, no. 171; Leclerc, no. 411; Muller (1877), no. 1,301; Ternaux, no. 38; Sabin, vol. ix. no. 34,100; Court, no. 249. The Paris edition has the Orontius Finæus map properly, though others are sometimes found in it. Cf. Harrisse, nos. 172, 173; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 102; Sabin, vol. ix. nos. 34,101, 34,102; Leclerc, nos. 412 (150 francs), 2,769; Stevens, Bibliotheca geographica, p. 124; Cooke, no. 2,879; Court, no. 250; Sunderland, no. 263; Muller (1872), no. 1,847; Quaritch (1883) £12 16s. The Lenox Library has copies of different imprints,—“apud Galeotum” and “apud Parvum.” There are other copies in the Barlow and Carter-Brown libraries. Good copies are worth about £10.

[169] Sabin (vol. ix. p. 30) says it is rarer than the original Latin. There are copies in Harvard College, Congressional, and Carter-Brown libraries. Cf. Rich (1832), £1 1s.; Ternaux, no. 45; Sabin, vol. ix. no. 34,106; Grenville, p. 498; Harrisse, no. 188, with references; Stevens (1870), no. 1,419; Muller (1872), no. 1,853, and (1877) no. 1,309 (40 florins), with corrections of Harrisse; Sobolewski, no. 3,857; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 110; Huth, vol. iii. nos. 1,050-1,051. Quaritch and others of late price it at £3. It was from this German edition of the Novus orbis that the collection, often quoted as that of Cornelis Albyn, and called Nieuwe Weerelt, was made up in 1563, with some additional matter. It is in the dialect of Brabant, and Muller (Books on America, 1872, no. 1,854) says it is “exceedingly rare, even in Holland;” he prices it at 50 florins. Cf. Leclerc, no. 2,579 (250 francs); Sabin, vol. ix. no. 34,107; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 240; Huth, vol. iii. no. 1,051; A. R. Smith’s Catalogue (1874), no. 8 (£2 2s.); Pinart, no. 668.

[170] It has pp. 585-600 in addition to the edition of 1532. There are copies in the Cornell University (Sparks Catalogue, no. 1,107), Lenox, Carter-Brown, Barlow, J. C. Brevoort, and American Antiquarian Society libraries. One of the two copies in Harvard College Library belonged at different times to Charles Sumner, E. A. Crowninshield (no. 796), and the poet Thomas Gray, and has Gray’s annotations, and a record that it cost him one shilling and ninepence. The map of the 1532 Basle edition belongs to this 1537 edition; but it is often wanting. The Huth Catalogue (vol. iii. p. 1050) calls the map of “extreme rarity;” and Quaritch has pointed out that the larger names in the map being set in type in the block, there is some variation in the style of these inscriptions belonging to the different issues. Cf. Sabin, vol. ix. no. 34,103; Harrisse, no. 223; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 123; Leclerc, no. 413, with map (100 francs); Stevens (Nuggets) does not mention the map, but his Bibliotheca historica (1870), no. 1,455, and Historical Collections, p. 66, give it; Muller (1872), no. 1,850 and (1877) no. 1,306. Recent prices of good copies with the map are quoted at £4 4s., 57 marks, and 70 francs; without the map it brings about $4.00. Grolier’s copy was in the Beckford sale (1882), no. 187.

[171] There are copies in the Boston Public (two copies), Boston Athenæum, Harvard College, Carter-Brown (no. 202), and American Antiquarian Society libraries. The map is repeated from the earlier Basle editions. Cf. Brinley Catalogue, no. 50; Huth Catalogue (without map), iii. 1,050; Harrisse, no. 171; Stevens, Historical Collection, vol. i. no. 501; Cooke, no. 1,064; Sabin, vol. ix. no. 34,104. Rich, in 1832, priced it with map at £2 2s.; recent prices are £4 4s. and £5 5s.

[172] Edited by Balthazar Lydius. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 182; Graesse, iv. 699; Brunet, iv. 132; Sabin, vol. ix. no. 34,105; Huth, iii. 1051; Leclerc, no. 414 (40 francs); Stevens, Nuggets, £2 2s.; Court, no. 251; Muller (1872), no. 1,870. There are copies in Harvard College Library and Boston Athenæum.

[173] The editions of Ptolemy recording or affecting the progress of geography in respect to the New World are noted severally elsewhere in the present work; but the whole series is viewed together in the Bibliography of Ptolemy’s Geography, by Justin Winsor, which, after appearing serially in the Harvard University Bulletin, was issued separately by the University Library in 1884 as no. 18 of its Bibliographical Contributions.

[174] H. H. Bancroft, Mexico, i. 258. Harrisse (Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 237) gives the date 1541 as apparently the first edition. His authority is the Labanoff Catalogue; but the date therein is probably an error (Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,384). The Athenæ Rauricæ cites a Latin edition of 1543,—it is supposed without warrant, though it is also mentioned in Poggendorff’s Biog.-liter. Handwörterbuch, ii. 234.

[175] Harrisse (Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 258), describing a copy in the Lenox Library. The map of America in this edition is given by Santarem, and much reduced in Lelewel. There are twenty-four maps in it in all (Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,385).

[176] Also published at Basle (Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions, no. 152; Weigel, 1877, Catalogue; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,386). It has twenty-eight maps. There is a copy in the Royal Library at Munich.

[177] The third and later German editions were as follows: 1546. According to the Athenæ Rauricæ.—1550. Basle, 1,233 pages, woodcuts, with views of towns added for the first time, and fourteen folios of maps. Harrisse (no. 294) quotes the description in Ebert’s Dictionary, no. 14,500. Cf. Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,387; Leclerc, no. 396; Rosenthal (Munich, 1884), no. 52, at 80 marks. Harrisse (Additions, no. 179) says the Royal Library at Munich has three different German editions of 1550.—1553. Basle. Muller (Books on America, 1872, no. 1,020; 1877, no. 2,203) cites a copy, with twenty-six maps; also Sabin (vol. xii. no. 51,388).—1556. Cited by Sabin, vol. xii. no. 53,389.—1561. Basle. Cf. Rosenthal, Catalogue (1884), no. 53.—1564. Basle. Cf. Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,390; Carter-Brown Catalogue, i. 598. It has fourteen maps, the last being of the New World.—1569, 1574, 1578. Basle. All are cited by Ebert and Harrisse, who give them twenty-six maps, and say that the cuts are poor impressions.—1574, 1578, 1588. Undated; but cited by Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,391-51,393.—1592, 1598. In these editions the twenty-six maps and the woodcuts are engraved after new drawings. That of 1592 is in the Boston Athenæum; that of 1598 is in Harvard College Library. The likeness of Münster on the title is inscribed: “Seins alters lx jar.” America is shown in the general mappemonde, and in map no. xxvi., “Die Newe Welt.” Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,394-51,395.—1614, 1628. These Basle editions reproduced the engravings of the 1592 and 1598 editions, and are considered the completest issues of the German text. They are worth from 30 to 40 marks each. Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,396.

[178] The Athenæ Rauricæ gives a Latin edition of 1545.

[179] This 1550 Latin edition has fourteen maps, and copies are worth from $12 to $15. Cf. Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 300; Huth Catalogue, iii. 1,009; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,379; Strutt, Dictionary of Engravers.

[180] The title of the 1554 edition as shown in the copy in the Boston Public Library reads as follows: Cosmo | graphiae | uniuersalis Lib. VI. in | quibus iuxta certioris fidei scriptorum | traditionem describuntur, | Omnium habitabilis orbis partium situs, pro- | priæq’ dotes. | Regionum Topographicæ effigies. | Terræ ingenia, quibus sit ut tam differentes & ua | rias specie res, & animatas, & inanimatas, ferat. | Animalium peregrinorum naturæ & picturæ. | Nobiliorum ciuitatum icones & descriptiones. | Regnorum initia, incrementa & translationes. | Regum & principum genealogiæ. | Item omnium gentium mores, leges, religio, mu- | tationes: atq’ memorabilium in hunc usque an- | num 1554. gestarum rerum Historia. | Autore Sebast. Munstero. The same edition is in the Harvard College Library; but the title varies, and reads thus: Cosmo | graphiæ | uniuersalis Lib. VI. in | quibus, iuxta certioris fidei scriptorum | traditionem describuntur, | Omniū habitabilis orbis partiū situs, propriæq’ dotes. | Regionum Topographicæ effigies. | Terræ ingenia, quibus sit ut tam differentes & uarias | specie res, & animatas & inanimatas, ferat. | Animalium peregrinorum naturæ & picturæ. Nobiliorum ciuitatum icones & descriptiones. | Regnorum initia, incrementa & translationes. | Omnium gentium mores, leges, religio, res gestæ, mu- | tationes: Item regum & principum genealogiæ. | Autore Sebast. Munstero. | The colophon in both reads: | Basileæ Apud Henrichum Petri, | Mense Septemb. Anno Sa | lvtis M.D.LIIII. | This copy belonged to Dr. Mather Byles, and has his autograph; the title is mounted, and may have belonged to some other one of the several “title-editions” which appeared about this time. Cf. Harvard University Bulletin, ii. 285; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 194; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,380-51,381. The account of America is on pages 1,099-1,113. These editions have been bought of late years for about $4; but Rosenthal (Munich, 1884) prices a copy of 1552 at 130 marks, and one of 1554 at 150 marks.

[181] Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,382; Muller, Books on America (1872), p. 11.

[182] Some copies have nineteen maps, others twenty-two in all. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 291; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,383. Some passages displeasing to the Catholics are said to have been omitted in this edition. It is worth about $12 or $15.

[183] Supplément, col. 1,129; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,397.

[184] That of Basle, 1556, has on pp. 1,353-1,374, “Des nouvelles ilsles: comment, quand et par qui elles ont esté trouvées,” with a map and fourteen woodcuts. It is usually priced at about $20; the copies are commonly worn (Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,398). The same publisher, Henry Pierre, reissued it (without date) in 1568, with twelve folding woodcut maps, the first of which pertains to America (Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 271; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,399). In 1575 a new French edition, with the cuts reduced, was issued in three volumes, folio, edited by Belleforest and others; it gives 101 pages to America. Cf. Brunet, col. 1,945; Supplément, col. 1,129; Stevens (1870), p. 121; Sunderland, no. 8,722 (£18 10s.); Porquet (1884), no. 1,673, (150 francs); Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,400.

[185] Cf. Vol. III. of the present History, pp. 200, 201.

[186] Weigel (1877), p. 96; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,401.

[187] Supplément, col. 1,129. Cf. also Weigel (1877), p. 96; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,132; Sabin, vol. xii. nos. 51,402-51,403.

[188] Terzo volume delle navigationi et viaggi, etc., Venice, 1556. His name is, Latinized, Ramusius.

[189] Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 46. A list of the Contents is given in the Carter-Brown Catalogue (vol. i. p. 181), and in Leclerc (no. 484), where a set (1554, 1583, 1565) is priced at 250 francs. Of interest in connection with the present History, there are in the first volume of Ramusio the voyages of Da Gama, Vespucius, and Magellan, as well as matter of interest in connection with Cabot (see Vol. III. p. 24); in the second volume (1559), the travels of Marco Polo, the voyage of the Zeni and of Cabot. The first edition of the first volume was published in 1550; Ramusio’s name does not appear. A second edition came out in 1554. Cf. Murphy Catalogue, nos. 2,096-2,098; Cooke, no. 2,117.

[190] Born in 1485-1486; died in 1557. There is an alleged portrait of Ramusio in the new edition of Il viaggio di Giovan Leone, etc. (Venice, 1857), the only volume of it published. The portrait of him by Paul Veronese in the hall of the Great Council was burned in 1557; and Cicogna (Biblioteca Veneziana, ii. 310) says that the likeness now in the Sala dello Scudo is imaginary.

[191] Cf. also Camus, Mémoire sur De Bry, p. 8; Humboldt, Examen critique; Hallam, Literature of Europe; Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 304; Brunet, vol. iv. col. 1100; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 195 Clarke’s Maritime Discovery, p. x, where Tiraboschi’s account of Ramusio is translated; and H. H. Bancroft, Mexico, i. 282. Ternaux mentions a second edition in 1564; but Harrisse could find no evidence of it (Bibl. Amer. Vet., p. xxxiii). There was a well-known second edition of the third volume in 1565 (differing in title only from the 1556 edition), which, with a first volume of 1588 and a second volume of 1583, is thought to make up the most desirable copy; though there are some qualifications in the case, since the 1606 edition of the third volume is really more complete.

[192] Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 275.

[193] Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 287, 288, 299, 337; Sunderland, nos. 8,569, 8,570; Brinley, no. 44; Murphy, no. 1,709; Court, no. 241.

[194] Court, no. 242.

[195] Carter-Brown, i. 386; ii. 12; Brinley, no. 45.

[196] The different editions in the various languages are given in Sabin, xii. 282.

[197] Sabin, vol. viii. no. 32,004.

[198] A complete reprint of all of Hakluyt’s publications, in fourteen or fifteen volumes, is announced (1884) by E. and G. Goldsmid, of Edinburgh.

[199] The title, however, as given in catalogues generally, runs: Collectiones peregrinationum in Indiam orientalem et Indiam occidentalem, XXV partibus comprehensæ a Theodoro, Joan-Theodoro De Bry, et a Matheo Merian publicatæ. Francofurti ad Mænum, 1590-1634.

[200] This part is of extreme rarity, and Dibdin says that Lord Oxford bought the copy in the Grenville Library in 1740 for £140. Cf. Vol. III.

[201] The earliest description of a set of De Bry of any bibliographical moment is that of the Abbé de Rothelin, Observations et détails sur la collection des voyages, etc. (Paris, 1742), pp. 44 (Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 473), which is reprinted in Lenglet du Fresnoy’s Méthode pour étudier la géographie (1768), i. 324. Gabriel Martin, in his catalogue of the library of M. Cisternay du Fay, had somewhat earlier announced that collector’s triumph in calling a set in his catalogue (no. 2,825) “exemplum omni genere perfectum,” when his copy brought 450 francs. The Abbé de Rothelin aimed to exceed Cisternay du Fay, and did in the varieties which he brought together. The next description was that of De Bure in his Bibliographie instructive (vol. i. p. 67), printed 1763-1768; but the German editions were overlooked by De Bure, as they had been by his predecessors. The Carter-Brown Catalogue (vol. i. no. 473) shows Sobolewski’s copy of De Bure with manuscript notes. A lifetime later, in 1802, A. G. Camus printed at Paris his Mémoire sur les grands et petits voyages [de De Bry] et les voyages de Thevenot. As a careful and critical piece of work, this collation of Camus was superior to De Bure’s. A description of a copy belonging to the Duke of Bedford was printed in Paris in 1836 (6 pp.). Weigel, in the Serapeum (1845), pp. 65-89, printed his “Bibliographische Mittheilungen über die deutschen Ausgaben von De Bry,” which was also printed separately. It described a copy now owned in New York. Muller, in his Catalogue (1872), p. 217, indicates some differences from Weigel’s collations. The copy formed by De Bure fell into Mr. Grenville’s hands, and was largely improved by him before he left it, with his library, to the British Museum. The Bibliotheca Grenvilliana describes it, and Bartlett (Carter-Brown Catalogue, i. 321) thinks it the finest in Europe. Cf. Dibdin’s description, which is copied in the American Bibliopolist (1872), p. 13. The standard collation at present is probably that of Brunet, in his Manuel du libraire, vol. i. (1860), which was also printed separately; in this he follows Weigel for the German texts. This account is followed by Sabin in his Dictionary (vol. iii. p. 20), whose article, prepared by Charles A. Cutter, of the Boston Athenæum, has also been printed separately. The Brunet account is accompanied by a valuable note (also in Sabin, iii. 59), by Sobolewski, whose best set (reaching one hundred and seventy parts) was a wonderful one, though he lacked the English Hariot. This set came to this country through Muller (cf. his Catalogue, 1875, p. 387), and is now in the Lenox Library. Sobolewski’s second set went into the Field Collection, and was sold in 1875; and again in the J. J. Cooke sale (Catalogue, iii. 297) in 1883. Cf. Catalogue de la collection de feu M. Serge Sobolewski de Moscou, prepared by Albert Cohn. The sale took place in Leipsic in July, 1873. Brunet and Sobolewski both point out the great difficulties of a satisfactory collation, arising from the publisher’s habit of mixing the sheets of the various editions, forming varieties almost beyond the acquisition of the most enthusiastic collector, “so that,” says Brunet, “perhaps no two copies of this work are exactly alike.” “No man ever yet,” says Henry Stevens (Historical Collections, vol. i. no. 179), “made up his De Bry perfect, if one may count on the three great De Bry witnesses,—the Right Honorable Thomas Grenville, the Russian prince Sobolewski, and the American Mr. Lenox,—who all went far beyond De Bure, yet fell far short of attaining all the variations they had heard of.” The collector will value various other collations now accessible, like that in the Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. i. no. 396 (also printed separately, twenty-five copies, in 1875); that printed by Quaritch, confined to the German texts; that in the Huth Catalogue, ii. 404; and that in the Sunderland Catalogue, nos. 2,052, 2,053.

[202] There are lists of the sets which have been sold since 1709 given in Sabin (vol. iii. p. 47), from Brunet, and in the Carter-Brown Catalogue (vol. i. p. 408). The Rothelin copy, then esteemed the best known, brought, in 1746, 750 francs. At a later day, with additions secured under better knowledge, it again changed hands at 2,551 francs, and once more, in 1855 (described in the Bulletin du bibliophile, 1855, pp. 38-41), Mr. Lenox bought it for 12,000 francs; and in 1873 Mr. Lenox also bought the best Sobolewski copy (fifty-five volumes) for 5,050 thalers. With these and other parts, procured elsewhere, this library is supposed to lead all others in the facilities for a De Bry bibliography. Fair copies of the Grands voyages in Latin, in first or second editions, are usually sold for about £100, and for both voyages for £150, and sometimes £200. Muller, in 1872, held the fourteen parts, in German, of the Grands voyages, at 1,000 florins. Fragmentary sets are frequently in the Catalogues, but bring proportionately much less prices. In unusually full sets the appreciation of value is rapid with every additional part. Most large American libraries have sets of more or less completeness. Besides those in the Carter-Brown (which took thirty years to make, besides a duplicate set from the Sobolewski sale) and Lenox libraries, there are others in the Boston Public, Harvard College, Astor, and Long Island Historical Society libraries,—all of fair proportions, and not unfrequently in duplicate and complemental sets. The copy of the Great Voyages, in Latin (all first editions), in the Murphy Library (Catalogue, no. 379), was gathered for Mr. Murphy by Obadiah Rich. The Murphy Library also contained the German text in first editions. In 1884 Quaritch offered the fine set from the Hamilton Library (twenty-five parts), “presumed to be quite perfect,” for £670. The Earl of Crawford and Balcarres is about publishing his bibliography of De Bry.

[203] There are somewhat diverse views on this point expressed by Brunet and in the Grenville Catalogue.

[204] Reference has been made elsewhere (Vol. III. pp. 123, 164) to sketches, now preserved as a part of the Grenville copy of De Bry in the British Museum, which seem to have been the originals from which De Bry engraved the pictures in Hariot’s Virginia, etc. These were drawn by Wyth, or White. A collection of twenty-four plates of such, from De Bry, were published in New York in 1841 (Field’s Indian Bibliography, no. 1,701). Cf. Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., Oct. 20, 1866, for other of De Bry’s drawings in the British Museum. De Bry’s engravings have been since copied by Picard in his Cérémonies et coutumes religieuses des peuples idolatres (Amsterdam, 1723), and by others. Exception is taken to the fidelity of De Bry’s engravings in the parts on Columbus; cf. Navarrete, French translation, i. 320.

[205] Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 453, 454, 455.

[206] Rich (1832), £5 5s. Cf. P. A. Tiele’s Mémoire bibliographique sur les journaux des navigateurs Néerlandais réimprimés dans les collections de De Bry et de Hulsius, Amsterdam, 1867.

[207] Stevens (1870), no. 668; Sabin, vi. 211.

[208] Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 456; vol. ii. no. 198; Muller (1875), p. 389.

[209] Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 457, 458; vol. ii. nos. 373, 791. There was a second edition in 1655. Cf. Muller (1872), no. 636; Sabin, vol. i. no. 50; iii. 59; Huth, ii. 612. Abelin also edited the first four volumes (covering 1617-1643) of the Theatrum Europeum (Frankfort, 1635), etc., which pertains incidentally to American affairs (Muller, 1872, no. 1,514). Fitzer’s Orientalische Indien (1628) and Arthus’s Historia Indiæ orientalis (1608) are abridgments of the Small Voyages.

[210] Vol. IV. p. 442.

[211] Sabin, vol. x. no. 42,392; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 530.

[212] Muller (1872), no. 1,867.

[213] Vol. III. p. 47. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. nos. 159, 169, 189, 223, 308, 330, 397. Sobolewski’s copy was in the Menzies sale (no. 1,649). Quaritch’s price is from £75 to £100, according to condition, which is the price of good copies in recent sales.

[214] Muller (1872), no. 2,067.

[215] Catalogue (1875), no. 3,284; (1877), no. 1,627; Tiele, no. 1.

[216] Muller (1872), no. 1,837.

[217] This collection also includes the voyages of Barentz, and of Hudson, as well as several through Magellan’s Straits, with Madriga’s voyage to Peru and Chili.

[218] The collection, as it is known, is sometimes dated 1644 and 1645, but usually 1646 (Muller, 1872, no. 1,871; Tiele, Mémoire bibliographique, p. 9; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. nos. 567, 586; Sabin, iv. 315, 316). A partial English translation appeared in London in 1703 (Muller, 1872, no. 1,886). The Oost-Indische Voyagien, issued at Amsterdam in 1648 by Joost Hartgers, is a reprint of part of Commelin, with some additions. Only one volume was printed; but Muller thinks (1872 Catalogue, no. 1877) that some separate issues (1649-1651), including Vries’s voyage to Virginia and New Netherland, were intended to make part of a second volume. Cf. Sabin, viii. 118; Stevens, Nuggets, no. 1,339.

[219] Vol. IV. p. 219.

[220] The original of Ogilby’s America: cf. Vol. III. p. 416.

[221] Muller (1872), no. 1,884. Another Dutch publication, deserving of a passing notice, which, though not a collection of voyages, enlarges upon the heroes of such voyages, is the Leeven en Daden der doorluchtigste Zee-helden (Amsterdam, 1676), by Lambert van den Bos, which gives accounts of Columbus, Vespucius, Magellan, Drake, Cavendish, the Zeni, Cabot, Cortereal, Frobisher, and Davis. There was a German translation at Nuremberg in 1681 (Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,149; Stevens, 1870, no. 231).

[222] Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,111. A second edition was printed by the widow Cellier in Paris in 1683 (Muller, 1875, p. 395), containing the same matter differently arranged.

[223] An earlier edition (1667) did not have them (Muller, 1875, p. 394). Capel’s Vorstellungen des Norden (Hamburg, 1676) summarizes the voyages of the Zeni, Hudson, and others to the Arctic regions.

[224] Sabin, iv. 68; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 50. It includes in the later editions Castell’s description of America, with other of the Harleian manuscripts, and gives Ferdinand Columbus’ life of his father.

[225] Historical Magazine, i. 125.

[226] Allibone; Bohn’s Lowndes, etc.

[227] Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,400; Sabin, viii. 92; Muller (1872), no. 1,901.

[228] H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 745, who errs somewhat in his statements; Murphy Catalogue, no. 1,074; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 88, with full table of contents. The best description is in Muller (1872), no. 1,887. Although Vander Aa says, in the title of the folio edition, that it is based on the Gottfriedt-Abelin Newe Welt, this new collection is at least four times as extensive.

[229] Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 96.

[230] Carter-Brown, iii. 110.

[231] Carter-Brown, iii. 150.

[232] The publication began in numbers in 1708, and some copies are dated 1710 (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 158).

[233] Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 208, in ten vols., 1715-1718. H. H. Bancroft (Central America, ii. 749), cites an edition (1715-1727) in nine vols. Muller (1870, no. 2,021) cites an edition, ten vols., 1731-1738.

[234] Sabin, vol. i. no. 1,250.

[235] Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 792; H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 747.

[236] Volumes xii. to xv. are given to America; the later volumes were compiled by Querlon and De Leyre.

[237] Different sets vary in the number of volumes.

[238] Muller (1872), nos. 1,895-1,900; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 831; H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 746. A German translation appeared at Leipsic in 1747 in twenty-one volumes.

[239] H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 750.

[240] Muller (1872), nos. 1,980, 1,981. There was a German translation, with enlargements, by J. C. Adelung, Halle, 1767; an English translation is also cited. A similar range was taken in Alexander Dalrymple’s Historical Collection of Voyages in the South Pacific Ocean (London, 1770), of which there was a French translation in 1774 (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,730). The most important contribution in English on this subject, however, is in Dr. James Burney’s Chronological History of Discovery in the South Sea (1803-1817), five volumes quarto.

[241] Dr. Johnson wrote the Introduction; there was a third edition in 1767 (Bohn’s Lowndes, p. 2994).

[242] H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 750.

[243] H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 754.

[244] Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,494.

[245] Sabin, v. 473; H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 750.

[246] Sabin, ix. 529; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,602; H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 750.

[247] Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,733; H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 751.

[248] H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 751; Allibone.

[249] H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 749.

[250] H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 752.

[251] There was a quarto reprint in Philadelphia of a part of it in 1810-1812.

[252] There is a catalogue of voyages and an index in vol. xvii. Cf. Allibone’s Dictionary.

[253] Stevens, Bibliotheca geographica, no. 317.

[254] Muller (1872), no. 1,842.

[255] Muller (1875), no. 3,303.

[256] Complete sets are sometimes offered by dealers at £30 to £35.

[257] H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 757.

[258] A Spanish translation of the modern voyages by Urrabieta was published in Paris in 1860-1861. The Spanish Enciclopedia de viajes modernos (Madrid, 1859), five volumes, edited by Fernandez Cuesta, refers to the later periods (H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 758).

[259] The plane earth cut the cosmic sphere like a diaphragm, shutting the light from Tartarus.

ἀυτὰρ ὕπερθεν

γῆς ῥίζαι πεφύασι καὶ ἀτρυγέτοιο θαλάσσης.

(Hesiod, Theog. 727.)

“and above

Impend the roots of earth and barren sea.”

(The remains of Hesiod the Ascræan, etc., translated by C. A. Elton, 2d ed. London, 1815.)

Critics differ as to the age of the vivid description of Tartarus in the Theogony.

[260] Pythagoras has left no writings; Aristotle speaks only of his school; Diogenes Laertius in one passage (Vitae, viii. 1 (Pythag.), 25) quotes an authority to the effect that Pythagoras asserted the earth to be spherical and inhabited all over, so that there were antipodes, to whom that is over which to us is under. As all his disciples agreed on the spherical form of the earth while differing as to its position and motion, it is probable that they took the idea of its form from him. Diogenes Laertius states that Parmenides called the earth round (στρογγύλη, viii. 48), and also that he spoke of it as spherical (σφαιροειδῆ, ix. 3); the passages are not, as has been sometimes assumed, contradictory. The enunciation of the doctrine is often attributed to Thales and to Anaximander, on the authority of Plutarch, De placitis philosophorum, iii. 10, and Diogenes Laertius, ii. 1, respectively; but the evidence is conflicting (Simplicius, Ad Aristot., p. 506^b. ed. Brandis; Aristot., De caelo, ii. 13; Plutarch, De plac. phil. iii., xv. 9).

[261] Plato, Phaedo, 109. Schaefer is in error when he asserts (Entwicklung der Ansichten der Alten ueber Gestalt and Grösse der Erde, 16) that Plato in the Timaeus (55, 56) assigns a cubical form to the earth. The question there is not of the shape of the earth, the planet, but of the form of the constituent atoms of the element earth.

[262]

Terra pilae similis, nullo fulcimine nixa,
Aëre subjecto tam grave pendet onus.

[Ipsa volubilitas libratum sustinet orbem:
Quique premit partes, angulus omnis abest.

Cumque sit in media rerum regione locata,
Et tangat nullum plusve minusve latus;

Ni convexa foret, parti vicinior esset,
Nec medium terram mundus haberet onus.]

Arte Syracosia suspensus in aëre clauso
Stat globus, immensi parva figura poli;

Et quantum a summis, tantum secessit ab imis
Terra. Quod ut fiat, forma rotunda facit.

(Ovid, Fasti, vi. 269-280.)

The bracketed lines are found in but a few MSS. The last lines refer to a globe said to have been constructed by Archimedes.

[263] Plato makes Socrates say that he took up the works of Anaxagoras, hoping to learn whether the earth was round or flat (Phaedo, 46, Stallb. i. 176). In Plutarch’s dialogue “On the face appearing in the orb of the moon,” one of the characters is lavish in his ridicule of the sphericity of the earth and of the theory of antipodes. See also Lucretius, De rerum nat., i. 1052, etc., v. 650; Virgil, Georgics, i. 247; Tacitus, Germania, 45.

[264] That extraordinary picture could, however, hardly have been intended for an exposition of the actual physical geography of the globe.

[265] Aristotle, De caelo, ii. 15.

[266] Archimedes, Arenarius, i. 1, ed. Helbig. Leipsic, 1881, vol. ii. p. 243.

[267] The logical basis of Eratosthenes’s work was sound, but the result was vitiated by errors of fact in his assumptions, which, however, to some extent counterbalanced one another. The majority of ancient writers who treat of the matter give 252,000 stadia as the result, but Cleomedes (Circ. doctr. de subl., i. 10) gives 250,000. It is surmised that the former number originated in a desire to assign in round numbers 700 stadia to a degree. Forbiger, Handbuch der alten Geographie, i. 180, n. 27.

[268] The stadium comprised six hundred feet, but the length of the Greek foot is uncertain; indeed, there were at least two varieties, the Olympic and the Attic, as in Egypt there was a royal and a common ell, and a much larger number of supposititious feet (and, consequently, stadia) have been discovered or invented by metrologists. Early French scholars, like Ramé de l’Isle, D’Anville, Gosselin, supposed the true length of the earth’s circumference to be known to the Greeks, and held that all the estimates which have come down to us were expressions of the same value in different stadia. It is now generally agreed that these estimates really denote different conceptions of the size of the earth, but opinions still differ widely as to the length of the stadium used by the geographers. The value selected by Peschel (Geschichte der Erdkunde, 2d ed., p. 46) is that likewise adopted by Hultsch (Griechische und Römische Metrologie, 2d ed., 1882) and Muellenhof (Deutsche Alterthumskunde, 2d ed., vol. i.). According to these writers, Eratosthenes is supposed to have devised as a standard geographical measure a stadium composed of feet equal to one half the royal Egyptian ell. According to Pliny (Hist. Nat., xii. 14, § 5), Eratosthenes allowed forty stadia to the Egyptian schonus; if we reckon the schonus at 12,000 royal ells, we have stadium = 12,000/40 × .525^m = 157.5^m. This would give a degree equal to 110,250^m, the true value being, according to Peschel, 110,808^m. To this conclusion Lepsius (Das Stadium und die Gradmessung des Eratosthenes auf Grundlage der Aegyptischen Masse, in Zeitschrift für Aegypt. Sprache u. Alterthumskunde, xv. [1877]. See also Die Längenmasse der Alten. Berlin, 1884) objects that the royal ell was never used in composition, and that the schonus was valued in different parts of Egypt at 12,000, 16,000, 24,000, small ells. He believes that the schonus referred to by Pliny contained 16,000 small ells, so that Eratosthenes’s stadium = ^16,000/₄₀ × .450^m = 180^m.

It is possible, however, that Eratosthenes did not devise a new stadium, but adopted that in current use among the Greeks, the Athenian stadium. (I have seen no evidence that the long Olympic stadium was in common use.) This stadium is based on the Athenian foot, which, according to the investigations of Stuart, has been reckoned at .3081^m, being to the Roman foot as 25 to 24. This would give a stadium of 184.8^m, and a degree of 129,500^m. Now Strabo, in the passage where he says that people commonly estimated eight stadia to the mile, adds that Polybius allowed 8⅓ stadia to the mile (Geogr., vii. 7, § 4), and in the fragment known as the Table of Julian of Ascalon (Hultsch, Metrolog. script. reliq., Lips., 1864, i. 201) it is distinctly stated that Eratosthenes and Strabo reckoned 8⅓ stadia to the mile. In the opinion of Hultsch, this table probably belonged to an official compilation made under the emperor Julian. Very recently W. Dörpfeld has revised the work of Stuart, and by a series of measurements of the smaller architectural features in Athenian remains has made it appear that the Athenian foot equalled .2957^m (instead of .3081^m), which is almost precisely the Roman foot, and gives a stadium of 177.4^m, which runs 8⅓ to the Roman mile. If this revision is trustworthy,—and it has been accepted by Lepsius and by Nissel (who contributes the article on metrology to Mueller’s Handbuch der klassischen Alterthumswissenschaft, Nordlingen, 1886, etc.),—it seems to me probable that we have here the stadium used by Eratosthenes, and that his degree has a value of 124,180^m (Dörpfeld, Beiträge zur antiken Metrologie, in Mittheilungen des deutschen Archaeolog. Instituts zu Athen, vii. (1882), 277).

[269] Strabo, Geogr., ii. 5, § 7; the estimate of Posidonius is only quoted hypothetically by Strabo (ii. 2, § 2).

[270] Pliny, Hist. Nat. ii. 112, 113. There is apparently some misunderstanding, either on the part of Pliny or his copyists, in the subsequent proposition to increase this estimate by 12,000 stadia. Schaefer’s (Philologus, xxviii. 187) readjustment of the text is rather audacious. Pliny’s statement that Hipparchus estimated the circumference at 275,000 stadia does not agree with Strabo (i. 4, § 1).

[271] The discrepancy is variously explained. Riccioli, in his Geographia et hydrographia reformata, 1661, first suggested the more commonly received solution. Posidonius, he thought, having calculated the arc between Rhodes and Alexandria at 1-48 of the circumference, at first assumed 5,000 stadia as the distance between these places: 5,000 × 48 = 240,000. Later he adopted a revised estimate of the distance (Strabo, ii, ch. v. § 24), 3,750 stadia: 3,750 × 48 = 180,000. Letronne (Mém. de l’Acad. des Inscr. et Belles-Lettres, vi., 1822) prefers to regard both numbers as merely hypothetical illustrations of the processes. Hultsch (Griechische u. Römische Metrologie, 1882, p. 63) follows Fréret and Gosselin in regarding both numbers as expressing the same value in stadia of different length (Forbiger, Handbuch der alten Geographie, i. 360, n. 29). The last explanation is barred by the positive statement of Strabo, who can hardly be thought not to have known what he was talking about: κἄν τῶν νεωτέρων δὲ ἀναμετρήσεων εἰσάγηται ἡ ἐλαχίστην ποιόυσα τὴν γῆν, οἵαν ὁ Ποσειδώνιος ἐγκρίνει περὶ ὀκτωκαίδεκα μυριάδας οὖσαν, (Geogr., ii. 2, § 2.)

[272] Geographia, vii. 5.

[273] 1° = 500 stadia = 88,700^m, which is about one fifth smaller than the truth.

[274] Xenophanes is to be excepted, if, as M. Martin supposes, his doctrine of the infinite extent of the earth applied to its extent horizontally as well as downward.

[275] The domain of early Greek geography has not escaped the incursions of unbalanced investigators. The Greeks themselves allowed the Argonauts an ocean voyage: Crates and Strabo did valiant battle for the universal wisdom of Homer; nor are scholars lacking to-day who will demonstrate that Odysseus had circumnavigated Africa, floated in the shadow of Teneriffe—Horace to the contrary notwithstanding,—or sought and found the north pole. The evidence is against such vain imaginings. The world of Homer is a narrow world; to him the earth and the Ægean Sea are alike boundless, and in his thought fairy-land could begin west of the Lotos-eaters, and one could there forget the things of this life. There is little doubt that the author of the Odyssey considered Greece an island, and Asia and Africa another, and thought the great ocean eddied around the north of Hellas to a union with the Euxine.

[276]

Quinque tenent caelum zonae: quarum una corusco

Semper sole rubens, et torrida semper ab igni;
Quam circum extremae dextra laevaque trahuntur

Caeruleae glacie concretae atque imbribus atris;
Has inter mediam duae mortalibus aegris

Munere concessae divom.

(Virgil, Georg. i. 233.)

The passage appears to be paraphrased from similar lines which are preserved in Achilles Tatius (Isag. in Phænom. Arat.; Petavius, Uranolog. p. 153), and by him attributed to the Hermes of Eratosthenes. See also Tibullus, Eleg. iv., Ovid, and among the men of science, Aristotle, Meteorol., ii. 5, §§ 11, 13, 15; Strabo, Geogr., i. 2, § 24; ii. 5, § 3; Pliny, Hist. Nat., ii. ch. 68; Mela, De chorographia, i. 1; Cicero, Republ., vi. 16; Tusc. Disp., i. 28.

[277] Aristotle, Meteorol., ii. 1, § 10; ii. 5, § 15; De caelo, ii. 14 ad fin. Letronne, finding the latter passage inconvenient, reversed the meaning by the arbitrary insertion of a negative (Discussion de l’opinion d’Hipparque sur le prolongement de l’Afrique au sud de l’Equator in Journal des Savans, 1831, pp. 476, 545). The theory which he built upon this reconstructed foundation so impressed Humboldt that he changed his opinion as to the views of Aristotle on this point (Examen critique, ii. 373). Such an emendation is only justifiable by the sternest necessity, and it has been shown by Ruge (Der Chaldäer Seleukos, Dresden, 1865), and Prantl (Werke des Aristoteles uebersetzt und erläutert, Bd. ii.; Die Himmelsgebäude, note 61), that neither sense nor consistency requires the change.

[278] Herodotus, ii. 23; iii. 115; iv. 36, 40, 45.

[279] Geminus, Isagoge. Polybius’s work on this question is lost, and his own expressions as we have them in his history are more conservative. It is, he says, unknown, whether Africa is a continent extending toward the south, or is surrounded by the sea. Polib. Hist. iii. 38; Hampton’s translation (London, 1757), i. 334.

[280] Ptolemy, Geogr., vii. 3, 5.

[281] The circumnavigation of Africa by Phœnicians at the command of Necho, though described and accepted by Herodotus, can hardly be called an established fact, in spite of all that has been written in its favor. The story, whether true or false, had, like others of its kind, little influence upon the belief in the impassable tropic zone, because most of those who accepted it supposed that the continent terminated north of the equator.

[282] Ptolemy, Geogr., i. 11-14. Eratosthenes and Strabo located their first meridian at Cape St. Vincent; Marinus and Ptolemy placed it in the Canary group. See Vol. II. p. 95.

[283] Geminus, Isagoge, ch. 13; Achilles Tatius, Isagoge in Phænom. Arati; Cleomedes, De circulis sublimis, i. 2. The first two are given in the Uranologion of Petavius, Lond., Paris, 1630, pp. 56, 155.

The classes were always divided on the same principle, and each contained two groups so related that they could apply to one another reciprocally the name by which the whole class was designed. These names, however, are not always applied to the same classes by different writers. 1. The first class embraced the people who lived in the same half of the same temperate zone; to them all it was day or night, summer or winter, at the same time. They were called σύνοικοι by Cleomedes, but περίοκοι by Achilles Tatius. 2. The second class included such peoples as lived in the same temperate zone, but were divided by half the circumference of that zone; so that while they all had summer or winter at the same time, the one group had day when the other had night, and vice versa. These groups could call one another περίοικοι according to Cleomedes, but ἀντίχθονες according to Tatius. 3. The third class included those who were divided by the torrid zone, so that part lived in the northern temperate zone and part in the southern, but yet so that all were in the same half of their respective zones; i. e., all were in either the eastern or western, upper or lower, hemisphere. Day and night were shared by the whole class at once, but not the seasons, the northern group having summer when the southern had winter, and vice versa. These groups could call one another ἄντοικοι. 4. The fourth class comprised the groups which we know as antipodes, dwelling with regard to one another in different halves of the two temperate zones, so that they had neither seasons nor day or night in common, but stood upon the globe diametrically opposed to one another. All writers agree in calling these groups ἀντίποδες. The introduction of the word antichthones in place of perioeci was due, apparently, to a misunderstanding of the Pythagorean antichthon. This name was properly applied to the imaginary planet invented by the early Pythagoreans to bring the number of the spheres up to ten; it was located between the earth and the central fire, and had the same period of revolution as the earth, from the outer, Grecian, side of which it was never visible. This “opposite earth,” Gegenerde, was later confused with the other, western, or lower hemisphere of the earth itself. It was also sometimes applied to the inhabitants of the southern hemisphere, as by Cicero in the Tusculan Disputations (i. 28), “duabus oris distantibus habitabilem et cultum; quarum altera quam nos incolimus,

Sub axe posita ad stellas septem unde horrifer
Aquiloni stridor gelidas molitur nives,

altera australis, ignota nobis, quam vocant Græci ἀντίχθονα.” Mela has the same usage (i. 4, 5), as quoted below. Macrobius, Comm. in Somn. Scip. lib. ii. 5, uses the nomenclature of Cleomedes. Reinhardt, quoted in Engelmann’s Bibliotheca classica Græca, under Geminus, I have not been able to see.

[284] Strabo, i. 4, § 6, 7; i. 2, § 24. Geminus, Isagoge, 13. Muellenhof, Deutsche Alterthumskunde, i. 247-254. Berger, Geogr. Fragmente d. Eratosthenes, 8, 84.

[285] Cicero, Respubl., vi. 15... sed partim obliquos, partim transversos, partim etiam adversos stare vobis. Some MSS. read aversos. See also Tusc. Disp., i. 28; Acad., ii. 39.

[286] Antichthones alteram [zonam], nos alteram incolimus. Illius situs ob ardorem intercedentis plagae incognitus, huius dicendus est. Haec ergo ab ortu porrecta ad occasum, et quia sic iacet aliquanto quam ubi latissima est longior, ambitur omnis oceano. Mela, Chor., i. 4, 5. Because Mela says that the known world is but little longer than its width, it has been supposed that he was better informed than his contemporaries, and attributed something like its real extent to Africa. Thomassy (Les papes géographiques, Paris, 1852, p. 17) finds in his work a rival system to that of Ptolemy. The discovery of America, he thinks, was due to Ptolemy; that of the Cape of Good Hope to Mela. It was the good fortune of Mela that his work was widely read in the Middle Ages, and had great influence; but we owe him no new system of geography, since he simply adopted the oceanic theory as represented by Strabo and Crates. That he slightly changed the traditional proportion between the length and breadth of the known world is of small importance. The known world, he states, was surrounded by the ocean, and there is nothing to show that he supposed Africa to extend below the equator. In his description of Africa he applies the terms length and breadth not as we should, but with contrary usage: “Africa ab orientis parte Nilo terminata, pelago a ceteris, brevior est quidem quam Europa, quia nec usquam Asiae et non totis huius litoribus obtenditur, longior tamen ipsa quam latior, et qua ad fluvium adtingit latissima,” etc., i. 20. (Ed. Parthey, 1867.)

[287] Mela, i. 54, “Alter orbis.” Cicero, Tusc. Disp., i. 28, “Ora Australis.”

[288] Hyde Clarke, Atlantis, in the Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, London, New Series, vol. iii.; Reinaud, Relations politiques, etc., de l’empire Romaine avec l’Asie orientale, etc., in the Journal Asiatique, 1863, p. 140.

[289] The exposition of Macrobius is so interesting as illustrating the mathematical and physical geography of the ancients, and as showing how thoroughly the practical consequences of the sphericity of the earth were appreciated; it is so important in the present connection as demonstrating that the whole idea of inhabited lands in other parts of the earth was based on logic only, not on knowledge, that I have ventured to quote from it somewhat freely.

Macrobius, Comm. in Somn. Scipionis, ii. 5.—“Cernis autem eamdem terram quasi quibusdam redimitam et circumdatam cingulis, e quibus duos maxime inter se diversos, et caeli verticibus ipsis ex utraque parte subnixos, obriguisse pruina vides; medium autem illum, et maximum, solis ardore torreri. Duo sunt habitabiles: quorum australis ille, in quo qui insistunt, adversa vobis urgent vestigia, nihil ad vestrum genus; hic autem alter subjectus aquiloni, quem incolitis, cerne quam tenui vos parte contingat. Omnis enim terra, quae colitur a vobis, angusta verticibus, lateribus latior, parva quaedam insula est....” (Cicero.) ... Nam et septentrionalis et australis extremitas perpetua obriguerunt pruina.... Horum uterque habitationis impatiens est.... Medius cingulus et ideo maximus, aeterno afflatu continui caloris ustus, spatium quod et lato ambitu et prolixius occupavit, nimietate fervoris facit inhabitabile victuris. Inter extremos vero et medium duo majores ultimis, medio minores ex utriusque vicinitatis intemperie temperantur.... Licet igitur sint hae duae ... quas diximus temperatas, non tamen ambae zonae hominibus nostri generis indultae sunt: sed sola superior, ... incolitur ab omni, quale scire possumus, hominum genere, Romani Graecive sint, vel barbari cujusque nationis. Illa vero ... sola ratione intelligitur, quod propter similem temperiem similiter incolatur, sed a quibus, neque licuit unquam nobis nec licebit cognoscere: interjecta enim torrida utrique hominum generi commercium ad se denegat commeandi.... Nec dubium est, nostrum quoque septentrionem [ventum] ad illos qui australi adjacent, propter eamdem rationem calidum pervenire, et austrum corporibus eorum gemino aurae suae rigore blandiri. Eadem ratio nos non permittit ambigere quin per illam quoque superficiem terrae quae ad nos habetur inferior, integer zonarum ambitus quae hic temperatae sunt, eodem ductu temperatus habeatur; atque ideo illic quoque eaedem duae zonae a se distantes similiter incolantur.... Nam si nobis vivendi facultas est in hac terrarum parte quam colimus, quia, calcantes humum, caelum suspicimus super verticem, quia sol nobis et oritur et occidit, quia circumfuso fruimur aere cujus spiramus haustu, cur non et illic aliquos vivere credamus ubi eadem semper inpromptu sunt? Nam, qui ibi dicuntur morari, eamdem credendi sunt spirare auram, quia eadem est in ejusdem zonalis ambitus continuatione temperies. Idem sol illis et obire dicitur nostro ortu, et orietur quum nobis occidet: calcabunt aeque ut nos humum, et supra verticem semper caelum videbunt. Nec metus erit ne de terra in caelum decidant, quum nihil unquam possit ruere sursum. Si enim nobis, quod asserere genus joci est, deorsum habitur ubi est terra, et sursum ubi est caelum, illis quoque sursum erit quod de inferiore suspicient, nec aliquando in superna casuri sunt.

Hi quos separat a nobis perusta, quos Graeci ἀντοικοὑς vocant, similiter ab illis qui inferiorem zonae suae incolunt partem interjecta australi gelida separantur. Rursus illos ab ἀντοικοῖς suis, id est per nostri cinguli inferiora viventibus, interjectio ardentis sequestrat: et illi a nobis septentrionalis extremitatis rigore removentur. Et quia non est una omnium affinis continuatio, sed interjectae sunt solitudines ex calore vel frigore mutuum negantibus commeatum, has terrae partes quae a quattuor hominum generibus incoluntur, maculas habitationum vocavit....

9. Is enim quem solum oceanum plures opinantur, de finibus ab illo originali refusis, secundum ex necessitate ambitum fecit. Ceterum prior ejus corona per zonam terrae calidam meat, superiora terrarum et inferiora cingens, flexum circi equinoctialis imitata. Ab oriente vero duos sinus refundit, unum ad extremitatem septentrionis, ad australis alterum: rursusque ab occidente duo pariter enascuntur sinus, qui usque ad ambas, quas supra diximus, extremitates refusi occurrent ab oriente demissis; et, dum vi summa et impetu immaniore miscentur, invicemque se feriunt, ex ipsa aquarum collisione nascitur illa famosa oceani accessio pariter et recessio.... Ceterum verior, ut ita dicam, ejus alveus tenet zonam perustam; et tam ipse qui equinoctialem, quam sinus ex eo nati qui horizontem circulum ambitu suae flexionis imitantur, omnem terram quadrifidam dividunt, et singulas, ut supra diximus, habitationes insulas faciunt ... binas in superiore atque inferiore terrae superficie insulas....

[290] Mr. Gladstone (Homer and the Homeric age, vol. iii.) transposes these Homeric localities to the east, and a few German writers agree with him. President Warren (True key to ancient cosmologies, etc., Boston, 1882) will have it that Ogygia is neither more nor less than the north pole. Neither of these views is likely to displace the one now orthodox. Mr. Gladstone is so much troubled by Odysseus’s course on leaving Ogygia that he cannot hide a suspicion of corruption in the text. President Warren should remember that Ogygia apparently enjoyed the common succession of day and night. In Homeric thought the western sea extended northward and eastward until it joined the Euxine. Ogygia, located northwest of Greece, would be the centre, omphalos, of the sea, as Delphi was later called the centre of the land-masses of the world.

[291] Odyssey, iv. 561, etc.

[292] It is well known that whereas Odysseus meets the spirits of the dead across Oceanus, upon the surface of the earth, there is in the Iliad mention of a subterranean Hades. The Assyrio-Babylonians had also the idea of an earth-encircling ocean stream,—the word Ὠκεανὸς the Greeks said was of foreign origin,—and on the south of it they placed the sea of the dead, which held the island homes of the departed. As in the Odyssey, it was a place given over to dust and darkness, and the doors of it were strongly barred; no living being save a god or a chosen hero might come there. Schrader, Namen d. Meere in d. Assyrischen Inschriften (Abhandl. d. k. Akad. d. Wiss. zu Berlin, 1877, p. 169). Jeremias, Die Babylonisch-Assyrischen Vorstellungen vom Leben nach dem Tode (Leipzig, 1887). The Israelites, on the other hand, imagined the home of the dead as underground. Numbers, xvi. 30, 32, 33.

Buchholtz, Die Homerische Realien, i. 55, places Hades on the European shores of Ocean, but the text of the Odyssey seems plainly in favor of the site across the stream, as Völcker and others have understood.

[293] Hesiod, Works and Days, 166-173; Elton’s translation, London, 1815, p. 22. Paley marks the line Τηλοῦ ἀπ̓ ἀθανάτων τόισιν Κρόνος ἐμβασιλζύει as probably spurious. Cronos appears to have been originally a Phœnician deity, and his westward wandering played an important part in their mythology. We shall find further traces of this divinity in the west.

[294] Pindar, Olymp., ii. 66-85, Paley’s translation, London, 1868, p. 12. See also Euripides, Helena, 1677.

[295] Æschylus, in the Prometheus bound, introduced the Gorgon islands in his epitome of the wanderings of Io, and certainly seems to speak of them as in the east; the passage is, however, imperfect, and its interpretation has overtasked the ablest commentators.

[296] Euripides, Hippolytus, 742-751; Potter’s translation, i. p. 356. See also Hesiod, Theog., 215, 517-519.

[297] Mela, iii. 100, 102, etc. The chief passage is Pliny, Hist. Nat., vi. 36, 37, who took his information from King Juba and a writer named Statius Sebosus. Pliny, who, beside the groups named in the text, mentions the Gorgades, which he identifies with the place where Hanno met the gorillas, has probably misunderstood and garbled his authorities; his account is contradictory and illusive.

[298] Tzetzes (Scholia in Lycophron, 1204, ed. Mueller, ii. 954), a grammarian of the twelfth century, says that the Isles of the Blessed were located in the ocean by Homer, Hesiod, Euripides, Plutarch, Dion, Procopius, Philostratus and others, but that to many it seems that Britain must be the true Isle of the Blessed; and in support of this view he relates a most curious tale of the ferriage of the dead to Britain by Breton fishermen.

[299] L’Atlantide, by Paul Gaffarel, in the Revue de Géographie, April, May, June, July, 1880 (vi. 241, 331, 421; vii. 21). See also, in his Étude sur les rapports de l’Amérique et de l’ancien continent avant Christophe Colomb (Paris, 1869).

[300] Atlantis: the antediluvian world, New York, 1882.

[301] Theopomp., Fragmenta, ed. Wieters, 1829, no. 76, p. 72. Geographi Graec. minores, ed. Mueller, i. 289. Aeliani, Var. Hist., iii. 18. The extracts in the text are taken from “A Registre of Hystories, etc., written in Greeke by Aelianus, a Roman, and delivered in English by Abraham Fleming.” London, 1576, fol. 36.

[302] We owe this quip to Tertullian (he at least is the earliest writer to whom I can trace it): “Ut Silenus penes aures Midae blattit, aptas sane grandioribus fabulis” (De pallio, cap. 2).

[303] “Furthermore he tolde one thing among all others, meriting admiration, that certain men called Meropes dwelt in many cittyes there about, and that in the borders adiacent to their countrey, was a perilous place named Anostus, that is to say, wythout retourne, being a gaping gulfe or bottomles pit, for the ground is as it were cleft and rent in sonder, in so much that it openeth like to the mouth of insatiable hell, y^t it is neither perfectly lightsome, nor absolutely darksome, but that the ayer hangeth ouer it, being tempered with a certaine kinde of clowdy rednes, that a couple of floodes set their recourse that way, the one of pleasure the other of sorow, and that about each of them growe plantes answearable in quantity and bignes to a great plaine tree. The trees which spring by y^e flood of sorow yeldeth fruite of one nature, qualitie, and operation. For if any man taste thereof, a streame of teares floweth from his eyes, as out of a conduite pipe, or sluse in a running riuer, yea, such effect followeth immediately after the eating of the same, that the whole race of their life is turned into a tragical lamentation, in so much that weeping and wayling knitteth their carkeses depriued of vitall mouing, in a winding sheete, and maketh them gobbettes for the greedy graue to swallow and deuoure. The other trees which prosper vpon the bankes of the floode of pleasure, beare fruite cleane contrary to the former, for whosoeuer tasteth thereof, he is presently weined from the pappes of his auncient appetites and inueterate desires, & if he were linked in loue to any in time past, he is fettered in the forgetfulnes of them, so that al remembrance is quite abolished, by litle and litle he recouereth the yeres of his youth, reasuming vnto him by degrees, the times & seasons, long since, spent and gone. For, the frowardnes and crookednes of old age being first shaken of, the amiablenes and louelynesse of youth beginneth to budde, in so much as they put on y^e estate of stripplings, then become boyes, then change to children, then reenter into infancie, & at length death maketh a finall end of all.”

Compare the story told by Mela (iii. 10) about the Fortunate Isles: “Una singulari duorum fontium ingenio maxime insignis: alterum qui gustavere risu solvuntur, ita adfectis remedium est ex altero bibere.”

It should be noted that the country described by Theopompus is called by him simply “The Great Continent.”

[304] Strabo, vii. 3, § 6. Perizonius makes this passage in Aelian the peg for a long note on ancient knowledge of America, in which he brings together the most important passages bearing on the subject. He remarks: “Nullus tamen dubito, quin Veteres aliquid crediderint vel sciverent, sed quasi per nebulam et caliginem, de America, partim ex antiqua traditione ab Aegyptiis vel Carthaginiensibus accepta, partim ex ratiocinatione de forma et situ orbis terrarum, unde colligebant, superesse in hoc orbe etiam alias terras praeter Asiam, Africam, & Europam.” In my opinion their assumed knowledge was based entirely on ratiocination, and was not real knowledge at all; but Perizonius well expresses the other view.

[305] Mare Cronium was the name given to a portion of the northern ocean. Forbiger, Handbuch, ii. 3, note 9.

[306] The average of all known rates of speed with ancient ships is about five knots an hour; some of the fastest runs were at the rate of seven knots, or a little more. Breusing, Nautik der Alten, Bremen, 1886, pp. 11, 12. Movers, Die Phœnizier, ii. 3, 190. Movers estimates the rate of a Phœnician vessel with 180 oarsmen at double that of a Greek merchantman. He compares the sailing qualities of Phœnician vessels with those of Venice in the Middle Ages to the disadvantage of the latter. As the ancients had nothing answering to our log, and their contrivances for time-keeping were neither trustworthy nor adapted for use on shipboard, these estimates are necessarily based on a few reports of the number of days spent on voyages of known length,—a rather uncertain method.

[307] Tin exists in some of the islands of the Indian Ocean, and they were worked at a later period, but there is no direct evidence, as far as I am aware, that they were known at the date when Tyre was most flourishing.

[308] Diodorus Siculus, v. 18, 19; De Mirab. Auscult., 84. Müllenhof, Deutsche Alterthumskunde, i., Berlin, 1870, p. 467, traces the report through the historian Timaeus to Punic sources.

[309] The narration of Hanno’s voyage has been preserved, apparently in the words of the commander’s report. Geographi Graeci minores, ed. Mueller (Paris, 1855), i. pp. 1-14. Cf. also Prolegom., pp. xviii, xxiii. Our only notion of the date of the expedition is derived from Pliny, Hist. Nat., v. i. § 7, who says: “Fuere et Hannonis Carthaginiensium ducis commentarii, Punicis rebus florentissimis explorare ambitum Africae jussi.” All that is known of Himilko is derived from the statement of Pliny, Hist. Nat., ii. 67, that he was sent at about the same time as Hanno to explore the distant regions of Europe; and from the poems of Avienus, who wrote in the fourth century, and professed to give, in the Ora Maritima, many extracts from the writings of Himilko. The description of the difficulties of navigation in the Atlantic is best known. In his Deutsche Alterthumskunde (Berlin, 1870), i. pp. 73-210, Muellenhof has devoted especial attention to an analysis of this record.

[310] Pliny, Hist. Nat., vi. 36, 37; Mela, iii. 100, etc.; Solinus, 23, 56 [ed. Mommsen, p. 117, 230]; Ptolemy, Geogr., iv. 6; Rapport sur une mission scientifique dans l’archipel Canarienne, par M. le docteur Verneau; 1877. In Archives des Missions Scientifique et Litteraires, 3^e série, tom. xiii. pp. 569, etc. The presence of Semites is indicated in Gran Canaria, Ferro, Palma, and the inscriptions agree in character with those found in Numidia by Gen. Faidherbe. In Gomera and Teneriffe, where the Guanche stock is purest, there have been no inscriptions found. Dr. Verneau believes that the Guanches are not descended from Atlantes or Americans, but from the Quaternary men of Cro-magnon on the Vézère; he found, however, traces of an unknown brachycephalic race in Gomera.

[311] In the second century, a.d., Pausanias (Desc. Graec., i. 23) was told by Euphemus, a Carian, that once, on a voyage to Italy, he had been driven to the sea outside [ἐς τὲν ἔξω θάλασσαν], where people no longer sailed, and where he fell in with many desert islands, some inhabited by wild men, red-haired, and with tails, whom the sailors called Satyrs. Nothing more is known of these islands. Ἔξο has here been rendered simply “distant”; but even in this sense it could hardly apply in the time of Pausanias to any region but the Atlantic. It is more probable that the phrase means “outside the columns.”

In the first century b.c., some men of an unknown race were cast by the sea on the German coast. There is nothing to show that these men were American Indians; but since that has been sometimes assumed, the matter should not be passed over here. The event is mentioned by Mela (De Chorogr., iii. 5, § 8), and by Pliny (Hist. Nat., ii. 67); the castaways were forwarded to the proconsul, Q. Caecilius Metellus Celer (b.c. 62), by the king of the tribe within whose territory they were found. Pliny calls the tribe the Suevi; the reading in Mela is very uncertain. Parthey has Botorum, the older editors Baetorum, or Boiorum. The Romans took them for inhabitants of India, who had been carried around the north of Europe; modern writers have seen in them Africans, Celts, Lapps, or Caribs. A careful study of the whole subject, with references to the literature, will be found in an article by F. Schiern: Un énigme ethnographique de l’antiquité, contributed to the Memoirs of the Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries; New Series, 1878-83, pp. 245-288.

In the Louvre is an antique bronze which has been thought to represent one of the Indians of Mela, and also to be a good reproduction of the features of the North American Indian (Longpérier, Notice des bronzes antiques, etc., du Musée du Louvre, Paris, 1868, p. 143), but the supposition is purely arbitrary.

Such an event as an involuntary voyage from the West Indies to the shores of Europe is not an impossibility, nor is the case cited by Mela and Pliny the only one of the kind which we find recorded. Gomara (Hist. gen. de las Indias, 7) says some savages were thrown upon the German coast in the reign of Frederic Barbarossa (1152-1190), and Aeneas Silvius (Pius II.) probably refers to the same event when he quotes a certain Otho as relating the capture on the coast of Germany, in the time of the German emperors, of an Indian ship and Indian traders (mercatores). The identity of Otho is uncertain. Otto of Freisingen ([Dagger] 1158) is probably meant, but the passage does not appear in his works that have been preserved (Aeneas Silvius, Historia rerum, ii. 8, first edition, Venice, 1477). The most curious story, however, is that related by Cardinal Bembo in his history of Venice (first published 1551), and quoted by Horn (De orig. Amer., 14), Garcia (iv. 29), and others. It deserves, however, record here. “A French ship while cruising in the ocean not far from Britain picked up a little boat made of split oziers and covered with bark taken whole from the tree; in it were seven men of moderate height, rather dark complexion, broad and open faces, marked with a violet scar. They had a garment of fishskin with spots of divers shades, and wore a headgear of painted straw, interwoven with seven things like ears, as it were (coronam e culmo pictam septem quasi auriculis intextam). They ate raw flesh, and drank blood as we wine. Their speech could not be understood. Six of them died; one, a youth, was brought alive to Roano (so the Italian; the Latin has Aulercos), where the king was” (Louis XII.). Bembo, Rerum Venetarum Hist. vii. year, 1508. [Opere, Venice, 1729, i. 188.]

[312]

Nos manet Oceanus circumvagus; arva, beata
Petamus arva, divites et insulas,
Reddit ubi Cererem tellus inarata quotannis
Et inputata floret usque vinea.

•

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•

•

•

•

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Non huc Argoo contendit remige pinus,
Neque inpudica Colchis intulit pedem;
Non huc Sidonii torserunt cornua nautae,
Laboriosa nec cohors Ulixei.
Juppiter illa piae secrevit litora genti,
Ut inquinavit aere tempus aureum;
Aere, dehinc ferro duravit saecula, quorum
Piis secunda, vate me, datur fuga.

(Horace, Epode, xvi.)

Virgil, in the well-known lines in the prophecy of Anchises—

Super et Garamantes et Indos
Proferet inperium; iacet extra sidera tellus,
Extra anni solisque vias, ubi caelifer Atlas
Axem humero torquet stellis ardentibus aptum—

(Æneid, vi. 795.)

had Africa rather than the west in mind, according to the commentators.

It is possible that the islands described to Sertorius were Madeira and Porto Santo, but the distance was much overestimated in this case.

[313] “He [Eratosthenes] says that if the extent of the Atlantic Ocean were not an obstacle, we might easily pass by sea from Iberia to India, still keeping in the same parallel, the remaining portion of which parallel ... occupies more than a third of the whole circle.... But it is quite possible that in the temperate zone there may be two or even more habitable earths οἰκουμένας, especially near the circle of latitude which is drawn through Athens and the Atlantic ocean.” (Strabo, Geogr., i. 4, § 6.)

[314] Seneca, Naturalium Quaest. Praefatio. The passage is certainly striking, but those who, like Baron Zach, base upon it the conclusion that American voyagers were common in the days of Seneca overestimate its force. It is certainly evident that Seneca, relying on his knowledge of theoretical geography, underestimated the distance to India. Had the length of the voyage to America been known, he would not have used the illustration.

[315] Smaller vessels even than were then afloat have crossed the Atlantic, and the passage from the Canaries is hardly more difficult than the Indian navigation. The Pacific islanders make voyages of days’ duration by the stars alone to goals infinitely smaller than the broadside of Asia, to which the ancients would have supposed themselves addressed.

[316] Aristotle, Meteorolog., ii. 1, § 14; Plato, Timaeus; Scylax Caryandensis, Periplus, 112. τῆς Κέρνης δὲ νέσου τὰ ἐπέκεινα οὐκέτι ἐστὶ πλωτὰ διὰ βραχύτητα θαλάττης καὶ πελὸν καὶ φῦκος(Geogr. Graec. min., ed. Mueller, i. 93; other references in the notes). Pytheas in Strabo, ii. 4, § 1; Tacitus, Germania, 45, 1; Agricola, x. A gloss to Suidas applies the name Atlantic to all innavigable seas. Pausanias, i. ch. 3, § 6, says it contained strange sea-beasts, and was not navigable in its more distant parts. A long list of references to similar passages is given by Ukert, Geogr. der Griechen u. Römer, ii. 1, p. 59. See also Berger, Wissenschaftliche Geographie, i. p. 27, note 3, and Grote, Hist. of Greece, iii. ch. 18, notes.

[317] De Mirab. Auscult., 136. The Phœnicians are said to have discovered beyond Gades extensive shoals abounding in fish.

Quae Himilco Poenus mensibus vix quatuor, Ut ipse semet re probasse retulit Enavigantem, posse transmitti adserit: Sic nulla late flabra propellunt ratem, Sic segnis humor aequoris pigri stupet. Adjecit et illud, plurimum inter gurgites Extare fucum, et saepe virgulti vice Retinere puppim: dicit hic nihilominus, Non in profundum terga dimitti maris, Parvoque aquarum vix supertexi solum: Obire semper huc et huc ponti feras, Navigia lenta et languide repentia Internatare belluas.

(Avienus, Ora Maritima, 115-130.)

Hunc usus olim dixit Oceanum vetus, Alterque dixit mos Atlanticum mare. Longo explicatur gurges hujus ambitu, Produciturque latere prolixe vago. Plerumque porro tenue tenditur salum, Ut vix arenas subjacentes occulat. Exsuperat autem gurgitem fucus frequens, Atque impeditur aestus hic uligine: Vis belluarum pelagus omne internatat, Multusque terror ex feris habitat freta. Haec olim Himilcos Poenus Oceano super Spectasse semet et probasse retulit: Haec nos, ab imis Punicorum annalibus Prolata longo tempore, edidimus tibi. (Ibid. 402-415.)

Whether Avienus had immediate knowledge of these Punic sources is quite unknown.

[318] Seneca, Medea, 376-380.

[319] In the first book of his Suasoriæ, M. Annaeus Seneca collected a number of examples illustrative of the manner in which several of the famous orators and rhetoricians of his time had handled the subject, Deliberat Alexander, an Oceanum naviget, which appears to have been one of a number of stock subjects for use in rhetorical training. This collection thus gives a good view of the prevalent views about the ocean, and certainly tells strongly against the idea that the western passage was then known or practised. “Fertiles in Oceano jacere terras, ultraque Oceanum rursus alia littora, alium nasci orbem, ... facile ista finguntur; quia Oceanus navigari non potest ... confusa lux alta caligine, et interceptus tenebris dies, ipsum veros grave et devium mare, et aut nulla, aut ignota sidera. Ita est, Alexander, rerum natura; post omnia Oceanus, post Oceanum nihil.... Immensum, et humanae intentatum experientiae pelagus, totius orbis vinculum, terrarumque custodia, inagitata remigio vastitas.... Fabianus ... divisit enim illam [quaestionem] sic, ut primum negaret ullas in Oceano, aut trans Oceanum, esse terras habitabiles: deinde si essent, perveniri tamen ad illas non posse. Hic difficultatem ignoti maris, naturam non patientem navigationis.”

[320] Virgil, bishop of Salzburg, was accused before Pope Zacharias by St. Boniface of teaching the doctrine of antipodes; for this, and not for his belief in the sphericity of the earth (as I read), he was threatened by the Pope with expulsion from the church. The authority for this story is a letter from the Pope to Boniface. See Marinelli, Die Erdkunde bei den Kirchenvätern, p. 42.

[321] Cosmas, as will be seen in the cut, adhered to the continental theory, placing Paradise on the continent in the east. Paradise was more commonly placed in an island east of Asia.

[322] It has been suggested by M. Beauvois that Labrador may in the same way derive its name from Inis Labrada, or the Island of Labraid, which figures in an ancient Celtic romance. The conjecture has only the phonetic resemblance to recommend it. Beauvois, L’Elysée transatlantique (Revue de l’Histoire des Religions, vii. (1883), p. 291, n. 3).

[323] Gaffarel, P., Les isles fantastiques de l’Atlantique au moyen âge, 3.

[324] Coryat’s Crudities, London, 1611. Sig. h(4), verso.

[325] The result of the Arabian measurements gave 56⅔3 miles to a degree. Arabian miles were meant, and as these contain, according to Peschel (Geschichte der Geographie, p. 134) 4,000 ells of 540.7^mm., the degree equalled 122,558.6^m. The Europeans, however, thought that Roman miles were meant, and so got but 83,866.6^m. to a degree.

[326] Edrisi, Geography, Climate, iv., § 1, Jaubert’s translation, Paris, 1836, ii. 26.

[327] Found in various Celtic MSS. See Beauvois, L’Eden occidentale (Rev. de l’Hist. des Relig.), viii. (1884), 706, etc.; Joyce, Old Celtic Romances, 112-176.

[328] These alleged voyages are considered in the next chapter.

[329] Polybius, Hist., iii. 38.

[330] The tract On the World (περὶ κόσμου, de mundo), and the Strange Stories (περὶθαυμασίων ἀκουσμάτν, de mirabilibus auscultationibus), printed with the works of Aristotle, are held to be spurious by critics: the former, which gives a good summary of the oceanic theory of the distribution of land and water (ch. 3), is considerably later in date; the latter is a compilation made from Aristotle and other writers. Muellenhof has sought partially to analyze it in his Deutsche Alterthumskunde, i. 426, etc.

[331] First in Geographica Marciani, Scylacis, Artemidoris, Dicæarchi, Isidori. Ed. a Hoeschelio (Aug. Vind., 1600). The great collection made by Hudson, Geographiae veteris scriptores Graeci minores (4 vols., Oxon., 1698-1712; re-edited by Gail, Paris, 1826, 6 vols.), is still useful, notwithstanding the handy edition by C. Mueller in the Didot classics, Geographiae Graeci minores (Paris, 1855-61. 2 vols. and atlas).

[332] Fragmenta historicorum Graecorum. Ed. C. et T. Mueller (Paris, Didot, 1841-68. 5 vols.).

[333] Die geographischen Fragmente des Hipparchus: H. Berger (Leipzig, 1869); Posidonii Rhodii reliquiae doctrinae: coll. J. Bake (Lugd. Bat., 1810); Eratosthenica composuit G. Bernhardy (Berlin, 1822); Die geographischen Fragmente des Eratosthenes: H. Berger (Leipzig, 1880).

[334] Strabonis Geographia (Romae, Suweynheym et Pannartz, s. a.), in 1469 or 1470, folio. First edition of the Latin translation which was made by Guarini of Verona, and Lilius Gregorius of Tiferno; only 275 copies were printed. It was reprinted in 1472 (Venice), 1473 (Rome), 1480 (Tarvisii), 1494 (Venice), 1502 (Venice), 1510 (Venice), and 1512 (Paris). Strabo de situ orbis (Venice. Aldus et Andr. Soc., 1516), fol., was the first Greek edition; a better edition appeared in 1549 (Basil., fol.), with Guarini’s and Gregorius’s translation revised by Glareanus and others. Critical ed. by J. Kramer (Berlin, 1844), 3 vols. Ed. with Latin trans. by C. Müller and F. Dübner (Paris, Didot, 1853, 1857). It has since been edited by August Meineke (Leipsic, Teubner, 1866. 3 vols. 8vo).

There was an Italian translation by Buonacciuoli, in Venice and Ferrara, 1562, 1585. 2 vols. The Γεωγραφικὰ has been several times translated into German, by Penzel (Lemgo, 1775-1777, 4 Bde. 8vo), Groskund (Berlin, Stettin, 1831-1834. 4 Thle.), and Forbiger (Stuttgart, 1856-1862. 2 Bde.), and very recently into English by H. C. Hamilton and W. Falconer (London, Bell [Bohn], 1887). 3 vols. This has a useful index.

The great French translation of Strabo, made by order of Napoleon, with very full notes by Gosselin and others, is still the most useful translation: Géographie du Strabon trad. du grec en française (Paris, 1805-1819). 5 vols. 4to.

[335] The Geography was first printed, in a Latin translation, at Vincentia, in 1475; the date 1462 in the Bononia edition being recognized as a misprint, probably for 1482. The history of the book has been described by Lelewel in the appendix to his Histoire de la Géographie, and more fully in Winsor’s Bibliography of Ptolemy’s Geography (Cambridge, Mass., 1884), and in the section on Ptolemy by Wilberforce Eames in Sabin’s Dictionary, also printed separately.

[336] The Phaenomena of Aratus was a poem which had great vogue both in Greece and Rome. It was commented upon by Hipparchus and Achilles Tatius (both of which commentaries are preserved, and are found in the Uranologion of Petavius), and translated by Cicero.

[337] Gemini elementa astronomiae, also quoted by the first word of the Greek title, Isagoge. First edition, Altorph, 1590. The best edition is still that in the Uranologion of Dionysius Petavius (Paris, 1630). It is also found in the rare translation of Ptolemy by Halma (Paris, 1828).

[338] Κύκλικη θεώρια quoted as Cleom. de sublimibus circulis. The first edition was at Paris, 1539. 4to. It has been edited by Bake (Lugd. Bat., 1826), and Schmidt (Leips. 1832). Nothing is known of the life of Cleomedes. He wrote after the 1st cent. a.d., probably.

[339] It was first printed in the Plato of Basle, 1534. There is an English translation by Thomas Taylor, The Commentaries of Proclus on the Timaeus of Plato, in 2 vols. (London, 1820). Proclus was also the author of astronomical works which helped to keep Grecian learning alive in the early Middle Ages.

[340] The works of L. Annaeus Seneca were first printed in Naples, 1475, fol., but the Questionum naturalium lib. vii. were not included until the Venice ed. of 1490, which also contained the first edition of the Suasoriae and Controversariae of M. Ann. Seneca. The Tragoediae of L. Ann. Seneca were first printed about 1484 by A. Gallicus, probably at Ferrara.

[341] Historiae naturalis libri xxxvii. The first edition was the famous and rare folio of Joannes de Spira, Venice, 1469. I find record of ten other editions and three issues of Landino’s Italian translation before 1492.

[342] C. Julii Solini Collectanea rerum memorabilium sive polyhistor. Solinus lived probably in the third century a.d. His book was a great favorite in the Middle Ages, both in manuscript and in print, and was known by various titles, as Polyhistor, De situ orbis, etc. The first edition appeared without place or date, at Rome, about 1473, and in the same year at Venice, and it was often reprinted with the annotations of the most famous geographers. The best edition is that by Mommsen (Berlin, 1864). See Vol. II. p. 180.

[343] First edition, Milan, 1471. 4to. The best is that by Parthey, Berlin, 1867. A history and bibliography of this work is given in Vol. II. p. 180.

[344] Commentariorum in somnium Scipionis libri duo. The first edition was at Venice, 1472. There has been an edition by Jahn (2 vols. Quedlinburg, 1848, 1852), and by Eyssenhardt (Leipzig, 1868), and a French translation by various hands, printed in 3 vols. at Paris, 1845-47.

[345] Descriptio orbis terrae; ora maritima. The first edition appeared at Venice in 1488, with the Phaenomena of Aratus. It is included in the Geogr. Graec. min. of Mueller. Muellenhof has treated of the latter poem at length in his Deutsche Alterthumskunde, i. 73-210.

[346] Astronomicon libri v. Manilius is an unknown personality, but wrote in the first half of the first century A. D. (First ed., Nuremberg, 1472 or 1473); Hyginus, Poeticon Astronomicon, 1st or 2d cent. A. D. (Ferrara, 1475).

[347] De nuptiis philologiae et Mercurii, first ed. Vicent., 1499.

[348] E. H. Bunbury, Hist. of Anc. Geog. among the Greeks and Romans (London, 1879), in two volumes,—a valuable, well-digested work, but scant in citations. Ukert, Geog. der Griechen and Römer (Weimar, 1816), very rich in citations, giving authorities for every statement, and useful as a summary.

Forbiger, Handbuch der alten Geographie (Hamburg, 1877), compiled on a peculiar method, which is often very sensible. He first analyzes and condenses the works of each writer, and then sums up the opinions on each country and phase of the subject.

Vivien de St. Martin, Histoire de la Géographie (Paris, 1873).

Peschel, Geschichte der Erdkunde (2d ed., by S. Ruge, München, 1877). Perhaps reference is not out of place also to P. F. J. Gosselin’s Géographie des Grecs analysée, ou les Systèmes d’Eratosthenes, de Strabon et de Ptolémée, comparés entre eux et avec nos connaissances modernes (Paris, 1790); and his later Recherches sur la Geographie systématique et positive des anciens (1797-1813).

Cf. Hugo Berger, Geschichte der wiss. Erdkunde der Griechen (Leipzig, 1887).

[349] Geschichte der Griechischen Philosophie (Tübingen, 1856-62).

[350] Sir George Cornwall Lewis, Historical Survey of the Astronomy of the Ancients (London, 1862).

Theodore Henri Martin, whose numerous papers are condensed in the article on “Astronomie” in Daremberg and Saglio’s Dictionnaire de l’Antiquité. Some of the more important distinct papers of Martin appeared in the Mém. Acad. Inscrip. et Belles Lettres.

[351] See Cellarius, Notit. orb. antiq. i. ch. 2, de rotunditate terrae. See also Günther, Aeltere und neuere Hypothese ueber die chronische Versetzung des Erdschwerpunktes durch Wassermassen (Halle, 1878).

[352] De Natura Rerum.

[353] See ante, p. 31. In the second century St. Clement spoke of the “Ocean impassible to man, and the worlds beyond it.” 1st Epist. to Corinth. ch. 20. (Apostolic Fathers, Edinb. 1870, p. 22.)

[354] Legrand d’Aussy, Image du Monde. Notices et extraits de la Bibliothèque du Roi, etc., v. (1798), p. 260. It is also said that the earth is round, so that a man could go all round it as an insect can walk all round the circumference of a pear. This notable poem has been lately studied by Fant, but is still unprinted. It was known to Abulfeda, that if two persons made the journey described, they would on meeting differ by two days in their calendar (Peschel, Gesch. d. Erdkunde, p. 132).

[355] A. Jourdain, Recherches critique sur l’âge et l’origin des traductions latines d’Aristote, et sur des commentaires Grecs et Arabes employés par les docteurs scolastiques (Paris, 1843). See also De l’influence d’Aristote et de ses interprètes sur la découverte du nouveau-monde, par Ch. Jourdain (Paris, 1861).

[356] See Vol. II., ch. i., Critical Essay.

[357] Cf. a bibliographical note in St. Martin’s Histoire de la Géographie (1873), p. 296. The well-known Examen Critique of Humboldt, the Recherches sur la géographie of Walckenaer, the Géographie du moyen-âge of Lelewel, with a few lesser monographic papers like Fréville’s “Mémoire sur la Cosmographie du moyen-âge,” in the Revue des Soc. Savantes, 1859, vol. ii., and Gaffarel’s “Les relations entre l’ancient monde et l’Amérique, étaient-elles possible au moyen-âge,” in the Bull. de la Soc. Normande de Géog., 1881, vol. iii. 209, will answer most purposes of the general reader; but certain special phases will best be followed in Letronne’s Des opinions cosmographiques des Pères de l’Eglise, rapprocher des doctrines philosophiques de la Grece, in the Revue des Deux Mondes, Mars, 1834, p. 601, etc. The Vicomte Santarem’s Essai sur l’histoire de la cosmographie et de la cartographie pendant le moyen-âge, et sur les progrès de la géographie après les grandes découvertes du xv^e siècle (Paris, 1849-52), in 3 vols., was an introduction to the great Atlas of mediæval maps issued by Santarem, and had for its object the vindication of the Portuguese to be considered the first explorers of the African coast. He is more interested in the burning zone doctrine than in the shape of the earth. H. Wuttke’s Ueber Erdkunde und Kultur des Mittelalters (Leipzig, 1853) is an extract from the Serapeum. G. Marinelli’s Die Erdkunde bei den Kirchenvätern (Leipzig, 1884, pp. 87) is very full on Cosmas, with drawings from the MS. not elsewhere found; Siegmund Günther’s Die Lehre von der Erdrundung u. Erdbewegung im Mittelalter bei den Occidentalen (Halle, 1877), pp. 53, and his Die Lehre von der Erdrundung u. Erdbewegung bei den Arabern und Hebräern (Halle, 1877), pp. 127, give numerous bibliographical references with exactness. Specially interesting is Charles Jourdain’s De l’influence d’Aristote et de ses interprètes aux la découverte du nouveau monde (Paris, 1861), where we read (p. 30): “La pensée dominante de Colomb était l’hypothèse de la proximité de l’Espagne et de l’Asie, et ... cette hypothèse lui venait d’Aristote et des scolastiques;” and again (p. 24): “Ce n’est pas à Ptolémée ... que le moyen âge a emprunté l’hypothèse d’une communication entre l’Europe et l’Asie par l’océan Atlantique.... Cette conséquence, qui n’avait par éschappé à Eratosthène, n’est pas énoncée par Ptolémée tandis qu’elle retrouve de la manière la plus expresse chez Aristote.”

[358] See also ante, p. 37.

[359] Plato, Phaedo, 108; Plutarch, De facie.

[360] Aristotle, De caelo, ii. 13.

[361] Ctesias, On India, ch. v. (ed. Didot, p. 80), says the rising sun appears ten times larger in India than in Greece. Strabo, Geogr. iii. 1, § 5, quotes Posidonius as denying a similar story of the setting sun as seen from Gades.

Whether Herodotus had a similar idea when he wrote that in India the mornings were torrid, the noons temperate and the evenings cold (Herod. iii. 104), is uncertain. Also see Dionysius Periegetes, Periplus, 1109-1111, in Geographi Graeci minores. Ed. C. Mueller (Paris, Didot, 1861, ii. 172). Rawlinson sees in it only a statement of climatic fact.

[362] The True Key to Ancient Cosmogonies, in the Year Book of Boston University, 1882, and separately, Boston, 1882; and in his Paradise Found, 4th ed. (Boston, 1885).

[363] Geminus, Isagoge, c. 13.

[364] “Ueber die Gestalt der Erde nach den Begriffen der Alten,” in Kritische Blätter, ii. (1790) 130.

[365] Ueber Homerische Geographie und Weltkunde (Hanover, 1830).

[366] Homerische Realien, I. 1. Homerische Cosmographie und Geographie (Leipzig, 1871).

[367] Homer and the Homeric Age (London, 1858), ii. 334. The question of Aeaea, “where are the dancing places of the dawn” (Od. xii. 5), almost induces Gladstone to believe that Homer thought the earth cylindrical, but it may be doubted if the expression means more than an outburst of joy at returning from the darkness beyond ocean to the realm of light.

[368] “Mémoire sur la cosmographie Grecque à l’époque d’Homere et d’Hesiode,” in Mém. de l’Acad. des Inscr. et des Belles Lettres, xxviii. (1874) 1, 211-235.

[369] Entwicklung der Ansichten des Alterthums ueber Gestalt und Grösse der Erde. Leipzig, 1868. (Gymn. z. Insterburg.)

[370] Die Kosmischen Systeme der Griechen (Berlin, 1851).

[371] See also Keppel, Die Ansichten der alten Griechen und Römer von der Gestalt, Grösse, und Weltstellung der Erde. (Schweinfurt, 1884.)

[372] For example, K. Jarz, “Wo sind die Homerischen Inseln Trinakie, Scherie, etc. zu suchen?” in Zeitschr. für wissensch. Geogr. ii. 10-18, 21.

[373] See Vol. II. p. 26. His son Ferdinand enlarges upon this. The passage in Seneca’s Medea was a favorite. This is often considered rather as a lucky prophecy. Leibnitz, Opera Philologica (Geneva, 1708), vi. 317. Charles Sumner’s “Prophetic Voices concerning America,” in Atlantic Monthly, Sept. 1867 (also separately, Boston, 1874). Hist. Mag. xiii. 176; xv. 140.

[374] Vol. II. 25. Harrisse, Bib. Amer. Vet. i. 262.

[375] Perizonius, in his note to the story of Silenus and Midas, quoted from Theopompus by Ælian in his Varia Historiæ (Rome, 1545; in Latin, Basle, 1548; in English, 1576), quotes the chief references in ancient writers. Cf. Ælian, ed. by Perizonius, Lugd. Bat. 1701, p. 217. Among the writers of the previous century quoted by this editor are Rupertus, Dissertationes mixtæ, ad Val. Max. (Nuremberg, 1663). Math. Berniggerus, Ex Taciti Germaniâ et Agricolâ questiones (Argent. 1640). Eras. Schmidt, Dissert. de America, which is annexed to Schmidt’s ed. of Pindar (Witelsbergæ, 1616), where it is spoken of as “Discursus de insula Atlantica ultra columnas Herculis qua America hodie dicitur.” Cluverius, Introduction in univers. geogr., vi. 21, § 2, supports this view, 1st ed., 1624. In the ed. 1729 is a note by Reiskius on the same side, with references (p. 667).

Of the same century is J. D. Victor’s Disputatio de America (Jenæ, 1670).

In Brunn’s Bibliotheca Danica are a number of titles of dissertations bearing on the subject; they are mostly old.

[376] Even the voyage of Kolaos, mentioned in Herodotus (iv. 152), is supposed by Garcia a voyage to America.

[377] Mœurs des Sauvages (Paris, 1724).

[378] Attempt to show that America must have been known to the Ancients (Boston, 1773).

[379] History of America, 1775.

[380] See Vol. II. p. 68. Humboldt (i. 191) adopts the view of Ortelius that the grand continent mentioned by Plutarch is America and not Atlantis. Cf. Brasseur’s Lettres à M. le Duc de Valmy, p. 57.

[381] Gaffarel has since elaborated this part of the book in some papers, “Les Grecs et les Romains ont-ils connu l’Amérique?” in the Revue de Géographie (Oct. 1881, et seq.), ix. 241, 420; x. 21, under the heads of traditions, theories, and voyages.

There are references in Bancroft’s Native Races, v. ch. 1; and in his Cent. America, vi. 70, etc.; in Short, No. Amer. of Antiq., 146, 466, 474; in DeCosta’s Precolumbian Discovery. Brasseur touches the subject in his introduction to his Landa’s Relation; Charles Jourdain, in his De l’influence d’Aristote et de ses interprètes sur la découverte du nouveau monde (Paris, 1861), taken from the Journal de l’Instruction Publique. A recent book, W. S. Blackett’s Researches, etc. (Lond. 1883), may be avoided.

[382] Of lesser importance are these: Bancroft’s Native Races, iv. 364, v. 55; Short, 418; Stephens’s Cent. Amer., ii. 438-442; M’Culloh’s Researches, 171; Weise, Discoveries of America, p. 2; Campbell in Compte Rendu, Congrès des Amér. 1875, i. W. L. Stone asks if the moundbuilders were Egyptians (Mag. Amer. History, ii. 533).

[383] Of less importance are: Bancroft, Nat. Races, v. 63-77, with references; Short, 145; Baldwin’s Anc. America, 162, 171; Warden’s Recherches, etc. The more general discussion of Humboldt, Brasseur (Nat. Civ.), Gaffarel (Rapport), De Costa, etc., of course helps the investigator to clues.

The subject is mixed up with some absurdity and deceit. The Dighton Rock has passed for Phœnician (Stiles’ Sermon, 1783; Yates and Moulton’s New York). At one time a Phœnician inscription in Brazil was invented (Am. Geog. Soc. Bull. 1886, p. 364; St. John V. Day’s Prehistoric Use of Iron, Lond. 1877, p. 62). The notorious Cardiff giant, conveniently found in New York state, was presented to a credulous public as Phœnician (Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc., Ap. 1875). The history of this hoax is given by W. A. McKinney in the New Englander, 1875, P. 759.

[384] Cf. Johr. Langius, Medicinalium Epistolarum Miscellanea (Basle, 1554-60), with a chapter, “De novis Americi orbis insulis, antea ab Hannone Carthaginein repertis;” Gebelin’s Monde Primitif; Bancroft’s Native Races, iii. 313, v. 77; Short, 145, 209.

[385] A specimen is in M. V. Moore’s paper in the Mag. of Amer. Hist. (1884), xii. 113, 354. There are various fugitive references to Roman coins found often many feet under ground, in different parts of America. See for such, Ortelius, Theatrum orbis terrarum; Haywood’s Tennessee (1820); Hist. Mag., v. 314; Mag. Amer. Hist., xiii. 457; Marcel de Serre, Cosmogonie de Moise, p. 32; and for pretended Roman inscriptions, Brasseur de Bourbourg, Nat. Civ. Méx., preface; Journal de l’Instruction Publique, Juin, 1853; Humboldt, Exam. Crit., i. 166; Gaffarel in Rev. de Géog., ix. 427.

[386] Procli commentarius in Platonis Timaeum. Rec. C. E. C. Schneider. (Vratislaviae, 1847.) The Commentaries of Proclus on the Timaeus of Plato. Translated by Thomas Taylor, 2 vols. 4º. (London, 1820.) Proclus lived a.d. 412-485. The passages of importance are found in the translation, vol. i. pp. 64, 70, 144, 148.

[387] Taylor, i. 64.

[388] Procl. in Tim. (Schneider), p. 126; Taylor, i. 148. Also in Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ed. Mueller. (Paris, 1852), vol. iv. p. 443.

[389] Geogr. ii. § 3, § 6 (p. 103).

[390] Hist. Nat., ii. 92.

[391] The Atlantis mentioned by Pliny in Hist. Nat., vi. 36, is apparently entirely distinct from the Atlantis of Plato.

[392] Amm. Marc. xvii. 7, § 13. Fiunt autem terrarum motus modis quattuor, aut enim brasmatiae sunt, ... aut climatiae ... aut chasmatiae, qui grandiori motu patefactis subito voratrinis terrarum partes absorbent, ut in Atlantico mare Europaeo orbe spatiosor insula, etc. (Ed. Eyssenhardt, Berlin, 1871, p. 106).

[393] Martin, Etudes sur le Timée (1841), i. 305, 306. The passage in question is in Schol. ad Rempubl., p. 327, Plato, ed. Bekker, vol. ix. p. 67.

[394] Cited in Aelian’s Varia Historia, iii. ch. 18. For the other references see above, pp. 23, 25, 26.

[395] Ammianus Marcellinus (xv. 9) quotes from Timagenes (who wrote in the first century a history of Gaul, now lost) a statement that some of the Gauls had originally immigrated from very distant islands and from lands beyond the Rhine (ab insulis extimis confluxisse et tractibus transrhenanis) whence they were driven by wars and the incursions of the sea (Timag. in Mueller, Frag. hist. of Graec., iii. 323). It would seem incredible that this should be dragged into the Atlantis controversy, but such has been the case.

[396] Plutarch, Solon, at end. R. Prinz, De Solonis Plutarchi fontibus (Bonnæ, 1857).

[397] De Pallio, 2, Apol., p. 32. Also by Arnobius, Adversus gentes, i. 5.

[398] Ed. Montfaucon, i. 114-125, ii. 131, 136-138, iv. 186-192, xii. 340.

[399] Gaffarel in Revue de Géographie, vi.

[400] Platonis omnia opere cum comm. Proclii in Timaeum, etc. (Basil. Valderus, 1534).

[401] Ex Platoni Timaeo particula, Ciceronis libro de universitate respondens ... op. jo. Perizonii (Paris, Tiletanus, 1540; Basil. s. a.; Paris, Morell, 1551). Interpret. Cicerone et Chalcidio, etc. (Paris, 1579). Le Timée de Platon, translaté du grec en français, par L. le Roy, etc. (Paris, 1551, 1581). Il dialogo di Platone, intitolato il Timaeo trad. da Sb. Erizzo, nuov. mandato en luce d. Gir. Ruscellii (Venet. 1558).

[402] Birchrodii Schediasma de orbe novo non novo (Altdorf, 1683).

[403] The representation of Sanson is reproduced on p. 18. The full title of these curious maps is given by Martin, Etudes sur le Timée, i. 270, notes.

[404] Plato, ed. Stallbaum (Gothae, 1838); vii. p. 99, note E. See also his Prolegomena de Critia, in the same volume, for further discussion and references.

[405] Cluverius, Introduct., ed. 1729, p. 667.

[406] Examination of the legend of Atlantis in reference to protohistoric communications with America, in the Trans. Royal Hist. Soc. (Lond., 1885), iii. p. 1-46.

[407] W. S. Blackett, Researches into the lost histories of America; or, the Zodiac shown to be an old terrestrial map in which the Atlantic isle is delineated, etc. (London, 1883), p. 31, 32. The work is not too severely judged by W. F. Poole, in the Dial (Chicago), Sept. 84, note. The author’s reasons for believing that Atlantis could not have sunk are interesting in a way. The Fourth Rept. Bur. of Ethnology (p. 251) calls it “a curiosity of literature.”

[408] E. F. Berlioux, Les Atlantes: histoire de l’Atlantis, et de l’Atlas primitif (Paris, 1883). It originally made part of the first Annuaire of the Faculté des lettres de Lyon (Paris, 1883).

[409] Thesaurus Geogr., 1587, under Atlantis. See also under Gades and Gadirus. On folio 2 of his Theatrum orbis terrarum he rejects the notion that the ancients knew America, but in the index, under Atlantis, he says forte America.

[410] Bartolomé de las Casas, Historia de las Indias. Ed. De la Fuensanto de Valle and J. S. Rayon (Madrid, 1875), i. cap. viii. pp. 73-79.

[411] Taylor, in the introduction to the Timaeus, in his translation of Plato, regards as almost impious the doubts as to the truth of the narrative. The Works of Plato, vol. i. London, 1804.

[412] Thes. Geogr., s. v. Gadirus.

[413] Athanasii Kircherii Mundus subterraneus in xii. libros digestus (Amsterd., 1678), pp. 80-83. He gives a cut illustrative of his views on p. 82.

[414] Historia orbis terrarum geographica et civilis, cap. 5, § 2, hist. insul. I. C. Becmann, 2d ed. (Francfort on Oder, 1680). Title from British Museum, as I have been unable to see the work. The Allg. Deutsche Biographie says the first edition appeared in 1680. It was a book of considerable note in its day.

[415] De la Borde, Histoire abregée de la mer du Sud (Paris, 1791).

[416] J. B. G. M. Bory de St. Vincent, Essais sur les isles Fortunées et l’antique Atlantide (Paris, an xi. or 1803), ch. 7. Si les Canaries et les autres isles de l’ocean Atlantique offrent les débris d’un continent. pp. 427, etc. His map is given ante, p. 19.

[417] This is the second part of his Iles de l’Afrique (Paris, 1848), belonging to the series L’Univers. Histoire et description de tous les peuples, etc. Cf. also his Les îles fantastiques (Paris, 1845).

[418] G. R. Carli, Delle Lettere Americane, ii. (1780). Lettere, vii. and following; especially xiii. and following.

[419] Lyell, Elements of Geology (Lond., 1841), p. 141; and his Principles of Geology, 10th ed. Buffon dated the separation of the new and old world from the catastrophe of Atlantis. Epoques de la Nat., ed. Flourens, ix. 570.

[420] Quatres lettres sur la Méxique; Popul Vuh, p. xcix, and his Sources de l’histoire primitive du Méxique, section viii. pp. xxiv, xxxiii, xxxviii and ix, in his edition of Diego da Landa, Relation des choses de Yucatan (Paris, 1864). H. H. Bancroft, Nat. Races, iii. 112, 264, 480; v. 127, develops Brasseur’s theory. In his Hist. Nat. Civilisées he compares the condition of the Colhua kingdom of Xibalba with Atlantis, and finds striking similarities. Le Plongeon in his Sacred Mysteries (p. 92) accepts Brasseur’s theory.

[421] A. Retzius, Present state of Ethnology in relation to the form of the human skull (Smithsonian Report, 1859), p. 266. The resemblance is not indorsed by M. Verneau, who has lately made a detailed study of the aborigines of the Canaries.

[422] F. Unger, Die versunkene Insel Atlantis (Wien, 1860). Translated in the Journal of Botany (London), January, 1865. Asa Gray had already called attention to the remarkable resemblance between the flora of Japan and that of eastern North America, but had not found the invention of a Pacific continent preferable to the hypothesis of a progress of plants of the temperate zone round by Behring’s Strait (Memoirs of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, vi. 377). Unger’s theory has been also more or less urged in Heer’s Flora Tertiaria Helveticae (1854-58) and his Urwelt der Schweitz (1865), and by Otto Ule in his Die Erde (1874), i. 27.

[423] Sitzungsberichte der Math. Phys. Classe d. k. Akad. d. Wissensch. at Vienna, lvii. (1868) p. 12.

[424] The “Lost Atlantis” and the “Challenger” soundings, Nature, 26 April, 1877, xv. 553, with sketch map.

[425] J. Starkie Gardner, How were the eocenes of England deposited? in Popular Science Review (London), July, 1878, xvii. 282. Edw. H. Thompson, Atlantis not a Myth, in Popular Science Monthly, Oct., 1879, xv. 759; reprinted in Journal of Science, Lond., Nov. 1879.

[426] Etude sur les rapports de l’Atlantis et de l’ancien continent avant Colomb (Paris, 1869).

[427] Revue de Géographie, Mars, Avril, 1880, tom. vi. et vii.

[428] See p. 46.

[429] Ultima teoria sobre la Atlantida. A paper read before the Geographical Society at Lisbon. I have seen only the epitome in Bolletino della Società Geografica Italiana, xvi. (1879), p. 693. Apparently the paper was published in 1881, in the proceedings of the fourth congress of Americanists at Madrid.

[430] Winchell, Preadamites, or a demonstration of the existence of man before Adam, etc. (Chicago, 1880), pp. 378 and fol.

[431] Ignatius Donnelly, Atlantis: the Antediluvian World (N. Y., 1882).

[432] His work is much more than a defence of Plato. He attempts to show that Atlantis was the terrestrial paradise, the cradle of the world’s civilization. I suppose it was his book which inspired Mrs. J. Gregory Smith to write Atla: a Story of the Lost Island (New York, 1886).

Donnelly’s book was favorably reviewed by Prof. Winchell (“Ancient Myth and Modern Fact,” Dial, Chicago, April, 1882, ii. 284), who declared that there was no longer serious doubt that the story was founded on fact. His theory was enthusiastically adopted by Mrs. A. A. Knight in Education (v. 317), and somewhat more soberly by Rev. J. P. McLean in the Universalist Quarterly (Oct., 1882, xxxix. 436, “The Continent of Atlantis”). I have not seen an article in Kansas Review by Mrs. H. M. Holden, quoted in Poole’s Index (Kan. Rev., viii. 435; also, viii. 236, 640). It was more carefully examined and its claims rejected by a writer in the Journal of Science (London), (“Atlantis once more,” June, 1883; xx. 319-327). W. F. Poole doubts whether Mr. Donnelly himself was quite serious in his theorizing (“Discoveries of America: the lost Atlantis theory,” Dial, Sept., 1884, v. 97). Lord Arundel of Wardour controverted Donnelly in The Secret of Plato’s Atlantis (London, 1885), and believes that the Atlantis fable originated in vague reports of Hanno’s voyage—a theory hardly less remarkable than the one it aims to displace. Lord Arundel’s book was reviewed in the Dublin Review (Plato’s “Atlantis” and the “Periplus” of Hanno), July, 1886, xcix. 91.

[433] Renard, M., Report on the Petrology of St. Paul’s Rocks, Challenger Report, Narrative (London, 1882), ii. Appendix B.

[434] A search for “Atlantis” with the microscope, in Nature, 9 Nov., 1882, xxvii. 25.

[435] The microscopic evidence of a lost continent, in Science, 29 June, 1883, i. 591.

[436] Origines Celticae (London, 1883), i. 119, etc.

[437] The discoveries of America to the year 1525 (New York, 1884), ch. 1. Cf. Poole’s review of this jejune Work, quoted above, for some healthy criticism of this kind of writing (Dial, v. 97). Also a notice in the Nation, July 31, 1884.

The scientific theory of Atlantis is, I believe, supported by M. Jean d’Estienne in the Revue des Questiones Scientifiques, Oct., 1885, and by M. de Marçay, Histoire des descouvertes et conquêtes de l’Amerique (Limoges, 1881), but I have seen neither. H. H. Howorth, The Mammoth and the Flood (London, 1887), is struggling to revive the credit of water as the chief agent in the transformations of the earth’s surface, and relies much upon the deluge myths, but refuses to accept Atlantis. He thinks the zoölogic evidence proves the existence in pleistocene times of an easy and natural bridge between Europe and America, but sees no need of placing it across the mid-Atlantic (p. 262).

[438] The naturall and morall historie of the East and West Indies, etc., written in Spanish by Joseph Acosta, and translated into English by E. G[rimeston] (London, 1604), p. 72, 73 (lib. i. ch. 22).

[439] Notitiae orbis antiquae (Amsterdam, 1703-6), 2 vols. The first ed. was Cantab., 1703. “Atlantica insula Platonis quae similior fabulae est quam chorographiae,” lib. i. cap. xi. p. 32. In the Additamentum de novo orbe an cognatus fuerit veteribus (tome ii. lib. iv. pp. 164-166) Cellarius speaks more guardedly, and quotes with approval the judgment of Perizonius, which has been given above (p. 22).

[440] Essai sur l’explication historique donnée par Platon de sa République et de son Atlantide (in Reflexions impartiales sur le progrès réal ou apparent que les sciences et les arts ont faits dans le xviii^e siècle en Europe, Paris, 1780). The work is useful because it contains the Greek text (from a MS. in the Bibl. du Roi. Cf. MSS. de la bibliothèque, v. 261), the Latin translations of Ficinus and Serranus, several French translations, and the Italian of Frizzo and of Bembo.

[441] Recherches sur les iles de l’océan Atlantique, in the Recherches sur la géographie des anciens, i. p. 146 (Paris, 1797). Also in the French translation of Strabo (i. p. 268, note 3). Gosselin thought that Atlantis was nothing more than Fortaventure or Lancerote.

[442] Geogr. d. Griechen u. Römer, i. 1, p. 59; ii. 1, p. 192. Cf. Letronne’s Essai sur les idées cosmographiques qui se rettachent au nom d’Atlas, in the Bull. Univ. des sciences (Ferussac), March, 1831.

[443] Examen Crit., i. 167-180; ii. 192.

[444] The dialogues of Plato, translated by B. Jowett (N. Y., 1873), ii. p. 587 (Introduction to Critias).

[445] Bunbury, History of ancient geography, i. 402.

[446] Etude sur le Timée de Platon (Paris, 1841), t. i. pp. 257-333.

[447] Paul Gaffarel, Etude sur les rapports de l’Amérique et de l’ancien continent avant Christophe Colomb (Paris, 1869), ch. 1er; L’Atlantide, pp. 3-27. The same author has more lately handled the subject more fully in a series of articles: L’Atlantide, in the Revue de Géographie, April-July, 1880; vi. 241, 331, 421; vii. 21,—which is the most detailed account of the whole matter yet brought together.

[448] One of the most recent résumés of the question is that by Salone in the Grande Encyclopédie. (Paris, 1888, iv. p. 457). The Encyclopædia Britannica, by the way, regards the account, “if not entirely fictitious, as belonging to the most nebulous region of history.”

A few miscellaneous references, of no great significance, may close this list: Amer. Antiquarian, Sept., 1886; H. H. Bancroft, Nat. Races, v. 123; J. S. Clarke’s Progress of Maritime Discovery, p. ii. Geo. Catlin’s Lifted and Subsided Rocks of America (Lond., 1870) illustrates “The Cataclysm of the Antilles.” Dr. Chil, in the Nancy Congrès des Américanistes, i. 163. Foster’s Prehistoric Races, app. E. Haven’s Archæol. U. S. Irving’s Columbus, app. xxii. Major’s Prince Henry (1868), p. 87. Nadaillac’s Les Prem. Hommes, ii. 114, and his L’ Amérique préhistorique, 561. John B. Newman’s Origin of the Red Men (N. Y., 1852). Prescott’s Mexico, iii. 356. C. S. Rafinesque’s incomplete American Nations (Philad.), and his earlier introduction to Marshall’s Kentucky, and his Amer. Museum (1832). Two articles by L. Burke in his Ethnological Journal (London), 1848: The destruction of Atlantis, July; The continent of America known to the ancient Egyptians and other nations of remote antiquity, Aug. The former article is only a reprint of Taylor’s trans. of Plato. Roisel’s Etudes ante-historiques (Paris, 1874), devoted largely to the religion of the Atlanteans. Léon de Rosny’s “L’Atlantide historique” in the Mém. de la Soc. d’Ethnographie (Paris, 1875), xiii. 33, 159, or Revue Orientale et Américaine. Short’s No. Americans of Antiquity, ch. 11. Daniel Wilson’s Lost Atlantis (Montreal, 1886), in Proc. and Trans. Roy. Soc. of Canada, 1886, iv. Cf. also Poole’s Index, i. 73; ii. 27; and Larousse’s Grand Dictionnaire.

[449] Legends and Superstitions of the Sea and of Sailors in all Lands and at all Times (Chicago and New York, 1885).

[450] Légendes, croyances de la mer. 2 vols. (Paris, 1886.) See ch. 9 in 1^ere série.

[451] L’Elysée transatlantique et l’Eden Occidental (Mai-Juin, Nov.-Dec., 1883), vii. 273; viii. 673.

[452] Paradise Found: the Cradle of the Human Race at the North Pole (Boston, 1885), 4th ed.

[453] Eumenius (?), in the third century a.d., is doubtful about the existence even of the Fortunate Isles (i. e. the Canaries). Eumenii panegyricus Constantino Aug., vii., in Valpy’s Panegyrici veteres (London, 1828), iii. p. 1352. Baehrens credits this oration to an unknown author. Mamertinus appears to know them from the poets only (Ibid. p. 1529).

[454] Saggio sulla nautica antica dei Veneziani, n. p., n. d. (Venice, 1783); French translation (Venice, 1788).

[455] Il mappamondo di Fra Mauro descritto ed illustrato (Venice, 1806). Di Marco Polo e degli altri viaggiatori veneziani ... con append. sopra le antiche mappe lavorate in Venezia (Venice, 1818).

[456] ii. 156, etc.

[457] D’Avezac: Iles d’Afrique (Paris, 1848) 2^e partie; Iles connues des Arabes, pp. 15; Les îles de Saint-Brandan, pp. 19; Les îsles nouvellement trouvées du quinzième siècle, pp. 24. The last two pieces had been previously published under the title Les îles fantastiques de l’Ocean occidental au moyen âge, in the Nouvelles Annales des Voyages (Mars, Avril, 1845), 2d série, i. 293; ii. 47.

[458] Les îsles fantastiques de l’Atlantique au moyen âge. Lyon [1883], pp. 15. This is apparently extracted from the Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Lyon for 1883.

[In Poole’s Index is a reference to an article on imaginary islands in London Society, i. 80, 150.]

[459] “Zur Geschichte der Erdkunde in der letzten Hälfte des Mittelalters. Die Karten der seefahrenden Völker Süd-Europas bis zum ersten Druck der Erdbeschreibung des Ptolemaeus.” Jahresbericht, vi. vii. (1870). Accompanying the article are sketches of the principal mediæval maps, which are useful if access to the more trustworthy reproductions cannot be had.

[460] Sammlung mittelalterlicher Welt- und Seekarten italienischen Ursprungs, etc. (Venice, 1886), especially pp. 14-22, and under the notices of particular maps in the second part.

[461] The Life of Prince Henry of Portugal, surnamed the Navigator, etc. London, 1868.

[462] The position of these islands and the fact that the Arabs believed that they were following Ptolemy in placing in them the first meridian seems almost conclusive in favor of the Canaries; but M. D’Avezac is inclined in favor of the Azores, because the Arabs place in the Eternal Isles certain pillars and statues warning against further advance westward, which remind him of the equestrian statues of the Azores, and because Ebn Sáyd states that the Islands of Happiness lie between the Eternal Islands and Africa.

[463] D’Avezac, Iles d’Afrique, ii. 15. Géographie d’Abul-Fada trad. par M. Reinand et M. Guiyard (Paris, 1848-83). 2 vols. The first volume contains a treatise on Arabian geographers and their systems. Géographie d’Edrisi trad. par M. Jaubert (Paris, 1836-40). 2 vols. 4to (Soc. de Géogr. de Paris, Recueil de Voyages, v., vi.) Cf. Cherbonneau on the Arabian geographers in the Revue de Géographie (1881).

[464] Humboldt, Examen Crit., ii. 163; D’Avezac, Iles d’Afrique, ii. 19; St. Malo’s voyage by Beauvois, Rev. Hist. Relig., viii. 986.

[465] Les voyages de Saint Brandan et des Papoe dans l’Atlantique au moyen-âge, published by the Soc. de Géogr. de Rochefort (1881). See also his Rapports de l’Amérique et de l’ancien continent (Paris, 1869), p. 173-183. The article Brenden in Stephen’s Dict. of National Biography, vol. vi. (London, 1886), should be consulted.

[466] 16 May; Maii, tom. ii. p. 699.

[467] La légende latine de S. Brandaines, avec une traduction inédite, etc. (Paris, 1836). M. Jubinal gives a full account of all manuscripts.

[468] St. Brandan, a mediæval legend of the sea, in English prose and verse (London, 1844). The student of the subject will find use for Les voyages de Saint Brandan à la recherche du paradis terrestre, legend en vers du XII^e siècle, avec introduction par Francisque Michel (Paris, 1878), and “La legende Flamande de Saint Brandan et du bibliographie” by Louis de Backer in Miscellanées bibliographiques, 1878, p. 191.

[469] Nova typis transacta navigatio. Novi orbis India occidentalis, etc. (1621), p. 11.

[470] Honoré d’Autun, Imago Mundi, lib. i. cap. 36. In Maxima Bibliotheca Veterum Patrum (Lugd., 1677), tom. xx. p. 971.

[471] Humboldt (Examen Critique, ii. 172) quotes these islands from Sanuto Torsello (1306). They appear on a map of about 1350, preserved in St. Mark’s Library at Venice (Wuttke, in Jahresber. d. Vereins für Erdkunde zu Dresden, xvi. 20), as “I fortunate I beate, 368,” in connection with La Montagne de St. Brandan, west of Ireland. They are also in the Medicean Atlas of 1351, and in Fra Mauro’s map and many others.

[472] Noticias de la historia general de las islas de Canaria, by D. Jos. de Viera y Clavijo, 4 vols. 4to (Madrid, 1772-83). Humboldt, Examen, ii. 167. D’Avezac, Iles d’Afrique, ii. 22, etc. Les îles fortunées ou archipel des Canaries [by E. Pégot-Ogier], 2 vols. (Paris, 1862), i. ch. 13. Saint-Borondon (Aprositus), pp. 186-198. Teneriffe and its six satellites, by O. M. Stone, 2 vols. (London, 1887), i. 319. This mirage probably explains the Perdita of Honoré and the Aprositos of Ptolemy. Cf. O. Peschel’s Abhandlungen zur Erd- und Völkerkunde (Leipzig, 1877), i. 20. A similar story is connected with Brazil.

[473] M. Buache in his Mémoire sur l’Isle Antillia (Mém. Inst. de France, Sciences math. et phys., vi., 1806), read on a copy of the Pizigani map of 1367, sent to him from Parma, the inscription, Ad ripas Antilliae or Antullio. Cf. Buache’s article in German in Allg. Geogr. Ephemeriden, xxiv. 129. Humboldt (Examen, ii. 177) quotes Zurla (Viaggi, ii. 324) as denying that such an inscription can be made out on the original: but Fischer (Sammlung von Welt-karten, p. 19) thinks this form of the name can be made out on Jomard’s fac-simile. Wuttke, however, thinks that the word Antillia is not to be made out, and gives the inscription as Hoc sont statua q fuit ut tenprs A cules, and reads Hoc sunt statuae quae fuerunt antea temporibus Arcules = Herculis (Wuttke, Zur Geschichte der Erdkunde in der letzten Haelfte des Mittelalters, p. 26, in Jahresbericht des Vereins für Erdkunde zu Dresden, vi. and vii., 1870). The matter is of interest in the story of the equestrian statue of Corvo. According to the researches of Humboldt, this story first appears in print in the history of Portugal by Faria y Sousa (Epitome de las historias Portuguezas, Madrid, 1628. Historia del Reyno de Portugal, 1730), who describes on the “Mountain of the Crow,” in the Azores, a statue of a man on horseback pointing westward. A later version of the story mentions a western promontory in Corvo which had the form of a person pointing westward. Humboldt (ii. 231), in an interesting sketch, connects this story with the Greek traditions of the columns of Hercules at Gades, and with the old opinion that beyond no one could pass; and with the curious Arabic stories of numberless columns with inscriptions prohibiting further navigation, set up by Dhoulcarnain, an Arabian hero, in whose personality Hercules and Alexander the Great are curiously compounded (see Edrisi). Humboldt quotes from Buache a statement that on the Pizigani map of 1367 there is near Brazil (Azores) a representation of a person holding an inscription and pointing westward.

[474] Fernan Colomb, Historia, ch. 9; Horn, De Originibus Amer. p. 7, quoted by Gaffarel in his Les îles fantastiques, p. 3, note 1, 2. D’Avezac, Iles d’Afrique, ii. 27, quotes a similar passage from Medina (Arte naviguar), who found it in the Ptolemy dedicated to Pope Urban (1378-1389). According to D’Avezac (Iles, ii. 28), a “geographical document” of 1455 gives the name as Antillis, and identifies it with Plato’s Atlantis.

[475] Formaleoni, Essai, 148.

[476] D’Avezac marks as wrong the reading Sarastagio of Humboldt.

[477] D’Avezac, Iles d’Afrique, ii. 29; Gaffarel, Iles fantastiques, 12. Fischer (Sammlung, 20) translates Satanaxio, Satanshand, but thinks the island of Deman, which appears on the Catalan chart of 1375, is meant by the first half of the title. The Catalan map, fac-similed by Buchon and Foster in the Notices et extraits des documents, xiv. 2, has been more exactly reproduced in the Choix des documents géographiques conservées à la Bibl. Nat. (Paris, 1883).

[478] Peter Martyr, in 1493, states that cosmographers had determined that Hispaniola and the adjacent isles were Antillae insulae, meaning doubtless the group surrounding Antillia on the old maps (Decades, i. p. 11, ed. 1583); but the name was not popularly applied to the new islands until after Wytfliet and Ortelius had so used it (Humboldt, Examen, ii. 195, etc.). But Schöner, in the dedicatory letter of his globe of 1523, says that the king of Castile through Columbus has discovered Antiglias Hispaniam Cubam quoque (Stevens, Schöner, London, 1888, fac-simile of letter). In the same way the name Seven Cities was applied to the pueblos of New Mexico by their first discoverers, and Brazil passed from an island to the continent.

[479] Humboldt identified it with Terceira, but Fischer questions whether St. Michael does not agree better with the easterly position constantly assigned to Brazil.

[480] The Bianco map of 1436 has, on the ocean sheets, five groups of small islands, from south to north: (1) Canaries; (2) Madeira and Porto Santo; (3) luto and chapisa; (4) d. brasil, di colonbi, d. b. ntusta, d. sanzorzi; (5) coriios and corbo marinos; (6) de ventura; (7) de brazil. West of the third and fourth lies Antillia, and N. W. of the fifth a corner of de laman satanaxio, while west of six and seven are numerous small islands unnamed. On the ocean sheet of the Bianco of 1448, we have (2) Madeira and Porto Santo; (3) licongi and coruo marin; (4) de braxil, zorzi, etc.; (5) coriios and coruos marinos; (6) y. d. mam debentum; (7) y. d. brazil d. binar. There is no Antillia and no Satanaxio, but west of (3) and (4) are two other groups: (1) yd. diuechi marini, y de falconi; (2) y fortunat de s^o. beati. blandan, dinferno, de ipauion, beta ixola, dexerta. There is not much to be hoped from such geography.

[481] Over against Africa he has an Isola dei Dragoni. On the Pizigani map of 1367 the Brazil which lies W. of North France is accompanied by a cut of two ships, a dragon eating a man, and a legend stating that one cannot sail further on account of monsters. There was a dragon in the Hesperian isles, and some have connected it with the famous dragon-tree of the Canaries.

[482] Examen, ii. 216, etc.

[483] For an account of the Irish MSS. see Eugene O’Curry, Lectures on the MS. material of ancient Irish history (Dublin, 1861), lect. ix. p. 181; H. d’Arbois de Jubainville, Introduction a l’étude de la littérature Celtique, 2 vols. (Paris, 1883), i. chap. 8, p. 349, etc.; also Essai d’un catalogue de littérature épique d’Irlande, by the same author (Paris, 1883). For accounts of the voyages see O’Curry, p. 252, and especially p. 289, where a sketch of that of the sons of Ua Corra is given. A list of the voyages is given by D’Arbois de Jubainville in his Essai, under Longeas (involuntary voyages) and Immram (voluntary voyages), with details about MSS. and references to texts and translations (Mailduin, p. 151; Ua Corra, 152). See also Beauvois, Eden occidental, Rev. de l’Hist. des Relig., viii. 706, 717, for voyages of Mailduin and the sons of Ua Corra, and of other voyages. Also Joyce, Old Celtic romances (London, 1879). Is M. Beauvois in earnest when he suggests that the talking birds discovered by Mailduin (and also by St. Brandan) were probably parrots, and their island a part of South America?

[484] The name is derived by Celtic scholars from breas, large, and i, island.

[485] Gulielmi de Worcester Itineraria, ed. J. Nasmyth (Cantab., 1778), p. 223, 267. I take the quotation from Notes and Queries, Dec. 15, 1883, 6th series, viii. 475. The latter passage is quoted in full in Bristol, past and present, by Nicholls and Taylor (London, 1882), iii. 292. Cf. H. Harrisse’s C. Colomb., i. 317.

[486] Cal. State Papers, Spanish, i. p. 177.

[487] Irish Minstrelsy, or bardic remains of Ireland, etc., 2 vols. (London, 1831), i. 368.

[488] This is very nearly its position in the Arcano del Mare of Dudley, 1646 (Europe 28), where it is called “disabitata e incerta.”

[489] i. 369. O-Brazile, or the enchanted island, being a perfect relation of the late discovery and wonderful disenchantment of an island on the North [sic] of Ireland, etc. (London, 1675).

[490] John T. O’Flaherty, Sketch of the History and antiquities of the southern islands of Aran, etc. (Dublin, 1884, in Roy. Irish Acad. Trans., vol. xiv.)

[491] On Hy Brasil, a traditional island off the west coast of Ireland, plotted in a MS. map written by Le Sieur Tassin, etc., in the Journal of the Royal Geological Society of Ireland (1879-80), vol. xv. pt. 3, pp. 128-131, fac-simile of map.

[492] In an atlas issued 1866, I observe Mayda and Green Rock.

[493] Harrisse would put it in 1482. See Vol. II. p. 90.

[494] Also in his Bib. Amer. Vet., p. xvi.

[495] The various versions of the letter are as follows: Ulloa (Historie, 1571, ch. 8). Dalla città di Lisbona per dritto verso ponente sono in detta carta ventisei spazi, ciascun de’ quali contien dugento, & cinquanta miglia, fino alla ... città di Quisai, la quale gira cento miglia, che sono trentacinque leghe.... Questo spazio e quasi la terza parte della sfera.... E dalla’ Isola di Antilia, che voi chiamate di sette città, ... fino alla ... isola di Cipango sono dieci spazi, che fanno due mila & cinquecento miglia, cioè dugento, & venticinque leghe.

Barcia. Hallareis en un mapa, que ai desde Lisboa, à la famosa ciudad de Quisay, tomando el camino derecho à Poniente, 26 espacios, cada uno de 150 millas. Quisai’ tiene 35 leguas de ambitu.... De la isla Antilla hasta la de Cipango se quentan diez espacios, que hacen 225 leguas.

Las Casas: Y de la ciudad de Lisboa, en derecho por el Poniente, son en la dicha carta 26 espacios, y en cada uno dellos hay 250 millas hasta la ... ciudad de Quisay, la cual etiene al cerco 100 millas, que son 25 leguas, ... (este espacio es cuasi la tercera parte de la sfera) ... é de la isla de Antil, ... Hasta la ... isla de Cipango hay 10 espacios que son 2,500 millas, es á sabre, 225 leguas.

Columbus’s copy: A civitate vlixiponis per occidentem indirecto sunt .26. spacia in carta signata quorum quodlibet habet miliaria .250. usque ad nobilisim[am], et maxima ciuitatem quinsay. Circuit enim centum miliaria ... hoc spatium est fere tercia pars tocius spere.... Sed ab insula antilia vobis nota ad insulam ... Cippangu sunt decem spacia.

[496] Cf. “Les îles Atlantique,” by Jacobs-Beeckmans in the Bull. de la Soc. géog. d’Anvers, i. 266, with map.

[497] Of these collections, those of Kunstmann and Jomard are not uncommon in the larger American libraries. A set of the Santarem series is very difficult to secure complete, but since the description of these collections in Vol. II. was written, a set has been secured for Harvard College library, and I am not aware of another set being in this country. The same library has the Ongania series. The maps in this last, some of which are useful in the present study, are the following:—

1. Arabic marine map, xiiith cent. (Milan); 2. Visconte, 1311 (Florence); 3. Carignano, xivth cent. (Florence); 4. Visconte, 1318 (Venice); 5. Anonymous, 1351 (Florence); 6. Pizigani, 1373 (Milan); 7. Anon., xivth cent. (Venice); 8. Giroldi, 1426 (Venice); 9. Bianco, 1430, (Venice); 10. Anon., 1447 (Venice); 11. Bianco, 1448 (Milan); 12. Not issued; 13. Anon., Catalan, xvth cent. (Florence); 14. Leardo, 1452; 15. Fra Mauro, 1457 (Venice); 16. Cantino, 1501-3 (Modena). This has not been issued in this series, but Harrisse published a fac-simile in colors in connection with his Les Corte-Real, etc., Paris, 1883. 17. Agnese, 1554 (Venice). The names on these photographs are often illegible; how far the condition of the original is exactly reproduced in this respect it is of course impossible to say without comparison.

[498] The notions prevailing so far back as the first century are seen in the map of Pomponius Mela in Vol. II. p. 180.

[499] Vol. II. p. 36.

[500] Lelewel (ii. 119) gives a long account of Sanuto and his maps, and so does Kunstmann in the Mémoires (vii. ch. 2, 1855) of the Royal Bavarian Academy; but a more perfect inventory of his maps is given in the Studi biog. e bibliog. of the Italian Geographical Society (1882, i. 80; ii. 50). Cf. Peschel, Gesch. der Erdkunde, Ruge, ed. 1877, p. 210. Sanuto’s map of 1320 was first published in his Liber Secretorum fidelium crucis (Frankfort, 1811. Cf. reproduction in St. Martin’s Atlas, pl. vi. no. 3). Further references are in Winsor’s Kohl Maps, no. 12. It is in part reproduced by Santarem.

[501] Cf. Amer. Geog. Soc. Journal, xii. 177, and references in the Kohl Maps, nos. 13 and 14.

[502] Vol. II. p. 38.

[503] Cf. references in Vol. II. 38.

[504] Cf. Studi, etc., ii. no. 392.

[505] Cf. Desimoni’s Le carte nautiche Italiane del medio evo a proposito di un libro del Prof. Fischer (Genoa, 1888).

[506] Cf. Vol. II. 38 for references; and Lelewel and Santarem’s Atlases.

[507] Cf. Studi, etc., vol. ii. pp. viii, 67, 72, with references.

[508] Cf. Pietro Amat in the Mem. Soc. Geografica, Roma, 1878; Studi, etc., ii. 75; Winsor’s Bibliog. Ptolemy, sub anno 1478.

[509] Cf. account of inaugurating busts of Fra Mauro and John Cabot, in Terzo Congresso Geografico internazionale (held at Venice, Sept., 1881, and published at Rome, 1882), i. p. 33.

[510] Asa Gray, in Darwiniana, p. 203. Cf. his Address before Amer. Assoc. Adv. Science, 1827.

[511] The subject of these pre-Columbian claims is examined in almost all the general works on early discovery. Cf. Robertson’s America; J. S. Vater’s Untersuchungen über Amerikas Bevölkerung aus dem alten Continent (Leipzig, 1810); Dr. F. X. A. Deuber’s Geschichte der Schiffahrt im Atlantischen Ozean (Bamberg, 1814); Ruge, Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen (ch. 2); Major’s Select Letters of Columbus, introd.; C. A. A. Zestermann’s Memoir on the Colonization of America in antehistoric times, with critical observations by E. G. Squier (London, 1851); Nouvelles Annales des Voyages (ii. 404); “Les précurseurs de Colomb” in Études par les Pères de la Compagnie de Jesus (Leipzig, 1876); Oscar Dunn in Revue Canadienne, xii. 57, 194, 305, 871, 909,—not to name numerous other periodical papers. Paul Gaffarel, in his “Les relations entre l’ancien monde et l’Amérique étaient-elles possibles au moyen âge?” (Soc. Normande de Géog. Bulletin, 1881, p. 209), thinks that amid the confused traditions there is enough to convince us that we have no right to determine that communication was impossible.

[512] MSS. de la bibliothèque royale (Paris, 1787), i. 462.

[513] De Costa in Journal Amer. Geog. Soc. xii. (1880) p. 159, etc., with references.

[514] Humboldt, Views of Nature, p. 124. He also notes the drifting of Eskimo boats to Europe.

[515] Tratado de las cinco zonas habitables.

[516] Respecting these Christian Irish see the supplemental chapters of Mallet’s Northern Antiquities (London, 1847); Dasent’s Burnt Njal, i. p. vii.; Moore’s History of Ireland; Forster’s Northern Voyages; Worsaae’s Danes and Norwegians in England, 332. Cf. on the contact of the two races H. H. Howorth on “The Irish monks and the Norsemen” in the Roy. Hist. Soc. Trans. viii. 281.

[517] Conybeare remarks that jarl, naturalized in England as earl, has been displaced in its native north by graf.

[518] It has sometimes been contended that a bull of Gregory IV, in a.d. 770, referred to Greenland, but Spitzbergen was more likely intended, though its known discovery is much later. A bull of a.d. 835, in Pontanus’s Rerum Daniarum Historia, is also held to indicate that there were earlier peoples in Greenland than those from Iceland. Sabin (vi. no. 22,854) gives as published at Godthaab, 1859-61, in 3 vols., the Eskimo text of Greenland Folk Lore, collected and edited by natives of Greenland, with a Danish translation, and showing, as the notice says, the traditions of the first descent of the Northmen in the eighth century.

[519] Known as the Katortuk church.

[520] An apocryphal story goes that one of these churches was built near a boiling spring, the water from which was conducted through the building in pipes for heating it! The Zeno narrative is the authority for this. Cf. Gay’s Pop. Hist. U. S. i. 79.

[521] The Westribygd, or western colony, had in the fourteenth century 90 settlements and 4 churches; the Eystribygd had 190 settlements, a cathedral and eleven churches, with two large towns and three or four monasteries.

[522] R. G. Haliburton, in the Popular Science Monthly, May, 1885, p. 40, gives a map in which Bjarni’s course is marked as entering the St. Lawrence Gulf by the south, and emerging by the Straits of Belle Isle.

[523] Dated 1135, and discovered in 1824.

[524] Distinctly shown in the diverse identifications of these landmarks which have been made.

[525] On the probabilities of the Vinland voyages, see Worsaae’s Danes and Norwegians in England, etc., p. 109.

[526] Grönland’s Hist. Mindesmaeker, iii. 9.

[527] The popular confidence in this view is doubtless helped by Montgomery, who has made it a point in his poem on Greenland, canto v. De Courcy (Hist. of the Church in America, p. 12) is cited by Howley (Newfoundland) as asserting that the eastern colony was destroyed by “a physical cataclysm, which accumulated the ice.” On the question of a change of climate in Greenland, see J. D. Whitney’s Climatic Changes (Mus. Comp. Zoöl. Mem., 1882, vii. 238).

[528] Rink (Danish Greenland, 22) is not inclined to believe that there has been any material climatic change in Greenland since the Norse days, and favors the supposition that some portion of the finally remaining Norse became amalgamated with the Eskimo and disappeared. If the reader wants circumstantial details of the misfortunes of their “last man,” he can see how they can be made out of what are held to be Eskimo traditions in a chapter of Dr. Hayes’s Land of Desolation.

Nordenskjöld (Voyage of the Vega) holds, such is the rapid assimilation of a foreign stock by a native stock, that it is not unlikely that what descendants may exist of the lost colonists of Greenland may be now indistinguishable from the Eskimo.

Tylor (Early Hist. Mankind, p. 208), speaking of the Eskimo, says: “It is indeed very strange that there should be no traces found among them of knowledge of metal-work and of other arts, which one would expect a race so receptive of foreign knowledge would have got from contact with the Northmen.”

Prof. Edward S. Morse, in his very curious study of Ancient and Modern Methods of Arrow Release (Salem, 1885,—Bull. Essex Inst., xvii.) p. 52, notes that the Eskimo are the only North American tribe practising what he calls the “Mediterranean release,” common to all civilized Europe, and he ventures to accept a surmise that it may have been derived from the Scandinavians.

[529] Given by Schlegel, Egede (citing Pontanus), and Rafn; and a French version is in the Bull. de la Soc. de Géog., 2d series, iii. 348. It is said to be preserved in a copy in the Vatican. M. F. Howley, Ecclesiastical Hist. of Newfoundland (Boston, 1888), p. 43, however, says “Abbé Garnier mentions a bull of Pope Nicholas V, of date about 1447, concerning the church of Greenland; but on searching the Bullarium in the Propaganda library, Rome, in 1885, I could not find it.”

[530] Laing’s Heimskringla, i. 146.

[531] E. B. Tylor on “Old Scandinavian Civilization among the modern Esquimaux,” in the Journal of the Anthropological Inst. (1884), xiii. 348, shows that the Greenlanders still preserve some of the Norse customs, arising in part, as he thinks, from some of the lost Scandinavian survivors being merged in the savage tribes. Their recollection of the Northmen seems evident from the traditions collected among them by Dr. Rink in his Eskimoiske Eventyr og Sagn (Copenhagen, 1866); and their dress, and some of their utensils and games, as it existed in the days of Egede and Crantz, seem to indicate the survival of customs.

[532] Cosmos, Bohn’s ed., ii. 610; Examen Crit., ii. 148.

[533] Cf. Geographie de Edrisi, traduite de l’arabe en français d’après deux manuscrits de la bibliothèque du Roi, et accompagnée de notes, par G. Amédée Jaubert (Paris, 1836-40), vol. i. 200; ii. 26. Cf. Recueil des Voyages et Mémoires de la Société de Géographie de Paris, vols. v., vi. The world-map by Edrisi does not indicate any knowledge of this unknown world. Cf. copies of it in St. Martin’s Atlas, pl. vi; Lelewel, Atlas, pl. x-xii; Peschel’s Gesch. der Erdkunde, ed. by Ruge, 1877, p. 144; Amer. Geog. Soc. Journal, xii. 181; Allg. Geog. Ephemeriden, ix. 292; Gerard Stein’s Die Entdeckungsreisen in alter und neuer Zeit (1883).

Guignes (Mém. Acad. des Inscriptions, 1761, xxviii. 524) limits the Arab voyage to the Canaries, and in Notices et Extraits des MSS. de la bibliothèque du Roi, ii. 24, he describes a MS. which makes him believe the Arabs reached America; and he is followed by Munoz (Hist. del Nuevo Mondo, Madrid, 1793). Hugh Murray (Discoveries and Travels in No. Amer., Lond., 1829, i. p. II) and W. D. Cooley (Maritime Discovery, 1830, i. 172) limit the explorations respectively to the Azores and the Canaries. Humboldt (Examen Crit., 1837, ii. 137) thinks they may possibly have reached the Canaries; but Malte Brun (Géog. Universelle, 1841, i. 186) is more positive. Major (Select Letters of Columbus, 1847) discredits the American theory, and in his Prince Henry agrees with D’Avezac that they reached Madeira. Lelewel (Géog. du Moyen Age, ii. 78) seems likewise incredulous. S. F. Haven (Archæol. U. S.) gives the theory and enumerates some of its supporters. Peschel (Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen, 1858) is very sceptical. Gaffarel (Etudes, etc., p. 209) fails to find proof of the American theory. Gay (Pop. History U. S., i. 64) limits their voyage to the Azores.

[534] Given as a.d. 1380; but Major says, 1390. Journal Royal Geog. Soc., 1873, p. 180.

[535] De Costa, Verrazano the Explorer (N. Y., 1880), pp. 47, 63, contends that Benedetto Bordone, writing his Isole del Monde in 1521, and printing it in 1528, had access to the Zeno map thirty years and more earlier than its publication. This, he thinks, is evident from the way in which he made and filled in his outline, and from his drawing of “Islanda,” even to a like way of engraving the name, which is in a style of letter used by Bordone nowhere else. Humboldt (Cosmos, Bohn’s ed., ii. 611) has also remarked it as singular that the name Frislanda, which, as he supposed, was not known on the maps before the Zeni publication in 1538, should have been applied by Columbus to an island southerly from Iceland, in his Tratado de las cinco zonas habitables. Cf. De Costa’s Columbus and the Geographers of the North (1872), p. 19. Of course, Columbus might have used the name simply descriptively,—cold land; but it is now known that in a sea chart of perhaps the fifteenth century, preserved in the Ambrosian library at Milan, the name “Fixlanda” is applied to an island in the position of Frislanda in the Zeno chart, while in a Catalan chart of the end of the fifteenth century the same island is apparently called “Frixlanda” (Studi biog. e bibliog. della soc. geog. ital., ii. nos. 400, 404). “Frixanda” is also on a chart, a.d. 1471-83, given in fac-simile to accompany Wuttke’s “Geschichte der Erdkunde” in the Jahrbuch des Vereins für Erdkunde (Dresden, 1870, tab. vi.).

[536] Irving’s Columbus takes this view.

[537] J. P. Leslie’s Man’s Origin and Destiny, p. 114, for instance.

[538] Brevoort (Hist. Mag., xiii. 45) thinks that the “Isola Verde” and “Isle de Mai” of the fifteenth-century maps, lying in lat. 46° north, was Newfoundland with its adjacent bank, which he finds in one case represented. Samuel Robertson (Lit. & Hist. Soc. Quebec, Trans. Jan. 16) goes so far as to say that certain relics found in Canada may be Basque, and that it was a Basque whaler, named Labrador, who gave the name to the coast, which the early Portuguese found attached to it! We find occasional stories indicating knowledge of distant fishing coasts at a very early date, like the following:—

“In the yeere 1153 it is written that there came to Lubec, a citie of Germanie, one canoa with certaine indians, like unto a long barge, which seemed to have come from the coast of Baccalaos, which standeth in the same latitude that Germanie doth” (Galvano, Bethune’s edition, p. 56).

[539] W. D. Whitney, Life and Growth of Language, p. 258, says: “No other dialect of the old world so much resembles in structure the American languages.” Cf. Farrar’s Families of Speech, p. 132; Nott and Gliddon’s Indigenous Races, 48; H. de Charencey’s Des affinités de la langue Basque avec les idiomes du Nouveau Monde (Paris and Caen, 1867); and Julien Vinson’s “La langue basque et les langues Américaines” in the Compte Rendu, Congrès des Américanistes (Nancy, 1875), ii. 46. On the other hand, Joly (Man before Metals, 316) says: “Whatever may be said to the contrary, Basque offers no analogy with the American dialects.”

These linguistic peculiarities enter into all the studies of this remarkable stock. Cf. J. F. Blade’s Etude sur l’origine des Basques (Paris, 1869); W. B. Dawkins in the Fortnightly Review, Sept., 1874, and his Cave Hunting, ch. 6, with Brabrook’s critique in the Journal Anthropological Institute, v. 5; and Julien Vinson on “L’Ethnographie des Basques” in Mém. de la Soc. d’Ethnographie, Session de 1872, p. 49, with a map.

[540] But see Vol. III. 45; IV. 3. Forster (Northern Voyages, book iii. ch. 3 and 4) contends for these pre-Columbian visits of the European fishermen. Cf. Winsor’s Bibliog. of Ptolemy, sub anno 1508. The same currents and easterly trade-winds which helped Columbus might easily have carried chance vessels to the American coasts, as we have evidence, apparently, in the stern-post of a European vessel which Columbus saw at Guadaloupe. Haven cites Gumilla (Hist. Orinoco, ii. 208) as stating that in 1731 a bateau from Teneriffe was thrown upon the South American coast. Cf. J. P. Casselius, De Navigationibus fortuitis in Americam, ante Columbum factis (Magdeburg, 1742); Brasseur’s Popul Vuh, introd.; Hunt’s Merchants’ Mag. xxv. 275.

[541] Francisque-Michel, Le Pays Basque, 189, who says that the Basques were acquainted with the coasts of Newfoundland a century before Columbus (ch. 9).

Humboldt (Cosmos, Eng. ed. ii. 142) is not prepared to deny such early visits of the Basques to the northern fishing grounds. Cf. Gaffarel’s Rapport, p. 212. Harrisse (Notes on Columbus, 80) goes back very far: “The Basques and Northmen, we feel confident, visited these shores as early as the seventh century.”

There are some recent studies on these early fishing experiences in Ferd. Duro’s Disquisiciones nauticas (1881), and in E. Gelcich’s “Der Fischgang des Gascogner and die Entdeckung von Neufundland,” in the Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin (1883), vol. xviii. pp. 249-287.

[542] Cf. M. Hamconius’ Frisia: seu de viris erbusque Frisiæ illustribus (Franckeræ, 1620), and L. Ph. C. v. d. Bergh’s Nederlands annspraak op de ontdekking van Amerika voor Columbus (Arnheim, 1850). Cf. Müller’s Catalogue (1877), nos. 303, 1343.

[543] Watson’s bibliog. in Anderson, p. 158.

A Biscayan merchant, a subject of Navarre, is also said to have discovered the western lands in 1444. Cf. André Favyn, Hist. de Navarre, p. 564; and G. de Henao’s Averignaciones de las Antigüedades? de Cantabria, p. 25.

Galvano (Hakluyt Soc. ed., p. 72) recounts the story of a Portuguese ship in 1447 being driven westward from the Straits of Gibraltar to an island with seven cities, where they found the people speaking Portuguese; who said they had deserted their country on the death of King Roderigo. “All these reasons seem to agree,” adds Galvano, “that this should be that country which is called Nova Spagna.”

It was the year (1491) before Columbus’ voyage that the English began to send out from Bristol expeditions to discover these islands of the seven cities, and others having the same legendary existence. Cf. Ayala, the Spanish ambassador to England, in Spanish State Papers, i. 177. Cf. also Irving’s Columbus, app. xxiv., and Gaffarel’s Etude sur la rapports, etc., p. 185.

[544] See Vol. II. p. 34.

[545] See Vol. II. p. 34, where is a list of references, which may be increased as follows: Bachiller y Morales, Antigüedades Americanas (Havana, 1845). E. de Freville’s Mémoire sur le Commerce maritime de Rouen (1857), i. 328, and his La Cosmographie du moyen age, et les découvertes maritimes des Normands (Paris, 1860), taken from the Revue des Sociétés Savantes. Gabriel Gravier’s Les Normands sur la route des Indes, (Rouen, 1880). Cf. Congrès des Américanistes in Compte Rendu (1875), i. 397.

[546] “Ethnography and Philology of America,” in H. W. Bates, Central America, West Indies, and South America (Lond., 1882). This was the opinion of Prescott (Mexico, Kirk’s ed., iii. 398), and he based his judgment on the investigations of Waldeck, Voyage dans la Yucatan, and Dupaix, Antiquités Méxicaines. Stephens (Central America) holds similar views. Cf. Wilson, Prehistoric Man, i. 327; ii. 43. Dall (Third Rep. Bur. Ethnol., 146) says: “There can be no doubt that America was populated in some way by people of an extremely low grade of culture at a period even geologically remote. There is no reason for supposing, however, that immigration ceased with these original people.”

[547] Cf. references in H. H. Bancroft’s Native Races, v. 39; Amerika’s Nordwest Küste; Neueste Ergebnisse ethnologischer Reisen (Berlin, 1883), and the English version, The Northwest Coast of America. Being Results of Recent Ethnological Researches from the collections of the Royal Museums at Berlin. Published by the Directors of the Ethnological Department (New York, 1883).

[548] Cf. his Observations on some remains of antiquity (1796).

[549] Different shades of belief are abundant: F. Xavier de Orrio’s Solucion del gran problema (Mexico, 1763); Fischer’s Conjecture sur l’origine des Américaines; Adair’s Amer. Indians; G. A. Thompson’s New theory of the two hemispheres (London, 1815); Adam Hodgson’s Letters from No. Amer. (Lond., 1824); J. H. McCulloh’s Researches (Balt., 1829), ch. 10; D. B. Warden’s “Recherches sur les Antiquités de l’Amérique” in the Antiquités Méxicaines (Paris, 1834), vol. ii.; E. G. Squier’s Serpent Symbol (N. Y., 1851); Brasseur de Bourbourg’s Hist. des Nations Civilisées, i. 7; José Perez in Revue Orientale et Américaine (Paris, 1862), vol. viii.; Bancroft’s Native Races, v. 30, 31, with references; Winchell’s Preadamites, 397; a paper on Asiatic tribes in North America, in Canadian Institute Proceedings (1881), i. 171. Dabry de Thiersant, in his Origine des Indiens du nouv. monde (Paris, 1883), reopens the question, and Quatrefages even brings the story of Moncacht-Ape (see post, Vol. V. p. 77) to support a theory of frequent Asiatic communication. Tylor (Early Hist. Mankind, 209) says that the Asiatics must have taught the Mexicans to make bronze and smelt iron; and (p. 339) he finds additional testimony in the correspondence of myths, but Max Müller (Chips, ii. 168) demurs. Nadaillac, in his L’Amérique préhistorique, discussed this with the other supposable connections of the American people, and generally disbelieved in them; but Dall, in the English translation, summarily dismisses all consideration of them as unworthy a scientific mind; but points out what the early Indian traditions are (p. 526).

A good deal of stress has been laid at times on certain linguistic affiliations. Barton, in his New Views, sought to strengthen the case by various comparative vocabularies. Charles Farcy went over the proofs in his Antiquités de l’Amérique: Discuter la valeur des documents relatifs à l’histoire de l’Amérique avant la conquête des Européens, et déterminer s’il existe des rapports entre les langues de l’Amérique et celles des tribus de l’Afrique et de l’Asie (Paris, 1836). H. H. Bancroft (Native Races, v. 39) enumerates the sources of the controversy. Roehrig (Smithsonian Report, 1872) finds affinities in the languages of the Dakota or Sioux Indians. Pilling (Bibliog. of Siouan languages, p. 11) gives John Campbell’s contributions to this comparative study. In the Canadian Institute Proceedings (1881), vol. i. p. 171, Campbell points out the affinities of the Tinneh with the Tungus, and of the Choctaws and Cherokees with the Koriaks. Cf. also Ibid., July, 1884. Dall and Pinart pronounce against any affinity of tongues in the Contributions to Amer. Ethnology (Washington), i. 97. Cf. Short, No. Amer. of Antiq., 494; Leland’s Fusang, ch. 10.

[550] Behring’s Straits, first opened, as Wallace says, in quaternary times, are 45 miles across, and are often frozen in winter. South of them is an island where a tribe of Eskimos live, and they keep constant communication with the main of Asia, 50 miles distant, and with America, 120 miles away. Robertson solved the difficulty by this route. Cf. Contributions to Amer. Ethnology (1877), i. 95-98; Warden’s Recherches; Maury, in Revue des deux Mondes, Ap. 15, 1858; Peschel’s Races of Men, p. 401; F. von Hellwald in Smithsonian Report, 1866; Short, p. 510; Bancroft, Native Races, v. 28, 29, 54; and Chavanne’s Lit. of the Polar Regions, 58, 194—the last page shows a list of maps. Max Müller (Chips, ii. 270) considers this theory a postulate only.

[551] Contrib. to Amer. Ethnology, i. 96; Lyell’s Principles of Geology, 8th ed., 368; A. Ragine’s Découverte de l’Amérique du Kamtchatka et des îles Aléoutiennes (St. Petersburg, 1868, 2d ed.); Pickering’s Races of Men; Peschel’s Races of Men, 397; Morgan’s Systems of Consanguinity. Dall (Tribes of the Northwest, in Powell’s Rocky Mountain Region, 1877, p. 96) does not believe in the Aleutian route.

On the drifting of canoes for long distances see Lyell’s Principles of Geology, 11th ed., ii. 472; Col. B. Kennon in Leland’s Fousang; Rev. des deux Mondes, Apr., 1858; Vining, ch. 1. Cf. Alphonse Pinart’s “Les Aléoutes et leur origine,” in Mém. de la Soc. d’Ethnographie, session de 1872, p. 155.

[552] Cf. references in H. H. Bancroft’s Nat. Races, v. 54. We have an uncorroborated story of a Tartar inscription being found. Cf. Kalm’s Reise, iii. 416; Archæologia (London, 1787), viii. 304.

[553] Gomara makes record of such floating visitors in the beginning of the sixteenth century. Horace Davis published in the Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc. (Apr., 1872) a record of Japanese vessels driven upon the northwest coast of America and its outlying islands in a paper “On the likelihood of an admixture of Japanese blood on our northwest coast.” Cf. A. W. Bradford’s American Antiquities (N. Y., 1841); Whymper’s Alaska, 250; Bancroft’s Nat. Races, v. 52, with references; Contributions to Amer. Ethnol., i. 97, 238; De Roquefeuil’s Journal du Voyage autour du Monde (1876-79), etc. It is shown that the great Pacific current naturally carries floating objects to the American coast. Davis, in his tract, gives a map of it. Cf. Haven, Archæol. U. S., p. 144; Bull. Amer. Geog. Soc. (1883), xv. p. 101, by Thomas Antisell; and China Review, Mar., Apr., 1888, by J. Edkins.

[554] Recherches sur les navigations des Chinois du côte de l’Amérique et sur quelques peuples situés à l’extrémité orientale de l’Asie (Paris, 1761). It is translated in Vining, ch. 1.

[555] Examen Critique, ii. 65, and Ansichten der Natur, or Views of Nature, p. 132.

[556] Much depends on the distance intended by a Chinese li. Klaproth translated the version as given by an early Chinese historian of the seventh century, Li Yan Tcheou, and Klaproth’s version is Englished in Bancroft’s Nat. Races, v. 33-36. Klaproth’s memoir is also translated in Vining, ch. 3. Some have more specifically pointed to Saghalien, an island at the north end of the Japan Sea. Brooks says there is a district of Corea called Fusang (Science, viii. 402). Brasseur says the great Chinese encyclopædia describes Fusang as lying east of Japan, and he thinks the descriptions correspond to the Cibola of Castañeda.

[557] Again with a commentary in The Continental Mag. (New York, vol. i.). Subjected to the revision of Neumann, it is reproduced in Leland’s Fusang (Lond., 1875). Cf. Vining, ch. 6, who gives also (ch. 10) the account in Shan-Hai-king as translated by C. M. Williams in Mag. Amer. Hist., April, 1883.

[558] The pamphlets are translated in Vining, ch. 4 and 5. Paravey held to the Mexican theory, and he at least convinced Domenech (Seven years’ residence in the great deserts of No. Amer., Lond., 1860). Paravey published several pamphlets on subjects allied to this. His Mémoire sur l’origine japonaise, arabe et basque de la civilisation des peuples du plateau de Bogota d’après les travaux de Humboldt et Siebold (Paris, 1835) is a treatise on the origin of the Muyscas or Chibchas. Jomard, in his Les Antiquités Américaines au point de vue des progrès de la géographie (Paris, 1817) in the Bull. de la Soc. Géog., had questioned the Asiatic affiliations, and Paravey replied in a Réfutation de l’opinion émise par Jomard que les peuples de l’Amérique n’ont jamais en aucun rapport avec ceux de l’Asie (Paris, 1849), originally in the Annales de philosophie Chrétienne (May, 1849).

[559] Also in the Rev. Archéologique (vols. x., xi.), and epitomized in Leland. Cf. also Dr. A. Godron on the Buddhist mission to America in Annales des Voyages (Paris, 1864), vol. iv., and an opposing view by Vivien de St. Martin in L’Année géographique (1865), iii. p. 253, who was in turn controverted by Brasseur in his Monuments Anciens du Méxique.

[560] This paper is reprinted in Leland.

[561] Cf. also his Variétés Orientales, 1872; and his “L’Amérique, etait-elle connue des Chinois à l’époque du déluge?” in the Archives de la Soc. Amér. de France, n. s., iii. 191.

[562] S. W. Williams, in the Journal of the American Oriental Soc. (vol. xi.), in controverting the views of Leland, was inclined to find Fusang in the Loo-choo Islands. This paper was printed separately as Notices of Fusang and other countries lying east of China in the Pacific ocean (New Haven, 1881).

[563] A good deal of labor has been bestowed to prove this identity of Fusang with Mexico. It is held to be found in the myths and legends of the two people by Charency in his Mythe de Votan, étude sur les origines asiatiques de la civilisation américaine (Alençon, 1871), drawn from the Actes de la Soc. philologique (vol. ii.); and he has enforced similar views in the Revue des questions historiques (vi. 283), and in his Djemschid et Quetzalcohuatl. L’histoire légendaire de la Nouvelle-Espagne rapprochée de la source indo-européenne (Alençon, 1874). Humboldt thought it strange, considering other affinities,—as for instance in the Mexican calendars,—that he could find no Mexican use of phallic symbols; but Bancroft says they exist. Cf. Native Races, iii. 501; also see v. 40, 232; Brasseur’s Quatre Lettres, p. 202; and John Campbell’s paper on the traditions of Mexico and Peru as establishing such connections, in the Compte Rendu, Congrès des Amér. (Nancy, 1875), i. 348. Dr. Hamy saw in a monument found at Copan an inscription which he thought was the Taë-kai of the Chinese, the symbol of the essence of all things (Bull. de la Soc. de Géog., 1886, and Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xvi. 242, with a cut of the stone). Dall controverts this point (Science, viii. 402).

Others have dwelt on the linguistic resemblances. B. S. Barton in his New Views pressed this side of the question. The presence of a monosyllabic tongue like the Otomi in the midst of the polysyllabic languages of Mexico has been thought strongly to indicate a survival. Cf. Manuel Najera’s Disertacion sobre la lengua Othomi, Mexico, 1845, and in Amer. Philos. Soc. Trans., n. s., v.; Ampère’s Promenade en Amérique, ii. 301; Prescott’s Mexico, iii. 396; Warden’s Recherches (in Dupaix), p. 125; Latham’s Races of Men, 408; Bancroft’s Nat. Races, iii. 737; v. 39, with references. Others find Sanskrit roots in the Mexican. E. B. Tylor has indicated the Asiatic origin of certain Mexican games (Journal of the Anthropol. Inst., xxiv.). Ornaments of jade found in Nicaragua, while the stone is thought to be native only in Asia, is another indication, and they are more distinctively Asiatic than the jade ornaments found in Alaska (Peabody Mus. Reports, xviii. 414; xx. 548; Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc., Jan., 1886).

On the general question of the Asiatic origin of the Mexicans see Dupaix’s Antiquités Méxicaines, with included papers by Lenoir, Warden, and Farcy; the Report on a railroad route from the Mississippi, 1853-54 (Washington); Whipple’s and other Reports on the Indian tribes; John Russell Bartlett’s Personal Narrative (1854); Brasseur’s Popul Vuh, p. xxxix; Viollet le Duc’s belief in a “yellow race” building the Mexican and Central American monuments, in Charnay’s Ruines Américaines, and Charnay’s traces of the Buddhists in the Popular Science Monthly, July, 1879, p. 432; Le Plongeon’s belief in the connection of the Maya and Asiatic races in Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., Apr. 30, 1879, p. 113; and some papers on the ancient Mexicans and their origin by the Abbé Jolibois, Col. Parmentier, and M. Emile Guimet, which, prepared for the Soc. de Géog. de Lyon, were published separately as De l’origine des Anciens Peuples du Méxique (Lyon, 1875).

A few other incidental discussions of the Fusang question are these: R. H. Major in Select Letters of Columbus (1847); J. T. Short in The Galaxy (1875) and in his No. Americans of Antiquity; Nadaillac in his L’Amérique préhistorique, 544; Gay’s Pop. Hist. U. S. calls the story vague and improbable. In periodicals we find: Gentleman’s Mag., 1869, p. 333 (reprinted in Hist. Mag., Sept., 1869, xvi. 221), and 1870, reproduced in Chinese Recorder, May, 1870; Nathan Brown in Amer. Philolog. Mag., Aug., 1869; Wm. Speer in Princeton Rev., xxv. 83; Penn Monthly, vi. 603; Mag. Amer. Hist., Apr., 1883, p. 291; Notes and Queries, iii. 58, 78; iv. 19; Notes and Queries in China and Japan, Apr., May, 1869; Feb., 1870. Chas. W. Brooks maintained on the other hand (Proc. California Acad. Sciences, 1876; cf. Bancroft’s Native Races, v. 51), that the Chinese were emigrants from America. There is a map of the supposed Chinese route to America in the Congrès des Américanistes (Nancy, 1875), vol. i.; and Winchell, Pre-Adamites, gives a chart showing different lines of approach from Asia. Stephen Powers (Overland Monthly, Apr., 1872, and California Acad. Sciences, 1875) treats the California Indians as descendants of the Chinese,—a view he modifies in the Contrib. to Amer. Ethnology, vol. iii., on “Tribes of California.” It is claimed that Chinese coin of the fifteenth century have been found in mounds on Vancouver’s Island. Cf. G. P. Thurston in Mag. Amer. Hist., xiii. p. 457. The principal lists of authorities are those in Vining (app.), and Watson’s in Anderson’s America not discovered by Columbus.

[564] From Easter Island to the Galapagos is 2,000 miles, thence to South America 600 more. On such long migrations by water see Waitz, Introduction to Anthropology, Eng. transl., p. 202. On early modes of navigation see Col. A. Lane Fox in the Journal Anthropological Inst. (1875), iv. 399. Otto Caspari gives a map of post-tertiary times in his Urgeschichte der Menschheit (Leipzig, 1873), vol. i., in which land is made to stretch from the Marquesas Islands nearly to South America; while large patches of land lie between Asia and Mexico, to render migration practicable. Andrew Murray, in his Geographical Distribution of Mammals (London, 1866), is almost compelled to admit (p. 25) that as complete a circuit of land formerly crossed the southern temperate regions as now does the northern; and Daniel Wilson, Prehistoric Man, holds much the same opinion. The connection of the flora of Polynesia and South America is discussed by J. D. Hooker in the Botany of the Antarctic Voyage of the Erebus and Terror, 1839-43, and in his Flora of Tasmania. Cf. Amer. Journal of Science and Arts, Mar., May, 1854; Jan., May, 1860.

[565] Races of Men.

[566] Compte Rendu, 1877, p. 79; 1883, p. 246; the latter being called “Polynesian Antiquities, a link between the ancient civilizations of Asia and America.” Further discussions of the Polynesian migrations will be found as follows: A. W. Bradford’s Amer. Antiquities (N. Y., 1841); Gallatin (Am. Eth. Soc. Trans., i. 176) disputed any common linguistic traces, while Bradford thought he found such; Lesson and Martinet’s Les Polynésiens, leur origine, leurs migrations, leur langage; Wilson’s Prehistoric Man, ii. 344; Jules Garnier’s “Les migrations polynésiennes” in Bull. de la Soc. de Géog. de Paris, Jan., June, 1870; G. d’Eichthal’s “Etudes sur l’histoire primitive des races océaniennes et Américaines” in Mem. de la Soc. Ethnologique (vol. ii.); Marcoy’s Travels in South America; C. Staniland Wake’s Chapters on Man, p. 200; a “Rapport de la Polynésie et l’Amérique” in the Mémoires de la Soc. Ethnologique, ii. 223; A. de Quatrefages de Bréau’s Les Polynésiens et leurs migrations (Paris, 1866), from the Revue des deux Mondes, Feb., 1864; O. F. Peschel in Ausland, 1864, p. 348; W. H. Dall in Bureau of Ethnology Rept., 1881-82, p. 147. Allen’s paper, already referred to, gives references.

[567] Bancroft, Nat. Races, v. 44, with references, p. 48, epitomizes the story. Cf. Short, 151. There was a tradition of giants landing on the shore (Markham’s Cieza de Leon, p. 190). Cf. Forster’s Voyages, 43.

[568] A belief in the Asiatic connection has taken some curious forms. Montesinos in his Memorias Peruanas held Peru to be the Ophir of Solomon. Cf. Gotfriedus Wegner’s De Navigationis Solomonæis (Frankfort, 1689). Horn held Hayti to be Ophir, and he indulges in some fantastic evidences to show that the Iroquois, i. e. Yrcas, were Turks! Cf. Onffroy de Thoron in Le Globe, 1869. C. Wiener in his L’Empire des Incas (ch. 2, 4) finds traces of Buddhism, and so does Hyde Clarke in his Khita-Peruvian Epoch (1877). Lopez has written on Les Races Aryennes de Pérou (1871). Cf. Robert Ellis, Peruvia Scythica. The Quicha Language of Peru, its derivation from Central Asia with the American languages in general (London, 1875). Grotius held that the Peruvians were of Chinese stock. Charles Pickering’s ethnological map gives a Malay origin to the islands of the Gulf of Mexico and a part of the Pacific coast, the rest being Mongolian.

[569] The story is given in English by De Costa (Pre-Columbian Disc. of America, p. 85) from the Landnámabók, no. 107. Cf. Saga of Thorfinn Karlsefne, ch. 13, and that of Erik the Red. Leif is said in the sagas to have met shipwrecked white people on the coasts visited by him (Hist. Mag., xiii. 46).

[570] Antiquitates Americanæ, 162, 183, 205, 210, 211, 212, 214, 319, 446-51.

[571] Brinton in Hist. Mag., ix. 364; Rivero and Tschudi’s Peru.

[572] Schöning’s Heimskringla. Grönlands Historiske Mindesmærker, i. 150.

[573] Eyrbyggja Saga, ch. 64, and given in English in De Costa’s Pre-Columbian Discovery, p. 89. Cf. Sir Walter Scott’s version of this saga and the appendix of Mallet’s Northern Antiquities

[574] Traces of Celtic have been discovered by some of the philologists, when put to the task, in the American languages. Cf. Humboldt, Relation Historique, iii. 159. Lord Monboddo held such a theory.

[575] Brinton’s Myths of the New World, 176. One of the earliest accounts which we have of the Cherokees is that by Henry Timberlake (London, 1765), and he remarks on their lighter complexion as indicating a possible descent from these traditionary white men.

[576] Richard Broughton’s Monasticon Britannicum (London, 1655), pp. 131, 187.

[577] A Memoir on the European Colonization of America in antehistoric times was contributed to the Proceedings of the American Ethnological Society in 1851, to which E. G. Squier added some notes, the original paper being by Dr. C. A. A. Zestermann of Leipzig. The aim was to prove, by the similarity of remains, the connection of the peoples who built the mounds of the Ohio Valley with the early peoples of northwestern Europe, a Caucasian race, which he would identify with the settlers of Irland it Mikla, and with the coming of the white-bearded men spoken of in Mexican traditions, who established a civilization which an inundating population from Asia subsequently buried from sight. This European immigration he places at least 1,200 years before Christ. Squier’s comments are that the monumental resemblances referred to indicate similar conditions of life rather than ethnic connections.

The other advocate was Eugène Beauvois in a paper published in the Compte Rendu du Congrès des Américanistes (Nancy, 1875, p. 4) as La découverte du nouveau monde par les irlandais et les premières traces du christianisme en Amérique avant l’an 1000, accompanied by a map, in which he makes Irland it Mikla correspond to the provinces of Ontario and Quebec. Again, in the session at Luxembourg in 1877, he endeavored to connect the Irish colony with the narrative of the seaman in the Zeno accounts, in a paper which he called Les Colonies Européennes du Markland et de l’Escociland au xiv. Siècle, et les vestiges qui en subsistèrent jusqu’aux xvi^e et xvii^e Siècles, and in which he identifies the Estotiland of the Frislanda mariner. M. Beauvois again, at the Copenhagen meeting of the same body, read a paper on Les Relations précolumbiennes des Gaels avec le Méxique (Copenhagen, 1883, p. 74), in which he elicited objections from M. Lucien Adam. Beauvois belongs to that class of enthusiasts somewhat numerous in these studies of pre-Columbian discoveries, who have haunted these Congresses of Americanists, and who see overmuch. Other references to these Irish claims are to be found in Laing’s Heimskringla, i. 186; Beamish’s Discovery of America (London, 1841); Gravier’s Découverte de l’Amérique, p. 123, 137, and his Les Normands sur la route, etc., ch. 1; Gaffarel’s Etudes sur les rapports de l’Amérique, pp. 201, 214; Brasseur’s introd. to his Popul Vuh; De Costa’s Pre-Columbian Discovery, pp. xviii, xlix, lii; Humboldt’s Cosmos (Bohn), ii. 607; Rask in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xviii. 21; Journal London Geog. Soc., viii. 125; Gay’s Pop. Hist. U. S., i. 53; and K. Wilhelmi’s Island, Hvitramannaland, Grönland und Vinland, oder Der Norrmänner Leben auf Island und Grönland und deren Fahrten nach Amerika schon über 500 Jahre vor Columbus (Heidelberg, 1842).

[578] The account in the Landnámabók is briefly rehearsed in ch. 8 of C. W. Paijkull’s Summer in Iceland (London, 1868).

[579] There are various editions, of which the best is called that of Copenhagen, 1843. The Islendingabók, a sort of epitome of a lost historical narrative, is considered an introduction to the Landnámabók. Much of the early story will be found in Latin in the Islenzkir Annáler, sive Annales Islandici ab anno Christi 803 ad anno 1430 (Copenhagen, 1847); in the Scripta historica Islandorum de rebus veterum Borealium, published by the Royal Soc. of Northern Antiquaries at Copenhagen, 1828-46; and in Jacobus Langebek’s Scriptores Rerum Danicarum medii ævi (Copenhagen, 1772-1878,—the ninth volume being a recently added index).

[580] A convenient survey of this early literature is in chapter 1 of the History of the Literature of the Scandinavian North, from the most ancient times to the present, by Frederick Winkel Horn, revised by the author, and translated by Rasmus B. Anderson (Chicago, 1884). The text is accompanied by useful bibliographical details. Cf. B. F. De Costa in Journal Amer. Geog. Soc. (1880), xii. 159.

[581] Saxo Grammaticus acknowledges his dependence on the Icelandic sagas, and is thought to have used some which had not been yet put into writing.

[582] Baring-Gould in his Iceland, its Scenes and Sagas (London, 1863) gives in his App. D a list of thirty-five published sagas, sixty-six local histories, twelve ecclesiastical annals, and sixty-nine Norse annals. Cf. the eclectic list in Laing’s Heimskringla, i. 17.

Konrad Maurer has given an elaborate essay on this early literature in his Ueber die Ausdrücke: altnordische, altnorwegische und isländische Sprache (Munich, 1867), which originally appeared in the Abhandlungen of the Bavarian Academy.

G. P. Marsh translated P. E. Müller’s “Origin, progress, and decline of Icelandic historical literature” in The American Eclectic (N. Y., 1841,—vols. i., ii.). In 1781, Lindblom printed at Paris a French translation of Bishop Troil’s Lettres sur l’Islande, which contained a catalogue of books on Iceland and an enumeration of the Icelandic sagas. (Cf. Pinkerton’s Voyages, vol. i.) Chavanne’s Bibliography of the Polar Regions, p. 95, has a section on Iceland.

Solberg’s list of illustrative works, appended to Anderson’s version of Horn’s Lit. of the Scandinavian North, is useful so far as the English language goes. Periodical contributions also appear in Poole’s Index (p. 622) and Supplement, p. 214.

Burton (Ultima Thule, i. 239) enumerates the principal writers on Iceland from Arngrimur Jónsson down, including the travellers of this century.

[583] The more general histories of Scandinavia, like Sinding’s English narrative,—not a good book, but accessible,—yield the comparisons more readily.

[584] There are also German (Gotha, 1844-75) and French versions (Paris). The best German version, Geschichte Schwedens (Hamburg and Gotha, 1832-1887), is in six volumes, a part of the Geschichte der europäischen Staaten. Vol. 1-3, by E. G. Geijer, is translated by O. P. Leffler; vol. 4, by F. F. Carlson, is translated by J. G. Petersen; vol. 5, 6, by F. F. Carlson.

[585] Published in German at Lübeck in 1854 as Das heroische Zeitalter der Nordisch-Germanischen Völker und die Wikinger-Züge.

[586] Maurer had long been a student of Icelandic lore, and his Isländische Volkssagen der Gegenwart gesammelt und verdeutscht (Leipzig, 1860) is greatly illustrative of the early north. Conybeare (Place of Iceland in the History of European Institutions, preface) says: “To any one writing on Iceland the elaborate works of the learned Maurer afford at once a help and difficulty: a help in so far as they shed the fullest light upon the subjects; a difficulty in that their painstaking completeness has brought together well-nigh everything that can be said.”

[587] What is known as the Kristni Saga gives an account of this change. Cf. Eugène Beauvois, Origines et fondation du plus ancien évêché du nouveau monde. Le diocèse de Gardhs en Grœnland, 986-1126 (Paris, 1878), an extract from the Mémoires de la Soc. d’Histoire, etc., de Beaune; C. A. V. Conybeare’s Place of Iceland in the history of European institutions (1877); Maurer’s Beiträge zur Rechtsgeschichte des germanischen Nordens; Wheaton’s Northmen; Worsaae’s Danes and Norwegians in England, p. 332; Jacob Rudolph Keyser’s Private Life of the Old Northmen, as translated by M. R. Barnard (London, 1868), and his Religion of the Northmen, as translated by B. Pennock (N. Y., 1854); Quarterly Review, January, 1862; and references in McClintock and Strong’s Cyclopædia, under Iceland.

[588] Such are the Swedish work of A. M. Strinhold, known in the German of E. F. Frisch as Wikingzüge, Staatsverfassung und Sitten der alten Scandinaver (Hamburg, 1839-41).

A summarized statement of life in Iceland in the early days is held to be well made out in Hans O. H. Hildebrand’s Lifvet þå Island under Sagotiden (Stockholm, 1867), and in A. E. Holmberg’s Nordbon under Hednatiden (Stockholm). J. A. Worsaae published his Vorgeschichte des Nordens at Hamburg in 1878. It was improved in a Danish edition in 1880, and from this H. F. Morland Simpson made the Prehistory of the North, based on contemporary materials (London, 1886), with a memoir of Worsaae (d. 1885), the foremost scholar in this northern lore.

[589] This book is recognized as one of the best commentaries and most informing books on Icelandic history, and this writer’s introduction to Gudbrand Vigfússon’s Icelandic-English Dictionary (3 vols., Cambridge, Eng., 1869, 1870, 1874) is of scholarly importance.

[590] The millennial celebration of the settlement of Iceland in 1874 gave occasion to a variety of books and papers, more or less suggestive of the early days, like Samuel Kneeland’s American in Iceland (Boston. 1876); but the enumeration of this essentially descriptive literature need not be undertaken here.

[591] Antiquitates Americanæ, pp. 1-76, with an account of the Greenland MSS. (p. 255). Müller’s Sagenbibliothek. Arngrimur Jónsson’s Grönlandia (Iceland, 1688). A fac-simile of the title is in the Carter-Brown Catalogue, ii., no. 1356. A translation by Rev. J. Sephton is in the Proc. Lit. and Philos. Soc. of Liverpool, vol. xxxiv. 183, and separately, Liverpool, 1880. There is a paper in the Jahresbericht der geographischen Gesellschaft in München für 1885 (Munich, 1886), p. 71, by Oskar Brenner, on “Grönland im Mittelalter nach einer altnorwegischen Quelle.”

Some of the earliest references are: Christopherson Claus’ Den Grölandske Chronica (Copenhagen, 1608), noticed in the Carter-Brown Catalogue, ii., no. 64. Gerald de Veer’s True and perfect description of three voyages speaks in its title (Carter-Brown, ii. 38) of “the countrie lying under 80 degrees, which is thought to be Greenland, where never man had been before.” Antoine de la Sale wrote between 1438 and 1447 a curious book, printed in 1527 as La Salade, in which he refers to Iceland and Greenland (Gronnellont), where white bears abound (Harrisse, Bib. Am. Vet., no. 140).

[592] This book is now rare. Dufossé prices it at 50 francs; F. S. Ellis,—London. 1884, at £5.5.0. Before Torfæus, probably the best known book was Isaac de la Peyrère’s Relation du Groenland (Paris, 1647). It is one of the earliest books to give an account of the Eskimos. It was again printed in 1674 in Recueil de Voyages du Nord. A Dutch edition at Amsterdam in 1678 (Nauwkenrige Beschrijvingh van Groenland) was considerably enlarged with other matter, and this edition was the basis of the German version published at Nuremberg, 1679. Peyrère’s description will be found in English in a volume published by the Hakluyt Society in 1855, where it is accompanied by two maps of the early part of the seventeenth century. Cf. Carter-Brown, ii., no. 1192, note; Sabin, x. p. 70.

[593] Pilling (Eskimo Bibliog., p. 20) gives the most careful account of editions. Cf. Sabin, v. 66. A Dutch translation at Haarlem in 1767 was provided with better and larger maps than the original issue; and this version was again brought out with a changed title in 1786. There was a Swedish ed. at Stockholm in 1769, and a reprint of the original German at Leipzig in 1770, and it is included in the Bibliothek der neuesten Reisebeschreibungen (Frankfort, 1779-1797), vol. xx. Cf. Carter-Brown, ii., nos. 1443, 1576, 1577, 1671, 1728.

[594] This constitutes in 3 vols. a sort of supplement to the Antiquitates Americanæ, Cf. Dublin Review, xxvii. 35; Bulletin de la Soc. de Géog. de Paris, 3d ser., vol. vi., and a synopsis of the Mindesmæker in The Sacristy, Feb. 1, 1871 (London).

[595] The principal ruin is that of a church, and it will be found represented in the Antiquitates Americanæ, and again by Nordenskjöld, Steenstrup, J. T. Smith (Discovery of America, etc.), Horsford; and, not to name more, in Hayes’s Land of Desolation (and in the French version in Tour du Monde, xxvi.).

[596] Rafn in his Americas arctiske landes Gamle Geographie efter de Nordiske Oldskrifter (Copenhagen, 1845) gives the seals of some of the Greenland bishops, various plans of the different ruins, a view of the Katortok church with its surroundings, engraving of the different runic inscriptions, and a map of the Julianehaab district.

[597] This tendency of the Scandinavian writers is recognized among themselves. Horn (Anderson’s translation, 324) ascribes it to “an unbridled fancy and want of critical method rather than to any wilful perversion of historical truth. This tendency owed its origin to an intense patriotism, a leading trait in the Swedish character, which on this very account was well-nigh incorrigible.”

[598] Dasent translates from the preface to Egils Saga (Reikjavik, 1856): “The sagas show no wilful purpose to tell untruths, but simply are proofs of the beliefs and turns of thought of men in the age when the sagas were reduced to writing” (Burnt Njal, i. p. xiii).

[599] Rink (Danish Greenland, p. 3) says of the sagas that “they exist only in a fragmentary condition, and bear the general character of popular traditions to such a degree that they stand much in need of being corroborated by collateral proofs, if we are wholly to rely upon them in such a question as an ancient colonization of America.” So he proceeds to enumerate the kind of evidence, which is sufficient in Greenland, but is wholly wanting in other parts of America, and to point out that the trustworthiness of the sagas of the Vinland voyages exists only in regard to their general scope.

Dasent, in the introduction of Vigfússon’s Icelandic Dictionary, says of the sagas: “Written at various periods by scribes more or less fitted for the task, they are evidently of very varying authority.” The Scandinavian authorities class the sagas as mythical histories, as those relating to Icelandic history (subdivided into general, family, personal, ecclesiastical), and as the lives of rulers.

[600] Anderson’s translation, Lit. of the Scand. North, p. 81.

[601] Laing (Heimskringla, i. 23) says: “Arne Magnussen was the greatest antiquary who never wrote; his judgments and opinions are known from notes, selections, and correspondence, and are of great authority at this day in the saga literature. Torfæus consulted him in his researches.”

[602] Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xviii. 20.

[603] Oswald Moosmüller’s Europäer in Amerika vor Columbus (Regensburg, 1879, p. 4) enumerates the manuscripts in the royal library in Copenhagen.

[604] A. E. Wollheim’s Die Nat. lit. der Scandinavier (Berlin, 1875-77), p. 47. Turner’s Anglo Saxons, book iv. ch. 1. Mallet’s No. Antiq. (1847), 393

[605] Cf. G. H. Pertz, Monumenta Germaniæ historica, 1846, vol. vii. cap. 247. Of the different manuscripts, some call Vinland a “regio” and others an “insula.”

[606] Discovered in the seventeenth century in a monastery on an island close by the Icelandic coast, and now in the royal library in Copenhagen. Cf. Laing’s introduction to his edition of the Heimskringla, vol. i. p. 157. Horn says of this codex: “The book was written towards the end of the fourteenth century by two Icelandic priests, and contains in strange confusion and wholly without criticism a large number of sagas, poems, and stories. No other manuscript confuses things on so vast a scale.” Anderson’s translation of Horn’s Lit. of the Scandin. North, p. 60. Cf. Flateyjarbok. En Samling af Norske Konge-Sagaer med indskudte mindre fortællinger om Begivenheder i og Udenfor Norge samt Annaler (Christiania, 1860); and Vigfússon’s and Unger’s edition of 1868, also at Christiania. The best English account of the Codex Flatoyensis is by Gudbrand Vigfússon in the preface to his Icelandic Sagas, published under direction of the Master of the Rolls, London, 1887, vol. i. p. xxv.

[607] For texts, see C. C. Rafn’s edition of Kong Olaf Tryggvesons Saga (Copenhagen, 1826), and Munch’s edition of Kong Olaf Tryggvesön’s Saga (Christiania, 1853). Cf. also P. A. Munch’s Norges Konge-Sagaer of Snorri Sturleson, Sturla Thordsson, etc. (Christiania, 1859).

[608] The Codex Flatoyensis says that it was sixteen winters after the settlement of Greenland before Leif went to Norway, and that in the next year he sailed to Vinland.

[609] Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xviii. 21.

[610] These sagas are given in Icelandic, Danish, and Latin in Rafn’s Antiquitates Americanæ (Copenhagen, 1837). Versions or abstracts, more or less full, of all or of some of them are given by Beamish, in his Discovery of America by the Northmen (London, 1841), whose text is reprinted by Slafter, in his Voyages of the Northmen (Boston, 1877). J. Elliot Cabot, in the Mass. Quart. Review, March, 1849, copied in part in Higginson’s Amer. Explorers. Blackwell, in his supplementary chapters to Mallet’s Northern Antiquities (London, Bohn’s library). B. F. De Costa, in his Pre-Columbian Discovery of America (Albany, 1868). Eben Norton Horsford, in his Discovery of America by Norsemen (Boston, 1888). Beauvois, in his Découvertes des Scandinaves en Amérique (Paris, 1859). P. E. Müller, in his Sagabibliothek (Copenhagen, 1816-20), and a German version of part of it by Lachmann, Sagenbibliothek des Scandinavischen Alterthums in Aussügen (Berlin, 1816).

[611] When, however, Peringskiöld edited the Heimskringla, in 1697, he interpolated eight chapters of a more particular account of the Vinland voyages, which drew forth some animadversions from Torfæus in 1705, when he published his Historia Vinlandiæ. It was later found that Peringskiöld had drawn these eight chapters from the Codex Flatoyensis, which particular MS. was unknown to Torfæus. When Laing printed his edition of the Heimskringla, The Sea Kings of Norway (London, 1844), he translated these eight chapters in his appendix (vol. iii. 344). Laing (Heimskringla, i. 27) says: “Snorro Sturleson has done for the history of the Northmen what Livy did for the history of the Romans,”—a rather questionable tribute to the verity of the saga history, in the light of the most approved comments on Livy. Cf. Horn, in Anderson’s translation, Lit. of the Scandinavian North (Chicago, 1884), p. 56, with references, p. 59.

[612] J. Fulford Vicary’s Saga Time (Lond., 1887). Some time in the fifteenth century, a monk, Thomas Gheysmer, made an abridgment of Saxo, alleging that he “had said much rather for the sake of adornment than in behalf of truth.” The Canon Christiern Pederson printed the first edition of Saxo at Paris in 1514 (Anderson’s Horn’s Lit. Scandin. North, p. 102). This writer adds: “The entire work rests exclusively on oral tradition, which had been gathered by Saxo, and which he repeated precisely as he had heard it, for in the whole chronicle there is no trace of criticism proper.... Saxo must also undoubtedly have had Icelandic sagamen as authorities for the legendary part of his work; but there is not the slightest evidence to show that he ever had a written Icelandic saga before him.... In this part of the work he betrays no effort to separate fact from fiction, ... and he has in many instances consciously or unconsciously adorned the original material.” Horn adds that the last and best edition is that of P. E. Müller and J. Velchow, Saxonis Grammatici Historia Danica (Copenhagen, 1839).

[613] Humboldt (Crit. Exam., ii. 120) represented that Ortelius referred to these voyages in 1570; but Palfrey (Hist. New England, i. 51) shows that the language cited by Humboldt was not used by Ortelius till in his edition of 1592, and that then he referred to the Zeno narrative.

[614] See post, Vol. IV. p. 492.

[615] His account is followed by Malte Brun in his Précis de la Géographie (i. 395). Cf. also Annales des Voyages (Paris, 1810), x. 50, and his Géographie Universelle (Paris, 1841). Pinkerton, in his Voyages (London, 1814), vol. xvii., also followed Torfæus.

[616] J. J. Wahlstedt’s Iter in Americam (Upsala, 1725). Cf. Brinley Catal., i. 59.

[617] Observatio historica ad Frisonum navigatione fortuita in Americam sec. xi. facta (Magdeburg, 1741).

[618] Franklin’s Works, Philad., 1809, vol. vi.; Sparks’s ed., viii. 69.

[619] This is the book which furnished the text in an English dress (London, 1770) known as Northern Antiquities, and a part of his account is given in the American Museum (Philad., 1789). In the Edinburgh edition of 1809 it is called: Northern antiquities: or a description of the manners, customs, religion and laws, of the ancient Danes, including those of our Saxon ancestors. With a translation of the Edda and other pieces, from the ancient Icelandic tongue. Translated from “L’introduction à l’histoire de Dannemarc, &c.,” par Mons. Mallet. With additional notes by the English translator [Bishop Percy], and Goranson’s Latin version of the Edda. In 2 vols. The chapters defining the locations are omitted, and others substituted, in the reprint of the Northern Antiquities in Bohn’s library.

[620] There are French and English versions.

[621] Edinburgh, 1818; Boston, 1831.

[622] Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., 1865, p. 184.

[623] Lardner’s Cabinet Cyclopædia.

[624] Allibone, iii. 2667.

[625] Irving, in reviewing the book in the No. Am. Rev., Oct., 1832, avoided the question of the Norse discovery. (Cf. his Spanish Papers, vol. ii., and Rice’s Essays from the No. Am. Rev.) C. Robinson, in his Discoveries in the West (ch. 1), borrows from Wheaton.

[626] Octavo ed., i. pp. 5, 6.

[627] Orig. ed., iii. 313; last revision, ii. 132.

[628] This society, Kongelige Nordiske Oldskrift-Selskab, since 1825, has been issuing works and periodicals illustrating all departments of Scandinavian archæology (cf. Webb, in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., viii. 177), and has gathered cabinets and museums, sections of which are devoted to American subjects. C. C. Rafn’s Cabinet d’antiquités Américaines à Copenhague (Copenhagen, 1858); Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, xiv. 316; Slafter’s introd. to his Voyages of the Northmen.

[629] Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., viii. 81; Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc., April, 1865; N. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg., 1865, p. 273; To-day, ii. 176.

[630] Professor Willard Fiske has paid particular attention to the early forms of the Danish in the Icelandic literature. In 1885 the British Museum issued a Catalogue of the books printed in Iceland from a.d. 1578 to 1880 in the library of the British Museum. In 1886 Mr. Fiske privately printed at Florence Bibliographical Notices, i.: Books printed in Iceland, 1578-1844, a supplement to the British Museum Catalogue, which enumerates 139 titles with full bibliographical detail and an index. He refers also to the principal bibliographical authorities. Laing’s introduction to the Heimskringla gives a survey.

[631] Cf. list of their several issues in Scudder’s Catal. of Scient. Serials, nos. 640, 654, and the Rafn bibliography in Sabin, xvi. nos. 67,466-67,486. In addition to its Danish publications, the chief of which interesting to the American archæologist being the Antiquarisk Tidsskrift (1845-1864), sometimes known as the Revue Archéologique et Bulletin, the society, under its more familiar name of Société Royale des Antiquaires du Nord, has issued its Mémoires, the first series running from 1836 to 1860, in 4 vols., and the second beginning in 1866. These contain numerous papers involving the discussion of the Northmen voyages, including a condensed narrative by Rafn, “Mémoire sur la découverte de l’Amérique au 10^e siècle,” which was enlarged and frequently issued separately in French and other languages (1838-1843), and is sometimes found in English as a Supplement to the Antiquitates Americanæ, and was issued in New York (1838) as America discovered in the tenth century. In this form (Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., viii. 187) it was widely used here and in Europe to call attention to Rafn’s folio, Antiquitates Americanæ.

The Mémoires also contained another paper by Rafn, Aperçu de l’ancienne géographie des régions arctiques de l’Amérique, selon les rapports contenus dans les Sagas du Nord (Copenhagen, 1847), which also concerns the Vinland voyages, and is repeated in the Nouvelles Annales des Voyages (1849), i. 277.

[632] Antiqvitates Americanæ sive scriptores septentrionales rerum ante-Columbianarum in America. Samling af de i nordens oldskrifter indeholdte efterretninger om de gamle nordboers opdagelsesreiser til America fra det 10de til det 14de aarhundrede. Edidit Societas regia antiquariorum Septentrionalium (Hafniæ, 1837). Contents: Præfatio.—Conspectus codicum membraneorum, in quibus terrarum Americanarum mentio fit.—America discovered by the Scandinavians in the tenth century. (An abstract of the historical evidence contained in this work.)—Pættir af Eireki Rauda ok Grænlendingum.—Saga Porfinns Karlsefnis ok Snorra Porbrandssonar.—Breviores relationes: De inhabitatione Islandiæ; De inhabitatione Grœnlandiæ; De Ario Maris filio; De Björne Breidvikensium athleta; De Gudleivo Gudlœgi filio; Excerpta ex annalibus Islandorum; Die mansione Grœnlandorum in locis Borealibus; Excerpta e geographicis scriptis veterum Islandorum; Carmen Færöicum, in quo Vinlandiæ mentio fit; Adami Bremensis Relatio de Vinlandia; Descriptio quorumdam monumentorum Europæorum, quæ in oris Grönlandiæ ocidentalibus reperta et detecta sunt; Descriptio vetusti monumenti in regione Massachusetts reperti; Descriptio vetustorum quorundam monumentorum in Rhode Island.—Annotationes geographicæ; Islandia et Grönlandia; Indagatio Arctoarum Americæ regionum.—Indagatio Orientalium Americæ regionum.—Addenda et emendanda.—Indexes. The larger works are in Icelandic, Danish, and Latin.

Cf. also his Antiquités Américaines d’après les monuments historiques des Islandais et des anciens Scandinaves (Copenhagen, 1845). An abstract of the evidence is given in the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society (viii. 114), and it is upon this that H. H. Bancroft depends in his Native Races (v. 106). Cf. also Ibid. v. 115-116; and his Cent. America, i. 74. L. Dussieux in his Les Grands Faits de l’Histoire de la Géographie (Paris, 1882; vol. i. 147, 165) follows Rafn and Malte-Brun. So does Brasseur de Bourbourg in his Hist. de Nations Civilisées, i. 18; and Bachiller y Morales in his Antigüedades Americanas (Havana, 1845).

Great efforts were made by Rafn and his friends to get reviews of his folio in American periodicals; and he relied in this matter upon Dr. Webb and others, with whom he had been in correspondence in working up his geographical details (Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., ii. 97, 107; viii. 189, etc.), and so late as 1852 he drafted in English a new synopsis of the evidence, and sent it over for distribution in the United States (Ibid. ii. 500; New Jersey Hist. Soc. Proc., vi.; N. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg., 1853, p. 13). So far as weight of character went, there was a plenty of it in his reviewers: Edward Everett in the No. Amer. Rev., Jan., 1838; Alexander Everett in the U. S. Magazine and Democratic Review (1838); George Folsom in the N. Y. Review (1838); H. R. Schoolcraft in the Amer. Biblical Repository (1839). Cf. Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., viii. 182-3; Poole’s Index, 28, 928.

[633] Bohn’s ed., English transl., ii. 603; Lond. ed., 1849, ii. 233-36. Humboldt expresses the opinion that Columbus, during his visit to Iceland, got no knowledge of the stories, so little an impression had they made on the public mind (Cosmos, Bohn, ii. 611), and that the enemies of Columbus in his famous lawsuit, when every effort was made to discredit his enterprise, did not instance his Iceland experience, should be held to indicate that no one in southern Europe believed in any such prompting at that time. Wheaton and Prescott (Ferdinand and Isabella, orig. ed., ii. 118, 131) hold similar opinions. (Cf. Vol. II. p. 33.) Dr. Webb says that Irving held back from accepting the stories of the saga, for fear that they could be used to detract from Columbus’ fame. Rafn and his immediate sympathizers did not fail to make the most of the supposition that Columbus had in some way profited by his Iceland experience. Laing thinks Columbus must have heard of the voyages, and De Costa (Columbus and the Geographers of the North) thinks that the bruit of the Northmen voyages extended sufficiently over Europe to render it unlikely that it escaped the ears of Columbus. Cf. further an appendix in Irving’s Columbus, and Mallet’s Northern Antiquities, Bohn’s ed., 267, in refutation of the conclusions of Finn Magnusen in the Nordisk Tidsskrift. It has been left for the unwise and overtopped advocates of a later day, like Goodrich and Marie A. Brown, to go beyond reason in an indiscriminate denunciation of the Genoese. The latter writer, in her Icelandic Discoverers of America (Boston, 1888), rambles over the subject in a jejune way, and easily falls into errors, while she pursues her main purpose of exposing what she fancies to be a deep-laid scheme of the Pope and the Catholic Church to conceal the merits of the Northmen and to capture the sympathies of Americans in honoring the memory of Columbus in 1892. It is simply a reactionary craze from the overdone raptures of the school of Roselly de Lorgues and the other advocates of the canonization of Columbus, in Catholic Europe.

[634] This book is for the sagas the basis of the most useful book on the subject, Edmund Farwell Slafter’s Voyages of the Northmen to America. Including extracts from Icelandic Sagas relating to Western voyages by Northmen in the 10th and 11th centuries in an English translation by Nathaniel Ludlow Beamish; with a synopsis of the historical evidence and the opinion of professor Rafn as to the places visited by the Scandinavians on the coast of America. With an introduction (Boston, 1877), published by the Prince Society. Slafter’s opinion is that the narratives are “true in their general outlines and important features.”

[635] Island, Huitramannaland, Grönland und Vinland (Heidelberg, 1842).

[636] Die Entdeckung von Amerika durch die Isländer im zehnten und eilften Jahrhundert (Braunschweig, 1844). Cf. E. G. Squier’s Discovery of America by the Northmen, a critical review of the works of Hermes, Rafn and Beamish (1849).

[637] Cf. his paper in the Quebec Lit. and Hist. Soc. Trans., 1865.

[638] Beauvois also made at a later period other contributions to the subject: Les derniers vestiges du Christianisme prêchés du X^e au XIV^e siècles dans le Markland et le Grande-Irlande, les porte-croix de la Gaspésie at de l’Arcadie (Paris, 1877) which appeared originally in the Annales de philosophie Chrétiennes, Apr., 1877; and Les Colonies européennes du Markland at de l’Escociland au XIV^e siècle et les vestiges qui en subsistèrent jusqu’aux XVI^e et XVII^e siècle (Luxembourg, 1878), being taken from the Compte Rendu of the Luxembourg meeting of the Congrès des Américanistes.

[639] Prehistoric Man, 3d ed., ii. 83, 85. Cf. also his Historic Footprints in America, extracted from the Canadian Journal, Sept., 1864.

[640] Joseph Williamson, in the Hist. Mag., Jan., 1869 (x. 30), sought to connect with the Northmen certain ancient remains along the coast of Maine.

[641] He was rather caustically taken to account by Henry Cabot Lodge, in the No. Am. Review, vol. cxix. Cf. Michel Hardy’s Les Scandinaves dans l’Amérique du Nord (Dieppe, 1874). An April hoax which appeared in a Washington paper in 1867, about some runes discovered on the Potomac, had been promptly exposed in this country (Hist. Mag., Mar. and Aug., 1869), but it had been accepted as true in the Annuaire de la Société Américaine in 1873, and Gaffarel (Etudes sur les Rapports de l’Amérique avant Columbus, Paris, 1869, p. 251) and Gravier (p. 139) was drawn into the snare. (Cf. Whittlesey’s Archæol. frauds in the Western Reserve Hist. Soc. Tracts, no. 9, and H. W. Haynes in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., Jan., 1888, p. 59.) In a later monograph, Les Normands sur la route des Indes (Rouen, 1880), Gravier, while still accepting the old exploded geographical theories, undertook further to prove that the bruits of the Norse discoveries instigated the seamen of Normandy to similar ventures, and that they visited America in ante-Columbian days.

[642] There is an authorized German version, Die erste Entdeckung von Amerika, by Mathilde Mann (Hamburg, 1888).

[643] American in Iceland (Boston, 1876).

[644] Land of Desolation (New York, 1872). There is a French version in the Tour du Monde, xxvi.

[645] Lectures delivered in America (Philad., 1875),—third lecture.

[646] Europäer in Amerika vor Columbus, nach Quellen bearbeitet von P. Oswald Moosmüller (Regensburg, 1879).

[647] Larger History of the United States (N. Y., 1886).

[648] Discoveries of America (N. Y., 1884).

[649] Particularly Beauvois, already mentioned, and Dr. E. Löffler, on the Vinland Excursions of the Ancient Scandinavians, at the Copenhagen meeting, Compte Rendu (1883), p. 64. Cf. also Michel Hardy’s Les Scandinaves dans l’Amérique du Nord au X^e Siècle (Dieppe, 1874).

[650] R. G. Haliburton, in Roy. Geog. Soc. Proc. (Jan., 1885); Thomas Morgan, in Roy. Hist. Soc. Trans. iii. 75.

[651] E. N. Horsford’s Discovery of America by the Northmen (Boston, 1888); Anderson’s America not discovered by Columbus, 3d ed., p. 30; N. Y. Nation, Nov. 17, 1887; Mag. Amer. Hist., Mar., 1888, p. 223.

[652] Remarks of Wm. Everett and Chas. Deane in the society’s Proceedings, May, 1880.

[653] Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., Dec., 1887. The most incautious linguistic inferences and the most uncritical cartological perversions are presented by Eben Norton Horsford in his Discovery of America by the Northmen—address at the unveiling of the statue of Leif Eriksen, Oct. 29, 1887 (Boston, 1888). Cf. Oscar Brenner in Beilage zur Allgemeinen Zeitung (Munich, Dec. 6, 1888). A trustful reliance upon the reputations of those who have in greater or less degree accepted the details of the sagas characterizes a paper by Mrs. Ole Bull in the Mag. of Amer. Hist., Mar., 1888. She is naturally not inclined to make much allowance for the patriotic zeal of the northern writers.

[654] The best list is in P. B. Watson’s “Bibliog. of Pre-Columbian Discoveries of America,” originally in the Library Journal, vi. 259, but more complete in Anderson’s America not discovered by Columbus (3d ed., Chicago, 1883). Cf. also Chavanne’s Literature of the Polar Regions; Th. Solberg’s Bibliog. of Scandinavia, in English, with magazine articles, in F. W. Horn’s Hist. of the lit. of the Scandinavian North (1884, pp. 413-500). There is a convenient brief list in Slafter’s Voyages of the Northmen (pp. 127-140), and a not very well selected one in Marie A. Brown’s Icelandic Discoverers. Poole’s Index indicates the considerable amount of periodical discussions. The Scandinavian writers are mainly referred to by Miss Brown and Mrs. Bull.

[655] Forster finds a corruption of Norvegia (Norway) in Norumbega. Rafn finds the Norse elements in the words Massachusetts, Nauset, and Mount Hope (Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., viii. 194-198). The word Hole, used as synonymous to harbor in various localities along the Vineyard Sound, has been called a relic of the Icelandic Holl, a hill (Mag. Amer. Hist., June, 1882, p. 431; Jos. S. Fay in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xii. 334; and in Anderson, America not discovered by Columbus, 3d ed.).

Brasseur de Bourbourg in his Nations civilisées du Méxique, and more emphatically in his Grammaire Quichée, had indicated what he thought a northern incursion before Leif, in certain seeming similarities to the northern tongues of those of Guatemala. Cf. also Nouv. Annales des Voyages, 6th ser., xvi. 263; N. Y. Tribune, Nov. 21, 1855; Bancroft’s Native Races, iii. 762.

[656] De origine gentium Americanarum (1642).

[657] Nouv. Ann. des Voyages, 6th ser., vols. iii. and vi.

[658] In Charnay’s Ruines, etc. (Paris, 1867).

[659] Découverte de l’America par les Normands (Paris, 1864).

[660] H. H. Bancroft, Nat. Races, v. 115-16, gives references on the peopling of America from the northwest of Europe.

[661] Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit., xiv. 1887; also printed separately as Mythology, legends and Folk-lore of the Algonquins. Cf. also his Algonquin Legends of New England (1885). Cf. D. G. Brinton in Amer. Antiquarian, May, 1885.

[662] Mr. Mitchell, of the U. S. Coast Survey, has attended to this part of the subject, and Horsford (p. 28) quotes his MS. He finds on the Massachusetts coast what he thinks a sufficient correspondence to the description of the sagas.

[663] So plain a matter as the length of the longest summer day would indubitably point to an absolute parallel of latitude as determining the site of Vinland, if there was no doubt in the language of the saga. Unfortunately there is a wide divergence of opinion in the meaning of the words to be depended upon, even among Icelandic scholars; and the later writers among them assert that Rafn (Antiq. Amer. 436) and Magnusen in interpreting the language to confirm their theory of the Rhode Island bays have misconceived. Their argument is summarized in the French version of Wheaton. John M’Caul translated Finn Magnusen’s “Ancient Scandinavian divisions of the times of day,” in the Mémoire de la Soc. Roy. des Antiq. du Nord (1836-37). Rask disputes Rafn’s deductions (Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xviii. 22). Torfæus, who is our best commentator after all, says it meant Newfoundland. Robertson put it at 58° north. Dahlmann in his Forschungen (vol. i.) places it on the coast of Labrador. Horsford (p. 66) at some length admits no question that it must have been between 41° and 43° north. Cf. Laing’s Heimskringla, i. 173; Palfrey’s New England, i. 55; De Costa’s Pre-Columbian Disc., p. 33; Weise’s Discoveries of America, 31; and particularly Vigfússon in his English-Icelandic Dictionary under “Eykt.”

[664] “The discovery of America,” says Laing (Heimskringla, i. 154), “rests entirely upon documentary evidence which cannot, as in the case of Greenland, be substantiated by anything to be discovered in America.” Laing and many of the commentators, by some strange process of reasoning, have determined that the proof of these MS. records being written before Columbus’ visit to Iceland in 1477 is sufficient to establish the priority of discovery for the Northmen, as if it was nothing in the case that the sagas may or may not be good history; and nothing that it was the opinion entertained in Europe at that time that Greenland and the more distant lands were not a new continent, but a prolongation of Europe by the north. It is curious, too, to observe that, treating of events after 1492, Laing is quite willing to believe in any saga being “filled up and new invented,” but is quite unwilling to believe anything of the kind as respects those written anterior to 1492; and yet he goes on to prove conclusively that the Flatoyensis Codex is full of fable, as when the saga man makes the eider-duck lay eggs where during the same weeks the grapes ripen and intoxicate when fresh, and the wheat forms in the ear! Laing nevertheless rests his case on the Flatoyensis Codex in its most general scope, and calls poets, but not antiquaries, those who attempt to make any additional evidence out of imaginary runes or the identification of places.

[665] It must be remembered that this divergence was not so wide to the Northmen as it seems to us. With them the Atlantic was sometimes held to be a great basin that was enclasped from northwestern Europe by a prolongation of Scandinavia into Greenland, Helluland, and Markland, and it was a question if the more distant region of Vinland did not belong rather to the corresponding prolongation of Africa on the south. Cf. De Costa, Pre-Columbian Disc., 108; Hist. Mag., xiii. 46.

[666] He wrote “Here for the first time will be found indicated the precise spot where the ancient Northmen held their intercourse.” The committee of the Mass. Hist. Soc. objected to this extreme confidence. Proceedings, ii. 97, 107, 500, 505.

[667] Reproduction of part of the plate in the Antiquitates Americanæ, after a drawing by J. R. Bartlett. The engravings of the rock are numerous: Mem. Amer. Acad., iii.; the works of Beamish, J. T. Smith, Gravier, Gay, Higginson, etc.; Laing’s Heimskringla; the French ed. of Wheaton; Hermes’ Entdeckung von America; Schoolcraft’s Ind. Tribes, i. 114, iv. 120; Drake’s ed., Philad., 1884, i. p. 88; the Copenhagen Compte Rendu, Congrès des Américanistes, p. 70, from a photograph. The Hitchcock Museum at Amherst, Mass., had a cast, and one was shown at the Albany meeting (1836) of the Am. Asso. for the Adv. of Science. The rock was conveyed by deed in 1861 to the Roy. Soc. of Northern Antiquaries (Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., v. 226; vi. 252), but the society subsequently relinquished their title to a Boston committee, who charged itself with the care of the monument; but in doing so the Danish antiquaries disclaimed all belief in its runic character (Mag. Amer. Hist., iii. 236).

[668] De Costa, Pre-Col. Disc., 29; N. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg., xviii. 37; Gay, Pop. Hist., i. 41; Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., viii. 72; Am. Geog. Soc. Journal, 1870, p. 50; Amer. Naturalist, Aug. and Sept., 1879.

[669] Am. Ass. Adv. Science, Proc. (1856), ii. 214.

[670] Cf. paper on the site of Vinland in Hist. Mag., Feb., 1874, p. 94; Alex. Farnum’s Visit of the Northmen to Rhode Island (R. I. Hist. Tracts, no. 2, 1877). The statement of the sagas that there was no frost in Vinland and grass did not wither in winter compels some of the identifiers to resort to the precession of the equinox as accounting for changes of climate (Gay’s Pop. Hist., i. 50).

[671] E. G. Squier in Ethnological Journal, 1848; Wilson’s Prehist. Man, ii. 98; Amer. Ethnol. Soc. Trans., i. 392; Schoolcraft’s Indian Tribes, iv. 118; Mém. de la Soc. royale des Antiq. du Nord, 1840-44, p. 127.

[672] Amer. Philos. Soc. Proc., May 2, 1884 (by Henry Phillips, Jr.); Numismatic and Antiq. Soc. of Philad., Proc., 1884, p. 17; Geo. S. Brown’s Yarmouth (Boston, 1888).

[673] Wilson’s Prehist. Man, ii. 98; Amer. Asso. Adv. Science, Proc., 1856, p. 214; Séance annuelle de la Soc. des Antiq. du Nord, May 14, 1859; H. W. Haynes in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., Jan., 1888, p. 56. The Monhegan inscription, as examined by the late C. W. Tuttle and J. Wingate Thornton, was held to be natural markings (Mag. Amer. Hist., ii. 308; Pulpit of the Revolution, 410). Charles Rau cites a striking instance of the way in which the lively imagination of Finn Magnusen has misled him in interpreting weather cracks on a rock in Sweden (Mag. Amer. Hist., ii. 83).

[674] N. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg., 1854, p. 185.

[675] Antiquitates Americanæ, 335, 371, 401; Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., Oct., 1868, p. 13; W. J. Miller’s Wampanoag Indians.

[676] Cf. list of inscribed rocks in the Proceedings (vol. ii.) of the Davenport Acad. of Natural Sciences.

[677] The stone with its inscription early attracted attention, but Danforth’s drawing of 1680 is the earliest known. Cotton Mather, in a dedicatory epistle to Sir Henry Ashurst, prefixed to his Wonderful Works of God commemorated (Boston, 1690), gave a cut of a part of the inscription; and he communicated an account with a drawing of the inscription to the Royal Society in 1712, which appears in their Philosophical Transactions. Dr. Isaac Greenwood sent another draft to the Society of Antiquaries in London in 1730, and their Transactions in 1732 has this of Greenwood. In 1768 Professor Stephen Sewall of Cambridge made a copy of the natural size, which was sent in 1774 by Professor James Winthrop to the Royal Society. Dr. Stiles says that Sewall sent it to Gebelin, of the French Academy, whose members judged them to be Punic characters. Stiles himself, in 1783, in an election sermon delivered at Hartford, spoke of “the visit by the Phœnicians, who charged the Dighton Rock and other rocks in Narragansett Bay with Punic inscriptions remaining to this day, which last I myself have repeatedly seen and taken off at large.” Cf. Thornton’s Pulpit of the Revolution, p. 410. The Archæologia (London, viii. for 1786) gave various drawings, with a paper by the Rev. Michael Lort and some notes by Charles Vallancey, in which the opinion was expressed that the inscription was the work of a people from Siberia, driven south by hordes of Tartars. Professor Winthrop in 1788 filled the marks, as he understood them, with printer’s ink, and in this way took an actual impression of the inscription. His copy was engraved in the Memoirs of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences (vol. ii. for 1793). It was this copy by Winthrop which Washington in 1789 saw at Cambridge, when he pronounced the inscription as similar to those made by the Indians, which he had been accustomed to see in the western country during his life as a surveyor. Cf. Belknap Papers, Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., ii. 76, 77, 81; Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., x. 114. In 1789 there was also presented to the Academy a copy made by Joseph Gooding under the direction of Francis Baylies (Belknap Papers, ii. 160). In the third volume of the Academy’s Memoirs there are papers on the inscription by John Davis and Edward A. Kendall; Davis (1807) thinking it a representation of an Indian deer hunt, and Kendall later, in his Travels (vol. ii. 1809), assigns it to the Indians. This description is copied in Barber’s Historical Collections of Mass. (p. 117). In 1812 a drawing was made by Job Gardner, and in 1825 there was further discussion in the Mémoires de la Société de Géographie de Paris, and in the Hist. of New York by Yates and Moulton. In 1831 there was a cut in Ira Hill’s Antiquities of America explained (Hagerstown, Md.) This was in effect the history of the interest in the rock up to the appearance of Rafn’s Antiquitates Americanæ, in which for the first time the inscription was represented as being the work of the Northmen. This belief is now shared by few, if any, temperate students. The exuberant Anderson thinks that the rock removes all doubt of the Northmen discovery (America not discovered by Columbus, pp. 21, 23, 83). The credulous Gravier has not a doubt. Cf. his Notice sur le roc de Dighton et le séjour des Scandinaves en Amérique au commencement du XI^e siècle (Nancy, 1875), reprinted from the Compte Rendu, Congrès des Américanistes, i. 166, giving Rafn’s drawing. The Rev. J. P. Bodfish accepts its evidence in the Proc. Second Pub. Meeting U. S. Cath. Hist. Soc. (N. Y., 1886).

[678] Pre-Columbian Discovery of America, p. lvii. The Brinley Catalogue, iii. 5378, gives Dammartin’s Explification de la Pierre de Taunston (Paris? 1840-50) as finding in the inscription an astronomical theme by some nation foreign to America. Buckingham Smith believed it to be a Roman Catholic invocation, around which the Indians later put their symbols (Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., Apr. 29, 1863, p. 32). For discussions more or less extensive see Laing’s Heimskringla, i. 175; Haven in Smithsonian Contributions, 1856, viii. 133, in a paper on the “Archæology of the United States;” Charles Rau in Mag. Amer. Hist., Feb., 1878; Apr., 1879; and in Amer. Antiquarian, i. 38; Daniel Wilson’s Prehistoric Man, ii. 97; J. R. Bartlett in Rhode Island Hist. Soc. Proc., 1872-73, p. 70; Haven and others in Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc., Oct., 1864, and Oct., 1867; H. H. Bancroft’s Native Races, v. 74; Drake’s N. E. Coast; North American Rev., 1874; Amer. Biblical Repository, July, 1839; Historical Mag., Dec., 1859, and March, 1869; Lelewel’s Moyen Age, iii.; H. W. Williams’s transl. of Humboldt’s Travels, i. 157, etc.

[679] Schoolcraft wavered in his opinion. (Cf. Haven, 133.) He showed Gooding’s drawing to an Algonkin chief, who found in it a record of a battle of the Indians, except that some figures near the centre did not belong to it, and these Schoolcraft thought might be runic, as De Costa has later suggested; but in 1853 Schoolcraft made no reservation in pronouncing it entirely Indian (Indian Tribes, i. 112; iv. 120; pl. 14). Wilson (Prehist. Man, ii., ch. 19) is severe on Schoolcraft. On the general character of Indian rock inscriptions,—some of which in the delineations accompanying these accounts closely resemble the Dighton Rock,—see Mallery in the Bureau of Ethnology, Fourth Report, p. 19; Lieut. A. M. Wheeler’s Report on Indian tribes in Pacific Rail Road Reports, ii.; J. G. Bruff on those of Green River in the Sierra Nevada, in Smithsonian Rept. (1872); American Antiquarian, iv. 259; vi. 119; Western Reserve Hist. Soc. Tracts, nos. 42, 44, 52, 53, 56; T. Ewbank’s No. Amer. Rock Writing (Morrisania, 1866); Brinton’s Myths of the New World, p. 10; Tylor’s Early Hist. Mankind; Dr. Richard Andree’s Ethnographische Parallelen und Vergleiche (Stuttgard, 1878). It is Mallery’s opinion that no “considerable information of value in an historical point of view will be obtained directly from the interpretations of the Pictographs in North America.”

[680] Palfrey, i. p. 57; Higginson’s Larger Hist., 44; Gay’s Pop. Hist., i. 59, 60; Laing’s Heimskringla, i. 183; Charles T. Brooks’s Controversy touching the old stone mill in Newport (Newport, 1851); Peterson’s Rhode Island; Drake’s New England Coast; Schoolcraft’s Indian Tribes, iv. 120; Bishop’s Amer. Manufactures, i. 118; C. S. Pierce in Science, iv. 512, who endeavored by measurement to get at what was the unit of measure used,—an effort not very successful. Cf. references in Poole’s Index, p. 913.

Gaffarel accepts the Rafn view in his Etudes sur la rapports, etc., 282, as does Gravier in his Normands sur la route, p. 168; and De Costa (Pre-Columbian Disc., p. lviii) intimates that “all is in a measure doubtful.” R. G. Hatfield (Scribner’s Monthly, Mar., 1879) in an illustrated paper undertook to show by comparison with Scandinavian building that what is now standing is but the central part of a Vinland baptistery, and that the projection which supported the radiating roof timbers is still to be seen. This paper was answered by George C. Mason (Mag. Amer. Hist., iii. 541, Sept., 1879, with other remarks in the Amer. Architect, Oct. 4, 1879), who rehearsed the views of the local antiquaries as to its connection with Gov. Arnold. Cf. Reminiscences of Newport, by Geo. C. Mason, 1884.

[681] Hist. Mag., Apr., 1862, p. 123; N. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg., 1865, p. 372; Abner Morse’s Traces of the Ancient Northmen in America (Aug., 1861), with a Supplement (Boston, 1887).

[682] Mémoires de la Soc. roy. des Antiq. du Nord, 1843; New Jersey Hist. Soc. Proc., vi.; Stone’s Brant, ii. 593-94; Schoolcraft’s Ind. Tribes, i. 127; Smithsonian Rept., 1883, p. 902; Dr. Kneeland in Peabody Mus. Repts., no. 20, p. 543. The skeleton was destroyed by fire about 1843.

[683] Dawkins in his Cave Hunters accounts them survivors of the cave dwellers of Europe. Cf. Wilson’s Prehistoric Man. A. R. Grote (Amer. Naturalist, Apr., 1877) holds them to be the survivors of the palæolithic man.

[684] E. Beauvois’ Les Skroelings, Ancêtres des Esquimaux (Paris, 1879); B. F. DeCosta in Pop. Science Monthly, Nov., 1884; A. S. Packard on their former range southward, in the American Naturalist, xix. 471, 553, and his paper on the Eskimos of Labrador, in Appleton’s Journal, Dec. 9, 1871 (reprinted in Beach’s Indian Miscellany, Albany, 1877). Humboldt holds them to have been driven across America to Europe (Views of Nature, Bohn’s ed., 123). Ethnologists are not wholly agreed as to the course of their migrations. The material for the ethnological study of the Eskimos must be looked for in the narratives of the Arctic voyagers, like Scoresby, Parry, Ross, O’Reilly, Kane, C. F. Hall, and the rest; in the accounts by the missionaries like Egede, Crantz, and others; by students of ethnology, like Lubbock (Prehist. Times, ch. 14); Prichard (Researches, v. 367); Waitz (Amerikaner, i. 300); the Abbé Morillot (Mythologie et légendes des Esquimaux du Groenland in the Actes de la Soc. Philologique (Paris, 1875), vol. iv.); Morgan (Systems of Consanguinity, 267), who excludes them from his Ganowanian family; Irving C. Rosse on the northern inhabitants (Journal Amer. Geog. Soc., 1883, p. 163); Ludwig Kumlien in his Contributions to the natural history of Arctic America, made in connection with the Howgate polar expedition, 1877-78, in Bull. of the U. S. Naval Museum (Washington, 1879), no. 15; and his paper in the Smithsonian Report (1878). There are several helpful papers in the Journal of the Anthropological Institute (London), vol. i., by Richard King, on their intellectual character; vol. iv. by P. C. Sutherland; vol. vii. by John Rae on their migrations, and W. H. Flower on their skulls; vol. ix. by W. J. Sollars on their bone implements. For other references see Bancroft, Native Races, i. 41, 138; Poole’s Index, p. 424, and Supplement, p. 146.

[685] This evidence is of course rather indicative of a geological antiquity not to be associated with the age of the Northmen. Cf. Murray’s Distribution of Animals, 128; Howarth’s Mammoth and Flood, 285.

[686] Rink, born in 1819 in Copenhagen, spent much of the interval from 1853 to 1872 in Greenland. Pilling (Bibl. Eskimo Language, p. 80) gives the best account of Rink’s publications. His principal book is Grönland geographisch und statistisch beschrieben (Stuttgart, 1860). The English reader has access to his Tales and Traditions of the Eskimo, translated by Rink himself, and edited by Dr. Robert Brown (London, 1875); to Danish Greenland, its people and its products, ed. by Dr. Brown (London, 1877). Rink says of this work that in its English dress it must be considered a new book. He also published The Eskimo tribes; their distribution and characteristics, especially in regard to language. With a comparative vocabulary (Copenhagen, etc., 1887). He also considered their dialects as divulging the relationship of tribes in the Journal of the Anthropological Institute (xv. 239); and in the same journal (1872, p. 104) he has written of their descent. Rink also furnished to the Compte Rendu, Congrès des Américanistes, a paper on the traditions of Greenland (Nancy, 1875, ii. 181), and (Luxembourg, 1877, ii. 327) another on “L’habitat primitif des Esquimaux.”

Dr. Brown has also considered the “Origin of the Eskimo” in the Archæological Review (1888), no. 4.

[687] Alaska and its Resources, p. 374; and in Contributions to Amer. Ethnology, i. 93.

[688] “On the origin and migrations of the Greenland Esquimaux” in the Journal Royal Geog. Soc., 1865; “The Arctic highlanders” in the Lond. Ethnol. Soc. Trans. (1866), iv. 125, and in Arctic Geography and Ethnology (London, 1875), published by the Royal Geog. Society.

[689] American Antiquarian, Jan., 1888. Cf. other papers by him in the Proc. Roy. Soc. of Canada, vol. v. “A year among the Eskimos” in the Journal Amer. Geog. Soc., 1887, xix. p. 383; “Reise in Baffinland” in the proceedings of the Berlin Gesellschaft für Erdkunde (1885). Cf. Pilling’s Eskimo Bibliog., p. 12; and for linguistic evidences of tribal differences, pp. 69-72, 81-82. Cf. also H. H. Bancroft’s Native Races, iii. 574, and Lucien Adam’s “En quoi la langue Esquimaude, deffère-t-elle grammaticalement des autres langues de l’Amérique du Nord?” in the Compte Rendu, Congrès des Amér. (Copenhagen), p. 337.

Anton von Etzel’s Grönland, geographisch und statistisch beschrieben aus Dänischen Quellschriften (Stuttgart, 1860) goes cursorily over the early history, and describes the Eskimos. Cf. F. Schwatka in Amer. Magazine, Aug., 1888.

[690] There is an easy way of tracing these accounts in Joel A. Allen’s List of Works and Papers relating to the mammalian orders of Cete and Sirenia, extracted from the Bulletin of Hayden’s U. S. Geol. and Geog. Survey (Washington, 1882). It is necessary to bear in mind that Spitzbergen is often called Greenland in these accounts.

[691] His book, Det gamle Grönlands nye Perlustration, etc., was first published at Copenhagen in 1729. Pilling (Bibliog. of the Eskimo language, p. 26) was able to find only a single copy of this book, that in the British Museum. Muller (Books on America, Amsterdam, 1872, no. 648) describes a copy. This first edition escaped the notice of J. A. Allen, whose list is very carefully prepared (nos. 217, 220, 226, 230, 235). There were two German editions of this original form of the book, Frankfort, 1730, and Hamburg, 1740, according to the Carter-Brown Catalogue (ii. 448, 647), but Pilling gives only the first. The 1729 edition was enlarged in the Copenhagen edition of 1741, which has a map, “Gronlandia Antiqua,” showing the east colony and west colony, respectively, east and west of Cape Farewell. This edition is the basis of the various translations: In German, Copenhagen, 1742, using the plates of the 1741 ed.; Berlin, 1763. In Dutch, Delft, 1746. In French, Copenhagen, 1763. In English, London, 1745; abstracted in the Philosoph. Transactions Royal Soc. (1744), xlii. no. 47; and again, London (1818), with an historical introduction based on Torfæus and La Peyrère. Crantz epitomizes Egede’s career in Greenland.

The bibliography in Sabin’s Dictionary (vi. 22,018, etc.) confounds the Greenland journal (1770-78) of Hans Egede’s grandson, Hans Egede Saabye (b. 1746; d. 1817), with the work of the grandfather. This journal is of importance as regards the Eskimos and the missions among them. There is an English version: Greenland: extracts from a journal kept in 1770 to 1778. Prefixed an introduction; illus. by chart of Greenland, by G. Fries. Transl. from the German [by H. E. Lloyd] (London, 1818). The map follows that of the son of Hans, Paul Egede, whose Nachrichten von Grönland aus einem Tagebuche von Bischof Paul Egede (Copenhagen, 1790) must also be kept distinct. Pilling’s Bibliog. of the Eskimo language affords the best guide.

[692] An English translation by Macdougall was published in London in 1837 (Pilling, p. 38; Field, no. 619). A French version of Graah’s introduction with notes by M. de la Roquette was published in 1835. Cf. Journal Royal Geog. Soc., i. 247. After Graah’s publication Rafn placed the Osterbygden on the west coast in his map. Graah’s report (1830) is in French in the Bull. de la Soc. de Géog. de Paris, 1830.

[693] On the present scant, if not absence of, population on the east coast of Greenland, see J. D. Whitney’s Climatic Changes of later geological times (Mus. of Comp. Zoöl. Mem., vii. p. 303, Cambridge, 1882).

[694] The changes in opinion respecting the sites of the colonies and the successive explorations are followed in the Compte Rendu, Congrès des Américanistes by Steenstrup (p. 114) and by Valdemar-Schmidt, “Sur les Voyages des Danois au Groenland” (195, 205, with references). Cf. on these lost colonies and the search for them Westminster Review, xxvii. 139; Harper’s Monthly, xliv. 65 (by I. I. Hayes); Lippincott’s Mag., Aug., 1878; Amer. Church Rev., xxi. 338; and in the general histories, La Peyrère (Dutch transl., Amsterdam, 1678); Crantz (Eng. transl., 1767, p. 272); Egede (Eng. ed., 1818, introd.); and Rink’s Danish Greenland, ch. 1.

[695] The original of Bardsen’s account has disappeared, but Rafn puts it in Latin, translating from an early copy found in the Faröe Islands (Antiquitates Américanæ, p. 300). Purchas gives it in English, from a copy which had belonged to Hudson, being translated from a Dutch version which Hudson had borrowed, the Dutch being rendered by Barentz from a German version. Major also prints it in Voyages of the Zeni. He recognizes in Bardsen’s “Gunnbiorn’s Skerries” the island which is marked in Ruysch’s map (1507) as blown up in 1456 (see Vol. III. p. 9).

[696] Hakluyt, however, prints some pertinent verses by Meredith, a Welsh bard, in 1477.

[697] Murphy Catal., no. 1489; Sabin, x. p. 322; Carter-Brown Catal. for eds. of 1584, 1697, 1702, 1774, 1811, 1832, etc.

[698] In the seventeenth century there were a variety of symptoms of the English eagerness to get the claims of Madoc substantiated, as in Sir Richard Hawkins’s Observations (Hakluyt Soc., 1847), and James Howell’s Familiar Letters (London, 1645). Belknap (Amer. Biog., 1794, i. p. 58) takes this view of Hakluyt’s purpose; but Pinkerton, Voyages, 1812, xii. 157, thinks such a charge an aspersion. The subject was mentioned with some particularity or incidentally by Purchas, Abbott (Brief Description, London, 1620, 1634, 1677), Smith (Virginia), and Fox (North-West Fox). Sir Thomas Herbert in his Relation of some Travaile into Africa and Asia (London, 1634) tracks Madoc to Newfoundland, and he also found Cymric words in Mexico, which assured him in his search for further proofs (Bohn’s Lowndes, p. 1049; Carter-Brown, ii. 413, 1166).

The Nieuwe en onbekende Weereld of Montanus (Amsterdam, 1671) made the story more familiar. It necessarily entered into the discussions of the learned men who, in the seventeenth century, were busied with the question of the origin of the Americans, as in De Laet’s Notæ ad dissertationem Hugonis Grotii (Paris, 1643), who is inclined to believe the story, as is Hornius in his De Originibus Americaniis (1652).

[699] Cf. Catlin’s No. Amer. Indians, i. 207; ii. 259, 262.

[700] Gentleman’s Magazine. It is reprinted in H. H. Bancroft’s Native Races, v. 119, and in Baldwin’s Anc. America, 286. Cf. John Paul Marana, Letters writ by a Turkish Spy, 1691, and later. The story had been told in The British Sailors’ Directory in 1739 (Carter-Brown, iii. 599).

[701] Warden’s Recherches, p. 157; Amos Stoddard’s Sketches of Louisiana (Philad., 1812), ch. 17, and Philad. Med. and Physical Journal, 1805; with views pro and con by Harry Toulmin and B. S. Barton.

[702] The book was reprinted by Sabin, N. Y., 1865, with an introduction by Horatio Gates Jones.

[703] An inquiry into the truth of the tradition concerning the discovery of America by Prince Madog (Lond., 1791), and Further Observations ... containing the account given by General Bowles, the Creek or Cherokee Indian, lately in London, and by several others, of a Welsh tribe of Indians now living in the western parts of North America (Lond., 1792,—Field’s Ind. Bibliog., nos. 1664-65). Carey’s American Museum (April, May, 1792), xi. 152, etc., gave extracts from Williams.

[704] The Welsh Indians, or a collection of papers respecting a people whose ancestors emigrated from Wales to America with Prince Madoc, and who are now said to inhabit a beautiful country on the west side of the Mississippi (London, 1797). He finds these conditions in the Padoucas. Goodson, Straits of Anian (Portsmouth, 1793), p. 71, makes Padoucahs out of “Madogwys”!

[705] Chambers’ Journal, vi. 411, mentioning the Asguaws.

[706] Letter on the Manners, Customs, and Condition of the No. Amer. Indians (N. Y., 1842).

[707] He convinced, for instance, Fontaine in his How the World was Peopled, p. 142.

[708] On the variety of complexion among the Indians, see Short’s No. Amer. of Antiq., p. 189; McCulloh’s Researches; Haven, Archæol. U. S., 48; Morton in Schoolcraft, ii. 320; Ethnolog. Journal, London, July, 1848; App. 1849, commenting on Morton.

[709] Pilling, Bibliog. of Siouan languages (Washington, 1887, p. 48), enumerates the authorities on the Mandan tongue. The tribe is now extinct. Cf. Morgan’s Systems of Consanguinity, p. 181.

[710] See also Smithsonian Report, 1885, Part ii. pp. 80, 271, 349, 449. Ruxton in Life in the Far West (N. Y., 1846) found Welsh traces in the speech of the Mowquas, and S. Y. McMaster in Smithsonian Rept., 1865, heard Welsh sounds among the Navajos.

[711] Filson in his Kentucke has also pointed out this possibility.

[712] The bibliography of the subject can be followed in Watson’s list, already referred to, and in that in the Amer. Bibliopolist, Feb., 1869. A few additional references may help complete these lists: Stephens’s Literature of the Cymry, ch. 2; the Abbé Domenech’s Seven Years in the Great Desert of America; Tytler’s Progress of Discovery; Moosmüller’s Europäer in Amerika vor Columbus (Regensburg, 1879, ch. 21); Gaffarel’s Rapport etc., p. 216; Analytical Mag., ii. 409; Atlantic Monthly, xxxvii. 305; No. Am. Rev. (by E. E. Hale), lxxxv. 305; Antiquary, iv. 65; Southern Presbyterian Rev., Jan., April, 1878; Notes and Queries, index.

[713] This Ptolemy map is reproduced in Gravier’s Les Normands sur la route, etc., 6th part, ch. 1; and in Nordenskjöld’s Studien und Forschungen (Leipzig, 1805), p. 25. The Ptolemy of 1562 has the same plate.

[714] J. R. Forster’s Discoveries in the Northern Regions. His confidence was shared by Eggers (1794) in his True Site of Old East Greenland (Kiel), who doubts, however, if the descriptions of Estotiland apply to America. It was held to be a confirmation of the chart that both the east and west Greenland colonies were on the side of Davis’s Straits.

[715] Buache reproduced the map, and read in 1784, before the Academy of Inscriptions in Paris, his Mémoire sur la Frisland, which was printed by the Academy in 1787, p. 430.

[716] Dissertazione intorno ai viaggi e scoperte settentrionali di Nicolo e Antonio Fratelli Zeni. This paper was substantially reproduced in the same writer’s Di Marco Polo e degli altri Viaggiatori veneziani più illustri dissertazioni (Venice, 1818).

[717] Annales des Voyages (1810), x. 72; Précis de la Géographie (1817).

[718] Nordisk Tidsskrift for Oldkyndighed (Copenhagen, 1834), vol. i. p. 1; Royal Geog. Soc. Journal (London, 1835), v. 102; Annales des Voyages (1836), xi.

George Folsom, in the No. Amer. Rev., July, 1838, criticised Zahrtmann, and sustained an opposite view. T. H. Bredsdorff discussed the question in the Grönlands Historiske Mindesmæker (iii. 529); and La Roquette furnished the article in Michaud’s Biog. Universelle.

[719] Major also, in his paper (Royal Geog. Soc. Journal, 1873) on “The Site of the Lost Colony of Greenland determined, and the pre-Columbian discoveries of America confirmed, from fourteenth century documents,” used the Zeno account and map in connection with Ivan Bardsen’s Sailing Directions in placing the missing colony near Cape Farewell. Major epitomized his views on the question in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., Oct., 1874. Sir H. C. Rawlinson commented on Major’s views in his address before the Royal Geog. Society (Journal, 1873, p. clxxxvii).

Stevens (Bibl. Geographica, no. 3104) said: “If the map be genuine, the most of its geography is false, while a part of it is remarkably accurate.”

[720] I viaggi e la Carta dei Fratelli Zeno Veneziani (Florence, 1878), and a Studio Secondo (Estratto dall. Archivio Storico Italiano) in 1885.

[721] “Zeniernes Rejse til Norden et Tolkning Forsoeg,” with a fac-simile of the Zeni map.

[722] Nordenskjöld’s Om bröderna Zenos resor och de äldsta kartor öfner Norden was published at Stockholm in 1883, as an address on leaving the presidency of the Swedish Academy, April 12, 1882; and in the same year, at the Copenhagen meeting of the Congrès des Américanistes, he presented his Trois Cartes précolumbiennes, représentant une partie de l’Amérique (Greenland), which included facsimiles of the Zeno (1558) and Donis (1482) maps with that of Claudius Clavus (1427). This last represents “Islandia” lying midway alone in the sea between “Norwegica Regio” and “Gronlandia provincia.” The “Congelatum mare” is made to flow north of Norway, so as almost to meet the northern Baltic, while north of this frozen sea is an Arctic region, of which Greenland is but an extension south and west. The student will find these and other maps making part of the address already referred to, which also makes part in German of his Studien und Forschungen veranlasst durch meine Reisen im hohen Norden, autorisirte deutsche Ausgabe (Leipzig, 1885). The maps accompanying it not already referred to are the usual Ptolemy map of the north of Europe, based on a MS. of the fourteenth century; the “Scandinavia” from the Isolario of Bordone, 1547; that of the world in the MS. Insularium illustratum of Henricus Martellus, of the fifteenth century, in the British Museum, copied from the sketch in José de Lacerda’s Exame dos Viagens do Doutor Livingstone (Lisbon, 1867); the “Scandinavia” and the “Carta Marina” in the Venetian Ptolemy of 1548; the map of Olaus Magnus in 1567; the chart of Andrea Bianco (1436); the map of the Basle ed. (1532) of Grynæus’ Novis Orbis; that of Laurentius Frisius (1524). He gives these maps as the material possible to be used in 1558 in compiling a map, and to show the superiority of the Zeno chart. Cf. Nature, xxviii. 14; and Major in Royal Geog. Soc. Proc., 1883, p. 473.

[723] “Zeni’ernes Reiser i Norden” in the publication of the Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries (Copenhagen, 1883), in which he compares the Zeno Frislanda with the maps of Iceland. He also communicated to the Copenhagen meeting of the Congrès des Américanistes “Les voyages des frères Zeni dans le Nord” (Compte Rendu, p. 150).

[724] This also appeared in the Geog. Tidsskrift, vii. 153, accompanied by facsimiles of the Zeni map, with Ruscelli’s alteration of it (1561), and of the maps of Donis (1482), Laurentius Frisius (1525), and of the Ptolemy of 1548.

[725] Roy. Geog. Soc. Journal (1879), vol. xlix. p. 398, “Zeno’s Frisland is Iceland and not the Faröes,”—and the same views in “Nautical Remarks about the Zeni Voyages” in Compte Rendu, Cong. des Amér. (Copenhagen, 1883), p. 183.

[726] “Zeno’s Frisland is not Iceland, but the Faröes” in Roy. Geog. Soc. Journal (1879), xlix. 412.

[727] Géog. du Moyen Age, iii. 103.

[728] Discovery of Maine, 92.

[729] Dudley, Arcano del Mare, pl. lii, places Estotiland between Davis and Hudson’s Straits; but Torfæus doubts if it is Labrador, as is “commonly believed.” Lafitau (Mœurs des Sauvages) puts it north of Hudson Bay. Forster calls it Newfoundland. Beauvois (Les colonies Européenes du Markland at de l’Escociland) makes it include Maine, New Brunswick, and part of Lower Canada. These are the chief varieties of belief. Steenstrup is of those who do not recognize America at all. Hornius, among the older writers, thought that Scotland or Shetland was more likely to have been the fisherman’s strange country. Santarem (Hist. de la Cartographie, iii. 141) points out an island, “Y Stotlandia,” in the Baltic, as shown on the map of Giovanni Leardo (1448) at Venice.

In P. B. Watson’s Bibliog. of Pre-Columbian Discoveries of America there is the fullest but not a complete list on the subject, and from this and other sources a few further references may be added: Belknap’s Amer. Biography; Humboldt’s Examen Critique, ii. 120; Asher’s Henry Hudson, p. clxiv; Gravier’s Découverte de l’Amérique, 183; Gaffarel’s Etude sur l’Amérique avant Colomb, p. 261, and in the Revue de Géog., vii., Oct., Nov., 1880, with the Zeno map as changed by Ortelius; De Costa’s Northmen in Maine; Weise’s Discoveries of America, p. 44; Goodrich’s Columbus; Peschel’s Gesch. des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen (1858), and Ruge’s work of the same title; Guido Cora’s I precursori di Cristoforo Colombo (Rome, 1886), taken from the Bollettino della soc. geog. italiana, Dec., 1885; Gay’s Pop. Hist. U. S. (i. 76); Foster’s Prehistoric Races; Studi biog. e bibliog. soc. geog. ital., 2d ed., 1882, p. 117; P. O. Moosmüller’s Europäer in Amerika vor Columbus, ch. 24; Das Ausland, Oct. 11, Dec. 27, 1886; Nature, xxviii. p. 14.

Geo. E. Emery, Lynn, Mass., issued in 1877 a series of maps, making Islandia to be Spitzbergen, with the East Bygd of the Northmen at its southern end; Frisland, Iceland; and Estotiland, Newfoundland.

[730] Sabin, x., no. 42,675.

[731] There are editions with annotations by Robert Ingram, at Colchester, Eng., 1792; and by Santiago Perez Junquera, at Madrid, 1881. Theoph. Spizelius’ Elevatio relationis Montezinianæ de repertis in America tribubus Israeliticis (Basle, 1661) is a criticism (Leclerc, 547; Field, 1473). One Montesinos had professed to have found a colony of Jews in Peru, and had satisfied Manasseh Ben Israel of his truthfulness.

[732] Cf. collations in Stevens’s Nuggets, p. 728, and his Hist. Coll., ii. no. 538; Brinley, iii. no. 5463; Field, no. 1551, who cites a new edition in 1652, called Digitus Dei: new discoveryes, with some arguments to prove that the Jews (a nation) a people ... inhabit now in America ... with the history of Ant: Montesinos attested by Mannasseh Ben Israell. A divine, John Dury, had urged Thorowgood to publish, and had before this, in printing some of the accounts of the work of Eliot and others among the New England Indians, announced his belief in the theory.

[733] Cotton Mather (Magnalia, iii. part 2) tells how Eliot traced the resemblances to the Jews in the New England Indians.

[734] 2d ed., 1727. Cf. Sibley’s Harvard Graduates, ii. p. 361; Carter-Brown, iii. 401.

[735] The History of the American Indians, particularly those Nations adjoining to the Mississippi, East and West Florida, Georgia, South and North Carolina, and Virginia: Containing an Account of their Origin, Language, Manners, Religious and Civil Customs, Laws, Form of Government, etc., etc., with an Appendix, containing a Description of the Floridas, and the Missisipi Lands, with their productions (London, 1775). His arguments are given in Kingsborough’s Mex. Antiq., viii. Bancroft (Nat. Races, v. 91) epitomizes them. Adair’s book appeared in a German translation at Breslau (1782).

[736] Observations on the language of the Muhhekaneew Indians, in which ... some instances of analogy between that and the Hebrew are pointed out (New Haven, 1788). Cf. on the contrary, Jarvis before the N. Y. Hist. Soc. in 1819.

[737] Essay upon the propagation of the Gospel, in which there are facts to prove that many of the indians in America are descended from the Ten Tribes (Philad., 1799; 2d ed., 1801).

[738] A Star in the West, or an attempt to discover the long lost Ten Tribes of Israel (Trenton, N. J., 1816).

[739] View of the Hebrews, or the tribe of Israel in America (Poultney, Vt., 1825).

[740] A view of the Amer. Indians, shewing them to be the descendants of the Ten Tribes of Israel (Lond., 1828).

[741] Discourse on the evidences of the Amer. Indians being the descendants of the lost tribes of Israel (N. Y., 1837). It is reprinted in Maryatt’s Diary in America, vol. ii.

[742] Hist. of the Wyandotte Mission (Cincinnati, 1840); Thomson’s Ohio Bibliog., 409.

[743] Manners, &c. of the N. Amer. Indians (Lond., 1841). Cf. Smithsonian Rept., 1885, ii. 532.

[744] Mainly in vol. vii.; but see vi. 232, etc. Cf. Short, 143, 460, and Bancroft, Nat. Races (v. 26), with an epitome of Kingsborough’s arguments (v. 84). Mrs. Barbara Anne Simon in her Hope of Israel (Lond., 1829) advocated the theory on biblical grounds; but later she made the most of Kingsborough’s amassment of points in her Ten Tribes of Israel historically identified with the aborigines of the Western Hemisphere (London, 1836).

[745] The recognition of the theory in the Mormon bible is well known. Bancroft (v. 97) epitomizes its recital, following Bertrand’s Mémoires. There is a repetition of the old arguments in a sermon, Increase of the Kingdom of Christ (N. Y., 1831), by the Indian William Apes; and in An Address by J. Madison Brown (Jackson, Miss., 1860). Señor Melgar points out resemblances between the Maya and the Hebrew in the Bol. Soc. Méx. Geog., iii. Even the Western mounds have been made to yield Hebrew inscriptions (Congrès des Amér., Nancy, ii. 192).

Many of the general treatises on the origin of the Americans have set forth the opposing arguments. Garcia did it fairly in his Origen de los Indios (1607; ed. by Barcia, 1729), and Bancroft (v. 78-84) has condensed his treatment. Brasseur (Hist. Nat. Civ., i. 17) rejects the theory of the ten tribes; but is not inclined to abandon a belief in some scattered traces. Short (pp. 135, 144) epitomizes the claims. Gaffarel covers them in his Etude sur les rapports de l’Amérique (p. 87) with references, and these last are enlarged in Bancroft’s Nat. Races, v. 95-97.

[746] Varnhagen’s L’origine touranienne des Américains Tupis-Caraïbes et des anciens Egyptiens, indiquée principalement par la philologie comparée: traces d’une ancienne migration en Amérique, invasion du Brésil par les Tupis (Vienne, 1876). Labat’s Nouveau Voyage aux isles de l’Amérique (Paris, 1722), vol. ii. ch. 23. Sieur de la Borde’s Relation de l’origine, mœurs, coutumes, etc. des Caraibes (Paris, 1764). Robertson’s America. James Kennedy’s Probable origin of the Amer. Indians, with particular reference to that of the Caribs (Lond., 1854), or Journal of the Ethnolog. Soc. (vol. iv.). London Geog. Journal, iii. 290.

[747] Cf. Peter Martyr, Torquemada, and later writers, like La Perouse, McCulloh, Haven (p. 48), Gaffarel (Rapport, 204), J. Perez in Rev. Orientale et Amér., viii., xii.; Bancroft, Nat. Races, iii. 458. Brinton (Address, 1887) takes exception to all such views. Cf. Quatrefages’ Human Species (N. Y., 1879, pp. 200, 202).

[748] Cf. Beccari in Kosmos, Apr., 1879; De Candolle in Géographie botanique (1855).

[749] Santarem, Hist. de la Cartog., iii. 76, refers to maps of the fourteenth century in copies of Ranulphus Hydgen’s Polychronicon, in the British Museum and in the Advocates’ library at Edinburgh, which show a land in the north, called in the one Wureland and in the other Wyhlandia.

[750] Mag. Am. Hist., April, 1883, p. 290. Cf. Vol. II. p. 28. The name used is “Grinlandia.”

[751] Mauro’s map was called by Ramusio, who saw it, an improved copy of one brought from Cathay by Marco Polo. It is preserved in the Biblioteca Marciana at Venice. It was made by Mauro under the command of Don Alonso V., and Bianco assisted him. The exact date is in dispute; but all agree to place it between 1457 and 1460. A copy was made on vellum in 1804, which is now in the British Museum. Our cut follows one corner of the reproduction in Santarem’s Atlas. A photographic fac-simile has been issued in Venice by Ongania, and St. Martin (Atlas, p. vii) follows this fac-simile. Ruge (Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen) gives a modernized and more legible reproduction. There are other drawings in Zurla’s Fra Mauro; Vincent’s Commerce and Navigation of the Ancients (1797, 1807); Lelewel’s Moyen Age (pl. xxxiii). Cf. Studi della Soc. Geografia Italia (1882), ii. 76, for references.

[752] Rafn gives a large map of Iceland with the names of a.d. 1000. On the errors of early and late maps of Iceland see Baring-Gould’s Ultima Thule, i. 253. On the varying application of the name Thule, Thyle, etc., to the northern regions or to particular parts of them, see R. F. Burton’s Ultima Thule, a Summer in Iceland (London, 1875), ch. 1. Bunbury (Hist. Anc. Geog., ii. 527) holds that the Thule of Marinus of Tyre and of Ptolemy was the Shetlands. Cf. James Wallace’s Description of the Orkney islands (1693,—new ed., 1887, by John Small) for an essay on “the Thule of the Ancients.”

[753] There are other reproductions of the map in full, in Nordenskjöld’s Vega, i. 51; in his Broderna Zenos, and in his Studien, p. 31. Cf. also the present History, II., p. 28, for other bibliographical detail; Hassler, Buchdruckergeschichte Ulm’s; D’Avezac’s Waltzemüller, 23; Wilberforce Eames’s Bibliography of Ptolemy, separately, and in Sabin’s Dictionary; and Winsor’s Bibliog. of Ptolemy’s Geography.

[754] Cf. D’Avezac in Bull. de la Soc. de Géog., xx. 417.

[755] See Vol. II. p. 41. There is another sketch in Nordenskjöld’s Studien, etc., p. 33, which is reduced from a fac-simile given in José de Lacerda’s Exame dos Viagens do Doutor Livingstone (Lissabon, 1867). The present extract is from Santarem, pl. 50. Cf. O. Peschel in Ausland, Feb. 13, 1857, and his posthumous Abhandlungen, i. 213.

[756] See references in Vol. II. p. 105.

[757] See Vol. II. p. 108.

[758] See post, Vol. IV. p. 35; and Kohl’s Discovery of Maine, p. 174. Cf. Winsor’s Bibliog. of Ptolemy, sub anno 1511.

[759] He holds that the 1513 Ptolemy map was drawn in 1501-4, and was engraved before Dec. 10, 1508.

[760] See Vol. II. p. 115.

[761] Winsor’s Bibliog. of Ptolemy, sub anno 1511.

[762] See Vol. II. p. 111. Winsor’s Ptolemy, sub anno 1513. Reisch, in 1515, seems to have been of the same opinion. Cf. the bibliography of Reisch’s Margarita Philosophia in Sabin’s Dictionary, vol. xvi., and separately, prepared by Wilberforce Eames. Reisch’s map is given post, Vol. II. p. 114. Another sketch of this map, with an examination of the question, where the name “Zoana Mela,” applied on it to America, came from, is given by Frank Wieser in the Zeitschrift für Wissensch. Geographie (Carlsruhe), vol. v., a sight of which I owe to the author, who believes Waldseemüller made the map.

[763] The map is given, post, Vol. II. 175. Cf. also Nordenskjöld, Studien, p. 53.

[764] Cf. Winsor’s Bibliog. of Ptolemy, sub anno 1522.

[765] Winsor’s Bibliog. of Ptolemy, sub anno 1525. This map is no. 49, “Gronlandiæ et Russiæ.” Cf. Witsen’s Noord en Oost Tartctrye (1705), vol. ii.

[766] Winsor’s Kohl Collection, no. 102.

[767] Given post, Vol. III. p. 17.

[768] Given post, Vol. III. p. 11.

[769] Jahrb. des Vereins für Erdkunde in Dresden (1870), tab. vii. A similar feature is in the map described by Peschel in the Jahresbericht des Vereins für Erdkunde in Leipzig (1871). It is also to be seen in the Homem map of about 1540 (given in Vol. II. p. 446), and in the map which Major assigns to Baptista Agnese, and which was published in Paris in 1875 as a Portulan de Charles Quint. (Cf. Vol. II. p. 445.)

[770] There is a fac-simile of Ziegler’s map in Vol. II. 434; also in Goldsmid’s ed. of Hakluyt (Edinb., 1885), and in Nordenskjöld’s Vega, i. 52.

[771] The map (1551) of Gemma Frisius in Apian is much the same.

[772] In the Basle ed. of the Historia de Gentium. Cf. Nordenskjöld’s Vega, vol. i., who says that the map originally appeared in Magnus’s Auslegung und Verklarung der Neuen Mappen von den Alten Goettenreich (Venice, 1539); and is different from the map which appeared in the intermediate edition of 1555 at Rome, a part of which is also annexed.

[773] The same is done in the Ptolemy of 1548 (Venice). There is a fac-simile in Nordenskjöld’s Studien, p. 35.

[774] See Vol. IV. p. 84.

[775] We find it in the Nancy globe of about 1540 (see Vol. IV. p. 81); in the Mercator gores of 1541 (Vol. II. p. 177); and in the Ruscelli map of 1544 (Vol. II. p. 432), where Greenland (Grotlandia) is simply a neck connecting Europe with America; and in Gastaldi “Carta Marina,” in the Italian Ptolemy of 1548, where it is a protuberance on a similar neck (see Vol. II. 435; IV. 43; and Nordenskjöld’s Studien, 43). The Rotz map of 1542 seems to be based on the same material used by Mercator in his gores, but he adds a new confusion in calling Greenland the “Cost of Labrador.” Cf. Winsor’s Kohl Maps, no. 104. The “Grutlandia” of the Vopellio map of 1556 is also continuous with Labrador (see Vol. II. 436; IV. 90).

[776] See Vol. IV. pp. 42, 82.

[777] In the edition of 1562, which repeated the map, the cartographer Moletta (Moletius) testified that its geography had been confirmed “by letters and marine charts sent to us from divers parts.”

[778] Winsor’s Bibliog. of Ptolemy, sub anno 1561.

[779] Lok’s map of 1582 calls it “Groetland,” the landfall of “Jac. Scolvus,” the Pole. Cf. Vol. III. 40.

[780] For Mercator’s map, see Vol. II. 452; IV. 94, 373. Ortelius’ separate map of Scandia is much the same. It is the same with the map of Phillipus Gallæus, dated 1574, but published at Antwerp in 1585 in the Theatri orbis terrarum Enchiridion. Gilbert’s map in 1576 omits the “Grocland” (Vol. III. 203). Both features, however, are preserved in the Judæis of 1593 (Vol. IV. 97), in the Wytfliet of 1597 (Vol. II. 459), in Wolfe’s Linschoten in 1598 (Vol. III. 101), and in Quadus in 1600 (Vol. IV. 101). In the Zaltière map of 1566 (Vol. II. 451; IV. 93), in the Porcacchi map of 1572 (Vol. II. 96, 453; IV. 96), and in that of Johannes Martines of 1578, the features are too indefinite for recognition. Lelewel (i. pl. 7) gives a Spanish mappemonde of 1573.

[781] In fac-simile in Nordenskjöld’s Vega, i. 247.

[782] Vol. III p. 98.

[783] A paper by H. Rink in the Geografisk Tidskrift (viii. 139) entitled “Ostgrönländerne i deres Forhold till Vestgrönländerne og de övrige Eskimostammer,” is accompanied by drafts of the map of G. Tholacius, 1606, and of Th. Thorlacius, 1668-69,—the latter placing East Bygd on the east coast near the south end. K. J. V. Steenstrup, on Osterbygden in Geog. Tidskrift, viii. 123, gives facsimiles of maps of Jovis Carolus in 1634; of Hendrick Doncker in 1669. Sketches of maps by Johannes Meyer in 1652, and by Hendrick Doncker in 1666, are also given in the Geografisk Tidskrift, viii. (1885), pl. 5.

[784] Voyages des Pais Septentrionaux,—a very popular book.

[785] Chips from a German Workshop, i. 327.

[786] Archæological Tour, p. 202.

[787] The earliest fixed date for the founding of Tenochtitlan (Mexico city) is 1325. Brasseur tells us that Carlos de Sigüenza y Gongora made the first chronological table of ancient Mexican dates, which was used by Boturini, and was improved by Leon y Gama,—the same which Bustamante has inserted in his edition of Gomara. Gallatin (Amer. Ethnol. Soc. Trans., i.) gave a composite table of events by dates before the Conquest, which is followed in Brantz Mayer’s Mexico as it was, i. 97. Ed. Madier de Montjau, in his Chronologie hiéroglyphico-phonétique des Rois Astéques de 1352 à 1522, takes issue with Ramirez on some points.

[788] Bancroft (v. 199) gives references to those writers who have discussed this question of giants. Bandelier’s references are more in detail (Arch. Tour, p. 201). Short (p. 233) borrows largely the list in Bancroft. The enumeration includes nearly all the old writers. Acosta finds confirmation in bones of incredible largeness, often found in his day, and then supposed to be human. Modern zoölogists say they were those of the Mastodon. Howarth, Mammoth and the Flood, 297.

[789] See Native Races, ii. 117; v. 24, 27.

[790] Sometimes it is said they came from the Antilles, or beyond, easterly, and that an off-shoot of the same people appeared to the early French, explorers as the Natchez Indians. We have, of course, offered to us a choice of theories in the belief that the Maya civilization came from the westward by the island route from Asia. This misty history is nothing without alternatives, and there are a plenty of writers who dogmatize about them.

[791] Constituciones diocesanas del obispado de Chiappas (Rome, 1702).

[792] Nat. Races, v. 160.

[793] Hist. Nations Civilisées, i. 37, 150, etc. Popul Vuh, introd., sec. v. Bancroft relates the Votan myth, with references, in Nat. Races, iii. 450. Brasseur identifies the Votanites with the Colhuas, as the builders of Palenqué, the founders of Xibalba, and thinks a branch of them wandered south to Peru. There are some stories of even pre-Votan days, under Igh and Imox. Cf. H. De Charency’s “Myth d’Imos,” in the Annales de philosophie Chrétienne, 1872-73, and references in Bancroft, v. 164, 231.

[794] Native Races, ii. 121, etc.

[795] Bancroft (v. 236) points to Bradford, Squier, Tylor, Viollet-le-Duc, Bartlett, and Müller, with Brasseur in a qualified way, as in the main agreeing in this early disjointing of the Nashua stock, by which the Maya was formed through separation from the older race.

[796] Enforced, for instance, by one of the best of the later Mexican writers, Orozco y Berra, in his Geografía de las lenguas y Carta Ethnografica de México (Mexico, 1865).

[797] Tylor, Anahuac, 189, and his Early Hist. Mankind, 184. Orozco y Berra, Geog., 124. Bancroft, v. 169, note. The word Maya was first heard by Columbus in his fourth voyage, 1503-4. We sometimes find it written Mayab. It is usual to class the people of Yucatan, and even the Quiché-Cakchiquels of Guatemala and those of Nicaragua, under the comprehensive term of Maya, as distinct from the Nahua people farther north.

[798] Nat. Races, v. 186.

[799] Brinton, with his view of myths, speaks of the attempt of the Abbé Brasseur to make Xibalba an ancient kingdom, with Palenqué as its capital, as utterly unsupported and wildly hypothetical (Myths, 251).

[800] Perhaps by Gucumatz (who is identified by some with Quetzalcoatl), leading the Tzequiles, who are said to have appeared from somewhere during one of Votan’s absences, and to have grown into power among the Chanes, or Votan’s people, till they made Tulan, where they lived, too powerful for the Votanites. Bancroft (v. 187) holds this view against Brasseur.

[801] Perhaps Ococingo, or Copan, as Bancroft conjectures (v. 187).

[802] As Sahagún calls it, meaning, as Bancroft suggests, Tabasco.

[803] Short (p. 248) points out that the linguistic researches of Orozco y Berra (Geografía de las Lenguas de México, 1-76) seem to confirm this.

[804] See p. 158.

[805] Kirk says (Prescott’s Mexico): “Confusion arises from the name of Chichimec, originally that of a single tribe, and subsequently of its many offshoots, being also used to designate successive hordes of whatever race.” Some have seen in the Waiknas of the Mosquito Coast, and in the Caribs generally, descendants of these Chichimecs who have kept to their old social level. The Caribs, on other authority, came originally from the stock of the Tupis and Guaranis, who occupied the region south of the Amazon, and in Columbus’s time they were scattered in Darien and Honduras, along the northern regions of South America, and in some of the Antilles (Von Martius, Beiträge sur Ethnographie and Sprachenkunde Amerika’s zumal Brasilìens, Leipzig, 1867). Bancroft (ii. 126) gives the etymology of Chichimec and of other tribal designations. Cf. Buschmann’s Ueber die Aztekischen Ortsnamen (Berlin, 1853). Bandelier (Archæol. Tour, 200; Peabody Mus. Repts., ii. 393) says he fails to discover in the word anything more than a general term, signifying a savage, a hunter, or a warrior, Chichimecos, applied to roving tribes. Brasseur says that Mexican tradition applies the term Chichimecs generically to the first occupants of the New World.

[806] These names wander and exchange consonants provokingly, and it may be enough to give alphabetically a list comprised of those in Prichard (Nat. Hist. Man) and Orozco y Berra (Geografía), with some help from Gallatin in the American Ethno. Soc. Trans., i., and other groupers of the ethnological traces: Chinantecs, Chatinos, Cohuixcas, Chontales, Colhuas, Coras, Cuitatecs, Chichimecs, Cuextecas (Guaxtecas, Huastecs), Mazetecs, Mazahuas, Michinacas, Miztecs, Nonohualcas, Olmecs, Otomís, Papabucos, Quinames, Soltecos, Totonacs, Triquis, Tepanecs, Tarascos, Xicalancas, Zapotecs. It is not unlikely the same people may be here mentioned under different names. The diversity of opinions respecting the future of these vapory existences is seen in Bancroft’s collation (v. 202). Torquemada tells us about all that we know of the Totonacs, who claim to have been the builders of Teotihuacan. Bancroft gives references (v. 204) for the Totonacs, (p. 206) for the Otomís, (p. 207) for the Mistecs and Zapotecs, and (p. 208) for the Huastecs.

[807] Bancroft, ii. 97. Brasseur, Nat. Civ., i. ch. 4, and his Palenqué ch. 3.

[808] Called Huehue-Tlapallan, as Brasseur would have it.

[809] Following Motolinía and other early writers.

[810] Native Races, v. 219, 616.

[811] Bandelier, Archæol. Tour, 253.

[812] Kingsborough, ix. 206, 460; Veytia, i. 155, 163. Of the Quetzalcoatl myth there are references elsewhere. P. J. J. Valentini has made a study of the early Mexican ethnology and history in his “Olmecas and Tultecas,” translated by S. Salisbury, Jr., and printed in the Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., Oct. 21, 1882. On Quetzalcoatl in Cholula, see Torquemada, translated in Bancroft, iii. 258.

[813] This wide difference covers intervening centuries, each of which has its advocates. Short carries their coming back to the fourth century (p. 245), but Clavigero’s date of a.d. 544 is more commonly followed. Veytia makes it the seventh century. Bancroft (v. 211, 214) notes the diversity of views.

[814] Bancroft (v. 322) in a long note collates the different statements of the routes and sojourns in this migration. Cf. Short, p. 259.

[815] Cf. Kirk in Prescott, i. 10. It must be confessed that it is rather in the domain of myth than of history that we must place all that has been written about the scattering of the Toltec people at Babel (Bancroft, v. 19), and their finally reaching Huehue-Tlapallan, wherever that may have been. The view long prevalent about this American starting-point of the Nahuas, Toltecs, or whatever designation may be given to the beginners of this myth and history, placed it in California, but some later writers think it worth while to give it a geographical existence in the Mississippi Valley, and to associate it in some vague way with the moundbuilders and their works (Short, No. Amer. of Antiq., 251, 253). There is some confusion between Huehue-Tlapallan of this story and the Tlapallan noticed in the Spanish conquest time, which was somewhere in the Usumacinta region, and if we accept Tollan, Tullan, or Tula as a form of the name, the confusion is much increased (Short, pp. 217-220). Bancroft (v. 214) says there is no sufficient data to determine the position of Huehue-Tlapallan, but he thinks “the evidence, while not conclusive, favors the south rather than the north” (p. 216). The truth is, about these conflicting views of a northern or southern origin, pretty much as Kirk puts it (Prescott, i. 18): “All that can be said with confidence is, that neither of the opposing theories rests on a secure and sufficient basis.” The situation of Huehue-Tlapallan and Aztlan is very likely one and the same question, as looking to what was the starting-point of all the Nahua migrations, extending over a thousand years.

[816] Bancroft, v. 217.

[817] Torquemada, Boturini, Humboldt, Brasseur, Charnay, Short, etc.

[818] Nat. Races (v. 222).

[819] In support of the California location, Buschmann, in his Ueber die Spuren der Aztekischen Sprache im nördlichen Mexico und höheren Amerikanischen Norden (Berlin, 1854), finds traces of the Mexican tongue in those of the recent California Indians. Linguistic resemblances to the Aztec, even so far north as Nootka, have been traced, but later philologists deny the inferences of relationship drawn from such similarity (Bancroft, iii. p. 612). The linguistic confusion in aboriginal California is so great that there is a wide field for tracing likenesses (Ibid. iii. 635). In the California State Mining Bureau, Bulletin no. 1 (Sacramento, 1888), Winslow Anderson gives a description of some desiccated human remains found in a sealed cave, which are supposed to be Aztec. There are slight resemblances to the Aztec in the Shoshone group of languages (Bancroft, iii. 660), and the same author arranges all that has been said to connect the Mexican tongue with those of New Mexico and neighboring regions (iii. 664). Buschmann, who has given particular attention to tracing the Aztec connections at the north, finds nothing to warrant anything more than casual admixtures with other stocks (Die Lautveränderung Aztekischer Wörter, Berlin, 1855, and Die Spuren der Aztekischen Sprachen, Berlin, 1859). See Short (p. 487) for a summary.

[820] Bancroft (v. 305) cites the diverse views; so does Short to some extent (pp. 246, 258, etc.). Cf. Brinton’s Address on “Where was Aztlan?” p. 6; Short, 486, 490; Nadaillac, 284; Wilson’s Prehistoric Man, i. 327.

Brinton (Myths of the New World, etc., 89; Amer. Hero. Myths, 92) holds that Aztlan is a name wholly of mythical purport, which it would be vain to seek on the terrestrial globe. This cradle region of the Nahuas sometimes appears as the Seven Caves (Chicomoztoc), and Duran places them “in Teoculuacan, otherwise called Aztlan, a country toward the north and connected with Florida.” The Seven Caves were explained by Sahagún as a valley, by Clavigero as a city, by Schoolcraft and others as simply seven boats in which the first comers came from Asia; Brasseur makes them and Aztlan the same; others find them to be the seven cities of Cibola,—so enumerates Brinton (Myths, 227), who thinks that the seven divisions of the Nahuas sprung from the belief in the Seven Caves, and had in reality no existence.

Gallatin has followed out the series of migrations in the Amer. Ethnol. Soc. Trans., i. 162. Dawson, Fossil Men (ch. 3), gives his comprehensive views of the main directions of these early migrations. Brasseur follows the Nahuas (Popul Vuh, introd., sect. ix.). Winchell (Pre-Adamites) thinks the general tendency was from north to south. Morgan finds the origin of the Mexican tribes in New Mexico and in the San Juan Valley (Peabody Mus. Rept., xii. 553. Cf. his article in the North Am. Rev., Oct., 1869). Humboldt (Views of Nature, 207) touches the Aztec wanderings.

There are two well-known Aztec migration maps, first published in F. G. Carreri’s Giro del Mondo; in English as “Voyage round the world,” in Churchill’s Voyages, vol. iv., concerning which see Bancroft, ii. 543; iii. 68, 69; Short, 262, 431, 433; Prescott, iii. 364, 382. Orozco y Berra (Hist. Antiq. de Mexico, iii. 61) says that these maps follow one another, and are not different records of the same progress. Humboldt (Vues, etc., ii. 176) gives an interpretation of them in accordance with Sigüenza’s views, which is the one usually followed, and Bancroft (v. 324) epitomizes it. Ramirez says that the copies reproduced in Humboldt, Clavigero, and Kingsborough are not so correct as the engraving given in Garcia y Cubas’s Atlas geogrâfico, estadistico e histórico de la Republica Mejicana (April, 1858). Bancroft (ii. 544) gives it as reproduced by Ramirez. It is also in the Mexican edition of Prescott, and in Schoolcraft’s Indian Tribes. Cf. Delafield’s Inquiry (N. Y., 1839) and Léon de Rosny’s Les doc. écrits de l’antiq. Amér. (Paris, 1882). The original is preserved in the Museo Nacional of Mexico. A palm-tree on the map, near Aztlan, has pointed some of the arguments in favor of a southern position for that place, but Ramirez says it is but a part of a hieroglyphic name, and has no reference to the climate of Aztlan (Short, p. 266). F. Von Hellwald printed a paper on “American migrations,” with notes by Professor Henry, in the Smithsonian Report, 1866, pp. 328-345. Short defines as “altogether the most enlightened treatment of the subject” the paper of John H. Becker, “Migrations des Nahuas,” in the Compte rendu, Congrès des Américanistes (Luxembourg, 1877), i. 325. This paper finds an identification of the Tulan Zuiva of the Quichés, the Huehue-Tlapallan of the Toltecs, the Amaquemecan of the Chichimecs, and the Oztotlan (Aztlan) of the Aztecs in The valleys of the Rio Grande del Norte and Rio Colorado, as was Morgan’s view. Short (p. 249) summarizes his paper. Bancroft (v. 289) shows the diversity of views respecting Amaquemecan.

[821] Native Races, v. 167, recapitulates the proofs against the northern theory. J. R. Bartlett, Personal Narrative, ii. 283, finds no evidence for it. The successive sites of their sojourns as they passed on their journeys are given as Tlapallan, Tlacutzin, Tlapallanco, Jalisco, Atenco, Iztachnexuca, Tollatzinco, Tollan or Tula,—the last, says Bancroft, apparently in Chiapas. If there was not such confusion respecting the old geography, these names might decide the question.

[822] Writers usually place the beginnings of credible history at about this period. Brasseur and the class of writers who are easily lifted on their imagination talk about traces of a settled government being discernible at periods which they place a thousand years before Christ.

[823] References in Bancroft, v. 247, with Brasseur for the main dependence, in his use of the Codex Chimalpòpoca and the Memorial de Colhuacan.

[824] Charnay (Eng. trans., ch. 8 and 9) calls it a rival city of Tula or Tollan, rebuilt by the Chichimecs on the ruins of a Toltec city.

[825] If one wants the details of all this, he can read it in Veytia, Brasseur (Nat. Civilisées and Palenqué, ch. viii.), and Bancroft, the latter giving references (v. 285).

[826] It is frequently stated that there was a segregated migration to Central America. Bancroft (v. 168, 285), who collates the authorities, finds nothing of the kind implied. He thinks the mass remained in Anáhuac. The old view as expressed by Prescott (i. 14) was that “much the greater number probably spread over the region of Central America and the neighboring isles, and the traveller now speculates on the majestic ruins of Mitla and Palenqué as possibly the work of this extraordinary people.” Kirk, as Prescott’s editor, refers to the labors of Orozco y Berra (Geografía de las Lenguas de México, 122), followed by Tylor, (Anahuac, 189) as establishing the more recent view that this southern architecture, “though of a far higher grade, was long anterior to the Toltec dominion.”

[827] Amer. Ethno. Soc. Trans., i.

[828] Bancroft (v. 287) says: “It is probable that the name Toltec, a title of distinction rather than a national name, was never applied at all to the common people.”

[829] Brinton’s main statement is in his Were the Toltecs an historic nationality? Read before the American Philosophical Society, Sept. 2, 1887 (Phila., 1887); published also in their Proceedings, 1887, p. 229. Cf. also Brinton’s Amer. Hero. Myths (Phil., 1882), p. 86, where he throws discredit on the existence of the alleged Toltec king Quetzalcoatl (whom Sahagún keeps distinct from the mythical demi-god); and earlier, in his Myths of the New World (p. 29), he had suggested that the name Toltec might have “a merely mythical signification.” Charnay, who makes the Toltecs a Nahuan tribe, had defended their historical status in a paper on “La Civilisation Tolteque,” in the Revue d’Ethnographie (iv., 1885); and again, two years later, in the same periodical, he reviewed adversely Brinton’s arguments. (Cf. Saturday Review, lxiii. 843.) Otto Stoll, in his Guatemala, Reisen und Schilderungen (Leipzig, 1886), is another who rejects the old theory.

[830] Archæol. Tour, 253.

[831] Archæol. Tour, 7. Sahagún identifies the Toltecs with the “giants,” and if these were the degraded descendants of the followers of Votan, Sahagún thus earlier established the same identity.

[832] Archæol. Tour, 191. The fact that the names which we associate with the Toltecs are Nahua, only means that Nahua writers have transmitted them, as Bandelier thinks. Cf. also Bandelier’s citation in the Peabody Mus. Reports, vol. ii. 388, where he speaks of our information regarding the Toltecs as “limited and obscure.” He thinks it beyond question that they were Nahuas; and the fact that their division of time corresponds with the system found in Yucatan, Guatemala, etc., with other evidences of myths and legends, leads him to believe that the aborigines of more southern regions were, if not descendants, at least of the same stock with the Toltecs, and that we are justified in studying them to learn what the Toltecs were. He finds that Veytia, in his account of the Toltecs, beside depending on Sahagún and Torquemada, finds a chief source in Ixtlilxochitl, and locates Huehue-Tlapallan in the north; and Veytia’s statements reappear in Clavigero.

The best narratives of the Toltec history are those in Veytia, Historia Antigua de Méjico (Mexico, 1806); Brasseur’s Hist. Nations Civilisées (vol. i.), and his introduction to his Popul Vuh; and Bancroft (v. ch. 3 and 4): but we must look to Ixtlilxochitl, Torquemada, Sahagún, and the others, if we wish to study the sources. In such a study we shall encounter vexatious problems enough. It is practically impossible to arrange chronologically what Ixtlilxochitl says that he got from the picture-writings which he interpreted. Bancroft (v. 209) does the best he can to give it a forced perspicuity. Wilson (Prehisoric Man, i. 245) not inaptly says: “The history of the Toltecs and their ruined edifices stands on the border line of romance and fable, like that of the ruined builders of Carnac and Avebury.”

[833] Short (page 255) points out that Bancroft unadvisedly looks upon these Chichimecs as of Nahua stock, according to the common belief. Short thinks that Pimentel (Lenguas indigenas de México, published in 1862) has conclusively shown that the Chichimecs did not originally speak the Nahua tongue, but subsequently adopted it. Short (page 256) thinks, after collating the evidence, that it is impossible to determine whence or how they came to Anáhuac.

[834] Bancroft, v. 292, gives the different views. Cf. Kirk in Prescott, i. 16.

[835] These events are usually one thing or another, according to the original source which you accept, as Bancroft shows (v. 303). The story of the text is as good as any, and is in the main borne out by the other narratives.

[836] Bancroft, v. 308. Cf., on the arrival of the Mexicans in the valley, Bandelier (Peabody Mus. Reports, ii. 398) and his references.

[837] Prescott, i., introduction ch. 6, tells the story of their golden age.

[838] Cf. the map in Lucien Biart’s Les Aztèques (Paris, 1885). Prescott says the maps in Clavigero, Lopez, and Robertson defy “equally topography and history.” Cf. note on plans of the city and valley in Vol. II. pp. 364, 369, 374, to which may be added, as showing diversified views, those in Stevens’s Herrera (London, 1740), vol. ii.; Bordone’s Libro (1528); Icazbalceta’s Coll. de docs., i. 390; and the Eng. translation of Cortes’ despatches, 333.

[839] This is placed a.d. 1325. Cf. references in Bancroft (v. 346).

[840] On the conquest of the Tecpanecas by the Mexicans, see the references in Bandelier (Peabody Mus. Reports, ii. 412).

[841] For details of the period of the Chichimec ascendency, see Bancroft (v. ch. 5-7), Brasseur (Nat. Civil. ii.), and the authorities plentifully cited in Bancroft.

[842] On the nature of the Mexican confederacy see Bandelier (Peabody Mus. Reports, ii. 416). He enumerates the authorities upon the point that no one of the allied tribes exercised any powers over the others beyond the exclusive military direction of the Mexicans proper (Peabody Mus. Reports, ii. 559). Orozco y Berra (Geografía, etc.) claims that there was a tendency to assimilate the conquered people to the Mexican conditions. Bandelier claims that “no attempt, either direct or implied, was made to assimilate or incorporate them.” He urges that nowhere on the march to Mexico did Cortés fall in with Mexican rulers of subjected tribes. It does not seem to be clear in all cases whether it was before or after the confederation was formed, or whether it was by the Mexicans or Tezcucans that Tecpaneca, Xochimilca, Cuitlahuac, Chalco, Acolhuacan, and Quauhnahuac, were conquered. Cf. Bandelier in Peabody Mus. Reports, ii. 691. As to the tributaries, see Ibid. 695.

[843] Cf. Brasseur’s Nations Civ. ii. 457, on Tezcuco in its palmy days.

[844] Sometimes written Mochtheuzema, Moktezema. The Aztec Montezuma must not, as is contended, be confounded with the hero-god of the New Mexicans. Cf. Bancroft, iii. 77, 171; Brinton’s Myths, 190; Schoolcraft’s Ind. Tribes, iv. 73; Tylor’s Prim. Culture, ii. 384; Short, 333.

[845] This has induced some historians to call these wars “holy wars.” Bandelier discredits wholly the common view, that wars were undertaken to secure victims for the sacrificial stone (Archæol. Tour, 24). But in another place (Peabody Mus. Reports, ii. 128) he says: “War was required for the purpose of obtaining human victims, their religion demanding human sacrifices at least eighteen times every year.”

[846] As to these carvings, which have not yet wholly disappeared, see Peabody Mus. Reports, ii. 677, 678. There is a series of alleged portraits of the Mexican kings in Carbajal-Espinosa’s Hist. de Mexico (Mexico, 1862). See pictures of Montezuma II. in Vol. II. 361, 363, and that in Ranking, p. 313.

[847] Bancroft (v. 466) enumerates the great variety of such proofs of disaster, and gives references (p. 469). Cf. Prescott, i. p. 309.

[848] Tezozomoc (cap. 106) gives the description of the first bringing of the news to Montezuma of the arrival of the Spaniards on the coast.

[849] Brinton’s Amer. Hero Myths, 139, etc. See, on the prevalence of the idea of the return at some time of the hero-god, Brinton’s Myths of the New World, p. 160. “We must remember,” he says, “that a fiction built on an idea is infinitely more tenacious of life than a story founded on fact.” Brinton (Myths, 188) gathers from Gomara, Cogolludo, Villagutierre, and others, instances to show how prevalent in America was the presentiment of the arrival and domination of a white race,—a belief still prevailing among their descendants of the middle regions of America who watch for the coming of Montezuma (Ibid. p. 190). Brinton does not seem to recognize the view held by many that the Montezuma of the Aztecs was quite a different being from the demi-god of the Pueblas of New Mexico.

[850] It is not easy to reconcile the conflicting statements of the native historians respecting the course of events during the Aztec supremacy, such is the mutual jealousy of the Mexican and Tezcucan writers. Brasseur has satisfied himself of the authenticity of a certain sequence and character of events (Nations Civilisées), and Bancroft simply follows him (v. 401). Veytia is occupied more with the Tezcucans than with the Aztecs. The condensed sketch here given follows the main lines of the collated records. We find good pictures of the later history of Mexico and Tlascala, before the Spaniards came, in Prescott (i. book 2d, ch. vi., and book 3d, ch. ii.). Bancroft (v. ch. 10) with his narrative and references helps us out with the somewhat monotonous details of all the districts of Mexico which were outside the dominance of the Mexican valley, as of Cholula, Tlascala, Michoacan, and Oajaca, with the Miztecs and Zapotecs, inhabiting this last province.

[851] Bancroft (v. 543-553).

[852] It is so held by Stephens, Waldeck, Mayer, Prichard, Ternaux-Compans, not to name others.

[853] Vol. v. 617.

[854] The Maya calendar and astronomical system, as the basis of the Maya chronology, is explained in the version which Perez gave into Spanish of a Maya manuscript (translated into English by Stephens in his Yucatan), and which Valentini has used in his “Katunes of Maya History,” in the Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., Oct. 1879. On the difficulties of the subject see Brasseur’s Nations Civilisées (ii. ch. 1). Cf. also his Landa, section xxxix., and page 366, from the “Cronologia antigua de Yucatan.” Cf. further, Cyrus Thomas’s MS. Troano, ch. 2, and Powell’s Third Report Bur. of Ethn., pp. xxx and 3; Ancona’s Yucatan, ch. xi.; Bancroft’s Nat. Races, ii. ch. 24, with references; Short, ch. 9; Brinton’s Maya Chronicles, introduction, p. 50.

[855] Bancroft (v. 624) epitomizes the Perez manuscript given by Stephens, the sole source of this Totul Xiu legendary.

[856] Brasseur’s Nations Civilisées (i., ii.), with the Perez manuscript, and Landa’s Relacion, are the sufficient source of the Yucatan history. Bancroft’s last chapter of his fifth volume summarizes it.

[857] See Vol. II. p. 402.

[858] See Vol. II. p. 397.

[859] Central America, ii. 452.

[860] See Vol. II. p. 414.

[861] See Vol. II. p. 343.

[862] See Vol. II. p. 412.

[863] See Vol. II. p. 417. Cf. Prescott’s Mexico, i. 50; Bancroft (Nat. Races, ii. ch. 14) epitomizes the information on the laws and courts of the Nahua; Bandelier (Peabody Mus. Repts., ii. 446), referring to Zurita’s Report, which he characterizes as marked for perspicacity, deep knowledge, and honest judgment, speaks of it as embodying the experience of nearly twenty years,—eleven of which were passed in Mexico,—and in which the author gave answers to inquiries put by the king. “If we could obtain,” says Bandelier, “all the answers given to these questions from all parts of Spanish America, and all as elaborate and truthful as those of Zurita, Palacio, and Ondegardo, our knowledge of the aboriginal history and ethnology of Spanish America would be much advanced.” Zurita’s Report in a French translation is in Ternaux-Compans’ Collection; the original is in Pacheco’s Docs. inéditos, but in a mutilated text.

[864] See Vol. II. p. 346.

[865] It is much we owe to the twelve Franciscan friars who on May 13, 1524, landed in Mexico to convert and defend the natives. It is from their writings that we must draw a large part of our knowledge respecting the Indian character, condition, and history. These Christian apostles were Martin de Valencia, Francisco de Soto, Martin de Coruña, Juan Xuares, Antonio de Ciudad Rodrigo, Toribio de Benavente, Garcia de Cisneros, Luis de Fuensalida, Juan de Ribas, Francisco Ximenez, Andrés de Cordoba, Juan de Palos.

From the Historia of Las Casas, particularly from that part of it called Apologética historia, we can also derive some help. (Cf. Vol. II. p. 340.)

[866] Brasseur, Bib. Mex.-Guat., p. 147; Leclerc, p. 168.

[867] Herrera is furthermore the source of much that we read in later works concerning the native religion and habits of life. See Vol. II. p. 67.

[868] Cf. Vol. II. p. 418.

[869] Anales del Museo Nacional, iii. 4, 120; Brinton’s Am. Hero Myths, 78. Bandelier, in N. Y. Hist. Soc. Proc., November, 1879, used a portion of the MS. as printed by Sir Thomas Phillipps (Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., i. 115) under the title of Historia de los Yndios Mexicanos, por Juan de Tovar; Cura et impensis Dni Thomæ Phillipps, Bart. (privately printed at Middle Hill, 1860. See Squier Catalogue, no. 1417). The document is translated by Henry Phillipps, Jr., in the Proc. Amer. Philosophical Soc. (Philad.), xxi. 616.

[870] Vol. II. p. 419. Brasseur de Bourbourg’s Bibl. Mex.-Guat., p. 59. He used a MS. copy in the Force collection.

[871] This is true of Acosta and Davila Padilla. The bibliography of Acosta has been given elsewhere (Vol. II. p. 420). His books v., vi., and vii. cover the ancient history of the country. He used the MSS. of Duran (Brasseur, Bibl. Mex.-Guat., p. 2), and his correspondence with Tobar, preserved in the Lenox library, has been edited by Icazbalceta in his Don Fray Zumárraga (Mexico, 1881). Of the Provincia de Santiago and the Varia historia of Davila Padilla, the bibliography has been told in another place. (Cf. Vol. II. pp. 399-400[; Sabin, v. 18780-1; Brasseur de Bourbourg’s Bibl. Mex.-Guat., p. 53; Del Monte Library, no. 126.) Ternaux was not wrong in ascribing great value to the books.]

[872] Peter of Ghent. Cf. Vol. II. p. 417.

[873] Chronica Compendiosissima ab exordio mundi per Amandum Zierixcensem, adjectæ sunt epistolæ ex nova maris Oceani Hispania ad nos transmissæ (Antwerp, 1534). The subjoined letters here mentioned are, beside that referred to, two others written in Mexico (1531), by Martin of Valencia and Bishop Zumárraga (Sabin, i. no. 994; Quaritch, 362, no. 28583, £7 10). Icazbalceta (Bib. Mex. del Siglo xvi., i. p. 33) gives a long account of Gante. There is a French version of the letter in Ternaux’s Collection.

[874] See Vol. II. p. 397. Cf. Prescott, ii. 95. The first part of the Historia is on the religious rites of the natives; the second on their conversion to Christianity; the third on their chronology, etc.

[875] Cf. Icazbalceta’s Bibl. Mexicana, p. 220, with references; Pilling’s Proof-sheets, no. 2600, etc.

[876] Pilling, no. 2817, etc.

[877] Properly, Bernardino Ribeira; named from his birthplace, Sahagún, in Spain. Chavero’s Sahagún (Mexico, 1877).

[878] A few data can be added to the account of Sahagún given in Vol. II. p. 415. J. F. Ramirez completes the bibliography of Sahagún in the Boletin de la Real Academia de la Historia de Madrid, vi. 85 (1885). Icazbalceta, having told the story of Sahagún’s life in his edition of Mendieta’s Hist. Eclesiastica Indiana (México, 1870), has given an extended critical and bibliographical account in his Bibliografía Mexicana (México, 1886), vol. i. 247-308. Other bibliographical detail can be gleaned from Pilling’s Proof-sheets, p. 677, etc.; Icazbalceta’s Apuntes; Beristain’s Biblioteca; the Bibliotheca Mexicana of Ramirez. The list in Adolfo Llanos’s Sahagún y su historia de México (Museo Nac. de Méx. Anales, iii., pt. 3, p. 71) is based chiefly on Alfredo Chavero’s Sahagún (México, 1877). Brasseur de Bourbourg, in his Palenqué (ch. 5), has explained the importance of what Brevoort calls Sahagún’s “great encyclopædia of the Mexican Empire.” Rosny (Les documents écrits de l’Antiquité Américaine, p. 69) speaks of seeing a copy of the Historia in Madrid, accompanied by remarkable Aztec pictures. Bancroft, referring to the defective texts of Sahagún in Kingsborough and Bustamante, says: “Fortunately what is missing in one I have always found in the other.” He further speaks of the work of Sahagún as “the most complete and comprehensive, so far as aboriginal history is concerned, furnishing an immense mass of material, drawn from native sources, very badly arranged and written.” Eleven books of Sahagún are given to the social institutions of the natives, and but one to the conquest. Jourdanet’s edition is mentioned elsewhere (Vol. II.).

[879] See Vol. II. p. 421.

[880] Those who used him most, like Clavigero and Brasseur de Bourbourg, complain of this. Torquemada, says Bandelier (Peabody Mus. Repts. ii. 119), “notwithstanding his unquestionable credulity, is extremely important on all questions of Mexican antiquities.”

[881] Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., n. s., i. 105.

[882] Cf. Vol. II. 417; Prescott, i. 13, 163, 193, 196; Bancroft, Nat. Races, v. 147; Wilson’s Prehistoric Man, i. 325. It must be confessed that with no more authority than the old Mexican paintings, interpreted through the understanding of old men and their traditions, Ixtlilxochitl has not the firmest ground to walk on. Aubin thinks that Ixtlilxochitl’s confusion and contradictions arise from his want of patience in studying his documents; and some part of it may doubtless have arisen from his habit, as Brasseur says (Annales de Philosophie Chrétienne, May, 1855, p. 329), of altering his authorities to magnify the glories of his genealogic line. Max Müller (Chips from a German Workshop, i. 322) says of his works: “Though we must not expect to find in them what we are accustomed to call history, they are nevertheless of great historical interest, as supplying the vague outlines of a distant past, filled with migrations, wars, dynasties and revolutions, such as were cherished in the memory of the Greeks in the time of Solon.” In addition to his Historia Chichimeca and his Relaciones, (both of which are given by Kingsborough, while Ternaux has translated portions,)—the MS. of the Relaciones being in the Mexican archives,—Ixtlilxochitl left a large mass of his manuscript studies of the antiquities, often repetitionary in substance. Some are found in the compilation made in Mexico by Figueroa in 1792, by order of the Spanish government (Prescott, i. 193). Some were in the Ramirez collection. Quaritch (MS. Collections, Jan., 1888, no. 136) held one from that collection, dated about 1680, at £16, called Sumaria Relacion, which concerned the ancient Chichimecs. Those which are best known are a Historia de la Nueva España, or Historia del Reyno de Tezcuco, and a Historia de Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe, if this last is by him.

[883] Annales de Philosophie Chrétienne, May, 1855, p. 326.

[884] In his Quatre Lettres, p. 24, he calls it the sacred book of the Toltecs. “C’est le Livre divin lui-même, c’est le Teoamoxtli.”

[885] Brasseur’s Lettres à M. le due de Valmy, Lettre seconde.

[886] Catálogo, pp. 17, 18.

[887] Brasseur, Bibl. Mex. Guat., p. 47; Pinart-Brasseur Catal., no. 237.

[888] It has been announced that Bandelier is engaged in a new translation of The Annals of Quauhtitlan for Brinton’s Aboriginal Literature series. Cf. Bancroft, iii. 57, 63, and in vol. v., where he endeavors to patch together Brasseur’s fragments of it. Short, p. 241.

[889] Humboldt says that Sigüenza inherited Ixtlilxochitl’s collection; and that it was preserved in the College of San Pedro till 1759.

[890] Giro del mondo, 1699, vol. vi. Cf. Kingsborough, vol. iv. Robertson attacked Carreri’s character for honesty, and claimed it was a received opinion that he had never been out of Italy. Clavigero defended Carreri. Humboldt thinks Carreri’s local coloring shows he must have been in Mexico.

[891] Cf. the bibliog., in Vol. II., p. 425, of his Storia Antica del Messico.

[892] We owe to him descriptions at this time of the collections of Mendoza, of that in the Vatican, and of that at Vienna. Robertson made an enumeration of such manuscripts; but his knowledge was defective, and he did not know even of those at Oxford.

[893] Robertson was inclined to disparage Clavigero’s work, asserting that he could find little in him beyond what he took from Acosta and Herrera “except the improbable narratives and fanciful conjectures of Torquemada and Boturini.” Clavigero criticised Robertson, and the English historian in his later editions replied. Prescott points out (i. 70) that Clavigero only knew Sahagún through the medium of Torquemada and later writers. Bancroft (Nat. Races, v. 149; Mexico, i. 700) thinks that Clavigero “owes his reputation much more to his systematic arrangement and clear narration of traditions that had before been greatly confused, and to the omission of the most perplexing and contradictory points, than to deep research or new discoveries.”

[894] See Vol. II. p. 418. Brasseur de Bourbourg’s Hist. des Nations Civilisées, p. xxxii. Clavigero had described it.

[895] He had collected nearly 500 Mexican paintings in all. Aubin (Notices, etc., p. 21) says that Boturini nearly exhausted the field in his searches, and with the collection of Sigüenza he secured all those cited by Ixtlilxochitl and the most of those concealed by the Indians,—of which mention is made by Torquemada, Sahagún, Valadés, Zurita, and others; and that the researches of Bustamante, Cubas, Gondra, and others, up to 1851, had not been able to add much of importance to what Boturini possessed.

[896] This portion of his collection has not been traced. The fact is indeed denied.

[897] Idea de una nueva historia general de la America septentrional (Madrid, 1746); Carter-Brown, iii. 817; Brasseur’s Bibl. Mex.-Guat., p. 26; Field, Ind. Bibliog., no. 159; Pinart, Catalogue, no. 134; Prescott, i. 160.

[898] Brasseur, Bibl. Mex.-Guat., p. 152.

[899] Prescott, i. 24. Harrisse, Bib. Am. Vet., calls Veytia’s the best history of the ancient period yet (1866) written.

[900] A second ed. (Mexico, 1832) was augmented with notes and a life of the author, by Carlos Maria de Bustamante; Field, Ind. Bibliog., no. 909; Brasseur’s Bibl. Mex.-Guat., p. 68.

[901] Prescott, i. 133. Gama and others collected another class of hieroglyphics, of less importance, but still interesting as illustrating legal and administrative processes used in later times, in the relations of the Spaniards with the natives; and still others embracing Christian prayers, catechisms, etc., employed by the missionaries in the religious instruction (Aubin, Notice, etc., 21). Humboldt (vol. xiii., pl. p. 141) gives “a lawsuit in hieroglyphics.”

There was published (100 copies) at Madrid, in 1878, Pintura del Gobernador, Alcaldes y Regidores de México, Codice en geroglíficos Méxicanos y en lengua Castellana y Azteca, Existente en la Biblioteca del Excmo Señor Duque de Osuna,—a legal record of the later Spanish courts affecting the natives.

[902] Humboldt describes these collections which he knew at the beginning of the century, speaking of José Antonio Pichardo’s as the finest.

[903] Notice sur une collection d’antiquités Mexicaines, being an extract from a Mémoire sur la peinture didactique et l’Écriture figurative des Anciens Mexicains (Paris, 1851; again, 1859-1861). Cf. papers in Revue Américaine et Orientale, 1st ser., iii., iv., and v. Aubin says that Humboldt found that part of the Boturini collection which had been given over to the Mexican archivists diminished by seven eighths. He also shows how Ternaux-Compans (Crauatés Horribles, p. 275-289), Rafael Isidro Gondra (in Veytia, Hist. Ant. de Mex., 1836, i. 49), and Bustamante have related the long contentions over the disposition of these relics, and how the Academy of History at Madrid had even secured the suppression of a similar academy among the antiquaries in Mexico, which had been formed to develop the study of their antiquities. It was as a sort of peace-offering that the Spanish king now caused Veytia to be empowered to proceed with the work which Boturini had begun. This allayed the irritation for a while, but on Veytia’s death (1769) it broke out again, when Gama was given possession of the collection, which he further increased. It was at Gama’s death sold at auction, when Humboldt bought the specimens which are now in Berlin, and Waldeck secured others which he took to Europe. It was from Waldeck that Aubin acquired the Boturini part of his collection. The rest of the collection remained in Mexico, and in the main makes a part at present of the Museo Nacional. But Aubin is a doubtful witness.

Aubin says that he now proposed to refashion the Boturini collection by copies where he could not procure the originals; to add others, embracing whatever he could still find in the hands of the native population, and what had been collected by Veytia, Gama, and Pichardo. In 1851, when he wrote, Aubin had given twenty years to this task, and with what results the list of his MSS., which he appends to the account we have quoted, will show.

These include in the native tongue:—

a. History of Mexico from a.d. 1064 to 1521, in fragments, from Tezozomoc and from Alonso Franco, annotated by Domingo Chimalpain (a copy).

b. Annals of Mexico, written apparently in 1528 by one who had taken part in the defence of Mexico (an original).

c. Several historical narratives on European paper, by Domingo Chimalpain, coming down to a.d. 1591, which have in great part been translated by Aubin, who considers them the most important documents which we possess.

d. A history of Colhuacan and Mexico, lacking the first leaf. This is described as being in the handwriting of Ixtlilxochitl, and Aubin gives the dates of its composition as 1563 and 1570. It is what has later been known as the Codex Chimalpopoca.

e. Zapata’s history of Tlaxcalla.

f. A copy by Loaysa of an original, from which Torquemada has copied several chapters.

[904] The chief of the Boturini acquisition he enumerates as follows:—

a. Toltec annals on fifty leaves of European paper, cited by Gama in his Descripcion histórica. Cf. Brasseur, Nations Civilisées, p. lxxvi.

b. Chichimec annals, on Indian paper, six leaves, of which ten pages consist of pictures, the original so-called Codex Chimalpopoca, of which Gama made a copy, also in the Aubin collection, as well as Ixtlilxochitl’s explanation of it. Aubin says that he has used this account of Ixtlilxochitl to rectify that historian’s blunders.

c. Codex on Indian paper, having a picture of the Emperor Xolotl.

d. A painting on prepared skin, giving the genealogy of the Chichimecan chiefs, accompanied by the copies made by Pichardo and Boturini. Cf. Archives de la Soc. Amér. de France, 2d ser., i. 283.

e. A synchronical history of Tepechpan and of Mexico, on Indian paper, accompanied by a copy made by Pichardo and an outline sketch of that in the Museo Nacional.

Without specifying others which Aubin enumerates, he gives as other acquisitions the following in particular:—

a. Pichardo’s copy of a Codex Mexicanus, giving the history of the Mexicans from their leaving Aztlan to 1590.

b. An original Mexican history from the departure from Aztlan to 1569.

c. Fragments which had belonged to Sigüenza.

[905] Notice sur une Collection, etc., p. 12.

[906] Hist. des Nations Civilisées (i. pp. xxxi, lxxvi, etc.; cf. Müller’s Chips, i. 317, 320, 323). Brasseur in the same place describes his own collection; and it may be further followed in his Bibl. Mex.-Guat., and in the Pinart Catalogue. Dr. Brinton says that we owe much for the preservation during late years of Maya MSS. to Don Juan Pio Perez, and that the best existing collection of them is that of Canon Crescencio Carrillo y Ancona. José F. Ramirez (see Vol. II. p. 398) is another recent Mexican collector, and his MSS. have been in one place and another in the market of late years. Quaritch’s recent catalogues reveal a number of them, including his own MS. Catálogo de Colecciones (Jan., 1888, no. 171), and some of his unpublished notes on Prescott, not included in those “notas y ecclarecimientos” appended to Navarro’s translation of the Conquest of Mexico (Catal., 1885, no. 28,502). The several publications of Léon de Rosny point us to scattered specimens. In his Doc. écrits de l’Antiquité Amér. he gives the fac-simile of a colored Aztec map. A MS. in the collection of the Corps Legislatif, in Paris, and that of the Codex Indiæ Meridionalis are figured in his Essai sur le déchiffrement, etc. (pl. ix, x). In the Archives de la Soc. Amér. de France, n. s., vol. i., etc., we find plates of the Mappe Tlotzin, and a paper of Madier de Montjau, “sur quelques manuscrits figuratifs de l’Ancien Méxique.” Cf. also Anales del Museo, viii.

Cf. for further mention of collections the Revue Orientale et Américaine; Cyrus Thomas in the Am. Antiquarian, May, 1884 (vol. vi.); and the more comprehensive enumeration in the introduction to Domenech’s Manuscrit pictographique. Orozco y Berra, in the introduction to his Geografia de las Lenguas y Carta Etnográfica (Mexico, 1864), speaks of the assistance he obtained from the collections of Ramirez and of Icazbalceta.

[907] See Vol. II. p. 418.

[908] See Vol. II. p. 418. Bandelier calls this French version “utterly unreliable.”

[909] This is Beristain’s title. Torquemada, Vetancurt, and Sigüenza cite it as Memorias históricas; Brasseur, Bib. Mexico-Guat., p. 122.

[910] Cf. “Les Annales Méxicaines,” by Rémi Siméon in the Archives de la Soc. Amér. de France, n. s., vol. ii.

[911] It is cited by Chavero as Codex Zumárraga.

[912] Hist. Nat. Civ., ii. 577.

[913] Aboriginal Amer. Authors, p. 29. Cf. Bandelier’s Bibliography of Yucatan in Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc., n. s., vol. i. p. 82. Cf. the references in Brasseur, Hist. Nat. Civ., and in Bancroft, Nat. Races, v.

[914] Cf. Mem. of Berendt, by Brinton (Worcester, 1884).

[915] Cf. Brinton on the MSS. in the languages of Cent. America, in Amer. Jour. of Science, xcvii. 222; and his Books of Chilan Balam, the prophetic and historical records of the Mayas of Yucatan (Philad., 1882), reprinted from the Penn Monthly, March, 1882. Cf. also the Transactions of the Philad. Numismatic and Antiquarian Soc.

[916] This is in the alphabet adopted by the early missionaries. The volume contains the “Books of Chilan Balam,” written “not later than 1595,” and also the “Chac Xulub Chen,” written by a Maya chief, Nakuk Pech, in 1562, to recount the story of the Spanish conquest of Yucatan.

[917] This was in 1843, when Stephens made his English translation from Pio Perez’s Spanish version, Antigua Chronologia Yucateca; and from Stephens’s text, Brasseur gave it a French rendering in his edition of Landa. (Cf. also his Nat. Civilisées, ii. p. 2.) Perez, who in Stephens’s opinion (Yucatan, ii. 117) was the best Maya scholar in that country, made notes, which Valentini published in his “Katunes of Maya History,” in the Pro. of the Amer. Antiq. Soc., Oct., 1879 (Worcester, 1880), but they had earlier been printed in Carrillo’s Hist. y Geog. de Yucatan (Merida, 1881). Bancroft (Nat. Races, v. 624) reprints Stephens’s text with notes from Brasseur.

The books of Chilan Balam were used both by Cogolludo and Lizana; and Brasseur printed some of them in the Mission Scientifique au Méxique. They are described in Carrillo’s Disertacion sobre la historia de lengua Maya ó Yucateca (Merida, 1870).

[918] Brasseur, Bib. Mex.-Guat., p. 30. See Vol. II. p. 429. The Spanish title is Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan.

[919] From the Proc. of the Amer. Philos. Soc., xxiv.

[920] Cf. Bandelier in Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc., n. s., vol. i. p. 88.

[921] The second edition was called Los tres Siglos de la Dominacion Española en Yucatan (Campeche and Merida, 2 vols., 1842, 1845). It was edited unsatisfactorily by Justo Sierra. Cf. Vol. II. p. 429; Brasseur, Bib. Mex.-Guat., p. 47.

This, like Juan de Villagutierre Soto-Mayor’s Historia de la Conquista de la Provincia de el Itza, reduccion, y progressos de la de el Lacandon, y otras naciones de Indios Barbaros, de la mediacion de el Reyno de Gautimala, a las Provincias de Yucatan, en la America Septentrional (Madrid, 1701), (which, says Bandelier, is of importance for that part of Yucatan which has remained unexplored), has mostly to do with the Indians under the Spanish rule, but the books are not devoid of usefulness in the study of the early tribes.

Of the modern comments on the Yucatan ancient history, those of Brasseur in his Nations Civilisées are more to be trusted than his introduction to his edition of Landa, which needs to be taken with due recognition of his later vagaries; and Brinton has studied their history at some length in the introduction to his Maya Chronicles. The first volume of Eligio Ancona’s Hist. de Yucatan covers the early period. See Vol. II. p. 429. Brinton calls it “disappointingly superficial.” There is much that is popularly retrospective in the various and not always stable contributions of Dr. Le Plongeon and his wife. The last of Mrs. Le Plongeon’s papers is one on “The Mayas, their customs, laws, religion,” in the Mag. Amer. Hist., Aug., 1887. Bancroft’s second volume groups the necessary references to every phase of Maya history. Cf. Charnay, English translation, ch. 15; and Geronimo Castillo’s Diccionario Histórico, biográfico y monumental de Yucatan (Mérida, 1866). Of Crescencio Carrillo and his Historia Antigua de Yucatan (Mérida, 1881), Brinton says: “I know of no other Yucatecan who has equal enthusiasm or so just an estimate of the antiquarian riches of his native land” (Amer. Hero Myths, 147). Bastian summarizes the history of Yucatan and Guatemala in the second volume of his Culturländer des alten Amerika.

[922] Yucatan, ii. 79.

[923] See C. H. Berendt on the hist. docs. of Guatemala in Smithsonian Report, 1876. There is a partial bibliography of Guatemala in W. T. Brigham’s Guatemala the land of the Quetzal (N. Y., 1887), and another by Bandelier in the Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc., n. s., vol. i. p. 101. The references in Brasseur’s Hist. Nations Civilisées, and in Bancroft’s Native Races, vol. v., will be a ready means for collating the early sources.

[924] Scherzer and Brasseur are somewhat at variance here.

[925] “There are some coincidences between the Old Testament and the Quiché MS. which are certainly startling.” Müller’s Chips, i. 328.

[926] Wanderungen durch die mittel-Amerikanischen Freistaaten (Braunschweig, 1857—an English translation, London, 1857).

[927] Leclerc, no. 1305.

[928] H. H. Bancroft, Nat. Races, ii. 115; iii., ch. 2, and v. 170, 547, gives a convenient condensation of the book, and says that Müller misconceives in some parts of his summary, and that Baldwin in his Ancient America, p. 191, follows Müller. Helps, Spanish Conquest, iv. App., gives a brief synopsis,—the first one done in English.

[929] Max Müller dissents from this. Chips, i. 326. Müller reminds us, if we are suspicious of the disjointed manner of what has come down to us as the Popul Vuh, that “consecutive history is altogether a modern idea, of which few only of the ancient nations had any conception. If we had the exact words of the Popul Vuh, we should probably find no more history there than we find in the Quiché MS. as it now stands.”

[930] Cf. Aborig. Amer. Authors, p. 33.

[931] The names of the gods in the Kiché Myths of Central America (Philad., 1881), from the Proc. Amer. Philos. Soc. He gives his reasons (p. 4) for the spelling Kiché.

[932] Cf. Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc., n. s., vol. i. 109; and his paper, “On the Sources of the Aboriginal Hist. of Spanish America,” in the Am. Asso. Adv. Sci. Proc., xxvii. 328 (Aug., 1878). In the Peabody Mus. Eleventh Report, p. 391, he says of it that “it appears to be for the first chapters an evident fabrication, or at least accommodation of Indian mythology to Christian notions,—a pious fraud; but the bulk is an equally evident collection of original traditions of the Indians of Guatemala, and as such the most valuable work for the aboriginal history and ethnology of Central America.”

[933] Hist. Nat. Civ., i. 47. S’il existe des sources de l’histoire primitive du Méxique dans les monuments égyptiens et de l’histoire primitive de l’ancien monde dans les monuments Américains? (1864), which is an extract from his Landa’s Relation. Cf. Bollaert, in the Royal Soc. of Lit. Trans., 1863. Brasseur (Bib. Mex.-Guat., p. 45; Pinart, no. 231) also speaks of another Quiché document, of which his MS. copy is entitled Titulo de los Señores de Totonicapan, escrito en lengua Quiché, el año de 1554, y traducido al Castellano el año de 1834, por el Padre Dionisio José Chonay, indígena, which tells the story of the Quiché race somewhat differently from the Popul Vuh.

[934] See Vol. II. p. 419.

[935] It stands in Brasseur’s Bib. Mex.-Guat., p. 13, as Memorial de Tecpan-Atitlan (Solola), histoire des deux familles royales du royaume des Cakchiquels d’Iximché ou Guatémala, rédigé en langue Cakchiquèle par le prince Don Francisco Ernantez Arana-Xahila, des rois Ahpozotziles, where Brasseur speaks of it as analogous to the Popul Vuh, but with numerous and remarkable variations. The MS. remained in the keeping of Xahila till 1562, when Francisco Gebuta Queh received it and continued it (Pinart Catalogue, no. 35).

[936] See Vol. II. 419; Bancroft, Nat. Races, v. 564; Bandelier in Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc., i. 105. Bandelier (Peabody Mus. Repts., ii. 391) says that it is now acknowledged that the Recordacion florida of Fuentes y Guzman is “full of exaggerations and misstatements.” Brasseur (Bib. Mex.-Guat., pp. 65, 87), in speaking of Fuentes’ Noticia histórica de los indios de Guatemala (of which manuscript he had a copy), says that he had access to a great number of native documents, but profited little by them, either because he could not read them, or his translators deceived him. Brasseur adds that Fuentes’ account of the Quiché rulers is “un mauvais roman qui n’a pas le sens commun.” This last is a manuscript used by Domingo Juarros in his Compendio de la historia de la ciudad de Guatemala (Guatemala, 1808-1818, in two vols.—become rare), but reprinted in the Museo Guatemalteco, 1857. The English translation, by John Baily, a merchant living in Guatemala, was published as a Statistical and Commercial History of Guatemala (Lond., 1823). Cf. Vol. II. p. 419. Francisco Vazquez depended largely on native writers in his Crónica de la Provincia de Guatemala (Guatemala, 1714-16). (See Vol. II. p. 419.)

[937] See note in Bancroft, iii. 451.

[938] Vol. II. 419. Helps (iii. 300), speaking of Remesal, says: “He had access to the archives of Guatemala early in the seventeenth century, and he is one of those excellent writers so dear to the students of history, who is not prone to declamation, or rhetoric, or picturesque writing, but indulges us largely by the introduction everywhere of most important historical documents, copied boldly into the text.”

[939] Vol. II. 419.

[940] Vol. II. 417.

[941] E. G. Squier printed in 1860 (see Vol. II. p. vii.) Diego Garcia de Palacio’s Carta dirigida al Rey de España, año 1576, under the English title of Description of the ancient Provinces of Guazacupan, Izalco, Cuscatlan, and Chiquimula in Guatemala, which is also included in Pacheco’s Coleccion, vol. vi. Bandelier refers to Estevan Aviles’ Historia de Guatemala desde los tiempos de los Indios (Guatemala, 1663). A good reputation belongs to a modern work, Francisco de Paula Garcia Pelaez’s Memorias para la Historia del antiguo reyno de Guatemala (Guatemala, 1851-53, in three vols.).

[942] For details follow the references in Brasseur’s Nat. Civil.; Bancroft’s Nat. Races; Stephens’s Nicaragua, ii. 305, etc. See the introd. of Brinton’s Güegüence (Philad., 1883), for the Nahuas and Mangues of Nicaragua.

[943] Leclerc, no. 1070. Bancroft summarized the history of these ancient peoples in his vol. ii. ch. 2, and goes into detail in his vol. v.

[944] He condenses the early Mexican history in his Mexico, i. ch. 7. There are recent condensed narratives, in which avail has been had of the latest developments, in Baldwin’s Ancient America, ch. 4, and Short’s North Americans of Antiquity.

[945] Mrs. Alice D. Le Plongeon has printed various summarized popular papers, like the “Conquest of the Mayas,” in the Mag. Amer. Hist., April and June, 1888.

[946] A list of Squier’s published writings was appended to the Catalogue of Squier’s Library, prepared by Joseph Sabin (N. Y., 1876), as sold at that time. By this it appears that his earliest study of these subjects was a review of Buxton’s Migrations of the Ancient Mexicans, read before the London Ethnolog. Soc., and printed in 1848 in the Edinb. New Philosoph. Mag., vol. xlvi. His first considerable contribution was his Travels in Cent. America, particularly in Nicaragua, with a description of its aboriginal monuments (London and N. Y., 1852-53). He supplemented this by some popular papers in Harper’s Mag., 1854, 1855. (Cf. Hist. Mag., iv. 65; Putnam’s Mag., xii. 549.) A year or two later he communicated papers on “Les Indiens Guatusos du Nicaragua,” and “Les indiens Xicaques du Honduras,” to the Nouvelles Annales des Voyages (1856, 1858), and “A Visit to the Guajiquero Indians” to Harper’s Mag., 1859. In 1860, Squier projected the publication of a Collection of documents, but only a letter (1576) of Palacio was printed (Icazbalceta, Bibl. Mex., i. p. 326). He had intended to make the series more correct and with fewer omissions than Ternaux had allowed himself. His material, then the result of ten years’ gathering, had been largely secured through the instrumentality of Buckingham Smith. (See Vol. II. p. vii.)

[947] “Art of war and mode of warfare of the Ancient Mexicans” (Peabody Mus. Rept., no. x.).

“Distribution and tenure of lands, and the customs with respect to inheritance among the ancient Mexicans” (Ibid. no. xi.).

“Special organizations and mode of government of the ancient Mexicans” (Ibid. no. xii.).

These papers reveal much thorough study of the earlier writers on the general condition of the ancient people of Mexico, and the student finds much help in their full references. It was this manifestation of his learning that led to his appointment by the Archæological Institute,—the fruit of his labor in their behalf appearing in his Report of an Archæological Tour in Mexico, 1881, which constitutes the second volume (1884) of the Papers of that body. In his third section he enlarges upon the condition of Mexico at the time of the Conquest. His explorations covered the region from Tampico to Mexico city.

[948] Library of Aboriginal American Literature, (Philadelphia.)

[949] James H. McCulloh, an officer of the U. S. army, published Researches on America (Balt., 1816), expanded later into Researches, philosophical and antiquarian, concerning the original History of America (Baltimore, 1829). His fifth and sixth parts concern the “Institutions of the Mexican Empire,” and “The nations inhabiting Guatemala” (Field, no. 987).

G. F. Lyon’s Journal of a residence and tour in the Republic of Mexico (Lond., 1826, 1828).

Brantz Mayer’s Mexico as it was and as it is, and his more comprehensive Mexico, Aztec, Spanish and Republican (Hartford, 1853), which includes an essay on the ancient civilization. Mayer had good opportunities while attached to the United States legation in Mexico, but of course he wrote earlier than the later developments (Field, no. 1038).

The distinguished English anthropologist, E. B. Tylor’s Anahuac; or, Mexico and the Mexicans, ancient and modern (London, 1861), is a readable rendering of the outlines of the ancient history, and he describes such of the archæological remains as fell in his way.

H. C. R. Becher’s Trip to Mexico (London, 1880) has an appendix on the ancient races.

F. A. Ober’s Travels in Mexico (1884).

[950] The important papers are:—Tome I. Brasseur de Bourbourg. Esquisses d’histoire, d’archéologie, d’ethnographie et de linguistique. Gros. Renseignements sur les monuments anciens situés dans les environs de Mexico.—Tome II. Br. de Bourbourg. Rapport sur les ruines de Mayapan et d’Uxmal au Yucatan. Hay. Renseignements sur Texcoco. Dolfus, Montserrat et Pavie. Mémoires et notes géologiques.—Tome III. Doutrelaine. Rapports sur les ruines de Mitla, sur la pierre de Tlalnepantla, sur un mss. mexicain (avec fac-simile). Guillemin Tarayre. Rapport sur l’exploration minéralogique des régions mexicaines. Siméon. Note sur la numération des anciens Mexicains.

[951] He says the work is very rare. A copy given by him is in Harvard College library. Bib. Mex.-Guat., p. 26.

[952] His Palenqué, at a later day, was published by the French government (Quatre Lettres, avant-propos).

[953] Introduction of his Hist. Nations Civilisées.

[954] Tome I. xcii. et 440 pp. Les temps héroïques et l’histoire de l’empire des Toltèques.—Tome II. 616 pp. L’histoire du Yucatan et du Guatémala, avec celle de l’Anahuac durant le moyen âge aztèque, jusqu’à la fondation de la royauté à Mexico.—Tome III. 692 pp. L’histoire des Etats du Michoacan et d’Oaxaca et de l’empire de l’Anahuac jusqu’à l’arrivée des Espagnols. Astronomie, religion, sciences et arts des Aztèques, etc.—Tome IV. vi. et 851 pp. Conquête du Mexique, du Michoacan et du Guatémala, etc. Etablissement des Espagnols et fondation de l’Eglise catholique. Ruine de l’idolâtrie, déclin et abaissement de la race indigène, jusqu’à la fin du xvi^e siècle.

In his introduction (p. lxxiv) Brasseur gives a list of the manuscript and printed books on which he has mainly depended, the chief of which are: Burgoa, Cogolludo, Torquemada, Sahagún, Remesal, Gomara (in Barcia), Lorenzana’s Cortes, Bernal Diaz, Vetancurt’s Teatro Mexicano (1698), Valades’ Rhetorica Christiana (1579), Juarros, Pelaez, Leon y Gama, etc.

[955] Kirk’s Prescott, i. 10. There are lists of Brasseur’s works in his own Bibliothèque Mex.-Guatémalienne, p. 25; in the Pinart Catalogue, no. 141, etc.; Field, p. 43; Sabin, ii. 7420. Cf. notices of his labors by Haven in Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc., Oct., 1870, p. 47; by Brinton in Lippincott’s Mag., i. 79. There is a Sommaire des voyages scientifiques et des travaux de géographie, d’histoire, d’archéologie et de Philologie américaines, publiés par l’abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg (St. Cloud, 1862).

[956] Abor. Amer. Authors, 57.

[957] Cf. Bandelier, Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc., n. s., i. 93; Field, no. 176; H. H. Bancroft’s Nat. Races, ii. 116, 780; v. 126, 153, 236, 241,—who says of Brasseur that “he rejects nothing, and transforms everything into historic fact;” but Bancroft looks to Brasseur for the main drift of his chapter on pre-Toltec history. Cf. Brinton’s Myths of the New World, p. 41.

[958] Bancroft, Nat. Races, v. 176; Baldwin, Anc. America.

[959] Reference may be made to H. T. Moke’s Histoire des peuples Américains (Bruxelles, 1847); Michel Chevalier’s “Du Mexique avant et pendant la Conquête,” in the Revue des deux Mondes, 1845, and his Le Méxique ancien et moderne (Paris, 1863); and some parts of the Marquis de Nadaillac’s L’Amérique préhistorique (Paris, 1883). A recent popular summary, without references, of the condition and history of ancient Mexico, is Lucien Biart’s Les Aztèques, histoire, mœurs, coutumes (Paris, 1885), of which there is an English translation, The Aztecs, their history, etc., translated by J. L. Garnier (Chicago, 1887).

[960] Leclerc, no. 1147; Field, no. 620; Squier, no. 427; Sabin, vii. 28,255; Bandelier in Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc., n. s., i. 116. It has never yet been reprinted. The early date, as well as its rarity, have contributed to give it, perhaps, undue reputation. It is worth from £3 to £4.

[961] Leclerc, no. 1119. See Vol. II. p. 415.

[962] Leclerc, no. 2079; Brasseur, Bib. Mex.-Guat., p. 113.

[963] For the Historia de Mexico of Carbajal Espinosa, see Vol. II. p. 428. Cf. Alfred Chavero’s México á través de los Siglos.

[964] Discrediting Gomara’s statement that De Ayllon found tribes near Cape Hatteras who had tame deer and made cheese from their milk, Dr. Brinton says: “Throughout the continent there is not a single authentic instance of a pastoral tribe, not one of an animal raised for its milk, nor for the transportation of persons, and very few for their flesh. It was essentially a hunting race.” (Myths of the New World, 21.) He adds: “The one mollifying element was agriculture, substituting a sedentary for a wandering life, supplying a fixed dependence for an uncertain contingency.”

[965] See Vol. II. p. 98.

[966] It was two years earlier, in 1517, that Hernandez de Cordova had first noticed the ruins of the Yucatan coast, though Columbus, in 1502, near Yucatan had met a Maya vessel, which with its navigators had astonished him.

[967] “No writer,” says Bandelier (Peabody Mus. Repts. ii. 674), “has been more prolific in pictures of pomp, regal wealth and magnificence, than Bernal Diaz. Most of the later writers have placed undue reliance on his statements, assuming that the truthfulness of his own individual feelings was the result of cool observation. Any one who has read attentively his Mémoirs will become convinced that he is in fact one of the most unreliable eye-witnesses, so far as general principles are concerned.... Cortes had personal and political motives to magnify and embellish the picture. If his statements fall far below those of his troopers in thrilling and highly-colored details, there is every reason to believe that they are the more trustworthy.... In the descriptions by Cortes we find, on the whole, nothing but a barbarous display common to other Indian celebrations of a similar character.”

Bandelier’s further comment is (Ibid. ii. 397) “A feudal empire at Tezcuco was an invention of the chroniclers, who had a direct interest, or thought to have one, in advancing the claims of the Tezcucan tribe to an original supremacy.”

Bandelier again (Ibid. ii. 385) points out the early statements of the conquerors, and of their annalists, which have prompted the inference of a feudal condition of society; but he refers to Ixtlilxochitl as “the chief originator of the feudal view;” and from him Torquemada draws his inspiration. Wilson (Prehist. Man, i. 242) holds much the same views.

[968] Peabody Mus. Tenth Rept. vol. ii. 114.

[969] Bandelier (“Art of War, etc.,” in Peabody Mus. Rept. x. 113) again says of De Pauw’s Recherches philosophiques sur les Américaines, that it is “a very injudicious book, which by its extravagance and audacity created a great deal of harm. It permitted Clavigero to attack even Robertson, because the latter had also applied sound criticism to the study of American aboriginal history, and by artfully placing both as upon the same platform, to counteract much of the good effects of Robertson’s work.”

[970] Peabody Mus. Repts. ii. 114.

[971] In regard to the nature of the chief-of-men we find, among much else of the first importance in the study of the Mexican government, an exposition in Sahagún (lib. vi. cap. 20), which seems to establish the elective and non-hereditary character of the office. It was “this office and its attributes,” says Bandelier (Peabody Mus. Repts. ii. 670), “which have been the main stays of the notion that a high degree of civilization prevailed in aboriginal Mexico, in so far as its people were ruled after the manner of eastern despotisms.” Bandelier (Ibid. ii. 133) says: “It is not impossible that the so-called empire of Mexico may yet prove to have been but a confederacy of the Nahuatlac tribe of the valley, with the Mexicans as military leaders.” His argument on the word translated “king” is not convincing.

[972] Peabody Mus. Repts. ii. 435.

[973] Introd. to Conquest of Mexico. See Vol. II. p. 426. In the Appendix to his third volume, Prescott, relying mainly on the works of Dupaix and Waldeck, arrived at conclusions as respects the origin of the Mexican civilization, and its analogies with the Old World, which accord with those of Stephens, whose work had not appeared at the time when Prescott wrote.

[974] Houses and House Life, p. 222.

[975] Bancroft (ii. 92) says: “What is known of the Aztecs has furnished material for nine tenths of all that has been written on the American civilized nations in general.”

[976] Anahuac, or Mexico and the Mexicans, Ancient and Modern (London, 1861). Tylor enlarges upon what he considers the evidences of immense populations; and respecting some of their arts he adds, from inspection of specimens of their handicraft, that “the Spanish conquerors were not romancing in the wonderful stories they told of the skill of the native goldsmiths.” On the other hand, Morgan (Houses and House Life, 223) thinks the figures of population grossly exaggerated.

[977] Vol. II. p. 427.

[978] When we consider that Rome, Constantinople, and Jerusalem, in spite of rapine, siege and fire, still retain numerous traces of their earliest times, and that not a vestige of the Aztec capital remains to us except its site, we must assume, in Wilson’s opinion (Prehistoric Man, i. 331), that its edifices and causeways must have been for the most part more slight and fragile than the descriptions of the conquerors implied. Morgan instances as a proof of the flimsy character of their masonry, that Cortes in seventeen days levelled three fourths of the city of Mexico. But, adds Wilson, “so far as an indigenous American civilization is concerned, no doubt can be entertained, and there is little room for questioning, that among races who had carried civilization so far, there existed the capacity for its further development, independently of all borrowed aid” (p. 336). The Baron Nordenskjöld informs me that there is in the library at Upsala a MS. map of Mexico by Santa Cruz (d. 1572) which contains numerous ethnographical details, not to be found in printed maps of that day.

[979] Native Races, ii. 159.

[980] Ibid. ii. 133.

[981] Bancroft has recently epitomized his views afresh in the Amer. Antiquarian, Jan., 1888.

[982] Bancroft wrote in San Francisco, it will be remembered.

[983] It was for Bandelier, in his “Social organization and mode of government of the ancient Mexicans” (Peabody Mus. Repts. ii. 557), to demonstrate the proposition that tribal society based, according to Morgan, upon kin, and not political society, which rests upon territory and property, must be looked for among the ancient Mexicans.

[984] Morgan’s Houses, etc., 225. Bandelier (Peabody Mus. Rept., vol. ii. 114) speaks of the views advanced by Morgan in his “Montezuma’s Dinner,” as “a bold stroke for the establishment of American ethnology on a new basis.” It must be remembered that Bandelier was Morgan’s pupil.

[985] Ibid. 222.

[986] Morgan says of his predecessors, “they learned nothing and knew nothing” of Indian society.

[987] Ibid. 223.

[988] In this he of course assumes that the ruins in Spanish America are of communal edifices.

[989] Bandelier’s papers are in the second volume of the Reports of the Peabody Museum at Cambridge. He contends in his “Art of Warfare among the Ancient Mexicans,” that he has shown the non-existence of a military despotism, and proved their government to be “a military democracy, originally based upon communism in living.” A similar understanding pervades his other essay “On the social organization and mode of government of the ancient Mexicans.” Morgan and Bandelier profess great admiration for each other,—Morgan citing his friend as “our most eminent scholar in Spanish American history” (Houses, etc., 84), and Bandelier expresses his deep feeling of gratitude, etc. (Archæolog. Tour, 32). This affectionate relation has very likely done something in unifying their intellectual sympathies. The Ancient Society, or researches in the lines of human progress from savagery through barbarism to civilization (N. Y. 1877), of Morgan is reflected very palpably in these papers of Bandelier. The accounts of the war of the conquest, as detailed in Bancroft’s Mexico (vol. i.), and the views of their war customs (Native Races, ii. ch. 13), contrasted with Bandelier’s ideas,—who finds in Parkman’s books “the natural parallelism between the forays of the Iroquois and the so-called conquests of the Mexican confederacy” (Archæol. Tour, 32), and who reduces the battle of Otumba to an affair like that of Custer and the Sioux (Art of Warfare),—give us in the military aspects of the ancient life the opposed views of the two schools of interpreters.

[990] Being vol. iv. of the Contributions to No. Amer. Ethnol. in Powell’s Survey of the Rocky Mt. Region. Some of Morgan’s cognate studies relating to the aboriginal system of consanguinity and laws of descent are in the Smithsonian Contributions, xvii., the Smithsonian Misc. Coll. ii., Amer. Acad. Arts and Sci. Trans. vii., and Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci. Proc., 1857.

[991] Morgan in this, his last work, condenses in his first chapter those which were numbered 1 to 4 in his Ancient Society, and in succeeding sections he discusses the laws of hospitality, communism, usages of land and food, and the houses of the northern tribes, of those of New Mexico, San Juan River, the moundbuilders, the Aztecs, and those in Yucatan and Central America. Among these he finds three distinct ethnical stages, as shown in the northern Indian, higher in the sedentary tribes of New Mexico, and highest among those of Mexico and Central America. S. F. Haven commemorated Morgan’s death in the Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc., Apr., 1880.

[992] Cf. Bandelier on “the tenure of lands” in Peabody Mus. Repts. (1878), no. xi., and Bancroft in Nat. Races, ii. ch. 6, p. 223.

[993] Bandelier (Peabody Mus. Repts. ii. 391) points out that when Martin Ursúa captured Tayasál on Lake Petin, the last pueblo inhabited by Maya Indians, he found “all the inhabitants living brutally together, an entire relationship together in one single house,” and Bandelier refers further to Morgan’s Ancient Society, Part 2, p. 181.

[994] Bandelier (Peabody Mus. Repts. ii. 673) accepts the views of Morgan, calling it “a rude clannish feast,” given by the official household of the tribe as a part of its daily duties and obligations.

[995] On the character of the Tecpan (council house, or official house) of the Mexicans, which the early writers translate “palace,” with its sense of magnificence, see Bandelier (Peabody Mus. Repts. ii. 406, 671, etc.), with his references. Morgan holds that Stephens is largely responsible for the prevalence of erroneous notions regarding the Mayas, by reason of using the words “palaces” and “great cities” for defining what were really the pueblos of these southern Indians. Bancroft (ii. 84), referring to the ruins, says: They have “the highest value as confirming the truth of the reports made by Spanish writers, very many, or perhaps most, of whose statements respecting the wonderful phenomena of the New World, without this incontrovertible material proof, would find few believers among the skeptical students of the present day.” Bancroft had little prescience respecting what the communal theorists were going to say of these ruins.

[996] Cf. Bancroft’s Cent. America, i. 317. Sir J. William Dawson, in his Fossil Men (p. 83), contends that Morgan has proved his point, and he calls the ruins of Spanish America “communistic barracks” (p. 50). Higginson, in the first chapter of his Larger History, which is a very excellent, condensed popular statement of the new views which Morgan inaugurated, says of him very truly, that he lacked moderation, and that there is “something almost exasperating in the positiveness with which he sometimes assumes as proved that which is only probable.”

[997] Bancroft in his foot-notes (vol. ii.) embodies the best bibliography of this ancient civilization. Cf. Wilson’s Prehistoric Man, i. ch. 14; C. Hermann Berendt’s “Centres of ancient civilization and their geographical distribution,” an Address before the Amer. Geog. Soc. (N. Y. 1876); Draper’s Intellectual Development of Europe; Brasseur’s Ms. Troano; Humboldt’s Cosmos (English transl. ii. 674); Michel Chevalier in the Revue de deux Mondes, Mar.-July, 1845, embraced later in his Du Méxique avant et pendant la Conquête (Paris, 1845); Brantz Mayer’s Mexico as it was; The Galaxy, March, 1876; Scribner’s Mag. v. 724; Overland Monthly, xiv. 468; De Charency’s Hist. du Civilisation du Méxique (Revue des Questions historiques), vi. 283; Dabry de Thiersant’s Origine des indiens du Nouveau Monde (Paris, 1883); Peschel’s Races of Men, 441; Nadaillac’s Les premiers hommes et les temps préhistoriques, ii. ch. 9, etc.

[998] For the bibliography of his works see Brunet, Sabin, Field, etc. The octavo edition of his Vues has 19 of the 69 plates which constitute the Atlas of the large edition. See the chapter on Peru for further detail.

[999] John Lloyd Stephens, Incidents of travel in Central America, Chiapas, and Yucatan, Lond. and N. Y. 1841,—various later eds., that of London, 1854, being “revised from the latest Amer. ed., with additions by Frederick Catherwood.” Stephens started on this expedition in 1839, and he was armed with credentials from President Van Buren. He travelled 3000 miles, and visited eight ruined cities, as shown by his route given on the map in vol. i. Cf. references in Allibone, ii. p. 2240; Poole’s Index, p. 212; his Incidents of Travel in Yucatan will be mentioned later.

Frederick Catherwood’s Views of Ancient Monuments in Central America, Chiapas, and Yucatan (Lond. 1844) has a brief text (pp. 24) and 25 lithographed plates. Some of the original drawings used in making these plates were included in the Squier Catalogue, p. 229. (Sabin’s Dict. iii. no. 11520.) Captain Lindesay Brine, in his paper on the “Ruined Cities of Central America” (Journal Roy. Geog. Soc. 1872, p. 354; Proc. xvii. 67), testifies to the accuracy of Stephens and Catherwood. These new developments furnished the material for numerous purveyors to the popular mind, some of them of the slightest value, like Asahel Davis, whose Antiquities of Central America, with some slight changes of title, and with the parade of new editions, were common enough between 1840 and 1850.

[1000] Viollet le Duc, in his Histoire de l’habitation humaine depuis les temps préhistoriques (Paris, 1875), has given a chapter (no. xxii.) to the “Nahuas and Toltecs.” Views more or less studied, comprehensive, and restricted are given in R. Cary Long’s Ancient Architecture of America, its historic value and parallelism of development with the architecture of the Old World (N. Y. 1849), an address from the N. Y. Hist. Soc. Proc. 1849, p. 117; R. P. Greg on “the Fret or Key Ornament in Mexico and Peru,” in the Archæologia (London), vol. xlvii. 157; and a popular summary on “the pyramid in America,” by S. D. Peet, in the American Antiquarian, July, 1888, comparing the mounds of Cholula, Uxmal, Palenqué, Teotihuacan, Copan, Quemada, Cohokia, St. Louis, etc. John T. Short summarizes the characteristics of the Nahua and Maya styles (No. Amer. of Antiquity, 340, 359). There are chapters on their architecture in Bancroft, Nat. Races, ii.; but the references in his vol. iv. are most helpful.

[1001] Vols. v. vi. vii. on “Ancient Mexican Civilization,” “Pyramid of Teotihuacan,” “Sacrificial Calendar Stone,” “Central America at time of Conquest,” “Ruins at Palenque and Copan,” “Ruins of Uxmal,” etc.

[1002] Duplicates were placed in the Nat. Museum at Washington by the liberality of Pierre Lorillard.

[1003] The English translation is condensed in parts: The ancient cities of the New World: being travels and explorations in Mexico and Central America from 1857-1882. Translated from the French by J. Gonino and Helen S. Conant. (London, 1887.) Some of his notable results were the discovery of stucco ornaments in the province of Iturbide, among ruins which he unfortunately named Lorillard City (Eng. tr. ch. 22). The palace at Tula is also figured in Brocklehurst’s Mexico to-day, ch. 25. The discovery of what Charnay calls glass and porcelain is looked upon as doubtful by most archæologists, who believe the specimens to be rather traces of Spanish contact.

[1004] Bancroft, iv. 453, and references.

[1005] Bandelier (p. 235) is confident that it was built by an earlier people than the Nahuas.

[1006] Cf. Bandelier, p. 247. Short, p. 236.

[1007] Bancroft (v. 200) gives references on these points, and particular note may be taken of Veytia, i. 18, 155, 199; and Brasseur, Hist. Nations Civ. iv. 182. Cf. also Nadaillac, p. 351. Bandelier (Archæolog. Tour, 248, 249) favors the gradual growth theory, and collates early sources (p. 250). Bancroft (iv. 474) holds that we may feel very sure its erection dates back of the tenth, and perhaps of the seventh, century.

[1008] Bandelier’s idea (p. 254) is that as the Indians never repair a ruin, they abandoned this remaining mound after its disaster, and transplanted the worship of Quetzalcoatl to the new mound, since destroyed, while the old shrine was in time given to the new cult of the Rain-god.

[1009] As Bancroft thinks; but Bandelier says that it was not of this mound, but of the temple which stood where the modern convent stands, that this count was made. Arch. Tour, 242.

[1010] Storia Ant. del Messico, ii. 33.

[1011] Vues, i. 96 pl. iii., or pl. vii., viii. in folio ed.; Essai polit., 239. The later observers are: Dupaix (Antiq. Mex., and in Kingsborough, v. 218; with iv. pl. viii.). Bancroft remarks on the totally different aspects of Castañeda’s two drawings. Nebel, in his Viaje pintoresco y Arqueolójico sobre la república Mejicana, 1829-34 (Paris, 1839, folio), gave a description and a large colored drawing. Of the other visitors whose accounts add something to our knowledge, Bancroft (iv. 471) notes the following: J. R. Poinsett, Notes on Mexico (London, 1825). W. H. Bullock, Six Months in Mexico (Lond., 1825). H. G. Ward, Mexico in 1827 (Lond., 1828). Mark Beaufoy, Mex. Illustrations (Lond., 1828), with cuts. Charles Jos. Latrobe, Rambles in Mexico (Lond., 1836). Brantz Mayer, Mexico as it was (N. Y., 1854); Mexico, Aztec, etc. (Hartford, 1853); and in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, vi. 582. Waddy Thompson, Recoll. of Mexico (N. Y., 1847). E. B. Tylor, Anahuac (Lond., 1861), p. 274. A. S. Evans, Our Sister Republic (Hartford, 1870). Summaries later than Bancroft’s will be found in Short, p. 369, and Nadaillac, p. 350. Bancroft adds (iv. 471-2) a long list of second-hand describers.

[1012] It is illustrated with a map of the district of Cholula (p. 158), a detailed plan of the pyramid or mound (Humboldt is responsible for the former term) as it stands amid roads and fields (p. 230), and a fac-simile of an old map of the pueblo of Cholula (1581).

Bandelier speaks of the conservative tendencies of the native population of this region, giving a report that old native idols are still preserved and worshipped in caves, to which he could not induce the Indians to conduct him (p. 156); and that when he went to see the Mapa de Cuauhtlantzinco, or some native pictures of the 16th century, representing the Conquest, and of the highest importance for its history, he was jealously allowed but one glance at them, and could not get another (Archæol. Tour, p. 123). He adds: “The difficulty attending the consultation of any documents in the hands of Indians is universal, and results from their superstitious regard for writings on paper. The bulk of the people watch with the utmost jealousy over their old papers.... They have a fear lest the power vested in an original may be transferred to a copy” (pp. 155-6).

[1013] Pinart, no. 590.

[1014] He repeats Alzate’s plate of the restoration of the ruins.

[1015] Bancroft refers (iv. 483) to various compiled accounts, to which may be added his own and Short’s (p. 371). Cf. F. Boncourt in the Revue d’Ethnographie (1887).

[1016] Prescott, Kirk ed., i. 12. See the map of the plateau of Anahuac in Ruge, Gesch. des Zeitalters der Entdeck., i. 363.

[1017] Cf. Gros in the Archives de la Com. Scient. du Méxique, vol. i.; H. de Saussure on the Découverte des ruines d’une ancienne ville Méxicaine située sur le plateau de l’Anahuac (Paris, 1858,—Bull. Soc Géog. de Paris).

[1018] The same is true of the earliest Spanish buildings. Icazbalceta (México en 1554, p. 74) says that the soil is constantly accumulating, and the whole city gradually sinks.

[1019] Bancroft (iv. 505, 516, with references) says that such objects, when brought to light by excavations, have not always been removed from their hiding-places; and he argues that beneath the city there may yet be “thousands of interesting monuments.” Cf. B. Mayer’s Mexico as it was, vol. ii.

Bandelier (Archæol. Tour, Part ii. p. 49) gives us valuable “Archæological Notes about the City of Mexico,” in which he says that Alfredo Chavero owns a very large oil painting, said to have been executed in 1523, giving a view of the aboriginal city and the principal events of the Conquest. It shows that the ancient city was about one quarter the size of the modern town.

We find descriptions of the city before the conquerors transformed it, in Brasseur’s Hist. Nations Civ. iii. 187; iv. line 13; and in Bancroft (ii. ch. 18) there is a collation of authorities on Nahua buildings, with specific references on the city of Mexico (ii. p. 567). Bandelier describes with citations its military aspects at the time of the Conquest (Peabody Mus. Reports, x. 151).

The movable relics found in Mexico are the following:—

1. The calendar stone. See annexed cut.

2. Teoyamique. See cut in the appendix of this volume.

3. Sacrificial stone. See annexed cut.

4. Indio triste. See annexed cut.

5. Head of a serpent, discovered in 1881. Cf. Bandelier’s Archæol. Tour, p. 69.

6. Human head. Cf. Bancroft, iv. 518. All of the above, except the calendar stone, are in the Museo Nacional.

7. Gladiatorial stone, discovered in 1792, but left buried. Cf. B. Mayer’s Mexico, 123; Bancroft, iv. 516; Kingsborough, vii. 94; Sahagún, lib. ii.

8. A few other less important objects. Cf. Bandelier, Archæol. Tour, 52.

Antonio de Leon y Gama, who unfortunately had no knowledge of the writings of Sahagún, has discussed most of these relics in his Descripcion histórico y Cronológico de las dos Piedras &. (2d ed. Bustamante, 1832.)

[1020] Bancroft, iv. 520, with authorities, p. 523. Cf. American Antiquarian, May, 1888.

[1021] Bancroft’s numerous references make a foot-note (iv. 530). He adds a plan from Almaraz, and says that the description of Linares (Soc. Mex. Geog. Boletin, 30, i. 103) is mainly drawn from Almaraz. It is believed, but not absolutely proven, that the mounds were natural ones, artificially shaped (Bandelier, 44). The extent of the ruins is very great, and it is a current belief that the city in its prime must have been very large. The whole region is exceptionally rich in fragmentary and small relics, like pottery, obsidian implements, and terra-cotta heads. Cf. for these last, Lond. Geog. Soc. Journal, vii. 10; Thompson’s Mexico, 140; Nebel, Viaje; Mayer’s Mexico as it was, 227 (as cited in Bancroft, iv. 542); and later publications like T. U. Brocklehurst’s Mexico to-day (Lond., 1883), and Zelia Nuttall’s “Terra Cotta Heads from Teotihuacan,” in the Amer. Journal of Archæology (June and Sept. 1886), ii. 157, 318.

Bancroft judges that the ruins date back to the sixth century, and says that these mounds served for models of the Aztec teocallis. On the commission already referred to was Antonio García y Cubas, who conducted some personal explorations, and in describing these in a separate publication, Ensayo de un Estudio Comparativo entre las Pirámides Egípcias y Mexicanas (Mexico, 1871), he points out certain analogies of the American and Egyptian structures, which will be found in epitome in Bancroft (iv. 543). In discussing the monoliths of the ruins, Amos W. Butler (Amer. Antiquarian, May, 1885), in a paper on “The Sacrificial Stone of San Juan Teotihuacan,” advanced some views that are controverted by W. H. Holmes in the Amer. Journal of Archæology (i. 361), from whose foot-notes a good bibliography of the subject can be derived. Bandelier (Archæol. Tour, 42) thinks that because no specific mention is made of them in Mexican tradition, it is safe to infer that these monuments antedate the Mexicans, and were in ruins at the time of the Conquest.

[1022] The early writers make little mention of the place except as one of the halting-places of the Aztec migration. Torquemada has something to say (quoted in Soc. Mex. Geog. Bol., 2º, iii. 278, with the earliest of the modern accounts by Manuel Gutierrez, in 1805). Capt. G. F. Lyon (Journal of a residence and tour in Mexico, London, 1828) visited the ruins in 1828. Pedro Rivera in 1830 described them in Márcos de Esparza’s Informe presentado al Gobierno (Zacatecas, 1830,—also in Museo Méxicano, i. 185, 1843). The plan in Nebel’s Viaje (copied in Bancroft, iv. 582) was made for Governor García, by Berghes, a German engineer, in 1831, who at the time was accompanied by J. Burkart (Aufenthalt und Reisen in Mexico, Stuttgart, 1836), who gives a plan of fewer details. Bancroft (iv. 579) thinks Nebel’s views of the ruins the only ones ever published, and he enumerates various second-hand writers (iv. 579).

Cf. Fegeux, “Les ruines de la Quemada,” in the Revue d’Ethnologie, i. 119. The noticeable features of these ruins are their massiveness and height of walls, their absence of decoration and carved idols, and the lack of pottery and the smaller relics. Their history, notwithstanding much search, is a blank.

[1023] Cf. Bandelier, p. 320.

[1024] Bandelier, p. 276.

[1025] Ramirez, ed. 1867.

[1026] His brief account is copied by Mendieta and Torquemada, and is cited in Bandelier, p. 324.

[1027] Geog. Descripcion, ii. cited in Bandelier, 324. Cf. Soc. Mex. Geog. Boletin, vii. 170.

[1028] Bandelier says (p. 279) that he saw them in the library of the Institute of Oaxaca, and that, though admirable, they have a certain tendency to over-restoration,—the besetting sin of all explorers who make drawings.

[1029] Cf. Field, no. 1612.

[1030] Ruines, etc., 261, and Viollet le Duc, p. 74; Anciens Villes, ch. 24.

[1031] There is a Rapport sur les ruines, by Doutrelaine, in the Archives de la Commission Scientifique du Méxique (vol. iii.); Nadaillac (p. 364) and Short (p. 361) have epitomized results, and Louis H. Aymé gives some Notes on Mitla in the Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., April, 1882, p. 82; Bancroft (iv. 391) enumerates various second-hand descriptions.

[1032] I do not understand Bandelier’s statement (p. 277) that it is taken from Bancroft’s plan, which it only resembles in a general way.

[1033] Bancroft classifies their architectural peculiarities (iv. pp. 267-279).

[1034] See Vol. II. ch. 3. Bancroft (ii. p. 784) collates the early accounts of the habitations of the people, and (iv. 254, 260, 261) the descriptions of the ruins and statelier edifices, as seen by these explorers.

[1035] For. Q. Rev., xviii. 251.

[1036] Cf. Poole’s Index, p. 1439.

[1037] Bancroft, iv. 145; Field, no. 1138; Leclerc, no. 1217; Pilling, p. 2767; Dem. Review, xi. 529. Cf. Poole’s Index, P. 1439.

[1038] Registro Yucateco, ii. 437; Diccionario Universal (México, 1853), x. 290.

[1039] Bandelier, Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc., n. s., i. 92, calls the paper “not very valuable.”

[1040] This gentleman, since the death of his father, of the same name, succeeded, after an interval, the elder antiquary in the president’s chair of the American Antiquarian Society.

[1041] Cf. Short, p. 396. Le Plongeon retorts (Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., n. s., i. 282) by telling his critic that he had never been in Yucatan. Considering the effect of contact in many of those who have written of the ruins, it may be a question if the implication is valuable as a piece of criticism. Mr. Salisbury and Dr. Le Plongeon reported from time to time in the Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc. the results of the latter’s investigations, and the researches to which they gave rise. Those in April, 1876, and April, 1877, of these Proceedings, were privately printed by Mr. Salisbury, as The Mayas, etc. In April, 1878, Mr. Salisbury reported upon the “Terra-cotta figures from Isla Mujeres.” In Oct., 1878, there were communications from Dr. Le Plongeon, and from Alice D. Le Plongeon, his wife. In April, 1879, Dr. Le Plongeon communicated a letter on the affinities of Central America and the East. Since this the Le Plongeons have found other channels of communication. Dr. Le Plongeon expanded his somewhat extravagant notions of Oriental affinities in his Sacred mysteries among the Mayas and the Quiches, 11,500 years ago; their relation to the sacred mysteries of Egypt, Greece, Chaldea, and India. Freemasonry in times anterior to the temple of Solomon (New York, 1886).

His preface is largely made up with a rehearsal of his rebuffs and in complaints of the want of public appreciation of his labors. He is, however, as confident as ever, and deciphers the bas-reliefs and mural inscriptions of Chichen-Itza by “the ancient hieratic Maya alphabet” which he claims to have discovered, and shows this alphabet in parallel columns with that of Egypt as displayed by Champollion and Bunsen. Mrs. Le Plongeon published her Vestiges of the Mayas in New York, in 1881, and gathered some of her periodical writings in her Here and There in Yucatan (N. Y., 1886). Cf. her letter on the ancient records of Yucatan in The Nation, xxix. 224.

[1042] Baldwin (p. 125), in a condensed way, and likewise Short (ch. 8) and Bancroft (iv. ch. 5), more at length, have mainly depended on Stephens. Cf. references in Bancroft, iv. 147, and Bandelier’s list in the Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., n. s., i. 82, 95. E. H. Thompson has contributed papers in Ibid. Oct., 1886, p. 248, and April, 1887, p. 379, and on the ruins of Kich-Moo and Chun-Kal-Cin in April, 1888, p. 162. Brasseur, beside his Hist. Nat. Civ., ii. 20, has something in his introduction to his Relation de Landa. The description of the ruins at Zayi, which Stephens gives, shows that some of the rooms were filled solid with masonry, and he leaves it as an unaccountable fact; but Morgan (Houses and House Life, p. 267) thinks it shows that the builders constructed a core of masonry, over which they reared the walls and ceilings, which last, after hardening, were able to support themselves, when the cores were removed; and that in the ruins at Zayi we see the cores unremoved.

[1043] Cf. the pros and cons in Waldeck and Charnay. Waldeck first named the ornaments as “Elephants’ trunks” (Voy. Pitt. p. 74). There are cuts in Stephens, reproduced in Bancroft. There is also a cut in Norman. Cf. E. H. Thompson in Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., April, 1887, p. 382.

[1044] Stephens, Yucatan, ii. 265, gives an ancient Indian map (1557), and extracts from the archives of Mani, which lead him to infer that at that time it was an inhabited Indian town.

[1045] Bancroft (iv. 151) gives various references to second-hand descriptions, noted before 1875, to which may be added those in Short, p. 347; Nadaillac, 334; Amer. Antiquarian, vii. 257, and again, July, 1888.

Probably the most accurate of the plans of the ruins is that of Stephens (Yucatan, i. 165), which is followed by Bancroft (iv. 153). Brasseur’s report has a plan, and others, all differing, are given by Waldeck (pl. viii.), Norman (p. 155), and Charnay (Ruines, p. 62). Views and cuts of details are found in Waldeck, Stephens, Charnay,—whence later summarizers like Bancroft, Baldwin, and Short have drawn their copies; while special cuts are copied in Armin (Das Heutige Mexico); Larenaudière (Mexique et Guatemala, Paris, 1847); Le Plongeon (Sacred Mysteries); Ruge (Zeitalter der Entdeckungen, p. 357); Morgan (Houses, etc., ch. xi.), and in various others. One can best trace the varieties and contrasts of the different accounts of the various edifices in Bancroft’s collations of their statements. His constant citation, even to scorn them, of the impertinencies of George Jones’s Hist. of Anc. America (London, 1842),—the later notorious Count Johannes,—was hardly worth while.

[1046] Landa described the ruins. Relation, p. 340.

[1047] All other accounts are based on these. Bancroft, who gives the best summary (iv. 221), enumerates many of the second-hand writers, to whom Short (p. 396) must be added. Stephens gives a plan (ii. 290) which Bancroft (iv. 222) follows; and it apparently is worthy of reasonable confidence, which cannot be said of Norman’s. The ruins present some features not found in others, and the most interesting of such may be considered the wall paintings, one representing a boat with occupants, which Stephens found on the walls of the building called by him the Gymnasium, because of stone rings projecting from the walls (see annexed cut), which were supposed by him to have been used in ball games. Norman calls the same building the Temple; Charnay, the Cirque; but the native designation is Iglesia.

[1048] Yucatan, i. 94. Cf. Bancroft, Native Races, ii. 117; v. 164, 342.

[1049] Bancroft collates the views of different writers (iv. 285). He himself holds that these buildings are more ancient than those of Anáhuac; consequently he rejects the arguments of Stephens, that it was by the Toltecs, after they migrated south from Anáhuac, that these constructions were raised (Native Races, v. 165, and for references, p. 169). Charnay (Bull. de la Soc. de Géog., Nov., 1881) believes they were erected between the twelfth and fourteenth centuries.

It is well known now that the concentric rings are a useless guide in tropical regions to determine the age of trees, though in the past, the immense size of trees as well as the deposition of soil have been used to determine the supposed ages of ruins. Waldeck counted a ring a year in getting two thousand years for the time since the abandonment of Palenqué; but Charnay (Eng. tr. Ancient Cities, p. 260) says that these rings are often formed monthly. Cf. Nadaillac, p. 323.

[1050] So called because near a modern village of that name, founded by the Spaniards about 1564. Bancroft (iv. 296) says the ruins are ordinarily called by the natives Casas de Piedra. Ordoñez calls them Nachan, but without giving any authority, and some adopt the Aztec equivalent Calhuacan, city of the serpents. Because Xibalba is held by some to be the name of the great city of this region in the shadowy days of Votan, that name has also been applied to the ruins. Otolum, or the ruined place, is a common designation thereabouts, but Palenqué is the appellation in use by most travellers and writers.

[1051] The fact is, that widely distinct estimates have been held, some dating them back into the remotest antiquity, and others making them later than the Conquest. Bancroft (iv. 362) collates these statements. Cf. Dr. Earl Flint in Amer. Antiquarian, iv. 289. Morelet identifies them with the Toltec remains, supposing them to be the work of that people after their emigration, and to be of about the same age as Mitla. Charnay (Anc. Cities of the New World, p. 260) claims that Cortes knew the place as the religious metropolis of the Acaltecs. On the question of Cortes’ knowledge see Science, Feb. 27, 1885, p. 171; and Ibid. (by Brinton) March 27, 1885, p. 248.

[1052] The original is in the Roy. Acad. of Hist. at Madrid (Brasseur, Bib. Mex.-Guat., p. 125), and is called Descripcion del terreno publacion antigua.

[1053] Field, no. 231; Sabin, xvii. p. 292. The report of Rio was brief, and as we would judge now, superficial. Dupaix treats him disparagingly. The appended essay by Cabrera, an Italian, is said to have been largely filched from Ramon’s paper, which had been confidentially placed in his hands (Short, 207). A Spanish text of Cabrera is in the Museo Nacional. Cf. Brasseur (Bib. Mex.-Guat.), p. 30; Pinart, no. 186. It is a question if the plates, which constituted the most interesting part of the English book, be Rio’s after all; for though they profess to be engraved after his drawings, they are suspiciously like those made by Castañeda, twenty years after Rio’s visit (Bancroft, iv. 290). David B. Warden translated Rio’s report in the Recueil de voyages et de Mémoires, par la Soc. de in Géog. de Paris. (vol. ii.), and gave some of the plates. (Cf. Warden’s Recherches sur les antiquités de l’Amérique Septentrionale, Paris, 1827, in Mém. de la Soc. de Géog.) There is a German version, Beschreibung einer alten Stadt (Berlin, 1832), by J. H. von Minutoli, which is provided with an introductory essay.

[1054] Sabin, x. 209, 213. Cf. Annales de Philos. Chrétienne, xi.

[1055] Bull. de la Soc. de Géog. de Paris, ix. (1828) 198. Dupaix, i. 2d div. 76.

[1056] “Palenque et autres lieux circonvoisins,” in Dupaix, i. 2d div. 67 (in English in Literary Gazette, London, 1831, no. 769, and in Lond. Geog. Soc. Journal, iii. 60). Cf. Bull. de la Soc. de Géog. de Paris, 1832. He is overenthusiastic, as Bandelier thinks (Amer. Ant. Soc. Proc., n. s., i. p. 111).

[1057] The report by Angrand, which induced this purchase, is in the work as published.

[1058] He had described them in his Hist. Nat. Civ., i. ch. 3.

[1059] The book usually sells for about 150 francs.

[1060] Given, also enlarged, in the folio known as Catherwood’s Views.

[1061] The German version was made from this (Jena, 1872).

[1062] Particularly ch. 13, 14. Charnay is the last of the explorers of Palenqué. All the other accounts of the ruins found here and there are based on the descriptions of those who have been named, or at least nothing is added of material value by other actual visitors like Norman (Rambles in Yucatan, p. 284). Bancroft (iv. 294) enumerates a number of such second-hand describers. The most important work since Bancroft’s summary is Manuel Larrainzar’s Estudios sobre la historia de America, sus ruinas y antigüedades, y sobre el orígen de sus habitantes (Mexico, 1875-78), in five vols., all of whose plates are illustrations from the ruins of Palenqué, which are described and compared with other ancient remains throughout the world. Cf. Brühl, Culturvölker d. alt. Amerikas. Plans of the ruins will be found in Waldeck (pl. vii., followed mainly by Bancroft, iv. 298, 307), Stephens (ii. 310), Dupaix (pl. xi.), Kingsborough (iv. pl. 13), and Charnay (ch. 13 and 14). The views of the ruins given by these authorities mainly make up the stock of cuts in all the popular narratives.

The most interesting of the carvings is what is known as the Tablet of the Cross, which was taken from one of the minor buildings, and is now in the National Museum at Washington. It has often been engraved, but such representations never satisfied the student till they could be tested by the best of Charnay’s photographs. (Engravings in Brasseur and Waldeck, pl. 21, 22; Rosny’s Essai sur le déchiffrement, etc.; Minutoli’s Beschreibung einer alten Stadt in Guatimala (Berlin, 1832); Stephens’s Cent. Amer., ii.; Bancroft, Nat. Races, iv. 333; Charnay, Les anciens Villes, and Eng. transl. p. 255; Nadaillac, 325; Powell’ s Rept., i. 221; cf. p. 234; Amer. Antiquarian, vii. 200.) The most important discussion of the tablet is Charles Rau’s Palenqué Tablet in the U. S. National Museum (Washington, 1879), being the Smithsonian Contri. to Knowledge, no. 331, or vol. xxii. It contains an account of the explorations that have been made at Palenqué, and a chapter on the “Aboriginal writing in Mexico, Central America, and Yucatan, with some account of the attempted translations of Maya hieroglyphics.” Rau’s conclusion is that it is a Phallic symbol. Cf. a summary in Amer. Antiquarian, vi., Jan., 1884, and in Amer. Art Review, 1880, p. 217. Rau’s paper was translated into Spanish and French: Tablero del Palenque en el Museo nacional de los Estados-Unidos [traducido por Joaquin Davis y Miguel Perez], in the Anales del Museo nacional. Tomo 2, pp. 131-203. (México, 1880.) La Stèle de Palenqué du Musée national des Etats-Unis, à Washington. Traduit de l’Anglais avec autorisation de l’auteur. In the Annales du Musée Guimet, vol. x. (Paris, 1887.) Rau’s views were criticised by Morgan.

There are papers by Charency on the interpretation of the hieroglyphs in Le Muséon (Paris, 1882, 1883).

The significance of the cross among the Nahuas and Mayas has been the subject of much controversy, some connecting it with a possible early association with Christians in ante-Columbian days (Bancroft, iii. 468). On this later point see Bamps, Les traditions relatives à l’homme blanc et au signe de la cruz en Amérique à l’Epoque précolumbienne, in the Compte rendu, Congrès des Américanistes (Copenhagen, 1883), p. 125; and “Supposed vestiges of early Christian teaching in America,” in the Catholic Historical Researches (vol. i., Oct., 1885). The symbolism is variously conceived. Bandelier (Archæol. Jour.) holds it to be the emblem of fire, indeed an ornamented fire-drill, which later got mixed up with the Spanish crucifix. Brinton (Myths of the New World, 95) sees in it the four cardinal points, the rain-bringers, the symbol of life and health, and cites (p. 96) various of the early writers in proof. Brinton (Am. Hero Myths, 155) claims to have been the first to connect the Palenqué cross with the four cardinal points. The bird and serpent—the last shown better in Charnay’s photograph than in Stephens’s cut—is (Myths, 119) simply a rebus of the air-god, the ruler of the winds. Brinton says that Waldeck, in a paper on the tablet in the Revue Américaine (ii. 69), came to a similar conclusion. Squier (Nicaragua, ii. 337) speaks of the common error of mistaking the tree of life of the Mexicans for the Christian symbol. Cf. Powell’s Second Rept., Bur. of Ethnol., p. 208; the Fourth Rept., p. 252, where discredit is thrown upon Gabriel de Mortillet’s Le Signe de la cross avant le Christianisme (Paris, 1866); Joly’s Man before Metals, 339; and Charnay’s Les Anciens Villes (or Eng. transl. p. 85). Cf. for various applications the references in Bancroft’s index (v. p. 671).

[1063] Both were alike, and one was broken in two. There are engravings in Waldeck, pl. 25; Stephens, ii. 344, 349; Squier’s Nicaragua, 1856, ii. 337; Bancroft, iv. 337.

[1064] These have been the subject of an elaborate folio, thought, however, to be of questionable value, Die Steinbildwerke von Copân und Quiriguâ, aufgenommen von Heinrich Meye; historisch erläutert und beschrieben von Dr. Julius Schmidt (Berlin, 1883), of which there is an English translation, The stone sculptures of Copán and Quiriguá; translated from the German by a.d. Savage (New York, 1883). It gives twenty plates, Catherwood’s plates, and the cuts in Stephens, with reproductions in accessible books (Bancroft, iv. ch. 3; Powell’s First Rept. Bur. Ethn. 224; Ruge’s Gesch. des Zeitalters; Amer. Antiquarian, viii. 204-6), will serve, however, all purposes.

[1065] Squier says: “There are various reasons for believing that both Copan and Quirigua antedate Olosingo and Palenqué, precisely as the latter antedate the ruins of Quiché, Chichen-Itza, and Uxmal, and that all of them were the work of the same people, or of nations of the same race, dating from a high antiquity, and in blood and language precisely the same that was found in occupation of the country by the Spaniards.”

[1066] Named apparently from a neighboring village.

[1067] Ref. in Bancroft, iv. 79.

[1068] This account can be found in Pacheco’s Col. Doc. inéd. vi. 37, in Spanish; in Ternaux’s Coll. (1840), imperfect, and in the Nouv. Annales des Voyages, 1843, v. xcvii. p. 18, in French; in Squier’s Cent. America, 242, and in his ed. of Palacio (N. Y. 1860), in English; and in Alexander von Frantzius’s San Salvador und Honduras im Jahre 1576, with notes by the translator and by C. H. Berendt.

[1069] Stephens, Cent. Am., i. 131, 144; Warden, 71; Nouvelles Annales des Voyages, xxxv. 329; Bancroft, iv. 82; Bull. de la Soc. de Géog. de Paris, 1836, v. 267; Short, 56, 82,—not to name others.

[1070] His account is in the Amer. Antiq. Soc. Trans., ii.; Bull. Soc. de Géog. 1835; Dupaix, a summary, i. div. 2, p. 73; Bradford’s Amer. Antiq., in part. Galindo’s drawings are unknown. Stephens calls his account “unsatisfactory and imperfect.”

[1071] Central America, i. ch. 5-7; Views of Anc. Mts. It is Stephens’s account which has furnished the basis of those given by Bancroft (iv. ch. 3); Baldwin, p. 111; Short, 356; Nadaillac, 328, and all others. Bancroft in his bibliog. note (iv. pp. 79-81), which has been collated with my own notes, mentions others of less importance, particularly the report of Center and Hardcastle to the Amer. Ethnol. Soc. in 1860 and 1862, and the photographs made by Ellerley, which Brasseur (Hist. Nat. Civ. i. 96; ii. 493; Palenqué, 8, 17) found to confirm the drawings and descriptions of Catherwood and Stephens.

Stephens (Cent. Am., i. 133) made a plan of the ruins reproduced in Annales des Voyages (1841, p. 57), which is the basis of that given by Bancroft (iv. 85). Dr. Julius Schmidt, who was a member of the Squier expedition in 1852-53, furnished the historical and descriptive text to a work which in the English translation by a.d. Savage is known as Stone Sculptures of Copán and Quiriguá, drawn by Heinrich Meye (N. Y., 1883). What Stephens calls the Copan idols and altars are considered by Morgan (Houses and House Life, 257), following the analogy of the customs of the northern Indians, to be the grave-posts and graves of Copan chiefs. Bancroft (iv. ch. 3) covers the other ruins of Honduras and San Salvador; and Squier has a paper on those of Tenampua in the N. Y. Hist. Soc. Proc., 1853.

[1072] Stephens’s Central America, ii. ch. 7; and Nouvelles Annales des Voyages, vol. lxxxviii. 376, derived from Catherwood.

[1073] Other travellers who have visited them are John Baily, Central America (Lond. 1850); A. P. Maudsley, Explorations in Guatemala (Lond. 1883), with map and plans of ruins, in the Proc. Roy. Geog. Soc. p. 185; W. T. Brigham’s Guatemala (N. Y., 1886). Bancroft (iv. 109) epitomizes the existing knowledge; but the remains seem to be less known than any other of the considerable ruins. There are a few later papers: G. Williams on the Antiquities of Guatemala, in the Smithsonian Report, 1876; Simeon Habel’s “Sculptures of Santa Lucia Cosumalhuapa in Guatemala” in the Smithson. Contrib. xxii. (Washington, 1878), or “Sculptures de Santa (Lucia) Cosumalwhuapa dans le Guatémala, avec une rélation de voyages dans l’Amérique Centrale et sur les cótes occidentales de l’Amérique du Sud, par S. Habel. Traduit de l’anglais, par J. Pointet,” with eight plates, in the Annales du Musée Guimet, vol. x. pp. 119-259 (Paris, 1887); Philipp Wilhelm Adolf Bastian’s “Stein Sculpturen aus Guatemala,” in the Jahrbuch der k. Museen zu Berlin, 1882, or “Notice sur les pierres sculptées du Guatémala récemment acquises par le Musée royal d’ethnographie de Berlin. Traduit avec autorisation de l’auteur par J. Pointet,” in the Annales du Musée Guimet, vol. x. pp. 261-305 (Paris, 1887); and C. E. Vreeland and J. F. Bransford, on the Antiquities at Pantaleon, Guatemala (Washington, 1885), from the Smithsonian Report for 1884.

[1074] Nicaragua; its people, scenery, monuments, and the proposed interoceanic canal (N. Y., 1856; revised 1860), a portion (pp. 303-362) referring to the modern Indian occupants. Squier was helped by his official station as U. S. chargé d’affaires; and the archæological objects brought away by him are now in the National Museum at Washington. He published separate papers in the Amer. Ethnol. Soc. Trans. ii.; Smithsonian Ann. Rept. v. (1850); Harper’s Monthly, x. and xi. Cf. list in Pilling, nos. 3717, etc.

[1075] His explorations were in 1865-66. He carried off what he could to the British Museum.

[1076] Like Bedford Pim and Berthold Seemann’s Dottings on the Roadside in Panama, Nicaragua, and Mosquito (Lond., 1869).

[1077] J. F. Bransford’s “Archæological Researches in Nicaragua,” in the Smithsonian Contrib. (Washington, 1881). Karl Bovallius’s Nicaraguan Antiquities, with plates (Stockholm, 1886), published by the Swedish Society of Anthropology and Geography, figures various statues and other relics found by the author in Nicaragua, and he says that his drawings are in some instances more exact than those given by Squier before the days of photography. In his introduction he describes the different Indian stocks of Nicaragua, and disagrees with Squier. He gives a useful map of Nicaragua and Costa Rica.

[1078] It is only of late years that they have been kept apart, for the elder writers like Kingsborough, Stephens, and Brantz Mayer, confounded them.

[1079] The Father Alonzo Ponce, who travelled through Yucatan in 1586, is the only writer, according to Brinton (Books of Chilan Balam, p. 5), who tells us distinctly that the early missionaries made use of aboriginal characters in giving religious instruction to the natives (Relacion Breve y Verdadera).

[1080] Leon y Gama tells us that color as well as form seems to have been representative.

[1081] See references on the accepted difficulties in Native Races, ii. 551. Mrs. Nuttall claims to have observed certain complemental signs in the Mexican graphic system, “which renders a misinterpretation of the Nahuatl picture-writings impossible” (Am. Asso. Adv. Science, Proc., xxxv. Aug., 1886); Peabody Mus. Papers, i. App.

[1082] Prehist. Man, ii. 57, 64, for his views

[1083] Bancroft, Native Races, ii. ch. 17 (pp. 542, 552) gives a good description of the Aztec system, with numerous references; but on this system, and on the hieroglyphic element in general, see Gomara; Bernal Diaz; Motolinia in Icazbalceta’s Collection, i. 186, 209; Ternaux’s Collection, x. 250; Kingsborough, vi. 87; viii. 190; ix. 201, 235, 287, 325; Acosta, lib. vi. cap. 7; Sahagún, i. p. iv.; Torquemada, i. 29, 30, 36, 149, 253; ii. 263, 544; Las Casas’s Hist. Apologética; Purchas’s Pilgrimes, iii. 1069; iv. 1135; Clavigero, ii. 187; Robertson’s America; Boturini’s Idea, pp. 5, 77, 87, 96, 112, 116; Humboldt’s Vues, i. 177, 192; Veytia, i. 6, 250; Gallatin in Am. Ethn. Soc. Trans. i. 126, 165; Prescott’s Mexico, i. ch. 4; Brasseur’s Nat. Civ., i. pp. xv, xvii; Domenech’s Manuscrit pictographique, introd.; Mendoza, in the Boletin Soc. Mex. Geog., 2^de ed. i. 896; Madier de Montjau’s Chronologie hiéroglyphico-phonetic des rois Aztèques, de 1322 à 1522, with an introduction “sur l’Ecriture Méxicaine;” Lubbock’s Prehistoric Times, 279, and his Origin of Civilization, ch. 2; E. B. Tylor’s Researches into the Early Hist. of Mankind, 89; Short’s No. Amer. of Antiq., ch. 8; Müller’s Chips, i. 317; The Abbé Jules Pipart in Compte-rendu, Congrès des Amér. 1877, ii. 346; Isaac Taylor’s Alphabets; Foster’s Prehistoric Races, 322; Nadaillac, 376, not to cite others. Bandelier has discussed the Mexican paintings in his paper “On the sources for aboriginal history of Spanish America” in Am. Asso. Adv. Science, Proc., xxvii. (1878). See also Peabody Mus. Reports, ii. 631; and Orozco y Berra’s “Códice Mendozino” in the Anales del Museo Nacional, vol. i. Mrs. Nuttall’s views are in the Peabody Mus., Twentieth Report, p. 567. Quaritch (Catal. 1885, nos. 29040, etc.) advertised some original Mexican pictures; a native MS. pictorial record of a part of the Tezcuco domain (supposed a.d. 1530), and perhaps one of the “pinturas” mentioned by Ixtlilxochitl; a colored Mexican calendar on a single leaf of the same supposed date and origin; with other MSS. of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. (Cf. also his Catal., Jan., Feb., 1888.)

The most important studies upon the Aztec system have been those of Aubin. Cf. his Mémoire sur la peinture didactique et l’écriture figurative des Anciens Méxicains, in the Archives de la Soc. Amér. de France, iii. 225 (Revue Orient. et Amér.), in which he contended for the rebus-like character of the writings. He made further contributions to vols. iv. and v. (1859-1861). Cf. his “Examen des anciennes peintures figuratives de l’ancien Méxique,” in the new series of Archives, etc., vol. i.; and the introd. to Brasseur’s Nations Civilisées, p. xliv.

[1084] Bancroft (Nat. Races, ii. ch. 24) translates these from Landa, Peter Martyr, Cogulludo, Villagutierre, Mendieta, Acosta, Benzoni, and Herrera, and thinks all the modern writers (whom he names, p. 770) have drawn from these earlier ones, except, perhaps, Medel in Nouv. Annales des Voyages, xcvii. 49. Cf. Wilson, Prehistoric Man, ii. 61. It will be seen later that Holden discredits the belief in any phonetic value of the Maya system. But compare on the phonetic value of the Mexican and Maya systems, Brinton in Amer. Antiquarian (Nov. 1886); Lazarus Geiger’s Contrib. to the Hist. of the Development of the Human Race (Eng. tr. by David Asher). London, 1880, p. 75; and Zelia Nuttall in Am. Ass. Adv. Sci. Proc., Aug. 1886.

[1085] Dr. Bernoulli, who died at San Francisco, in California, in 1878, and whose labors are commemorated in a notice in the Verhandlungen der Naturforschenden Gesellschaft (vi. 710) at Basle, found at Tikal, in Guatemala, some fragments of sculptured panels of wood, bearing hieroglyphics as well as designs, which he succeeded in purchasing, and they were finally deposited in 1879 in the Ethnological Museum in Basle, where Rosny saw them, and describes them, with excellent photographic representations, in his Doc. Ecrits de l’Antiq. Amér. (p. 97). These tablets are the latest additions to be made to the store already possessed from Palenqué, as given by Stephens in his Central America, Chiapas, and Yucatan; those of the Temple of the Cross at Palenqué, after Waldeck’s drawings in the Archives de la Soc. Amér. de France (ii., 1864); that from Kabah in Yucatan, given by Rosny in his Archives Paléographiques (i. p. 178; Atlas, pl. xx.), and one from Chichen-Itza, figured by Le Plongeon in L’Illustration, Feb. 10, 1882; not to name other engravings. Rosny holds that Rau’s Palenqué Tablet (Washington, 1879) gives the first really serviceably accurate reproduction of that inscription. Cf. on Maya inscriptions, Bancroft, ii. 775; iv. 91, 97, 234; Morelet’s Travels; and Le Plongeon in Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc., n. s., i. 246. This last writer has been thought to let his enthusiasm—not to say dogmatism—turn his head, under which imputation he is not content, naturally (Ibid. p. 282).

[1086] “Landa’s alphabet a Spanish fabrication,” appeared in the Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., April, 1880. In this, Philipp J. J. Valentini interprets all that the old writers say of the ancient writings to mean that they were pictorial and not phonetic; and that Landa’s purpose was to devise a vehicle which seemed familiar to the natives, through which he could communicate religious instruction. His views have been controverted by Léon de Rosny (Doc. Ecrits de la Antiq. Amér. p. 91); and Brinton (Maya Chronicles, 61), calls them an entire misconception of Landa’s purpose.

[1087] Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc., n. s., i. 251.

[1088] Troano MS., p. viii.

[1089] Relation, Brasseur’s ed., section xli.

[1090] This is given in the Archives de la Soc. Amér. de France, ii. pl. iv.; in Brasseur’s ed. of Landa; in Bancroft’s Nat. Races, ii. 779; in Short, 425; Rosny (Essai sur le déchiff. etc., pl. xiii.) gives a “Tableau des caractères phonétique Mayas d’après Diégo de Landa et Brasseur de Bourbourg.”

[1091] Manuscrit Troano Etudes sur le système graphique et la langue des Mayas (Paris, 1869-70)—the first volume containing a fac-simile of the Codex in seventy plates, with Brasseur’s explications and partial interpretation. In the second volume there is a translation of Gabriél de Saint Bonaventure’s Grammaire Maya, a “Chrestomathie” of Maya extracts, and a Maya lexicon of more than 10,000 words. Brasseur published at the same time (1869) in the Mémoires de la Soc. d’Ethnographie a Lettre à M. Léon de Rosny sur la découverte de documents relatifs à la haute antiquité américaine, et sur le déchiffrement et l’interprétation de l’écriture phonétique et figurative de la langue Maya (Paris, 1869). He explained his application of Landa’s alphabet in the introduction to the MS. Troano, i. p. 36. Brasseur later confessed he had begun at the wrong end of the MS. (Bib. Mex.-Guat., introd.). The pebble-shape form of the characters induced Brasseur to call them calculiform; and Julien Duchateau adopted the term in his paper “Sur l’écriture calculiforme des Mayas” in the Annuaire de la Soc. Amér. (Paris, 1874), iii. p. 31.

[1092] L’écriture hiératique, and Archives de la Soc. Am. de France, n. s., ii. 35.

[1093] Ancient Phonetic Alphabets of Yucatan (N. Y., 1870), p. 7.

[1094] It is the development of a paper given at the Nancy session of the Congrès des Américanistes (1875). Landa’s alphabet with the variations make 262 of the 700 signs which Rosny catalogues. He printed his “Nouvelles Recherches pour l’interpretation des caractères de l’Amérique Centrale” in the Archives, etc., iii. 118. There is a paper on Rosny’s studies by De la Rada in the Compte-rendu of the Copenhagen session (p. 355) of the Congrès des Américanistes. Rosny’s Documents écrits de l’antiquité Américaine (Paris, 1882), from the Mémoires de la Société d’Ethnographie (1881), covers his researches in Spain and Portugal for material illustrative of the pre-Columbian history of America. Cf. also his “Les sources de l’histoire anté columbienne du nouveau monde,” in the Mémoires de la Soc. d’Ethnographie (1877). For the titles in full of Rosny’s linguistic studies, see Pilling’s Proof-sheets, p. 663.

[1095] Anthropol. Review, May, 1864; Memoirs of the Anthropol. Soc., i.

[1096] Memoirs, etc., ii. 298.

[1097] Memoirs, etc., 1870, iii. 288; Trans. Anthrop. Inst. Gt. Britain.

[1098] Introd. to Cyrus Thomas’s MS. Troano.

[1099] Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc., n. s., i. 250.

[1100] Actes de la Soc. philologique, March, 1870. Cf. Revue de Philologie, i. 380; Recherches sur le Codex Troano (Paris, 1876); Actes, etc., March, 1878; Baldwin’s Anc. America, App.

[1101] Cf. Sabin’s Amer. Bibliopolist, ii. 143.

[1102] Contributions to N. A. Ethnology, Powell’s Survey, vol. v. Cf. also his Phonetic elements in the graphic system of the Mayas and Mexicans in the Amer. Antiquarian (Nov., 1886), and separately (Chicago, 1886), and his Ikonomic method of phonetic writing (Phila., 1886). Thomas in The Amer. Antiquarian (March, 1886) points out the course of his own studies in this direction.

[1103] Cf. Short, p. 425. Dr. Harrison Allen in 1875, in the Amer. Philosophical Society’s Transactions, made an analysis of Landa’s alphabet and the published codices. Rau, in his Palenqué Tablet of the U. S. Nat. Museum (ch. 5), examines what had been done up to 1879. In the same year Dr. Carl Schultz-Sellack wrote on “Die Amerikanischen Götter der vier Weltgegenden und ihre Tempel in Palenqué,” touching also the question of interpretation (Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, vol. xi.); and in 1880 Dr. Förstemann examined the matter in his introduction to his reproduction of the Dresden Codex.

[1104] Studies in Central American picture-writing (Washington, 1881), extracted from the First Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. His method is epitomized in The Century, Dec., 1881. He finds Stephens’s drawings the most trustworthy of all, Waldeck’s being beautiful, but they embody “singular liberties.” His examination was confined to the 1500 separate hieroglyphs in Stephens’s Central America. Some of Holden’s conclusions are worth noting: “The Maya manuscripts do not possess to me the same interest as the stones, and I think it may be certainly said that all of them are younger than the Palenqué tablets, far younger than the inscriptions at Copan.” “I distrust the methods of Brasseur and others who start from the misleading and unlucky alphabet handed down by Landa,” by forming variants, which are made “to satisfy the necessities of the interpreter in carrying out some preconceived idea.” He finds a rigid adherence to the standard form of a character prevailing throughout the same inscription. At Palenqué the inscriptions read as an English inscription would read, beginning at the left and proceeding line by line downward. “The system employed at Palenqué and Copan was the same in its general character, and almost identical even in details.” He deciphers three proper names: “all of them have been pure picture-writing, except in so far as their rebus character may make them in a sense phonetic.” Referring to Valentini’s Landa Alphabet a Spanish Fabrication, he agrees in that critic’s conclusions. “While my own,” he adds, “were reached by a study of the stones and in the course of a general examination, Dr. Valentini has addressed himself successfully to the solution of a special problem.” Holden thinks his own solution of the three proper names points of departure for subsequent decipherers. The Maya method was “pure picture-writing. At Copan this is found in its earliest state; at Palenqué it was already highly conventionalized.”

[1105] See references in Bancroft’s Nat. Races, ii. 576.

[1106] Cogulludo’s Hist. de Yucatan, 3d ed., i. 604.

[1107] Prescott, i. 104, and references.

[1108] Dec. iv., lib. 8.

[1109] Brasseur de Bourbourg’s Troano MS., i. 9. Cf. on the Aztec books Kirk’s Prescott, i. 103; Brinton’s Myths, 10; his Aborig. Amer. Authors, 17; and on the Mexican Paper, Valentini in Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., 2d s., i. 58.

[1110] Cf. Icazbalceta’s Don Fray Juan de Zumárraga, primer Obispo y Arzobispo de México (1529-48). Estudio biográfico y bibligráfico. Con un apéndice de documentos inéditos ó raros (Mexico, 1881). A part of this work was also printed separately (fifty copies) under the title of De la destruction de antigüedades méxicanas atribuida á los misioneros en general, y particularmente al Illmo. Sr. D. Fr. Juan de Zumárraga, primer Obispo y Arzobispo de México (Mexico, 1881). In this he exhausts pretty much all that has been said on the subject by the bishop himself, by Pedro de Gante, Motolinía, Sahagún, Duran, Acosta, Davila Padilla, Herrera, Torquemada, Ixtlilxochitl, Robertson, Clavigero, Humboldt, Bustamante, Ternaux, Prescott, Alaman, etc. Brasseur (Nat. Civil., ii. 4) says of Landa that we must not forget that he was oftener the agent of the council for the Indies than of the Church. Helps (iii. 374) is inclined to be charitable towards a man in a skeptical age, so intensely believing as Zumárraga was. Sahagún relates that earlier than Zumárraga, the fourth ruler of his race, Itzcohuatl, had caused a large destruction of native writings, in order to remove souvenirs of the national humiliation.

[1111] Humboldt was one of the earliest to describe some of these manuscripts in connection with his Atlas, pl. xiii.

[1112] Cf. Catal. of the Phillipps Coll., no. 404. An original colored copy of the Antiquities of Mexico, given by Kingsborough to Phillipps, was offered of late years by Quaritch at £70-£100; it was published at £175. The usual colored copies sell now for about £40-£60; the uncolored for about £30-£35. It is usually stated that two copies were printed on vellum (British Museum, Bodleian), and ten on large paper, which were given to crowned heads, except one, which was given to Obadiah Rich. Squier, in the London Athenæum, Dec. 13, 1856 (Allibone, p. 1033), drew attention to the omission of the last signature of the Hist. Chichimeca in vol. ix.

[1113] Rich, Bibl. Amer. Nova, ii. 233; Gentleman’s Mag., May, 1837, which varies in some particulars. Cf. for other details Sabin’s Dictionary, ix. 485; De Rosny in the Rev. Orient et Amér., xii. 387. R. A. Wilson (New Conquest of Mexico, p. 68) gives the violent skeptical view of the material.

[1114] Sabin, ix., no. 37,800.

[1115] Léon de Rosny (Doc. écrits de l’Antiq. Amér., p. 71) speaks of those in the Museo Archæológico at Madrid.

[1116] Hist. Nueva España.

[1117] Pilgrimes, vol. iii. (1625). It is also included in Thevenot’s Coll. de Voyages (1696), vol. ii., in a translation. Clavigero (i. 23) calls this copy faulty. See also Kircher’s Œdipus Ægypticus; Humboldt’s plates, xiii., lviii., lix., with his text, in which he quotes Du Palin’s Study of Hieroglyphics, vol. i. See the account in Bancroft, ii. 241.

[1118] Prescott, i. 106. He thinks that a copy mentioned in Spineto’s Lectures on the Elements of Hieroglyphics, and then in the Escurial, may perhaps be the original. Humboldt calls it a copy.

[1119] Humboldt placed some tribute-rolls in the Berlin library, and gave an account of them. See his pl. xxxvi.

[1120] Cf. references in Bancroft’s Native Races, ii. 529. The “Explicacion” of the MS. is given in Kingsborough’s volume v., and an “interpretation” in vol. vi.

[1121] Kingsborough’s “explicacion” and “explanation” are given in his vols. v. and vi. Rosny has given an “explication avec notes par Brasseur de Bourbourg” in his Archives paléographiques (Paris, 1870-71), p. 190, with an atlas of plates. Cf. references in Bancroft, ii. 530; and in another place (iii. 191) this same writer cautions the reader against the translation in Kingsborough, and says that it has every error that can vitiate a translation. Humboldt thinks his own plates, lv. and lvi., of the codex carefully made.

[1122] Prescott says (i. 108) of this that it bears evident marks of recent origin, when “the hieroglyphics were read with the eye of faith rather than of reason.” Cf. Bancroft, Nat. Races, ii. 527.

[1123] Portions of it are also reproduced in the Archives de la Soc. Amér. de France; in Rosny’s Essai sur le déchiffrement de l’Ecriture Hiératique; and in Powell’s Third Rept. Bur. of Ethnology, p. 56. Cf. also Humboldt’s Atlas, pl. xiii.; and H. M. Williams’s translation of his Aues, i. 145.

[1124] It is known to have been given in 1665 by the Marquis de Caspi by Count Valerio Zani. There is a copy in the museum of Cardinal Borgia at Veletri.

[1125] Known to have been given in 1677 by the Duke of Saxe-Eisenach to the Emperor Leopold. Some parts are reproduced in Robertson’s America, Lond., 1777, ii. 482.

[1126] Humboldt, Vues des Cordillères, p. 89; pl. 15, 27, 37; Prescott, i. 106. There is a single leaf of it reproduced in Powell’s Third Rept. Bur. of Eth., p. 33.

[1127] Cf. his Denkwürdigkeiten der Dresdener Bibliothek (1744), p. 4.

[1128] Stephens (Central America, ii. 342, 453; Yucatan, ii. 292, 453) was in the same way at a loss respecting the conditions of the knowledge of such things in his time. Cf. also Orozco y Berra, Geografia de las Lenguas de México, p. 101.

[1129] Die Mayahandschrift der königlichen öffentlichen Bibliothek zu Dresden; herausgegeben von E. Förstemann (Leipzig, 1880). Only thirty copies were offered for sale at two hundred marks. There is a copy in Harvard College library. Parts of the manuscript are found figured in different publications: Humboldt’s Vues des Cordillères, ii. 268, and pl. 16 and 45; Wuttke’s Gesch. der Schrift. Atlas, pl. 22, 23 (Leipzig, 1872); Archives de la Soc. Amér. de France, n. s., vol. i. and ii.; Silvestre’s Paléographie Universelle; Rosny’s Les Ecritures figuratives et hiéroglyphiques des peuples anciens et modernes (Paris, 1860, pl. v.), and in his Essai sur le déchiffrement, etc.; Ruge, Zeitalter der Entdeckungen, p. 559. Cf. also Le Noir in Antiquités Méxicaines, ii. introd.; Förstemann’s separate monographs, Der Maya apparat in Dresden (Centralblatt für Bibliothekswesen, 1885, p. 182), and Erläuterungen zur Mayahandschrift der königlichen öffentlichen Bibliothek zu Dresden (Dresden, 1886); Schellhas’ Die Maya-Handschrift zu Dresden (Berlin, 1886); C. Thomas on the numerical signs in Arch. de la Soc. Am. de France, n. s., iii. 207.

[1130] Cf. Powell’s Third Rept. Eth. Bureau, p. 32

[1131] Brinton’s Maya Chronicles, 66; Brasseur de Bourbourg’s Troano (1868).

[1132] It constitutes vol. ii. and iii. of the series.

Mission scientifique au Méxique et dans l’Amérique Centrale. Ouvrages publiés par ordre de l’Empereur et par les soins du Ministre de l’Instruction publique (Paris, 1868-70), under the distinctive title: Linguistique, Manuscrit Troano. Etudes sur le système graphique et la langue des Mayas, par Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869-70).

Rosny, who compared Brasseur’s edition with the original, was satisfied with its exactness, except in the numbering of the leaves; and Brasseur (Bibl. Mex.-Guat., 1871) confessed that in his interpretation he had read the MS. backwards. The work was reissued in Paris in 1872, without the plates, under the following title: Dictionnaire, Grammaire et Chrestomathie de la langue maya, précédés d’une étude sur les système graphique des indigènes du Yucatan (Méxique) (Paris, 1872).

Brasseur’s Rapport, addressé à son Excellence M. Duruy, included in the work, gives briefly the abbé’s exposition of the MS. Professor Cyrus Thomas and Dr. D. G. Brinton, having printed some expositions in the American Naturalist (vol. xv.) united in an essay making vol. v. of the Contributions to North American Ethnology (Powell’s survey) under the title: A Study of the Manuscript Troano by Cyrus Thomas, with an introduction by D. G. Brinton (Washington, 1882), which gives facsimiles of some of the plates. Thomas calls it a kind of religious calendar, giving dates of religious festivals through a long period, intermixed with illustrations of the habits and employments of the people, their houses, dress, utensils. He calls the characters in a measure phonetic, and not syllabic. Cf. Rosny in the Archives de la Soc. Am. de France, n. s., ii. 28; his Essai sur le déchiffrement, etc. (1876); Powell’s Third Rept. Bur. of Eth., xvi.; Bancroft’s Nat. Races, ii. 774; and Brinton’s Notes on the Codex Troano and Maya Chronology (Salem, 1881).

[1133] Cf. Science, iii. 458.

[1134] Codex Cortesianus. Manuscrit hiératique des anciens Indiens de l’Amérique centrale conservé au Musée archéologique de Madrid. Photographié et publié pour la première fois, avec une introduction, et un vocabulaire de l’écriture hiératique yucatéque par Léon de Rosny (Paris, 1883). At the end is a list of works by De Rosny on American archæology and paleography.

[1135] Archives de la Soc. Am. de France, n. s., ii. 25.

[1136] Bib. Mex.-Guat., p. 95.

[1137] Cf. Rosny in Archives paléographiques (Paris, 1869-71), pl. 117, etc.; and his Essai sur le dé chiffrement, etc., pl. viii., xvi.

[1138] [Mr. Markham made a special study of this point in the Journal of the Roy. Geog. Soc. (1871), xli. p. 281, collating its authorities. Cf. the views of Marcoy in Travels in South America, tr. by Rich, London, 1875.—Ed.]

[1139] Except those portions which Garcilasso de la Vega has embodied in his Commentaries.

[1140] It is, of course, necessary to consider the weight to be attached to the statements of different authors; but the most convenient method of placing the subject before the reader will be to deal in the present chapter with general conclusions, and to discuss the comparative merits of the authorities in the Critical Essay on the sources of information.

[1141] For special study, see Paz Soldan’s Geografía del Peru; Menendez’ Manual de Geografía del Peru; and Wiener’s L’Empire des Incas, ch. i.—Ed.

[1142] “Jusqu’à present on n’a pas retrouvé le maïs, d’une manière certaine, a l’état sauvage” (De Candolle’s Géographie botanique raisonnée, p. 951).

[1143] De Candolle, p. 983.

[1144] There is a wild variety in Mexico, the size of a nut, and attempts have been made to increase its size under cultivation during many years, without any result. This seems to show that a great length of time must have elapsed before the ancient Peruvians could have brought the cultivation of the potato to such a high state of perfection as they undoubtedly did.

[1145] Some years ago a priest named Cabrera, the cura of a village called Macusani, in the province of Caravaya, succeeded in breeding a cross between the wild vicuña and the tame alpaca. He had a flock of these beautiful animals, which yielded long, silken, white wool; but they required extreme care, and died out when the sustaining hand of Cabrera was no longer available. There is also a cross between a llama and an alpaca, called guariso, as large as the llama, but with much more wool. The guanaco and llama have also been known to form a cross; but there is no instance of a cross between the two wild varieties,—the guanaco and vicuña. The extremely artificial life of the alpaca, which renders that curious and valuable animal so absolutely dependent on the ministrations of its human master, and the complete domestication of the llama, certainly indicate the lapse of many centuries before such a change could have been effected.

[1146] [Cf. remarks of Daniel Wilson in his Prehistoric Man, i. 243.—Ed.]

[1147] The name is of later date. One story is that, when an Inca was encamped there, a messenger reached him with unusual celerity, whose speed was compared with that of the “huanaco.” The Inca said, “Tia” (sit or rest), “O! huanaco.”

[1148] Basadre’s measurement is 32 inches by 21.

[1149] Quoted by Garcilasso de la Vega, Pte. I. lib. III. cap. 1.

[1150] Basadre mentions a carved stone brought from the department of Ancachs, in Peru, which had some resemblances to the stones at Tiahuanacu. A copy of it is in possession of Señor Raimondi.

[1151] [Cf. plans and views in Squier’s Peru, ch. 24.—Ed.]

[1152] Cap. 94.

[1153] See page 238.

[1154] The name of the place where these remains are situated is Concacha, from the Quichua word “Cuncachay,”—the act of holding down a victim for sacrifice; literally, “to take by the neck.”

[1155] The names of this god were Con-Illa-Tici-Uira-cocha, and he was the Pachayachachic, or Teacher of the World. Pacha is “time,” or “place;” also “the universe.” “Yachachic,” a teacher, from “Yachachini,” “I teach.” Con is said to signify the creating Deity (Betanzos, Garcia). According to Gomara, Con was a creative deity who came from the north, afterwards expelled by Pachacamac, and a modern authority (Lopez, p. 235) suggests that Con represented the “cult of the setting sun,” because Cunti means the west. Tici means a founder or foundation, and Illa is light, from Illani, “I shine:” “The Origin of Light” (Montesinos. Anonymous Jesuit. Lopez suggests “Ati,” an evil omen,—the Moon God); or, according to one authority, “Light Eternal” (The anonymous Jesuit). Vira is a corruption of Pirua, which is said by some authorities to be the name of the first settler, or the founder of a dynasty; and by others to mean a “depository,” a “place of abode;” hence a “dweller,” or “abider.” Cocha means “ocean,” “abyss,” “profundity,” “space.” Uira-cocha, “the Dweller in Space.” So that the whole would signify “God: the Creator of Light:” “the Dweller in Space: the Teacher of the World.”

Some authors gave the meaning of Uira-cocha to be “foam of the sea:” from Uira (Huira), “grease,” or “foam,” and Cocha, “ocean,” “sea,” “lake.” Garcilasso de la Vega pointed out the error. In compound words of a nominative and genitive, the genitive is invariably placed first in Quichua; so that the meaning would be “a sea of grease,” not “grease of the sea.” Hence he concludes that Uira-cocha is not a compound word, but simply a name, the derivation of which he does not attempt to explain. Blas Valera says that it means “the will and power of God;” not that this is the signification of the word, but that such were the godlike attributes of the being who was known by it. Acosta says that to Ticsi Uira-cocha they assigned the chief power and command over all things. The anonymous Jesuit tells us that Illa Ticsi was the original name, and that Uira-cocha was added later.

Of these names, Illa Ticci appears to have been the most ancient.

[1156] Cieza de Leon and Salcamayhua.

[1157] Montesinos calls the ancient people, who were peaceful and industrious, Hatu-runa, or “Great men.” See also Matienza (MS. Brit. Mus.).

[1158] The anonymous Jesuit, p. 178. A work referred to by Oliva as having been written by Blas Valera also mentions some of the early kings by name. (See Saldamando, Jesuitas del Peru, p. 22.)

[1159] Cachi (“salt”) was the Inca’s instruction in rational life, Uchu (“pepper”) was the delight the people derived from this teaching, and Sauca (“joy”) means the happiness afterward experienced.

[1160] G. de la Vega.

[1161] Molina, p. 7.

[1162] Pirua?

[1163] Cieza de Leon; Herrera.

[1164] Salcamayhua.

[1165] Blas Valera allows a period of 600 years for the existence of the Inca dynasty, which throws its origin back to the days of Alfred the Great. Garcilasso allows 400 years, which would make its rise to be contemporary with Henry II of England. But twelve generations, allowing twenty-five years for each, would only occupy 300 years.

[1166] Erroneously called Aymaras by the Spaniards. The name, which really belongs to a branch of the Quichua tribe, was first misapplied to the Colla language by the Jesuits at Juli, and afterwards to the whole Colla race.

[1167] Don Modesto Basadre tells us that he sent an Indian messenger, named Alejo Vilca, from Puno to Tacna, a distance of 84 leagues, who did it in 62 hours, his only sustenance being a little dried maize and coca,—over four miles an hour for 152 miles.

[1168] Fray Ludovico Geronimo de Oré, a native of Guamanga, in Peru, was the author of Rituale seu Manuale ac brevem formam administrandi sacramenta juxta ordinem S. Ecclesiæ Romanœ, cum translationibus in linguas provinciarum Peruanorum, published at Naples in 1607.

[1169] Cf. Note 1, following this chapter.

[1170] Chucu means a head-dress; Huaman, a falcon; Huacra, a horn.

[1171] [Ramusio’s plan of Cuzco is given in Vol. II. p. 554, with references (p. 556) to other plans and descriptions; to which may be added an archæological examination by Wiener, in the Bull. de la Soc. de Géog. de Paris, Oct., 1879, and in his Pérou et Bolivie, with an enlarged plan of the town, showing the regions of different architecture; accounts in Marcoy’s Voyage à travers l’Amérique du Sud (Paris, 1869; or Eng. transl. i. 174), and in Nadaillac’s L’Amérique préhistorique, and by Squier in his Peru, and in his Remarques sur la Géographie du Pérou, p. 20.—Ed.]

[1172] It is related by Betanzos that one day this Inca appeared before his people with a very joyful countenance. When they asked him the cause of his joy, he replied that Uira-cocha Pachayachachic had spoken to him in a dream that night. Then all the people rose up and saluted him as Viracocha Inca, which is as much as to say,—“King and God.” From that time he was so called. Garcilasso gives a different version of the same tradition, in which he confuses Viracocha with his son.

[1173] Cieza de Leon, ii. 138-44.

[1174] Salcamayhua, 91.

[1175] Blas Valera says 42, Balboa 33, years.

[1176] [The ruins of Atahualpa’s palace are figured in Wiener’s Pérou et Bolivie, and in Cte. de Gabriac’s Promenade à travers l’Amérique du Sud (Paris, 1868), p. 196.—Ed.]

[1177] The meanings of the names of these Incas are significant. Manco and Rocca appear to be proper names without any clear etymology. The rest refer to mental attributes, or else to some personal peculiarity. Sinchi means “strong.” Lloque is “left-handed.” Yupanqui is the second person of the future tense of a verb, and signifies “you will count.” Garcilasso interprets it as one who will count as wise, virtuous, and powerful. Ccapac is rich; that is, rich in all virtues and attributes of a prince. Mayta is an adverb, “where;” and Salcamayhua says that the constant cry and prayer of this Inca was, “Where art thou, O God?” because he was constantly seeking his Creator. Yahuar-huaccac means “weeping blood,” probably in allusion to some malady from which he suffered. Pachacutec has already been explained. Tupac is a word signifying royal splendor, and Huayna means “youth.” Huascar is “a chain,” in allusion to a golden chain said to have been made in his honor, and held by the dancers at the festival of his birth. The meaning of Atahualpa has been much disputed. Hualpa certainly means any large game fowl. Hualpani is to create. Atau is “chance,” or “the fortune of war.” Garcilasso, who is always opposed to derivations, maintains that Atahualpa was a proper name without special meaning, and that Hualpa, as a word for a fowl, is derived from it, because the boys in the streets, when imitating cock-crowing, used the word Atahualpa. But Hualpa formed part of the name of many scions of the Inca family long before the time of Atahualpa.

[1178] All authorities agree that Manco Ccapac was the first Inca, although Montesinos places him far back at the head of the Pirhua dynasty, and all agree respecting the second, Sinchi Rocca. Lloque Yupanqui, with various spellings, has the unanimous vote of all authorities except Acosta, who calls him “Iaguarhuarque.” But Acosta’s list is incomplete. Respecting Mayta Ccapac and Ccapac Yupanqui, all are agreed except Betanzos, who transposes them by an evident slip of memory. Touching Inca Rocca all are agreed, though Montesinos has Sinchi for Inca, and all agree as to Yahuar-huaccac. It is true that Cieza de Leon and Herrera call him Inca Yupanqui, but this is explained by Salcamayhua when he gives the full name,—Yahuar-huaccac Inca Yupanqui. All agree as to Uira-cocha. As to his successor, Betanzos, Cieza de Leon, Fernandez, Herrera, Salcamayhua, and Balboa mention the short reign of the deposed Urco. Cieza de Leon and Betanzos give Yupanqui as the name of Urco’s brother; all other authorities have Pachacutec. The discrepancy is explained by his names having been Yupanqui Pachacutec. This also accounts for Garcilasso de la Vega and Santillan having made Pachacutec and Yupanqui into two Incas, father and son. Betanzos also interpolates a Yamque Yupanqui. All are agreed with regard to Tupac Inca Yupanqui, Huayna Ccapac, Huascar, and Atahualpa. [There is another comparison of the different lists in Wiener, L’Empire des Incas, p. 53.—Ed.]

[1179] [See an early cut of this sun-worship in Vol. II. p. 551.—Ed.]

[1180] At Pachacamac there was a temple to the coast deity, called locally Pachacamac, and another to the sun; but none to the supreme Creator, one of whose epithets was Pachacamac.

[1181] Spanish authors mention a being called Supay, which they say was the devil. Supay, as an evil spirit, also occurs in the drama of Ollantay. It may have been some local huaca, but no devil as such, entered into the religious belief of the Incas.

[1182] Acosta, Polo de Ondegardo, Garcilasso de la Vega.

[1183] The mummies were those of Incas Uira-cocha, Tupac Yupanqui, and Huayna Ccapac; of Mama Runtu (wife of Uira-cocha) and Mama Ocllo (wife of Tupac Yupanqui).

[1184] Mentioned by Calancha (471) and Arriaga as an oracle at the village of Tauca, in Conchucos. Brinton has built up a myth which he credits to the whole Peruvian people, on the strength of a meaning applied to the word Catequilla, which is erroneous. It is exactly the same grammatical error that those etymologists fell into who thought that Uira-cocha signified “foam of the sea.” (Myths of the New World, 154.)

[1185] A very interesting account of it, with a sketch, is given by Squier, p. 524.

[1186] Huatana means a halter, from huatani, to seize; hence the tying up or encircling of the sun.

[1187] Authorities differ respecting the names of the months, and probably some months had more than one name. But the most accurate list, and that which is most in agreement with all the others, is the one adopted by the first Council of Lima, and given by Calancha. It is as follows:—

1. Yntip Raymi (22 June-22 July), Festival of the Winter Solstice, or Raymi.

2. Chahuarquiz (22 July-22 Aug.), Season of ploughing.

3. Yapa-quiz (22 Aug.-22 Sept.), Season of sowing.

4. Ccoya Raymi (22 Sept.-22 Oct.), Festival of the Spring Equinox. Situa.

5. Uma Raymi (22 Oct.-22 Nov.), Season of brewing.

6. Ayamarca (22 Nov.-22 Dec.), Commemoration of the dead.

7. Ccapac Raymi (22 Dec.-22 Jan.), Festival of the Summer Solstice. Huaraca.

8. Camay (22 Jan.-22 Feb.), Season of exercises.

9. Hatun-poccoy (22 Feb.-22 March), Season of ripening.

10. Pacha-poccoy (22 March-22 April), Festival of Autumn Equinox. Mosoc Nina.

11. Ayrihua (22 April-22 May), Beginning of harvest.

12. Aymuray (22 May-22 June), Harvesting month. in Google’s copy

[1188] Judges xii. 39; 2 Kings iii. 27.

[1189] The sacrifices were called runa, yuyac, and huahua. The Spaniards thought that runa and yuyac signified men, and huahua children. This was not the case when speaking of sacrificial victims. Runa was applied to a male sacrifice, huahua to the lambs, and yuyac signified an adult or full-grown animal. The sacrificial animals were also called after the names of those who offered them, which was another cause of erroneous assumptions by Spanish writers. There was a law strictly prohibiting human sacrifices among the conquered tribes; and the statement that servants were sacrificed at the obsequies of their masters is disproved by the fact, mentioned by the anonymous Jesuit, that in none of the burial-places opened by the Spaniards in search of treasure were any human bones found, except those of the buried lord himself.

[1190] Prescott (I. p. 98, note) accepted the statement that human sacrifices were offered by the Incas, because six authorities, Sarmiento, Cieza de Leon, Montesinos, Balboa, Ondegardo, and Acosta—outnumbered the single authority on the other side, Garcilasso de la Vega, who, moreover, was believed to be prejudiced owing to his relationship to the Incas. Sarmiento and Cieza de Leon are one and the same, so that the number of authorities for human sacrifices is reduced to five. Cieza de Leon, Montesinos, and Balboa adopted the belief that human sacrifices were offered up, through a misunderstanding of the words yuyac and huahua. Acosta had little or no acquaintance with the language, as is proved by the numerous linguistic blunders in his work. Ondegardo wrote at a time when he scarcely knew the language, and had no interpreters; for it was in 1554, when he was judge at Cuzco. At that time all the annalists and old men had fled into the forests, because of the insurrection of Francisco Hernandez Giron.

The authorities who deny the practice are numerous and important. These are Francisco de Chaves, one of the best and most able of the original conquerors; Juan de Oliva; the Licentiate Alvarez; Fray Marcos Jofre; the Licentiate Falcon, in his Apologia pro Indis; Melchior Hernandez, in his dictionary, under the words harpay and huahua; the anonymous Jesuit in his most valuable narrative; and Garcilasso de la Vega. These eight authorities outweigh the five quoted by Prescott, both as regards number and importance. So that the evidence against human sacrifices is conclusive. The Quipus, as the anonymous Jesuit tells us, also prove that there was a law prohibiting human sacrifices.

The assertion that 200 children and 1,000 men were sacrificed at the coronation of Huayua Ccapac was made; but these “huahuas” were not children of men, but young lambs, which are called children; and the “yuyac” and “runa” were not men, but adult llamas. [Mr. Markham has elsewhere collated the authorities on this point (Royal Commentaries, i. 139). Cf. Bollaert’s Antiq. Researches, p. 124; and Alphonse Castaing on “Les Fêtes, Offrandes et Sacrifices dans l’Antiquité Peruvienne,” in the Archives de la Société Américaine de France, n. s. iii. 239.—Ed.]

[1191] The sacrificial llamas bore the names of the youths who presented them. Hence the Spanish writers, with little or no knowledge of the language, assumed that the youths themselves were the victims. (See ante, p. 237.)

[1192] Ñusta, princess; calli, valorous; sapa, alone, unrivalled.

[1193] Of the first class were the Tarpuntay, or sacrificing priests, and the Nacac, who cut up the victims and provided the offerings, whether harpay or bloody sacrifices, haspay or bloodless sacrifices of flesh, or cocuy, oblations of corn, fruit, or coca. Molina mentions a custom called Ccapac-cocha or Cacha-huaca, being the distribution of sacrifices. An enormous tribute came to Cuzco annually for sacrificial purposes, and was thence distributed by the Inca, for the worship of every huaca in the empire. The different sacrifices were sent from Cuzco in all directions for delivery to the priests of the numerous huacas. The ministering priests were called Huacap Uillac when they had charge of a special idol, Huacap Rimachi or Huatuc when they received utterances from a deity while in a state of ecstatic frenzy called utirayay, and Ychurichuc when they received confessions and ministered in private families. The soothsayers were a very numerous class. The Hamurpa examined the entrails of sacrifices, and divined by the flight of birds. The Llayca, Achacuc, Huatuc, and Uira-piricuc were soothsayers of various grades. The Socyac divined by maize heaps, the Pacchacuc by the feet of a large hairy spider, the Llaychunca by odds and evens. The recluses were not only Aclla-cuna, or virgins congregated in temples under the charge of matrons called Mama-cuna. There were also hermits who meditated in solitary places, and appear to have been under a rule, with an abbot called Tucricac, and younger men serving a novitiate called Huamac. These Huancaquilli, or hermits, took vows of chastity (titu), obedience (Huñicui), poverty (uscacuy), and penance (villullery).

[1194] [The general works on the Inca civilization necessarily touch these points of their religious customs, and Mr. Markham’s volume on the Rites and Laws of the Incas is a prime source of information. Hawk’s translation of Rivero and Von Tschudi (p. 151) gives references; but special mention may be made of Müller’s Geschichte der Amerikanischen Urreligionen; Castaing’s Les Système religieux dans l’Antiquité peruvienne, in the Archives de la Soc. Amér. de France, n. s., iii. 86, 145; Tylor’s Primitive Culture; Brinton’s Myths of the New World; and Albert Réville’s Lectures on the origin and growth of religion as illustrated by the native religions of Mexico and Peru. Delivered at Oxford and London, in April and May, 1884. Translated by Philip H. Wicksteed (London, 1884. Hibbart lectures).—Ed.]

[1195] The Quichua language was spoken over a vast area of the Andean region of South America. The dialects only differ slightly, and even the language of the Collas, called by the Spaniards Aymara, is identical as regards the grammatical structure, while a clear majority of the words are the same. The general language of Peru belongs to that American group of languages which has been called agglutinative by William von Humboldt. These languages form new words by a process of junction which is much more developed in them than in any of the forms of speech in the Old World. They also have exclusive and inclusive plurals, and transitional forms of the verb combined with pronominal suffixes which are peculiar to them. In these respects the Quichua is purely an American language, and in spite of the resemblances in the sounds of some words, which have been diligently collected by Lopez (Les Races Aryennes du Pérou, par Vicente F. Lopez, Paris, 1871) and Ellis (Peruvia Scythica, by Robert Ellis, B. D., London, 1875), no connection, either as regards grammar or vocabulary, has been satisfactorily established between the speech of the Incas and any language of the Old World. Quichua is a noble language, with a most extensive vocabulary, rich in forms of the plural number, which argue a very clear conception of the idea of plurality; rich in verbal conjugations; rich in the power of forming compound nouns; rich in varied expression to denote abstract ideas; rich in words for relationships which are wanting in the Old World idioms; and rich, above all, in synonyms: so that it was an efficient vehicle wherewith to clothe the thoughts and ideas of a people advanced in civilization.

[1196] Garcilasso, Com. Real., i. lib. i. cap. 24, and lib. vii. cap. 1.

[1197] Among several kinds of flutes were the chayña, made of cane, the pincullu, a small wooden flute, and the pirutu, of bone. They also had a stringed instrument called tinya, for accompanying their songs, a drum, and trumpets of several kinds, one made from a sea-shell.

[1198] Blas Valera wrote upon the subject of Inca drugs, and I have given a list of those usually found in the bags of the itinerant Calahuaya doctors, in a foot-note at page 186 in vol. i. of my translation of the first part of the Royal Commentaries of Garcilasso de la Vega. An interesting account of the Calahuaya doctors is given by Don Modesto Basadre in his Riquezas Peruanas, p. 17 (Lima, 1884).

[1199] In the church of Santa Anna.

[1200] [See pictures of Atahualpa in Vol. II. pp. 515, 516. For a colored plate of “Lyoux d’or péruviens,” emblems of royalty, see Archives de la Soc. Amér. de France, n. s., i. pl. v.—Ed.]

[1201] The truth of this use of gold by the Incas does not depend on the glowing descriptions of Garcilasso de la Vega. A golden breastplate and topu, a golden leaf with a long stalk, four specimens of golden fruit, and a girdle of gold were found near Cuzco in 1852, and sent to the late General Echenique, then President of Peru. The present writer had an opportunity of inspecting and making careful copies of them. His drawings of the breastplate and topu were lithographed for Bollaert’s Antiquarian Researches in Peru, p. 146. The breastplate was 5-3/10 inches in diameter, and had four narrow slits for suspending it round the neck. The golden leaf was 12-7/10 inches long, including the stem; breadth of the base of the leaf, 3-1/10 inches. The models of fruit were 3 inches in diameter, and the girdle 18¼ inches long.

[1202] “The stones are of various sizes in different structures, ranging in length from one to eight feet, and in thickness from six inches to two feet. The larger stones are generally at the bottom, each course diminishing in thickness towards the top of the wall, thus giving a very pleasing effect of graduation. The joints are of a precision unknown in our architecture, and not rivalled in the remains of ancient art in Europe. The statement of the old writers, that the accuracy with which the stones of some structures were fitted together was such that it was impossible to introduce the thinnest knife-blade or finest needle between them, may be taken as strictly true. The world has nothing to show in the way of stone cutting and fitting to surpass the skill and accuracy displayed in the Inca structures of Cuzco.”

[1203] Place of serpents.

[1204] An unmarried prince of the blood royal; a nobleman. Father, in the Colla dialect.

[1205] A married prince of the blood royal.

[1206] A married princess; a lady of noble family.

[1207] An unmarried princess.

[1208] At the conquest there were 594, but a great number had been killed in the previous civil war.

[1209] Chiefs.

[1210] Principal chiefs.

[1211] Balboa, Montesinos, Santillana.

[1212] The male members of a Chunca were divided into ten classes, with reference to age and consequent ability to work:—

1. Mosoc-aparic, “Newly begun.” A baby.

2. Saya-huarma, “Standing boy.” A child that could stand.

3. Macta-puric, “Walking child.” Child aged 2 to 8.

4. Ttanta raquisic, “Bread receiver.” Boy of 8.

5. Puclacc huarma, “Playing boy.” Boys from 8 to 16.

6. Cuca pallac, “Coca picker.” Age from 16 to 20. Light work.

7. Yma huayna, “As a youth.” Age 20 to 25.

8. Puric ——, “Able-bodied.” Head of a family; paying tribute.

9. Chaupi-ruccu, “Elderly.” Light service. Age 50 to 60.

10. Puñuc ruccu, “Dotage.” No work. Sixty and upwards.

A Chunca consisted of ten Purics, with the other classes in proportion. The Puric was married to one wife, and, while assisted by the young lads and the elderly men, he supported the children and the old people who could not work. The Peruvian laborer had many superstitions, but he was not devoid of higher religious feelings. This is shown by his practice when travelling. On reaching the summit of a pass he never forgot to throw a stone, or sometimes his beloved pellet of coca, on a heap by the roadside, as a thank-offering to God, exclaiming, Apachicta muchani! “I worship or give thanks at this heap.” Festivals lightened his days of toil by their periodical recurrence, and certain family ceremonials were also recognized as occasions for holidays. There was a gathering at the cradling of a child, called quirau. When the child attained the age of one year, the rutuchicu took place. Then he received the name he was to retain until he attained the age of puberty. The child was closely shorn, and the name was given by the eldest relation. With a girl the ceremony was called quicuchica, and there was a fast of two days imposed before the naming-day, when she assumed the dress called aucalluasu.

[1213] The tupu was a measure of land sufficient to support one man and his wife. It was the unit of land measurement, and a puric received tupus according to the number of those dependent on him. In parts of Peru, especially on the road from Tarma to Xauxa, these small square fields, or tupus, may still be seen in great numbers, divided by low stone walls.

[1214] The shares for the Inca and Huaca varied according to the requirements of the state. If needful, the Inca share was increased at the expense of the Huaca, but never at the expense of the people’s share.

[1215] From Taripani, I examine.

[1216] It should probably be Apunaca: Apu is a chief, and naca the plural suffix in the Colla dialect.

[1217] Hatun, great, and uilca, sacred. This official held a position equivalent to a Christian bishop.

[1218] [On the use of guano see Markham’s Cieza de Leon, p. 266, note.—Ed.]

[1219] [Max Steffen, in his Die Landwirtschaft bei den Altamerikanischen Kulturvölkern (Leipzig, 1883), gives a list of sources.—Ed.]

[1220] [The llamas were used in ploughing. Cf. Humboldt’s Views of Nature, p. 125.—Ed.]

[1221] A bronze instrument found at Sorata had the following composition, according to an analysis by David Forbes:—

Copper	88.05
Tin	11.42
Iron	.36
Silver	.17
	–——
	100.00

Humboldt gave the composition of a bronze instrument found at Vilcabamba as follows:—

Copper	94
Tin	6
	–—
	100

[1222] Fifteenth Report of the Trustees of the Peabody Museum of Ethnology, vol. iii. 2, p. 140 (Cambridge, 1882).

[1223] [Cf. the plates in the Necropolis of Ancon, and De la Rada’s Les Vases Péruviens du Musée Archéologique de Madrid, in the Compte Rendu (p. 236) of the Copenhagen meeting of the Congrès des Américanistes.—Ed.]

[1224] It is believed that some of the heads on the vases were intended as likenesses. One especially, in a collection at Cuzco, is intended, according to native tradition, for a portrait of Rumi-ñaui, a character in the drama of Ollantay.

[1225] Prehistoric Man, i. p. 110. A great number of specimens of Peruvian pottery are given in the works of Castelnau, Wiener, Squier, and in the atlas of the Antigüedades Peruanas. [Cf. also Marcoy’s Voyage; Mémoires de la Soc. des Antiquaires du Nord (two plates); J. E. Price in the Anthropological Journal, iii. 100, and many of the books of Peruvian travel.—Ed.]

[1226] [The narratives of the Spanish conquest necessarily throw much light, sometimes more than incidentally, upon the earlier history of the region. These sources are characterized in the critical essay appended to chapter viii. of Vol. II., and embrace bibliographical accounts of Herrera, Gomara, Oviedo, Andagoya, Xeres, Fernandez, Oliva, not to name others of less moment.—Ed.]

[1227] See Note II. following this essay.

[1228] Vol. II. p. 573.

[1229] Cf. Vol. II. p. 546.

[1230] Suma y narracion de los Incas, que los Indios llamaron Capaccuna que fueron señores de la ciudad del Cuzco y de todo lo á ella subjeto. Publícala M. Jiménez de la Espada (Madrid, 1880).

[1231] We learn from Leon Pinelo that one of the famous band of adventurers who crossed the line drawn by Pizarro on the sands of Gallo was an author (Antonio, ii. 645). But the Relacion de la tierra que descubrió Don Francisco Pizarro, by Diego de Truxillo, remained in manuscript and is lost to us. Francisco de Chaves, one of the most respected of the companions of Pizarro, who strove to save the life of Atahualpa, and was an intimate friend of the Inca’s brother, was also an author. Chaves is honorably distinguished for his moderation and humanity. He lost his own life in defending the staircase against the assassins of Pizarro. He left behind a copious narrative, and his intimate relations with the Indians make it likely that it contained much valuable information respecting Inca civilization. It was inherited by the author’s friend and relation, Luis Valera, but it was never printed, and the manuscript is now lost. The works of Palomino, a companion of Belalcazar, who wrote on the kingdom of Quito, are also lost, with the exception of a fragment preserved in the Breve Informe of Las Casas. Other soldiers of the conquest, Tomas Vasquez, Francisco de Villacastin, Garcia de Melo, and Alonso de Mesa, are mentioned as men who had studied and were learned in all matters relating to Inca antiquities; but none of their writings have been preserved.

[1232] But not dedicated to the Conde de Nieva, as Prescott states, for that viceroy died in 1564.

[1233] B, 135.

[1234] Report by Polo de Ondegardo, translated by Clements R. Markham (Hakluyt Society, 1873).

[1235] [See Vol. II. p. 571.—Ed.]

[1236] [See Vol. II. p. 567-8, for bibliography.—Ed.]

[1237] [See Vol. II. p. 542.—Ed.]

[1238] Additional MSS. 5469, British Museum, folio, p. 274. See Vol. II. p. 571.

[1239] See ante, p. 6.

[1240] National Library at Madrid, B, 135.

[1241] The fables and rites of the Incas, by Christoval de Molina, translated and edited by Clements R. Markham (Hakluyt Society, 1873).

[1242] [See. Vol. II. p. 576.—Ed.]

[1243] For the bibliography of Acosta, see Vol. II. p. 420, 421.

[1244] Notices of the life and works of Acosta have been given in biographical dictionaries, and in histories of the Jesuits. An excellent biography will be found in a work entitled Los Antiquos Jesuitas del Peru, by Don Enrique Torres Saldamando, which was published at Lima in 1885. See also an introductory notice in Markham’s edition (1880).

[1245] Thus his lists of the Incas, of the names of months and of festivals, are very defective; and his list of names of stars, though copied from Balboa without acknowledgment, is incomplete.

[1246] Acosta was the chief source whence the civilized world of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, beyond the limits of Spain, derived a knowledge of Peruvian civilization. Purchas, in his Pilgrimage (ed. of 1623, lib. v. p. 869; vi. p. 931), quotes largely from the learned Jesuit, and an abstract of his work is given in Harris’s Voyages (lib. i. cap. xiii. pp. 751-799). He is much relied upon as an authority by Robertson, and is quoted 19 times in Prescott’s Conquest of Peru, thus taking the fourth place as an authority with regard to that work, since Garcilasso is quoted 89 times, Cieza de Leon 45, Ondegardo 41, Acosta 19.

[1247] Of whose parentage a pleasing story is told. He was a native of Truxillo, of French parents, his father being a metal-founder. When he was a small boy his father said to him, “Study, little Charles, study! and this bell that I am founding shall be rung for you when you are the bishop.” (“Estudiar, Carlete, estudiar! que con esta campana te han de repicar cuando seas obispo.”) Dr. Corni rose to be a prelate of great virtue and erudition, and an eloquent preacher. At last he became Bishop of Truxillo in 1620, and when he heard the chimes which were rung on his approach to the city, he said, “That bell which excels all the others was founded by my father.” (“Aquella campana que sobresale entre las demas le fundio mi padre.”)

[1248] Papeles Varios de Indias. MS. Brit. Mus.

[1249] This last work is devoted to the Spanish conquest.

[1250] In the series entitled Coleccion de libros Españoles raros ó curiosos, tom xvi. (Madrid, 1882.) [The original manuscript is in the library of the Real Academia de Historia at Madrid. Brasseur de Bourbourg had a copy (Pinart Catalogue, No. 638; Bibl. Mex. Guat., p. 103), which appeared also in the Del Monte sale (N. Y., June, 1888,—Catalogue, iii. no. 554). Cf. the present History, II. pp. 570, 577.—Ed.]

[1251] Relacion de las costumbres antiquas de los naturales del Peru. Anónima. The original is among the manuscript in the National Library at Madrid. It was published as part of a volume entitled Tres Relaciones de Antigüedades Peruanas. Publícalas el Ministerio de Fomento (Madrid, 1879).

[1252] Narrative of the errors, false gods, and other superstitions and diabolical rites in which the Indians of the province of Huarochiri lived in ancient times, collected by Dr. Francisco de Avila, 1608: translated and edited by Clements R. Markham (Hakluyt Society, 1872). [There was a copy of the Spanish MS. in the E. G. Squier sale, 1876, no. 726.—Ed.]

[1253] Tratado de las idolatrias de los Indios del Peru. This work is mentioned by Leon Pinelo as “una obra grande y de mucha erudicion,” but it was never printed.

[1254] Contra idolatriam, MS.

[1255] Extirpacion de la idolatria del Peru, por el Padre Pablo Joseph de Arriaga (Lima, 1621, pp. 137).

[1256] [See Vol. II. p. 570. The Historiæ Pervanæ ordinis Eremitarum S. P. Augustini libri octodecim (1651-52) is mainly a translation of Calancha. Cf. Sabin, nos. 8760, 9870.—Ed.]

[1257] Historia de Copacabana y de su milagrosa imagen, escrita por el R. P. Fray Alonso Ramos Gavilan (1620). The work of Ramos was reprinted from an incomplete copy at La Paz in 1860, and edited by Fr. Rafael Sans.

[1258] Origen de los Indios del Nuevo Mundo (1607), and in Barcia (1729).

[1259] Monarquia de los Incas del Peru. Antonio says of this work, “Tertium quod promiserat adhuc latet nempe.”

[1260] Historia general del Peru, origen y descendencia de los Incas, pueblos y ciudades, por P. Fr. Martin de Múrua (1618). [Cf. Markham’s Cieza’s Travels, Second Part, p. 12.—Ed.]

[1261] He was a cousin of the poet of the same name, and of the dukes of Feria.

[1262] See Vol. II. pp. 290, 575.

[1263] The Commentarios Reales (Part I.) of Garcilassos de la Vega contain 21 quotations from Blas Valera, 30 from Cieza de Leon (first part), 27 from Acosta, 11 from Gomara, 9 from Zarate, 3 from the Republica de las Indias Occidentales of Fray Geronimo Roman, 2 from Fernandez, 4 from the Inca’s schoolfellow Alcobasa, and 1 from Juan Botero Benes.

[1264] In a learned pamphlet on the word Uirakocha,—“Lexicologia Keshua por Leonardo Villar” (pp. 16, double columns. Lima, 1887).

[1265] [The common expression of distrust is such as is shown by Hutchinson in his Two Years in Peru, who finds little to commend amid a constant glorification of the Incas to the prejudice of the older peoples; and by Marcoy in his Travels in South America, who speaks of his “simple and audacious gasconades” (Eng. trans. i. p. 186).—Ed.]

[1266] Cf. the bibliography of the book in Vol. II. pp. 569, 570, 575.—Ed.

[1267] By Clements R. Markham, in 1872.

[1268] [Cf. bibliog. of Herrera in Vol. II. pp. 67, 68.—Ed.]

[1269] Informaciones acerca del Señorio y Gobierno de los Ingas hechas, por mandado de Don Francisco de Toledo Virey del Peru (1570-72). Edited by Don Márcos Jiménez de la Espada, in the Coleccion de libros Españoles raros ó curiosos, Tomo xvi. (Madrid, 1882).

[1270] We first hear of Sarmiento in a memorial dated at Cuzco on March 4, 1572, in which he says that he was the author of a history of the Incas, now lost. We further gather that, owing to having found out from the records of the Incas that Tupac Inca Yupanqui discovered two islands in the South Sea, called Ahuachumpi and Ninachumpi, Sarmiento sailed on an expedition to discover them at some time previous to 1564. Balboa also mentions the tradition of the discovery of these islands by Tupac Yupanqui. Sarmiento seems to have discovered islands which he believed to be those of the Inca, and in 1567 he volunteered to command the expedition dispatched by Lope de Castro, then governor of Peru, to discover the Terra Australis. But Castro gave the command to his own relation, Mandana. We learn, however, from the memorial of Sarmiento, that he accompanied the expedition, and that the first land was discovered through shaping a course in accordance with his advice. Sarmiento submitted a full report of this first voyage of Mandana, which is now lost, to the Viceroy Toledo. In 1579, Sarmiento was sent to explore the Straits of Magellan. In 1586, on his way to Spain, he was captured by an English ship belonging to Raleigh, and was entertained hospitably by Sir Walter at Durham House until his ransom was collected. From the Spanish captive his host obtained much information respecting Peru and its Incas. He could have no higher authority. One of the journals of the survey of Magellan Straits by Sarmiento was published at Madrid in 1768: Viage al estrecho de Magellanes: por el Capitan Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa, en los años 1579 y 1580. See Vol. II. p. 616.

[1271] [Cf. Vol. II. p. 571.]

[1272] Historia del Reino de Quito, en la America Meridional, escrita por el Presbitero Don Juan de Velasco nativo de Mismo Reino, año de 1789. A Spanish edition, Quito, Imprenta del Gobierno, 1844, 3 Tomos, was printed from the manuscript, Histoire du Royaume de Quito, por Don Juan de Velasco (inédite,) vol. ix. Voyages, &c., par H. Ternaux Compans (Paris, 1840). This version, however, covers only a part of the work, of which the second volume only relates to the ancient history. [Cf. Vol. II. p. 576.—Ed.]

[1273] [Cf. Vol. II. p. 578.—Ed.]

[1274] [Cf. Vol. II. p. 577; Sabin’s Dictionary, xv. p. 439. The opinions of Prescott can be got at through Poole’s Index, p. 993. H. H. Bancroft, Chronicles, 25, gives a characteristic estimate of Prescott’s archæological labors. Prescott’s catalogue of his own library, with his annotations, is in the Boston Public Library, no. 6334.27.—Ed.]

[1275] Prescott quotes these four authorities 249 times, and all other early writers known to him (Herrera, Zarate, Betanzos, Balboa, Montesinos, Pedro Pizarro, Fernandez, Gomara, Levinus Apollonius, Velasco, and the MS. “Declaracion de la Audiencia”) 82 times.

[1276] Calancha and a MS. letter of Valverde. He also refers several times to the Antigüedades Peruanas of Tschudi and Rivero.

[1277] Spanish Conquest in America, vol. iii. book xiii. chap. 3, pp. 468 to 513. [Cf. Vol. II. p. 578.]—Ed.

[1278] It was translated into English as Peruvian Antiquities, by Dr. Francis L. Hawkes, of New York, in 1853. [The English translation retained the woodcuts, but omitted the atlas. Cf. Field, Ind. Bibliog., no. 1306; Sabin, xvii. p. 319. There is a French edition, Antiquités Péruviennes (Paris, 1859). Dr. Tschudi later published Reisen durch Süd Amerika, in five vols. (Leipzig, 1866-69), which was translated into English as Travels in Peru, 1838-1842, and published in New York and London.—Ed.]

[1279] Los Anales del Cuzco, por Dr. Mesa (Cuzco, 2 vols.).

[1280] Historia Antigua del Peru, por Sebastian Lorente (Lima, 1860).

[1281] Historia de la civilizacion Peruana, Revista de Lima (Lima, 1880).

[1282] Recuerdos de la Monarquia Peruana, ó Bosquejo de la historia de los Incas, por Dr. Justo Sahuaraura Inca, Canonigo en la Catedral de Cuzco (Paris, 1850).

[1283] Le Pérou avant la conquête espagnole, d’après les principaux historiens originaux et quelques documents inédits sur les antiquités de ce pays (Paris, 1858).

[1284] Geschichte der Amerikanischen Urreligionen, von J. G. Müller (Basel, 1867).

[1285] Anthropologie der Naturvölker, von Dr. Theodor Waitz (4 vols.) Leipzig, 1864.

[1286] Myths of the New World, a treatise on the symbolism and mythology of the Red Race of America, by Daniel G. Brinton, M.D. (New York, 1868). Aboriginal American authors and their productions, especially those in the native languages, by Daniel G. Brinton, M.D. (Philadelphia, 1883). [Brinton’s writings, however, in the main illustrate the antiquities north of Panama.]

[1287] Antiquarian, ethnological and other researches in New Granada, Equador, Peru, and Chile; with observations on the Pre-Incarial, Incarial, and other monuments of Peruvian nations, by William Bollaert, F.R.G.S. (London, 1860). [Bollaert’s minor and periodical contributions, mainly embodied in his final work, are numerous: Contributions to an introduction to the Anthropology of the New World. Ancient Peruvian graphic Records (tr. in Archives de la Soc. Amér. de France, n. s., i.). Observations on the history of the Incas (in the Transactions Ethnological Soc., 1854).—Ed.]

[1288] Vues des Cordillères, ou Monumens des Peuples indigènes de l’Amérique (Paris, 1810; in 8vo, 1816), called in the English translation, Researches concerning the institutions and monuments of the ancient inhabitants of America, with descriptions and views of some of the most striking scenes in the Cordilleras. Transl. into English by Helen Maria Williams (London, 1814). Voyage aux Régions équinoxiales du Nouveau Continent fait en 1799-1804, avec deux Atlas, 3 vols. 4to (Paris, 1814-25; and 8vo, 13 vols., 1816-31), called in the English translation, Personal narrative of travels to the equinoctial regions of America, 1799-1804, by A. von Humboldt [and A. Bonpland]: translated and edited by Thomasina Ross (Lond., 1852); and in earlier versions by H. M. Williams (London, 1818-1829). [Humboldt’s later summarized expressions are found in his Ansichten der Natur (Stuttgart, 1849; English tr., Aspects of Nature, by Mrs. Sabine, London and Philad., 1849; and Views of Nature, by E. C. Otté, London, 1850). Current views of Humboldt’s American studies can be tracked through Poole’s Index, p. 613.—Ed.]

[1289] Antonio Ulloa’s Mémoires philosophiques, historiques, physiques, concernant le découverte de l’Amérique (Paris, 1787). Voyage historique de l’Amérique Méridionale, fait par ordre du Roy d’Espagne; ouvrage qui contient une histoire des Yncas du Pérou, et des observations astronomiques et physiques, faites pour déterminer la figure et la grandeur de la terre (Amsterdam, 1732). Or in the English translation, Voyage to South America by Don Jorge Juan and Don Antonio de Ulloa, 2 vols. 8vo (London, 1758, 1772; fifth ed. 1807). [Another of the savans in this scientific expedition was Charles M. La Condamine, and we have his observations in his Journal du Voyage fait à l’Equateur (1751), and in a paper on the Peruvian monuments in the Mémoires of the Berlin Academy (1746). Other early observers deserving brief mention are Pedro de Madriga, whose account is appended to Admiral Jacques d’Heremite’s Journael van de Nassausche Vloot (Amsterdam, 1652), and Amedée François Frezier’s Voyage to the South Sea (London, 1717).—Ed.]

[1290] L’Homme Américain considéré sous ses Rapports Physiologiques et Moraux (Paris, 1839). [He gives a large ethnological map of South America. His book is separately printed from Voyages dans l’Amérique Meridionale (9 vols.)—Ed.]

[1291] Expédition dans les parties centrales de l’Amérique de Sud, exécutée par ordre du Gouvernement Français pendant les annees 1843 à 1847. Troisième partie, Antiquités des Incas (4to, Paris, 1854).

[1292] Pérou et Bolivie, Récit de voyage suivi d’études archéologiques et ethnographiques et de notes sur l’écriture et les langues des populations Indiennes. Ouvrage contenant plus de 1100 gravures, 27 cartes et 18 plans, par Charles Wiener (Paris, 1880). [Wiener earlier published two monographs: Notice sur le communisme des Incas (Paris, 1874); Essai sur les institutions politiques, religieuses, économiques et sociales de l’Empire des Incas (Paris, 1874).—Ed.]

[1293] Uira-cocha, por Leonardo Villar (Lima, 1887).

[1294] Cuzco and Lima (London, 1856).

[1295] Travels in Peru and India while superintending the collection of chinchona plants and seeds in South America, and their introduction into India (London, 1862). [Cf. Field’s Indian Bibliog. for notes on Mr. Markham’s book. He epitomizes the accounts of Peruvian antiquities in his Peru (London, 1880), of the “Foreign Countries Series.” Cf. Vol. II. p. 578.]—Ed.

[1296] Peru, Incidents of travel and exploration in the land of the Incas (N. Y. 1877; London, 1877). [Squier was sent to Peru on a diplomatic mission by the United States government in 1863, and this service rendered, he gave two years to exploring the antiquities of the country. His Peru embodies various separate studies, which he had previously contributed to the Journal of the American Geographical Society (vol. iii. 1870-71); the American Naturalist (vol. iv. 1870); Harper’s Monthly (vols. vii., xxxvi., xxxvii.). He contributed “Quelques remarques sur la géographie et les monuments du Pérou” to the Bulletin de la Société de géographie de Paris, Jan., 1868. A list of Squier’s publications is appended to the Sale Catalogue of his Library (N. Y., 1876), which contains a list of his MSS., most of which, it is believed, passed into the collection of H. H. Bancroft. Mr. Squier’s closing years were obscured by infirmity; he died in 1888.—Ed.]

[1297] [Among the recent travellers, mention may be made of a few of various interests: Edmund Temple’s Travels in Peru (Lond., 1830); Thomas Sutcliffe’s Sixteen Years in Chili and Peru (Lond., 1841); S. S. Hill’s Travels in Peru and Mexico (Lond., 1860); Thos. J. Hutchinson’s Two Years in Peru (with papers on prehistoric anthropology in the Anthropological Journal, iv. 438, and “Some Fallacies about the Incas,” in the Proc. Lit. and Phil. Soc. of Liverpool, 1873-74, p. 121); Marcoy’s Voyage, first in the Tour du Monde, 1863-64, and then separately in French, and again in English; E. Pertuiset’s Le Trésor des Incas (Paris, 1877); and Comte d’Ursel’s Sud-Amérique, 2d ed. (Paris, 1879). F. Hassaurek, in his Four Years among Spanish Americans (N. Y., 1867), epitomizes in his ch. xvi. the history of Quito.—Ed.]

[1298] Intellectual Observer, May, 1863 (London).

[1299] Riquezas Peruanas (Lima, 1884).

[1300] The temple of the Andes, by Richards Inwards (London, 1884). [Mr. Markham has also had occasion to speak of these ruins in annotating his edition of Cieza de Leon, p. 374. There is a privately printed book by L. Angrand, Antiquités Américaines: lettres sur les antiquités de Tiaguanaco, et l’origine présumable de la plus ancienne civilisation du Haut-Pérou (Paris, 1866).—Ed.]

[1301] This superb work was issued at Berlin and London with German and English texts. The English title reads, Peruvian Antiquities: the Necropolis of Ancon in Peru. A contribution to our knowledge of the culture and industries of the empire of the Incas. Being the results of excavations made on the spot. Translated by A. H. Keane. With the aid of the general administration of the royal museums of Berlin (Berlin, 1880-87); in three folio volumes, with 119 colored and plain plates. The divisions are: 1. The Necropolis and its graves. 2. Garments and textiles. 3. Ornaments, utensils, earthenware; evolution of ornamentation, with treatises by L. Wittmack on the plants found in the graves; R. Virchow on the human remains, and A. Nehring on the animals. [A few of the plates are reproduced in black and white in Ruge’s Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen. The authors represent that the graveyard of Ancon, an obscure place lying near the coast, north of Lima, was probably the burial-place of a poor people; but its obscurity has saved it to us while important places have been ransacked and destroyed. The reader will be struck with the richness of the woven materials, which are so strikingly figured in the plates. On this point Stübel published in Dresden in 1888, as a part of the Festschrift of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the “Verein für Erdkunde,” a paper Ueber altperuanische Gewebemuster und ihnen analoge Ornamente der altklassischen Kunst (Dresden, 1888). Some of the plates in the larger work impress one with the great variety of ornamenting skill. The collection formed by John H. Blake from an ancient cemetery on the bay of Chacota, now in the Peabody Museum at Cambridge, Mass., is described in the Reports of that institution, xi. 195, 277. Reference may also be made to B. M. Wright’s Description of the collection of gold ornaments from the “huacas,” or graves of some aboriginal races of the northwestern provinces of South America, belonging to Lady Brassey (London, 1885).—Ed.]

[1302] Antonio Raimondi. El Peru. Tomo I. Parte Preliminar, 4to, pp. 444 (Lima, 1874). Tomo II. Historia de la Geografia del Peru, 4to, pp. 475 (Lima, 1876). Tomo III. Historia de la Geografia del Peru, 4to, pp. 614 (Lima, 1880).

[1303] Voyages, Relations et Mémoires Originaux pour servir à l’Histoire de la Découverte de l’Amérique, 20 vols. in 10, 8vo (Paris, 1837-41). See Vol. II., introd. p. vi.

[1304] [Among less important or more general later writers on this ancient civilization may be mentioned: Charles Labarthe’s La Civilisation péruvienne avant l’arrivée des Espagnols (Archives de la Soc. Amér. de France, n. s., i.), and his paper from the Annuaire Ethnographique, on the “Documents inédits sur l’empire des Incas” (Paris, 1861); Rudolf Falb’s Das Land der Inca in seiner Bedeutung für die Urgeschichte der Sprache und Schrift (Leipzig, 1883); Lieut. G. M. Gilliss, in Schoolcraft’s Ind. Tribes, v. 657; Dr. Macedo’s comparison of the Inca and Aztec civilizations in the Proc. of the Numism. and Antiq. Soc. (Philad. 1883); Vicomte Th. de Bussière’s Le Pérou (Paris, 1863); beside chapters in such comprehensive works as those of Nadaillac, Ruge, Baldwin, Wilson (Prehistoric Man), and the papers of Castaing and others in the Archives de la Soc. Amér. de France, and an occasional paper in the Journals of the American and other geographical and ethnological societies. Current English comment is reached through Poole’s Index, pp. 627, 992.—Ed.]

[1305] [Humboldt (Views of Nature, 235) points out that the name Chimborazo is probably a relic of this earlier tongue.—Ed.]

[1306] [Wiener, Pérou et Bolivie, p. 98, gives a plan of the neighborhood of Truxillo, showing the position “du Gran Chimu,” and an enlarged plan of the ruins.—Ed.]

[1307] Squier, 210.

[1308] [There are two or three Peruvian periodicals of some importance for their archæological papers. The Mercurio Peruano de Historia, Literatura y Noticias publicas que da a luz la Sociedad Academica de Amantes de Lima (Lima, 1791-1795), appeared in twelve volumes. It is often defective, and the Spanish government finally interdicted it, as it was considered revolutionary in principle. It was edited at one time by the Père Cisneros. There is a set in Harvard College library.

The Revista Peruana (Lima) has been the channel of some important archæological contributions. Others appeared in the Museo Erudito, o los Tiempos y las Costumbres (Cuzco, 1837, etc.)—Ed.]

[1309] Squier.

[1310] I do not now believe that the idolatrous practices and legends, preserved by Arriaga and Avila, had any connection with the Chimu race.

[1311] Grammatica o Arte de la lengua general de los Indios de los Reynos del Peru, nuevamente compuesta por el Maestro Fray Domingo de S. Thomas de la orden de S. Domingo, Morador en los dichos reynos. Impresso en Valladolid por Francisco Fernandez de Cordova, 1560. Lexicon ó Vocabulario de la lengua general del Peru, llamada Quichua (Valladolid, 1560). The grammar and vocabulary are usually bound up together. [The two were priced respectively by Leclerc, in 1878, at 2,500 and 600 francs.—Ed.]

The grammar and vocabulary of San Tomas were reprinted at Lima in 1586 by Antonio Ricardo. In the list given by Rivero and Von Tschudi (Antigüedades Peruanas, p. 99), the printer Ricardo is entered as the author of this Lima edition of San Tomas.

[1312] Grammatica y Vocabulario en la lengua general del Peru llamada Quichua por Diego de Torres Rubio S. S. (Seville, 1603). This original edition is of great rarity. Quaritch, in 1885, asked £20 for a defective copy.—Ed.

A second edition was printed at Lima in 1619; and a third in 1700. To this third edition a vocabulary was added of the Chinchaysuyu dialect, by Juan de Figueredo. A fourth edition was published at Lima in 1754, also containing the Chinchaysuyu vocabulary, which is spoken in the north of Peru. [For this 1754 edition see Leclerc, no. 2409. It is worth about $50.—Ed.]

[1313] Vocabulario de la Lengua general de todo el Peru llamada lengua Quichua ó del Inca. En la ciudad de los Reyes, 1586. Second edition printed by Francisco del Canto, 1607 (2 vols. 4to). [Leclerc (no. 2401), in 1879, priced this ed. at 2,000 francs; Quaritch, a defective copy, £21.—Ed.]

[1314] Gramatica y Arte nueva de la lengua general de todo el Peru llamada lengua Quichua o Lengua del Inca por Diego Gonzales Holguin de la Compañia de Jesus, natural de Caceres Impresso en la Ciudad de los Reyes del Peru, por Francisco del Canto, 1607. [Leclerc, 1879, no. 2402, 500 francs.—Ed.] A second edition was published at Lima in 1842.

[1315] Arte y gramatica muy copiosa de la lengua Aymará con muchos y variados modos de hablar (Roma, 1603).

[1316] Arte de la lengua Aymará con una selva de frases en la misma lengua y su declaracion en romance. Impresso en la casa de in Compañia de Jesus de Juli en la provincia de Chucuyto. Por Francisco del Canto, 1612. pp. 348.

[1317] Vocabulario de la lengua Aymara, Juli 1612, Spanish and Aymara, pp. 420, Aymara and Spanish, pp. 378. [Priced by Quaritch in 1885 at £60; by Leclerc in 1879 at 2,000 francs.—Ed.]

[1318] Arte de la lengua general del’ ynga llamada Quechhua (Lima, 1691). Leclerc, 1879. 250 francs.

[1319] Arte de la lengua Yunga de los valles del Obispado de Truxillo, con un confesionario, y todos las ovaciones cristianas y otras casas. Autor el beneficiado Don Fernando de la Carrera Cura y Vicario de San Martin de Reque en el corregimiento de Chiclayo (Lima, 1644).

This work is extremely rare. Only three copies are known to exist, one in the library at Madrid, one in the British Museum, which belonged to M. Ternaux Compans, and one in possession of Dr. Villar, in Peru. A copy was made for William von Humboldt from the British Museum copy, which is now in the library at Berlin.

The Arte de la lengua Yunga was reprinted in numbers of the Revista de Lima in 1880, under the editorial supervision of Dr. Gonzalez de la Rosa.

[1320] Sermones de los misterios de nuestra Santa Fé catolica, en lengua Castellana, y la general del Inca. Impugnanse los errores particulares que los Indios han tenido, por el Doctor Don Fernando de Avendaño, 1648. Rivero and Von Tschudi give some extracts from these sermons in the Antigüedades Peruanas, p. 108.

[1321] Rituale seu Manuale Peruanum juxta ordinem Sanctæ Romanæ Ecclesiæ, per R. P. F. Ludovicum Hieronymum Orerum (Neapoli, 1607).

[1322] Carter-Brown, ii. 7.

[1323] Primera parte de la miscelanea austral de Don Diego D’Avalos y Figueroa ex varias coloquias, interlocutores Delia y Cilena, con la defensa de Danias. Impreso en Lima por Antonio Ricardo, año 1602.

[1324] Die Kechua Sprache, I.; Sprachlehre, II.; Wörterbuch, von J. J. Von Tschudi (Wien, 1853).

[1325] Gramatica y Diccionario de la lengua general de Peru, llamada comunmuente Quichua, por el R. P. Fr. Honorio Mossi, Misionero Apostolico del colejio de propaganda fide de la ciudad de Potosi (Sucre, 1859). [An earlier Gramática y Ensayo was published at Sucre in 1857. Leclerc says it has become very rare.—Ed.]

[1326] Gramatica Quichua o del idioma del Imperio de los Incas, por José Dionisio Anchorena (Lima, 1874).

[1327] Elementos de Gramatica Quichua ó idioma de los Yncas por el Dr. José Fernandez Nodal. The book was printed in England in 1874.

[1328] El Evangelio de Jesu Christo segun San Lucas en Aymara y Español, traducido de la vulgata Latin al Aymará por Don Vicente Pazos-kanki, Doctor de la Universidad del Cuzco e Individuo de la Sociedad Historica de Nueva York (Londres, 1829).

[1329] Apunchis Santa Yoancama Ehuangeliun, Quichua cayri Ynca siminpi quillkcasca. El Santo Evangelio de Nuestro Señor Jesu-Christo segun San Juan, traducido del original a la lengua Quichua o del Ynca; por el Rev. J. H. Gybbon Spilsbury, Buenos Aires, 1880.

[1330] Les Races Aryennes du Pérou, leur langue, leur religion, leur histoire, par Vicente Fidel Lopez (Paris et Montevideo, 1871). [Lopez’s book was subjected to an examination by Lucien Adam, in a paper, “Le Quichua, est il une langue aryenne?” in the Luxembourg Compte-Rendu du Congrés des Américanistes, ii. 75. Cf. Macmillan’s Mag., xxvii. 424, by A. Lang.—Ed.]

[1331] Peruvia Scythica. The Quichua language of Peru: its derivation from Central Asia, with the American languages in general, and with the Turanian and Iberian languages of the Old World, including the Basque, the Llycian, and the Pre-Aryan language of Etruria; by Robert Ellis, B. D. (Trübner & Co., London, 1875).

[1332] Ollanta: ein Altperuanisches Drama aus der Kechuasprache, übersetzt und commentirt von J. J. von Tschudi (Wien, 1875).

[1333] Ollanta, an ancient Inca Drama, by Clements R. Markham (London, 1871).

[1334] Ollanta o sea la severidad de un padre y la clemencia de un rey drama traducido del Quichua al Castellano por José S. Barranca (Lima, 1868).

[1335] Ollanta por Constantino Carrasco (Lima, 1876).

[1336] Los vinculos de Ollanta y Cusi Kcoyllor, Drama en Quichua. José Fernandez Nodal. Dr. Nodal commenced, but never completed, an English translation.

[1337] Collection Linguistique Americaine. Tome iv. Ollanaï, drama en vers Quechuas du temps des Incas traduit et commenté, par Gavino Pacheco Zegarra (Paris, 1878), pp. clxxiv and 265.

[1338] Ollantay. Estudio sobre el drama Quichua, por Bartolomé Mitre, publicada en la Nueva Revista de Buenos Ayres (1881).

[1339] Poesia Dramatica de los Incas. Ollantay, por Clemente R. Markham traducido del Ingles por Adolfo F. Olivares, y seguido de una carta critica del Dr. Don Vicente Fidel Lopez (Buenos Ayres, 1883).

[1340] See Vol. IV. p. 141.

[1341] A most graphic and picturesque account of the ceremonies attending the process of adoption is given in the Narrative of the Captivity of Col. James Smith. He was taken prisoner, in May, 1755, by two Delaware Indians, and carried to Fort Duquesne. He describes the methods of the men and the women in an Indian town by which he was adopted as one of the Caughnewagos. He shared the life and rovings of the tribe till 1760, when he got back to his home; accompanied Bouquet as a guide; was colonel of a regiment in our Revolutionary War, and afterwards a member of the Kentucky legislature. Here certainly was a varied career.

[1342] Governor Colden says that when he first went among the Mohawks he was adopted by them. The name given to him was “Cayenderogue,” which was borne by an old sachem, a notable warrior. He writes: “I thought no more of it at that time than as an artifice to draw a belly-full of strong liquor from me for himself and his companions. But when, about ten or twelve years after, my business led me among them,” he was recognized by the name, and it served him in good stead. (Hist. of Five Nats., 3d ed., i. p. 11.) The savages always took the liberty of assigning names of their own, either general or individual, to the Europeans with whom they had intercourse. The governor of Canada, for the time being, was called “Onontio”; of New York, “Corlear”; of Virginia, “Assarigoa”; of Pennsylvania, “Onas,” etc. At a council of the Six Nations with the governors of Pennsylvania, Virginia, and Maryland, held at Lancaster in June, 1744, it came under notice that the governor of Maryland had as yet no appellation assigned him by the natives. Much formality was used in providing one for him. It was tried by lot as to which of the tribes should have the honor of naming him. The lot fell to the Cayugas, one of whose chiefs, after solemn deliberation, assigned the name “To-carryhogan.” (Colden, ii. p. 89.)

[1343] From Archives of Massachusetts, vol. lxviii. p. 193:—

“For the Indian Sagamores, and people that are in warre against us.

“Inteligence is Come to us that you haue some English (especially weomen and children) in Captivity among you. Wee haue therefore sent this messenger, offering to redeeme them either for payment in goods or wompom; or by exchange of prisoners. Wee desire your answer by this our messinger, what price you demand for euery man woman and child, or if you will exchainge for Indians: if you haue any among you that can write your Answer to this our messuage, we desire it in writting, and to that end haue sent paper, pen and Incke by the messenger. If you lett our messenger haue free accesse to you and freedome of a safe returne: Wee are willing to doe the like by any messenger of yours. Prouided he come vnarmed and Carry a white flagg Vpon a Staffe vissible to be seene: which we calle a flagg of truce: and is used by Civil nations in time of warre when any messingers are sent in a way of treaty: which wee haue done by our messenger.

“Boston 31th of March 1676 past by the Council E. R. S. & was signed

“In testimony whereof I haue set to my hand & Seal.

F. L. Gov.”

(From N. E. Hist. and Gen. Register, Jan’y, 1885, pp. 79, 80.)

[1344] Dinwiddie Papers, ii. p. 426.

[1345] Quoted in Parkman’s Montcalm and Wolfe, i. p. 297.

[1346] Margry, v. 135-250.

[1347] By the treaty at Lancaster, the Indians covenanted to cede to the English, for goods of the money value of £400, the lands between the Alleghanies and the Ohio. See our Vol. V. 566.—Ed.

[1348] These treaties are fully presented, with all the harangues, by Colden, vol. ii.

[1349] The most capable and intelligent interpreter employed by the English for a long period, and who served at the councils for negotiating the most important treaties of this time, was Conrad Weiser. He came with his family from Germany in 1710, and settled at Schoharie, N. Y. His ability and integrity won him the confidence alike of the Indians and the English. In the Collections of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, vol. i. pp. 1-34, are autobiographical, personal, and narrative papers and journals by this remarkable man, equally characterized by the boldest spirit of adventure and by an ardent piety. He gives in full his journal of his mission from the governments of Pennsylvania and Virginia to negotiate with the Six Nations in 1737. [See Vol. V. 566.—Ed.]

[1350] Mahon’s England, ch. 35, and Smollett’s England, Book iii. ch. 9.

[1351] Governor Dinwiddie, in urging the assembly of Virginia, in 1756, to active war measures, warned them of the alternative of “giving up your Liberty for Slavery, the purest Religion for the grossest Idolatry and Superstition, the legal and mild Government of a Protestant King for the Arbitrary Exactions and heavy Oppressions of a Popish Tyrant.” (Dinwiddie Papers, ii. p. 515.)

[1352] In Mr. Parkman’s Montcalm and Wolfe, i. p. 65 and on, is a lively account of the busy zeal of Father Piquet in making and putting to service savage converts of the sort described in the text. [See Vol. V. 571.—Ed.]

[1353] The excellent James Logan, who came over as secretary to William Penn, and who always claimed to be a consistent member of the Society of Friends, took an exception to a position on one point,—that of maintaining the right, and even obligation, of defensive warfare. A letter of very cogent argument to this effect was addressed by him to the Society of Friends in 1741, remonstrating with them for their opposition in the legislature to means for defending the colony. Collections of Historl. Soc. of Penns., i. p. 36. [See Vol V. p. 243.—Ed.]

[1354] It was but a repetition of the passions and jealousies of the colonists of Massachusetts, as maddened by the devastation inflicted upon them in King Philip’s war, when they themselves broke up the settlements, then under hopeful promise, of “Praying Indians,” at Natick and other villages, the fruits of the devoted labors of the Apostle Eliot. The occasion of this dispersion and severe watch over the Indian converts was a jealousy that they had been warmed in the bosom of a weak pity merely for a deadly use of their fangs.

[1355] [See Vol. V. 240.—Ed.]

[1356] Spotswood Papers, published by the Virginia Historical Society. [The events of this period are followed in our Vol. V.—Ed.]

[1357] The official papers are given in full by Colden, who adds a very able memorial of his own, in favor of the act, addressed to Governor Burnet, in 1724. It was estimated that the Indian trade of New York increased fivefold in twelve years.

[1358] [See Vol. V. 530, 575.—Ed.]

[1359] Appendix V to the Ohio Valley Historical Series, edition of Bouquet’s Expedition (Cincinnati, 1868).

[1360] It is estimated that not less than two hundred of these scattered traders, who had confidently ventured into the wilderness on the assurance of the treaty, were massacred, after being plundered of goods of more than a hundred thousand pounds in value.

[1361] [The events of the Pontiac war can be followed in Vol. V.—Ed.]

[1362] The bibliography of the subject is nowhere exhaustively done. The Proof-sheets of Pilling as a tentative effort, and his later divisionary sections, devoted to the Eskimo, Siouan, and other stocks, though primarily framed for their linguistic bearing, are the chief help; and these guides can be supplemented by Field’s Indian Bibliography, the references for anonymous books in Sabin’s Dictionary (ix. p. 86), and sections in many catalogues of public and private libraries, like the Brinley (iii. 5, 352 etc.), devoted wholly or in part to Americana, and the foot-notes and authorities given in Parkman, H. H. Bancroft, and many others.

[1363] Parkman’s merits as a historian are elsewhere recognized in the present history. See Vols. II., IV., and V. He first gave his summary of Indian character in the introductory chapter of his first historical book, his Pontiac. He later completed it in papers in the North Amer. Rev., July, 1865, and July, 1866, and finally in the introduction to his Jesuits.

[1364] This class of material, including the Lettres Edifiantes, has been examined in our Vol. IV. 292, 296, 316, etc. Cf. Shea’s Charlevoix, i. 88; Glorias del segundo siglo de la compañia de Jesus, 1646-1730 (Madrid, 1734).

Parkman calls Brébœuf the best observer among the Jesuits. On their missions see Revue Canadienne, Jan., 1888; Dublin Review, xii. (1869) 70; Mag. Amer. Hist., iii. 250. Margry (vol. i.) has a “Mémoire” on the Recollects, 1614-1884. Cf. Revue Canadienne, by S. Lesage, Feb., 1867, p. 303. On the earlier Canadian missions see N. E. Dionne in Nouvelles Soirées Canadiennes, i. 399; U. S. Catholic Monthly, vii. 235, 518, 561; and the Abbé Verreau on the beginnings of the Church in Canada, in Roy. Soc. Canada, Proc., ii. 63.

[1365] See Vol. IV. 130, 290, 296, 298.

[1366] Jesuits, p. liv.

[1367] Shea’s ed. Charlevoix, p. 91. See post, Vol. IV. 298.

[1368] Cf. Vol. IV. p. 242.

[1369] U.S. Statutes at Large, xvii. 513.

[1370] Parkman in his La Salle lets us into the feelings of that explorer. La Salle’s account of the Indians is translated in the Mag. Amer. Hist., Ap., 1878.

[1371] Cf. Travels of several learned missionaries of the Society of Jesus, translated from the French (London, 1714).

[1372] See Vol. V. 245, 582.

[1373] See Vol. V. p. 169.

[1374] Other missionary records are noticed in Vol. V. Brinton enlarges upon the traces of Indian degradation following upon all missionary efforts among them. Amer. Hero Myths, 206, 231.

[1375] The careers of Johnson and Croghan are traced in Vol. V.

[1376] Vol. V. passim.

[1377] Such were the Travels of Alexander Henry, the Sufferings of Peter Williamson, and the long list of so-called “Captivities” (see Vol. V. 186, 490). Probably Mr. Samuel G. Drake was for many years the most assiduous promoter of this class of books. This compiler’s sympathetic sentiment clearly affected his rhetoric and sometimes the accuracy of his statements. Cf. titles of his books in Pilling, Sabin, and Field. Cf. Drake’s Aboriginal Races of North America, revised by H. L. Williams (N. Y., 1880).

[1378] Voyages: an account of his travels and experiences among the North American Indians, from 1652 to 1684. Transcribed from original manuscripts in the Bodleian Library and the British Museum. With historical illustrations and an introduction by G. D. Scull (Boston, 1885), a publication of the Prince Society.

[1379] Voyages, 2d ed., London, 1724.

[1380] See Vol. IV. p. 299.

[1381] In 1766-68.

[1382] Reise in das Innere Nord Amerikas (Coblenz, 1841); also in an English translation (London).

[1383] Border Reminiscences (N. Y., 1872).

[1384] Army Sacrifices.

[1385] Notes of the settlement and Indian wars of the western parts of Virginia and Pennsylvania, 1763-1783. See Vol. V. p. 581.

[1386] The question has often been discussed as to the origin of the title of “Indian summer,” as applied to a beautiful portion of our autumnal season. Dr. Doddridge gives us an explanation of its original significance, or, at least, of an association with it, which would make a feeling of dread rather than of romance its most striking suggestion. He says that to a backwoodsman the term in its original import would cause a chill of horror. The explanation is as follows: The white settlers on the frontiers found no peace from Indian alarms and onsets save in the winter. From spring to the early part of the autumn, the settlers, cooped up in the forts, or ever at watch in their fields, had no security or comfort. The approach of winter was hailed as a jubilee in cabin and farm, with bustle and hilarity. But after the first set-in of winter aspects came a longer or shorter interval of warm, smoky, hazy weather, which would tempt the Indians—as if a brief return of summer—to renew their incursions on the frontiers. The season, then, was an “Indian summer” only for blood and mischief. So the spell of warm open weather, of melting snows, in the latter part of February—a premature spring—was a period of dread for the frontiersmen. It was called the “pawwawing days,” as the Indians were then holding their incantations and councils for rehearsing for their spring war-parties.

[1387] Cf. further on Hildreth and his books our Vol. VII. p. 536.

[1388] There are notices of other books of this kind in Vols. V. and VII. of the present History. Particularly, may be mentioned Joseph Pritt’s Mirror of Olden Time (Chambersburg, Va., 1848; 2d ed., Abingdon, Va., 1849), in which the most interesting portions are the personal narratives of such captives to the Indians as Col. James Smith, John M’Cullough, and others, the full credibility of which is vouched for by those who knew them as neighbors and associates. This class of narratives by men who for years, willingly or unwillingly, affiliated with their wild captors make very intelligible to us the fact that the whites are much more readily Indianized than are Indians led to conform to the ways of civilization. Cf. Archibald Loudon’s Selection of some of the most interesting narratives, of outrages, committed by the Indians, in their wars with the white people. Also, an account of their manners, customs, traditions, etc. (Carlisle, 1808-11; Harrisburg, 1888).

[1389] Vol. VII. p. 448. As types of successive ranges of anthropological studies see Happel’s Thesaurus Exoticorum (Hamburg, 1688); Stuart and Kuyper’s De Mensch zoo als hij voorkomt (Amsterdam, 1802), vol. vi., and the better known Researches of Prichard (vol. v.).

[1390] See Vol. V. 68.

[1391] See Vol. VII. 264.

[1392] The original paintings for the plates are now in the Peabody Museum (Report, xvi. 189). M’Kenney also published his Memoirs, official and personal, with sketches of travel among the northern and southern Indians (N. Y., 1846), in two volumes. He had been in 1816 the agent of the United States in dealing with the Indians, and in 1824 had been put at the head of the Indian bureau.

[1393] The English editions are generally called Illustrations of the Manners, etc.

[1394] The best bibliographical record of Catlin’s publications is in Pilling’s Bibliog. Siouan languages (1887), p. 15. Cf. Field, p. 63; Sabin, iii. p. 436.

[1395] The volume contains three interesting portraits of Catlin and reimpressions of his drawings as originally published.

[1396] For diversity of opinions respecting it see Allibone’s Dictionary. The modern scientific historian and ethnologist think in conjunction in giving it a low rank compared with what such a book should be. The fullest account of the bibliography of this and of Schoolcraft’s other books is in Pilling’s Proof-sheets. Whatever credit may accrue to Schoolcraft is kept out of sight in the title-page of a condensation of the book, which has some interspersed additions from other sources, all of which are obscurely included, so that the authorship of them is uncertain. The book is called The Indian Tribes of the United States, edited by F. S. Drake (Philad., 1884), in 2 vols. There is another conglomerate and useful book, edited by W. W. Beach, The Indian Miscellany; papers on the history, antiquities [etc.] of the American aborigines (Albany, 1877), which is a collection of magazine, review, and newspaper articles by various writers, usually of good character.

[1397] Particularly in Vol. IV.

[1398] Cf. Vol. VI. 610, 611, 650.

[1399] A part of it is reproduced by J. Watts de Peyster in his Miscellanies by an Officer, part ii. (N. Y., 1888).

[1400] Vol. VII. p. 448.

[1401] There is a map of the distribution of Indians in the eastern part of the United States in Cassino’s Standard Nat. Hist., vi. 147.

[1402] See ante, p. 106.

[1403] Paul Kane’s Wanderings of an artist among the Indians is translated by Ed. Delessert in Les Indiens de la baie d’Hudson (Paris, 1861).

[1404] The truth seems to be that some were last seen in that year. It is uncertain whether they died out, or the final remnant crossed into Labrador.

[1405] See Vol. IV. p. 292.

[1406] Cf. Account of the customs and manners of the Micmakis and Maricheets savage nations. From an original French manuscript letter, never published. Annexed, pieces relative to the savages, Nova Scotia [etc.] (London, 1758); J. G. Shea in Hist. Mag., v. 290; No. Am. Rev., vol. cxii., Jan., 1871. For missions among them see Vol. IV. p. 268.

[1407] See Vol. IV. p. 299. The Hurons as the leading stock in Canada are, of course, to be studied in the Jesuit Relations and in all the other accounts of the Catholic missions in Canada, as well as in the early historical narratives, alluded to in the text, and in such special books as the Sieur Gendron’s Pays des Hurons (see Vol. IV. 305), and in the accounts of leading missionaries like Jean de Brébœuf. Cf. Félix Martin’s Hurons et Iroquois (Paris, 1877); J. M. Lemoine in Maple Leaves, 2d ser. (1873); Cayaron’s Chaumont, 1639-1693, and his Autobiographie et pièces inédites (Poitiers, 1869); B. Sulte on the Iroquois and Algonquins in the Revue Canadienne (x. 606); D. Wilson on the Huron-Iroquois of Canada in Roy. Soc. Canada, Proc. (1884, vol. ii.), and references, post, Vol. IV. p. 307. W. H. Withrow has a paper on the last of the Hurons in the Canadian Monthly (ii. 409).

[1408] All of these books are further characterized in Vols. IV. and V. Cf. also J. Campbell in the Quebec Lit. and Hist. Soc. Trans., 1881, and Wm. Clint in Ibid. 1877; and Daniel Wilson in Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci. Proc. (1882), vol. xxxi., and in his Prehist. Man, ii. Also Vetromile’s Abnakis (N. Y., 1866).

[1409] Vol. III.

[1410] “Hist. Coll. of the Indians of N. E.” in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., i.

[1411] Noyes’ New England’s Duty, Boston, 1698.

[1412] Cf. Neal’s New England, i. ch. 6; Conn. Evang. Mag., ii., iii., iv.; Amer. Q. Reg., iv.; Sabbath at Home, Apr.-July, 1868.

[1413] Cf. his letters in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., Nov., 1879; N. E. Hist. Gen. Reg., July, 1882; Birch’s Life of Robert Boyle; and the lives of Eliot. For the Eliot tracts see our Vol. III. p. 355. Marvin’s reprint of Eliot’s Brief Narration (1670) has a list of writers on the subject. Cf. Martin Moore on Eliot and his Converts in the Amer. Quart. Reg., Feb., 1843, reprinted in Beach’s Indian Miscellany, p. 405; Ellis’s Red Man and White Man in No. America; Jacob’s Praying Indians; and Bigelow’s Natick.

[1414] Sabin, x. p. 191.

[1415] Archæologia Amer., ii.

[1416] Cf. John Gillies’ Hist. Coll. relating to remarkable periods of the success of the Gospel (Glasgow, 1754).

[1417] Success of the gospel among the Indians of Martha’s Vineyard (1694). Conquests and Triumphs of Grace (1696), which is reprinted in part in Mather’s Magnalia. Indian Converts of Martha’s Vineyard (1727), and Experience, its author, appended to one of his discourses a “State of the Indians, 1694-1720.”

[1418] Origin and early progress of Indian missions in New England, with a list of books in the Indian language printed at Cambridge and Boston, 1653-1721 (Worcester, 1874, or Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., Oct., 1873); a paper on the Indian tongue and its literature in the Mem. Hist. Boston, i. 465.

[1419] Wheelock has given us A brief narrative of the Indian Charity School (London, 1766; 2d ed., 1767), and a series of tracts portray its later progress. Cf. McClure and Parish’s Memoir of Wheelock. Samson Occum and Brant were his pupils. Also see Miss Fletcher’s Report, p. 94, and S. C. Bartlett in The Granite Monthly (1888), p. 277.

[1420] See Vol. III. p. 364. There is a bibliography of the Indians in Maine in the Hist. Mag., March, 1870, p. 164. Cf. Hanson’s Gardiner, etc.; the histories of Norridgewock by Hanson and Allen; Sabine in the Christian Examiner, 1857; and Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vols. iii., ix. On the Maine missions, see post, Vol. IV. 300; and R. H. Sherwood in the Catholic World, xxii. 656.

[1421] See Vol. III. p. 367.

[1422] Cf. Report on the Mass. Archives (1885).

[1423] Vol. III. p. 362.

[1424] Dr. Ellis has a paper on the Indians of eastern Massachusetts in the Mem. Hist. Boston, i. 241. For the middle regions there are Epaphras Hoyt’s Antiquarian Researches (Greenfield, 1824), and Temple’s North Brookfield, not to name other books. For the Stockbridge tribe and the Housatonics, see Samuel Hopkins’ Hist. Memoirs relating to the Housatunnuk Indians (1753); Jones’ Stockbridge; Charles Allen’s Report on the Stockbridge Indians (Boston, 1870; Ho. Doc. Mass. Leg., no. 13, of 1870); S. Orcutt’s Indians of the Housatonic and Naugatuck Valleys (Hartford, 1882); Mag. Amer. Hist., Dec., 1878; and Miss Fletcher’s Report, pp. 38, 90. For the Wampanoags on the borders of Rhode Island, see Smithsonian Report, 1883; and William J. Miller’s Notes concerning the Wampanoag tribe of Indians, with some account of a rock picture on the shore of Mount Hope Bay, in Bristol, R. I. (Providence, 1880).

[1425] Potter’s Early Hist. of Narragansett; R. I. Hist. Coll., viii.; Henry Bull’s Memoir in R. I. Hist. Mag., April, 1886; Usher Parsons on the Nyantics in Hist. Mag., Feb., 1863.

[1426] Theo. Dwight’s Connecticut, ch. 5-7; Trumbull’s Connecticut, ch. 5, 6; Ellis’ Life of Capt. Mason; W. L. Stone’s Uncas and Miantonomoh; S. Orcutt’s Stratford and Bridgeport (1886); Luzerne Ray in New Englander, July, 1843 (reprinted in Beach’s Ind. Miscellany).

On the Pequods, see Wm. Apes’ Son of the Forest, and other small books by this member of the tribe, published from 1829 to 1837; Lossing in Scribner’s Monthly, ii., Oct., 1871 (included in Beach). Cf. our Vol. III. p. 368.

[1427] Further modern portraitures can be found in Dwight’s Travels; Barry’s Massachusetts; Felt’s Eccles. Hist. N. E. (p. 279); Samuel Eliot on the “Early relations with the Indians” in the volume of the Mass. Hist. Soc. Lectures; Zachariah Allen on The conditions of life, habits, and customs of the native Indians of America, and their treatment by the first settlers. An address before the Rhode Island Historical Society, Dec. 4, 1879 (Providence, 1880). Cf. on the Indians and the Puritans, Amer. Chh. Review, iii. 208, 359.

[1428] Cf. Brodhead’s New York; the Doc. Hist. N. Y.; and Wm. Eliot Griffis’ Arent van Curler and his policy of peace with the Iroquois (1884).

[1429] Cf. Vol. IV. 306. The best source for the story of Jogues is Felix Martin’s Life of Father Isaac Jogues, missionary priest of the Society of Jesus, slain by the Mohawk Iroquois, in the present state of New York, Oct. 18, 1646. With [his] account of the captivity and death of René Goupil, slain Sept. 29, 1642. Translated from the French by J. G. Shea (New York, 1885). It is accompanied by a map of the county by Gen. John S. Clark, indicating the sites of the Indian villages and missions, which is an improvement upon Clark’s earlier map, given post, Vol. IV. 293. Cf. Hist. Mag., xii. 15; Hale’s Book of Rites, introd. W. H. Withrow has a paper on Jogues in the Proc. Roy. Soc. Canada, iii. (2) 45.

[1430] Vol. IV. 279, 309.

[1431] Cf. D. Humphrey’s Hist. Acc. of the Soc. for propagating the Gospel (1730); Doc. Hist. N. Y., iv.; A. G. Hopkins in the Oneida Hist. Soc. Trans., 1885-86, p. 5; W. M. Beauchamp in Am. Chh. Rev., xlvi. 87; S. K. Lothrop’s Kirkland; and Miss Fletcher’s Report (1888), p. 85.

[1432] Sylvester’s Northern New York; Clark’s Onondaga; Jones’s Oneida County; Simms’ Schoharie County; Benton’s Herkimer County; C. E. Stickney’s Minisink Region; G. H. Harris’ Aboriginal occupation of the lower Genesee County (Rochester, 1884,—taken from W. F. Peck’s Semi-Centennial Hist. of Rochester); Ketchum’s Buffalo; John Wentworth Sanborn’s Legends, Customs, and Social Life of the Seneca Indians (Gowanda, N. Y., 1878). On the origin of the name Seneca, see O. H. Marshall’s Hist. Writings, p. 231.

[1433] See Vol. IV. 299. Shea says the only copies known of the 1727 edition are those noted in the catalogues of H. C. Murphy, Menzies, Brinley, and T. H. Morrell. Stevens noted a copy in 1885, at £42. The Murphy Catalogue gives the various editions. Cf. Sabin and Pilling. There is an account of Colden in the Hist. Mag., Jan., 1865. Palfrey (New England, iv. 40) warns the student that Colden must be used with caution, and that he needs to be corrected by Charlevoix.

[1434] See Vol. V. 618.

[1435] Cf. Vol. IV. 297. Schoolcraft later included in his Indian Tribes a reprint of David Cusick’s Ancient Hist. of the Six Nations (1825), the work of a Tuscarora chief. Brinton (Myths, 108) calls it of little value. Elias Johnson, another Tuscarora, printed a little Hist. of the Six Nations at Lockport in 1881.

[1436] See Vol. V., VI., VII.

[1437] This was the earliest of Morgan’s important writings on the Iroquois, but the full outcome of all his views on the Indian character and life can only be studied by following him through his later Ancient Society, his Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity, and his Houses and House-life of the American Aborigines. Cf. Pilling’s Proof-sheets for a conspectus of his works. Morgan’s early studies on the Iroquois sensibly affected his judgment in his later treatment of all other North American tribes.

[1438] Hale has also contributed to the Mag. Amer. Hist., 1885, xiii. 131, a paper on “Chief George H. M. Johnson, his life and work among the Six Nations;” and to the Amer. Antiquarian, 1885, vii. 7, one on “The Iroquois sacrifice of the white dog.”

A few other references on the Iroquois follow: Drake’s Book of the Indians, book v.; D. Sherman in Mag. West. Hist., i. 467; W. W. Beauchamp in Amer. Antiquarian (Nov., 1886), viii. 358; D. Gray on the last Indian council in the Genesee Country, in Scribner’s Mag., xxv. 338; Penna. Mag., i. 163, 319; ii. 407. For the Schaghticoke tribe, see Hist. Mag., June, 1870; and for those of the Susquehanna Valley, Miner’s Wyoming and Stone’s Wyoming. E. M. Ruttenber’s Indian Tribes of the Hudson River (Albany, 1872) is an important book. Miss Fletcher’s Report includes a paper on the N. Y. Indians, by F. B. Hough.

[1439] N. Jersey Hist. Soc. Proc., vol. iv.

[1440] There is a sketch of this singular character in Brinton’s Lenape, ch. 7.

[1441] Also Amer. Whig Review, Feb., 1849; and in Beach’s Indian Miscellany.

[1442] We may also note: D. B. Brunner’s Indians of Berks county, Pa.; being a summary of all the tangible records of the aborigines of Berks County (Reading, Pa., 1881), and W. J. Buck’s “Lappawinzo and Tishcohan chiefs of the Lenni Lenape” in the Penna. Mag. of Hist., July, 1883, p. 215. The early writers to elucidate the condition of the Delawares soon after the white contact are Vanderdonck, Campanius, Gabriel Thomas, and later there is something of value in Peter Kalm’s Travels. The early authorities on Pennsylvania need also to be consulted, as well as the Penna. Archives, and the Collections of the Penna. Hist. Soc., and its Bulletin, whose first number has Ettwein’s Traditions and language of the Indians. Of considerable historical value is Charles Thomson’s Enquiry (see Vol. V. 575), and the relations of the Quakers to the tribes are surveyed in an Account of the Conduct of the Society of Friends towards the Indian Tribes (Lond., 1844); but other references will be found post, Vol. V. 582, including others on the Moravian missions, the literature of which is of much importance in this study. Cf. Chas. Beatty’s Journal of a two months’ tour (London, 1768), the works of Heckewelder and Loskiel, and Schweinitz’s Zeisberger. Cf. Miss Fletcher’s Report, p. 78.

[1443] Vol. III., under Virginia and Maryland. Cf. Hist. Mag., March, 1857.

[1444] For instance, the Relatio itineris in Marylandiam.

[1445] See Vol. III.

[1446] The latest summary is in Miss Fletcher’s Report, ch. 2 and 3.

[1447] F. Kidder in Hist. Mag. (1857), i. 161. Doyle’s English in America, Virginia, etc. (London, 1882) gives a brief chapter to the natives. Cf. travels of Bartram and Smyth, and Miss Fletcher’s Report, ch. 19.

[1448] Vol. II.

[1449] Vol. V. p. 65.

[1450] Vol. V. p. 69, 344, 393.

[1451] Vol. V. p. 401.

[1452] This also makes part of the Urlsperger tract, Ausführliche Nachricht von den Saltzburgischen Emigranten (Halle, 1835). See Vol. V. p. 395.

[1453] Vol. V. p. 399. Cf. Mag. Amer. Hist., v. 346.

[1454] The long contested case of the Cherokees v. Georgia brought out much material. Cf. Vol. VII. p. 322, and Poole’s Index, p. 225. There is a somewhat curious presentation of the Cherokee mind in the address of Dewi Brown in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xii. 30.

[1455] The histories of the Creek war give some material. See Vol. VII. and Harrison’s Life of John Howard Payne, ch. 4. Cf. Poole’s Index, p. 314.

[1456] Cf. Poole’s Index.

[1457] See Vol. VII.

[1458] Cf. Claiborne’s Mississippi, i.; Brinton in Hist. Mag., 2d ser., vol. i. p. 16; and E. L. Berthoud’s Natchez Indians (Golden, 1886), a pamphlet.

[1459] Vol. V. p. 68. Cf. also an abridged memoir of the missions in Louisiana by Father Francis Watrin, Jesuit, 1764-65, in Mag. West. Hist., Feb., 1885, p. 265; the Travels into Arkansa territory, 1819, by Thomas Nuttall (Philad., 1821), for other accounts of the aboriginal inhabitants of the banks of the Mississippi; the History of Kansas (Chicago, 1883), p. 58; and the Proceedings of the Kansas Hist. Society.

[1460] Cf. Vol. IV. p. 298; and C. W. Butterfield in the Mag. West. Hist., Feb., 1887; and on the Indian occupation of Ohio, Ibid., Nov., 1884. David Jones’ Two Visits, 1772-73, concerns the Ohio Indians. Our Vol. V. covers this region during the French wars. J. R. Dodge’s Red Man of the Ohio Valley, 1650-1795 (Springfield, O., 1860), is a popular book.

[1461] Hist. Mag., x. (Jan., 1866).

[1462] Mag. West. Hist., ii. 38.

[1463] Hist. Writings, 1887.

[1464] Fergus Hist. Series, No. 27 (1884). Cf. Hough’s map of the tribal districts of Indiana in his Rept. on the Geology and Nat. Hist. of Indiana (1882).

[1465] See Vol. IV. 298.

[1466] Cf. Hist. Mag., Sept., 1861; and Peter D. Clarke’s Origin and Traditional Hist. of the Wyandotts (Toronto, 1870). Clarke is a native Indian writer.

[1467] Cf. I. A. Lapham on the Indians of Wisconsin (Milwaukee, 1879); and E. Jacker on the missions in Am. Cath. Quart., i. 404; also Miss Fletcher’s Report, ch. 21.

[1468] Vol. VII.

[1469] Cf. her Report (1888), ch. 10, and her Indian ceremonies (Salem, Mass., 1884), taken from the xvi. Report of the Peabody Museum of Amer. Archæology and Ethnology, 1883, pp. 260-333, and containing: The white buffalo festival of the Uncpapas.—The elk mystery or festival. Ogallala Sioux.—The religious ceremony of the four winds or quarters, as observed by the Santee Sioux.—The shadow or ghost lodge: a ceremony of the Ogallala Sioux.—The “Wawan,” or pipe dance of the Omahas.

The Minnesota Hist. Soc. Collections have much on the Dacotahs.

[1470] Ab-sa-ra-ka, home of the Crows, being the experience of an officer’s wife on the plains, with outlines of the natural features of the land, tables of distances, maps [etc.] (Philad., 1868).

[1471] These may be supplemented by Letheman’s account of the Navajos in the Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 280; and books of adventures, like Ruxton’s Life in the Far West; Pumpelly’s Across America and Asia; H. C. Dorr in Overland Monthly, Apr., 1871 (also in Beach’s Indian Miscellany); James Hobbs’ Wild life in the far West (Hartford, 1875),—not to name others, and a large mass of periodical literature to be reached for the English portion through Poole’s Index. Cf. Miss Fletcher’s Report (1888).

[1472] A Journal, kept at Nootka Sound, by John R. Jewitt, one of the surviving crew of the ship Boston, of Boston, John Salter, commander, who was massacred on 22d of March, 1803. Interspersed with some account of the natives, their manners and customs (Boston, 1807). Another account has been published with the title, “A narrative of the adventures and sufferings of J. R. Jewitt,” compiled from Jewitt’s “Oral relations,” by Richard Alsop; and another alteration and abridgment by S. G. Goodrich has been published with the title, “The captive of Nootka.” Cf. Sabin, Pilling, Field, etc. Cf. also Hist. Mag., Mar., 1863. The French half-breeds of the Northwest are described by V. Havard in the Smithsonian Rept., 1879.

[1473] Dall’s Alaska and its Resources (Boston, 1870), with its list of books, is of use in this particular field. Cf. also Miss Fletcher’s Report (1888), ch. 19 and 20.

[1474] His map is reproduced in Petermann’s Geog. Mittheilungen, xxv. pl. 13.

[1475] The periodical literature can be reached through Poole’s Index; particularly to be mentioned, however, are the Atlantic Monthly, Apr., 1875; by J. R. Browne in Harper’s Mag., Aug., 1861, repeated in Beach’s Ind. Miscellany. For the missionary aspects see such books as Geronimo Boscana’s Chinigchinich; a historical account of the origin, customs, and traditions of the Indians at the missionary establishment of St. Juan Capistrano, Alta California; called the Acagchemem nation. Translated from the original Spanish manuscript, by one who was many years a resident of Alta California [Alfred Robinson] (N. Y., 1846), which is included in Robinson’s Life in California (N. Y., 1846); and C. C. Painter’s Visit to the mission Indians of southern California, and other western tribes (Philadelphia, 1886).

[1476] See, for instance: Maj. Powell on tribal society in the Third Rept. Bur. of Ethnology. On Totemism, see the Fourth Rept., p. 165, and J. G. Frazier in his Totemism (Edinburgh, 1887). Lucien Carr on the social and political condition of women among the Huron-Iroquois tribes, in Peabody Mus. Rept., xvi. 207. J. M. Browne on Indian medicine in the Atlantic, July, 1866, reprinted in Beach’s Indian Miscellany. J. M. Lemoine on their mortuary rites in Proc. Roy. Soc. Canada, ii. 85, and H. C. Yarrow on their mortuary customs in the First Rept. Bur. Ethnol., p. 87, and on their mummifications in Ibid. p. 130. Andrew MacFarland Davis on Indian games in the Bulletin, Essex Institute, vols. xvii., xviii., and separately. On their intellectual and literary capacity, John Reade in the Proc. Roy. Soc. of Canada (ii. sect. 2d, p. 17); Edward Jacker in Amer. Catholic Quarterly (ii. 304; iii. 255); Brinton’s Lenape and their legends; W. G. Simms’ Views and Reviews.

[1477] The North Americans of Antiquity, by John T. Short, p. 130.

[1478] Ibid. p. 127.

[1479] The Antiquity of Man in America, by Alfred R. Wallace in Nineteenth Century (November, 1887), vol. xxii. p. 673.

[1480] Palæolithic Man in America, in Popular Science Monthly (November, 1888), p. 23.

[1481] Sometimes the gravels in which such implements were originally deposited have disappeared through denudation or other natural causes, leaving the implements on the surface. But the outside of such specimens always shows traces of decomposition, indicating their high antiquity. Other examples of implements of like shape, found on the surface in places where there has been no glacial drift, may be palæolithic, but their form is no sufficient proof of this, since they may equally well have been the work of the Indians, who are known to have fashioned similar objects.

[1482] The Great Ice Age and its relation to the antiquity of Man, by James Geikie, p. 416.

[1483] An Inventory of our Glacial Drift, by T. C. Chamberlin in the Proceedings of American Association for Advancement of Science, vol. xxxv. p. 196. A general map of this great moraine and others representing portions of it on a large scale will be found in his “Preliminary Paper on the terminal moraine of the second glacial period,” in the Third Annual Report of the U. S. Geological Survey, by J. W. Powell (Washington, 1883).

[1484] Chamberlin, Proc. Amer. Assoc., ubi sup., p. 199.

[1485] The place of Niagara Falls in geological history, by G. K. Gilbert, of the U. S. Govt. Surv., in the Proc. Amer. Assoc., Ibid. p. 223; Geology of Minnesota [final report], by N. H. Winchell and Warren Upham, vol. i. p. 337 (St. Paul, 1888).

[1486] The American Naturalist, vol. vii. p. 204.

[1487] Ibid. vol. x. p. 329.

[1488] Tenth Annual Report of the Trustees of the Peabody Museum of American Archæology and Ethnology, vol. ii. p. 30.

[1489] Second report on the palæolithic implements from the glacial drift, in the valley of the Delaware River, near Trenton, New Jersey, Ibid. p. 225.

[1490] A complete account of Dr. Abbott’s investigations will be found in his Primitive Industry, chap. 32 (Palæolithic Implements); Tenth ann. rep. of Peabody Museum, vol. ii. p. 30; Eleventh Do., Ibid. p. 225; Proceedings of Boston Society of Natural History, vol. xxi. p. 124; vol. xxiii. p. 424; Proc. of Amer. Assoc. for Adv. of Science, vol. xxxvii.

[1491] Proceedings of Boston Society of Natural History, vol. xxi. p. 148.

[1492] Twelfth annual report of Peabody Museum, vol. ii. p. 489.

[1493] Proceedings of Boston Soc. of Nat. Hist., Ibid. p. 132.

[1494] Popular Science Monthly, January, 1889, p. 411.

[1495] On the discovery of stone implements in the glacial drift of North America, in the Quart. Journ. of Science (London, January, 1878), vol. xv. p. 68.

[1496] The Trenton gravel and its relation to the antiquity of man, in the Proceedings of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, 1880, p. 296.

[1497] Primitive Industry, p. 533 et seq.

[1498] The bibliography of Professor Wright’s publications upon this subject will be found in Proc. Boston Soc. of Nat. Hist., vol. xxiii. p. 427.

[1499] Science, vol. i. p. 271.

[1500] Proc. Boston Soc. of Nat. Hist., vol. xxiii. p. 435.

[1501] Proc. Amer. Assoc. for Adv. of Science, vol. xxxvii.

[1502] Early Man in the Delaware Valley, in the Proc. Boston Soc. of Nat. Hist., vol. xxiv.

[1503] The Age of the Philadelphia Red Gravel, Proc. Boston Soc. of Nat. Hist., vol. xxiv.

[1504] Antiquities of the Southern Indians, p. 293. The preface of this volume is dated “New York, April 10, 1873.” In an article in the North American Review for January, 1874 (vol. cxviii. p. 70), on “The Antiquity of the North American Indians,” he traces that race back to palæolithic times.

[1505] Flint implements from the stratified drift of the vicinity of Richmond, Va., in the American Journal of Science (3d series), vol. xi. p. 195; quoted in Dana’s Manual of Geology, p. 578.

[1506] Sixth annual report of the Geological and Natural History Survey of Minnesota, 1877, p. 54.

[1507] Her paper on “Ancient quartz-workers and their quarries in Minnesota,” read before the Minnesota Historical Society, February, 1880, was reprinted in The American Antiquarian, vol. iii. p. 18.

[1508] Vestiges of Glacial Man in Central Minnesota, in the Proc. Amer. Assoc. for Adv. of Science, vol. xxxii. p. 385. A more extended account of her researches will be found under the same title in the American Naturalist for June and July, 1884 (vol. xviii. pp. 594 and 697). On p. 705 the writer has given at some length his opinion in regard to the artificial character of these quartz objects.

[1509] Proc. of Boston Soc. of Nat. Hist., vol. xxiii. p. 436.

[1510] In 1877, by Professor S. S. Haldeman on an island in the Susquehanna River, in Lancaster Co., Penn. (Eleventh Rep. Peabody Mus., vol. ii. p. 255). In 1878, by A. F. Berlin in the Schuylkill Valley, at Reading, Penn. (American Antiquarian, vol. i. p. 10). In 1879, by Dr. W. J. Hoffman in the valley of the Potomac, near Washington (American Naturalist, vol. xiii. p. 108). Subsequently by others in the same vicinity, reported by S. V. Proudfit in The American Anthropologist, vol. i. p. 337. By David Dodge at Wakefield, Mass., and by Mr. Frazer at Marshfield, Mass. (Proc. of Boston Soc. of Nat. Hist., vol. xxi. pp. 123 and 450). By the writer, in several localities in New England (Ibid. p. 382).

[1511] Sixth annual report of the U. S. Geological Survey of the Territories, by F. V. Hayden (1873), p. 652.

[1512] Ibid. (1874), p. 247.

[1513] Ibid. p. 254.

[1514] Eleventh Report of Peabody Museum, p. 257.

[1515] Geological History of Lake Lahontan, a quaternary lake of northwestern Nevada, by I. C. Russell, being Monog. No. xi. U. S. Geol. Surv. under J. W. Powell, p. 247 (Washington, 1885).

[1516] Ibid. p. 269.

[1517] Pop. Science Monthly, November, 1888, p. 27.

[1518] Article in the Iconographic Encyclopædia, on Prehistoric Archæology, by Daniel G. Brinton, vol. ii. p. 63 (Philadelphia, 1886).

[1519] Smithsonian Report, 1862, p. 297, where it is figured; and repeated in his Prehistoric Man, vol. i. p. 45.

[1520] See p. 385 of this volume.

[1521] Memoirs of Mus. of Comp. Zoölogy at Harv. College, vol. vi. pp. 258-288 (Cambridge, 1880).

[1522] The Native Races of the Pacific States of North America, by H. H. Bancroft, vol. iv. pp. 699-707.

[1523] Transactions of the Chicago Academy of Sciences, vol. i. p. 232, pl. xxii, fig. 3.

[1524] The aboriginal relics called “sinkers” or “plummets” in Amer. Journal of Archæology, vol. i. p. 105.

[1525] The Epoch of the Mammoth and the Apparition of Man upon the Earth, by James C. Southall, p. 399 (Philadelphia, 1878).

[1526] Schoolcraft’s Indian Tribes of the United States, vol. i. p. 101 (Philadelphia, 1851).

[1527] S. B. J. Skertchly in the Journal Anthrop. Inst., vol. xvii. p. 335 (Jan. 10, 1888).

[1528] The American Naturalist, vol. xxi. p. 459 (1887).

[1529] Early Man in America, in the North American Review, Oct., 1883, p. 340.

[1530] The Auriferous Gravels, etc., p. 273.

[1531] Ibid. p. 242.

[1532] Sixth annual report of the U. S. Geol. Surv. of the Territories, p. 29.

[1533] Ibid. p. 44.

[1534] The Auriferous Gravels, etc., p. 281.

[1535] The Antiquity of Man in North America, p. 679.

[1536] Proc. of Boston Soc. of Nat. Hist., vol. xxiii, p. 269.

[1537] Reports of Peabody Museum, vol. iii. pp. 177, 408; iv. p. 35.

[1538] Early Man in Britain, by W. Boyd Dawkins, p. 167.

[1539] Dr. H. Ten Kate in Science, vol. xii. p. 228 (November 9, 1888).

[1540] Notes on the Crania of the N. E. Indians, by Lucien Carr, p. 9 (Anniversary Memoirs of Boston Soc. of Nat. Hist.), 1880.

[1541] The Standard Natural History, ed. by J. S. Kingsley, vol. vi. p. 143.

[1542] The Mammoth and the Flood, by Henry H. Howorth, p. 316 (London, 1887).

[1543] Fossil Men and their modern Representatives, by J. W. Dawson, p. 106 et seq. (London, 1880).

[1544] Le Maconnais Préhistorique, ... ouvrage posthume par H. De Ferry ... avec notes et cet. par A. Arcelin, Mâcon, 1870.

[1545] The Auriferous Gravels, etc., p. 287.

[1546] Primitive Industry; or Illustrations of the Handiwork in Stone, Bone, and Clay of the Native Races of the Northern Atlantic Seaboard of America, by Charles C. Abbott (Salem and Boston, 1881), p. 3.

[1547] Proc. Boston Soc. of Nat. Hist., vol. xxiii. p. 422.

[1548] Proc. of Am. Assoc. for Adv. of Science, vol. xxxvii.

[1549] Primitive Industry, p. 253.

[1550] Ibid. p. 262.

[1551] Primitive Industry, p. 276 et seq.

[1552] Ibid. p. 515, note.

[1553] Proc. of Am. Assoc. for Adv. of Science, vol. xxxvii.

[1554] Peter Kalm, Travels into North America, translated by J. R. Forster (London, 1770-71), v. ii. p. 17.

[1555] Primitive Industry, p. 462.

[1556] Proc. of Amer. Assoc. for Adv. of Science, vol. xxxvii.

[1557] Rep. of Peabody Museum, vol. iv. p. 43.

[1558] Vol. ix. p. 363.

[1559] See Vol. II. pp. 144 and 187.

[1560] Companions of Columbus, p. 28.

[1561] Flint Chips, a Guide to Prehistoric Archæology, by Edw. T. Stevens, p. 123.

[1562] Antiquities of the Southern Indians, by C. C. Jones, p. 320.

[1563] Rep. of Peabody Museum, vol. iv. p. 45.

[1564] “Early Man in the Delaware Valley,” in the Proc. Boston Soc. of Nat. Hist., vol. xxiv.

[1565] Early Man in Britain, p. 173.

[1566] Waitz, Introd. to Anthropology, Eng. trans., p. 255, points out the dangers of over-confidence in this research. Cf. also J. H. McCulloh’s Researches (1829).

The best indications of the sources as respects the origin of the Americans can be found in Haven’s Archæology of the United States (Smithsonian Contributions, vii., 1856); Bancroft’s foot-notes to his Nat. Races, v. ch. 1; Short, ch. 3, on the diversity of opinions; Poole’s Index, p. 637, and Supplement, p. 274. Cf. Drake’s Book of the Indians, ch. 2.

Without anticipating the characterization and mention of the essential books later to be indicated, some miscellaneous references may be added without much attempt at classifying them.

Among English writers: Hyde Clarke’s Researches on prehistoric and protohistoric comparative philology, mythology, and archæology in connection with the origin of culture in America (London, 1875). Robert Knox’s Races of Men (London, 1862); J. Kennedy in his Probable origin of the American Indians (London, 1854), and in his Essays, ethnological and linguistic (London, 1861); J. C. Beltrami’s Pilgrimage in Europe and America (London, 1828); C. H. Smith in Edinburgh New Philosophical Journal, xxxviii. 1.

Some French authorities: Nadaillac, Les premiers hommes, ii. 93, and his L’Amérique préhistorique, ch. 10, and to the English translation W. H. Dall adds a chapter on this subject; Brasseur de Bourbourg’s introduction to his Popul Vuh (section 4); Dabry de Thiersant’s De l’origine des indiens du nouveau monde et de leur civilisation (Paris, 1883); M. A. Baguet’s “Les races primitives des deux Amériques” in Bull. de la Soc. de Géog. d’Anvers, viii. 440; Domenech in Revue Contemporaine, 1st ser., xxxiii. 283; xxxiv. 5, 284; 2d ser., iv.; Baron de Bretton’s Origines des peuples de l’Amérique, in the Nancy Compte-rendu, Congrès des Américanistes, i. 439.

Among German writers perhaps the most weighty are Theodor Waitz in his Anthropologie der Naturvölker (1862-66), and Carl Vogt’s Vorlesungen über den Menschen, translated as Lectures on Man (1864).

American writers: Drake’s Book of the Indians, ch. 1, 2; Doddridge’s Notes on the Settlement and Indian Wars of Virginia and Penna., ch. 3; Geo. Catlin’s Life amongst the Indians (1861), and his Last Rambles (1867), with extracts in Smithsonian Ann. Rept., 1885, iii. 749; Isaac McCoy’s Hist. of Baptist Indian Missions (Washington, 1840); Short’s No. Amer. of Antiq., ch. 4, 11; B. H. Coate’s Annual Discourse before the Penna. Hist. Soc. (Philad., 1834), reviewing the various theories; also in their Memoirs, iii. part 2; John Y. Smith in Wisconsin Hist. Soc. Ann. Rep., iv. 117; Dennie’s Portfolio, xiii. 231, 519; xiv. 7; A. R. Grote in Amer. Naturalist, xi. 221 (April, 1877); C. C. Abbott in Ibid. x. 65.

Some Canadian writers: J. Campbell in Quebec Lit. and Hist. Soc. Transactions (1880-81); Napoléon Legendre’s “Races indigénes de l’Amérique devant l’histoire” in Proc. Royal Soc. of Canada, ii. 25.

[1567] The book is a rare one. Field, No. 586. Sabin, vii. p. 157. Quaritch in 1885 had not known of a copy being for sale in twenty years. He then had two (Nos. 28,355-56). There is one in Harvard College Library. Garcia drew somewhat from a manuscript of Juan de Vetanzos, a companion of Pizarro, and he gives the native accounts of their origin. There was a second edition, with Barcia’s Annotations, Madrid, 1729 (Carter-Brown, iii. 432).

[1568] New English Canaan (Amsterdam, 1637—C. F. Adams’ ed., 1883, pp. 125, 129).

[1569] There is an English translation in the Bibliotheca Curiosa. [Edited by Edmund Goldsmidt.] (Edinburgh, 1883-85.) No. 12. On the origin of the native races of America. To which is added, A treatise on foreign languages and unknown islands, by Peter Albinus. Translated from the Latin. The translation is unfortunate in its blunders. Cf. H. W. Haynes in The Nation, Mar. 15, 1888. Grotius was b. 1583; d. 1645.

[1570] Carter-Brown, ii. 522, 523, 543.

[1571] This book is scarcer than the first (Brinley, iii. 5414-15). There is a letter addressed to De Laet, touching Grotius, in Claudius Morisotus’s Epistolarum Centuriæ duæ, 1656.

[1572] Brinley, iii. 5407-8. In Samuel Sewall’s Letter Book, i. 289, is an amusing reference to the “vanities of Hornius.”

[1573] Jo. Bapt. Poisson, Animadversiones ad ea quæ Hugo Grotius et Joh. Lahetius de origine gentium Peruvianarum et Mexicanarum scripserunt (Paris, 1644); Rob. Comtæus Nortmanus, De origine gentium Americanarum (Amsterdam, 1664), an academic dissertation adopting the Phœnician view; A. Mil, De origine animalium et migratione populorum (Geneva, 1667); Erasmus Franciscus, Lust- und Staatsgarten (Nürnberg, 1668), with a third part on the aboriginal inhabitants (Müller, 1877, no. 1150); Gottfried [Godofredus] Wagner, De Originibus Americanis (Leipzig, 1669); J. D. Victor, Disputatio historia de America (Jena, 1670); E. P. Ljung, Dissertatio de origine gentium novi orbis prima (Stregnäs [Sweden] 1676). An essay of 1695 reprinted in the Memoirs, Anthrop. Soc. of London, i. 365; Nic Witsen, Noord-en-Oost Tartarye (2d ed., Amsterdam, 1705), holding to the migration from northeastern Asia.

[1574] Cf. Alex. Catcott’s Treatise on the Deluge (2d ed., enlarged, London, 1768), and A. de Ulloa’s Noticias Americanas (Madrid, 1772, 1792), for speculations.

[1575] Cf. Sabin, xiv. 59,239, etc., for editions. The original three vols. appeared in Berlin in 1768, 1769, and 1770, respectively. The best edition, with De Pauw’s subsequent defence and Pernetty’s attack, was issued at London in three vols. in 1770:—

Recherches philosophiques sur les Américains, ou Mémoires interessants pour servir à l’histoire de l’espèce humaine.

Contents: Du climat de l’Amérique.—De la complexion altérée de ses habitants.—De la découverte du Nouveau-Monde.—De la variété de l’espèce humaine en Amérique.—De la couleur des Américains.—Des anthropophages.—Des Eskimaux; des Patagons.—Des Blafards et des Négres blancs.—De l’Orang-Outang.—Des hermaphrodites de la Floride.—De la circoncision et de l’infibulation.—Du génie abruti des Américains.—De quelques usages bizarres, communs aux deux continents.—De l’usage des flèches empoisonnées chez les peuples des deux continents.—De la religion des Américains.—Sur le grand Lama.—Sur les vicissitudes de notre globe.—Sur le Paraguai.—Défenses des recherches sur les Américains.—D. Pernetty. Dissertation sur l’Amérique et les Américains contre les recherches philosophiques de M. de Pauw.

There was an edition in French at Berlin in 1770, in 2 vols., and, with Pernetty annexed, in 1774, in 3 vols. The Defenses was printed also at Berlin in 1770. These were all included in De Pauw’s Œuvres Philosophiques, published at Paris “an iii.” An English translation by J. Thomson was printed at London, 1795. Daniel Webb published some selections in English at Bath, 1789, 1795, and at Rochdale, 1806. Pernetty’s Examen was printed at Berlin in 1769. There is another little tractate of this time attributed to Pernetty, De l’Amérique et des Américains (Berlin, 1771), in whose humor De Pauw fares no better; but Rich has a note on the questionable attributing of it to Pernetty, and its real author was probably C. de Bonneville (cf. Hœfer).

[1576] Delle Lettere Americane (opere, xi.-xiv., Milano, 1784-94); better known in J. B. L. Villebrune’s French translation, Lettres Américaines (2 vols.; Paris and Boston, 1787); Sabin, no. 10,912. There is also a German version.

[1577] The United States elevated to Glory and Honor. New Haven, 1783. It is included in J. W. Thornton’s Pulpit of the Amer. Revolution (Boston, 1860).

[1578] This Canaanite view, though hardly held with the scope given by Dr. Stiles, had been asserted earlier by Gomara, De Lery, and Lescarbot. Cf. For. Quart. Rev., Oct., 1856.

[1579] G. H. Loskiel, Mission of the United Brethren among the Indians, trans. from the German by La Trobe (London, 1794). Johann Gottlieb Fritsch, Disputatio historico-geographica in qua quæritur utrum veteres Americam noverint nec ne (Curæ Regnilianæ, 1796).

[1580] Observations on some Parts of Nat. Hist., Lond., 1787.

[1581] Pilling, Bibliog. Siouan languages (1887, p. 4).

[1582] Hist. North Carolina, 1811-12.

[1583] Haven, Archæol. U. States, 35. Cf. Mitchell’s papers in the Archæeologia Americana, i.

[1584] There is a fair sample of the conjectural habit of the time in the paper of Moses Fiske, in the first volume of the Society’s Transactions, 300.

[1585] Mexico, Kirk’s ed., iii. 375.

[1586] Archæol. U. S., 48.

[1587] Hist. of Tennessee, Nashville, 1823.

[1588] Introd. to Marshall’s Kentucky, 1824; The Anc. Mts. of N. & S. America, 2d ed., 1838, etc.

[1589] Amer. Antiq. and Discoveries in the West, 1833, which Rafinesque thought largely taken from him. Cf. Haven on these writers, pp. 38-41; Sabin, xv. 65, 484.

[1590] Pilling, Bibliog. Siouan languages, pp. 47, 48.

[1591] Peschel, Races of Men (London, 1876), p. 32.

[1592] Eng. transl. in Memoirs, Anthropological Society of London, i. 372.

[1593] There is a summary of the progressive conflict on the question of the unity and plurality of races in the introduction to Topinard’s Anthropology. Cf. Peschel’s Races of Man (Eng. transl., N. Y., 1876), p. 6.

[1594] The idea in general was not wholly new. Capt. Bernard Romans, in his Concise Nat. Hist. of East and West Florida (N. Y., 1776), had expressed the opinion “that God created an original man and woman in this part of the globe of different species from any in the other parts” (p. 38). Clavigero, in 1780, believed that the distinct linguistic traits of the Americans pointed to something like an independent origin. Cf. W. D. Whitney on the “Bearing of Languages on the Unity of Man,” in North Amer. Review, cv. 214.

[1595] Cf. Jeffries Wyman in No. Am. Rev., li.

[1596] Cardinal Wiseman’s Lectures, 5th ed., London, p. 158.

[1597] Described in Trans. Amer. Ethnol. Soc., ii. The collection went to the Acad. of Natural Sciences in Philad., and is examined by Dr. J. Austin Meigs in its Proc., 1860. Cf. Meigs’s Catalogue of human crania in the Acad. Nat. Sci. (Philad., 1857).

[1598] Morton’s latest results are given in a paper, “The physical type of the American Indian,” left unfinished, but completed by John S. Phillips, and printed in Schoolcraft’s Indian Tribes, ii. He also printed An Inquiry into the distinctive characteristics of the Aboriginal Race of America (Boston, 1842; Philad., 1844); and Some Observations in the Ethnography and Archæology of the American Aborigines (N. Haven, 1846,—from the Amer. Jour. of Science, 2d ser., ii.). Cf. Trans. Amer. Ethnol. Soc. ii. 219. Cf. Allibone’s Dictionary, ii. 1376. It is certainly evident that skull capacity is no sure measure of intelligence, and the Indian custom of misshaping the head offers some serious obstacles in the study. Cf. Nadaillac, L’Amér. préhist., 512; L. A. Gosse, Les déformations artificielles du crane (Paris, 1855); Daniel Wilson’s “Indications of Ancient Customs suggested by certain cranial forms,” in Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc. (1863); Dabry de Thiersant’s Origine des indiens du Nouveau Monde, p. 12; W. F. Whitney, on “Anomalies, injuries and diseases of the bones of the native races of No. America,” in Peabody Mus. Rept., xviii. 434. On the difficulties of the study see Lucien Carr in Ibid. xi. 361; Flower in the Journal Anthropological Institute, May, 1885; Dawson, Fossil Men, chap. 7. Further see: Anders Retzius, on “The Present State of Ethnology in relation to the form of the human skull,” in Smithson. Rept., 1859; Waitz’s Introd. to Anthropology, Eng. transl., pp. 233, 261; Carl Vogt’s Lectures on Man (lect. 2); A. Quatrefages and E. T. Hamy, Crania Ethica (Paris, 1873-77); Nott and Gliddon, Types of Mankind; Nadaillac’s L’Amérique préhist., ch. 9, and Les premiers hommes, i. ch. 3.

[1599] An anonymous book, The Genesis of Earth and Man (Edinburgh, 1856), places the negro as the primal stock, and traces out the higher races by variation.

[1600] Dr. Nott had given some indication of his views in “An Examination of the physical history of the Jews in its bearing on the question of the Unity of the Races” (Amer. Asso. Adv. Sci. Proc., iii. 1850).

[1601] Cf. References in Allibone, i. 678; Poole’s Index, p. 796.

[1602] The editor’s collaborateurs were Alfred Maury, Francis Palszky, J. Aitken Meigs, J. Leidy, and Louis Agassiz. Nott had in the interval since his previous book furnished an appendix on the unity or plurality of Races to the English transl. of Gobineau’s Moral Diversity of Races (Philad., 1856).

[1603] Haven gives a summary of the arguments of each (p. 90, etc.). For various views on this side see Southall’s Recent Origin of Man, ch. ii. 36, 37, and his Epoch of the Mammoth, ch. 2, where he allows that the proofs from traditions and customs are not conclusive; George Palmer’s Migration from Shinar; or, the Earliest Links between the Old and New Continents (London, 1879); Edward Fontaine’s How the World was Peopled (N. Y., 1876); Dr. Samuel Forrey in Amer. Biblical Repository, July, 1843; McClintock and Strong’s Cyclopædia, under “Adam”; Henry Cowles’ Pentateuch (N. Y., 1874),—not to name many others. See Poole’s Index, 1073.

[1604] Wilson’s first criticism was in the Canadian Journal (1857); then in the Edinburgh Philosophical Journal (Jan., 1858); in the Smithsonian Rept. (1862), p. 240, on the “American Cranial Type;” and in his Prehist. Man (ii. ch. 20). Latham’s Nat. Hist. of the Varieties of Man. Charles Pickering’s Races of Men (1848). The orthodox monogenism of A. de Quatrefages is expressed in his De l’unité de l’espèce humaine (Paris, 1864, 1869); in his Hist. générale des Races humaines (Paris, 1887); in his Human Species (N. Y., 1879), and in papers in Revue des Cours Scientifiques, 1864-5, 1867-8; in his Nat. Hist. of Man (Eng. transl., N. Y., 1875); in Catholic World, vii. 67; and in Popular Science Monthly, i. 61.

Cf. further, Retzius in Archives des Sciences Naturelles (Genève, 1845-52); Col. Chas. Hamilton Smith’s Nat. Hist. Human Species (1848); Dawson in Leisure Hour, xxiii. 813, and in his Fossil Men, p. 334, who holds the biblical account to be “the most complete and scientific;” Figuier’s World before the Deluge (N. Y., 1872), p. 469. Geo. Bancroft sees no signs to reverse the old judgment respecting a single human race.

[1605] He found all three varieties of skulls in America: the long-headed (dolichocephalic), the short-headed (brachycephalic), and the medium (mesocephalic). He found the long heads to predominate, except in Peru. Meigs had earlier studied the subject in his Observations on the Form of the Occiput (Philad., 1860). Cf. Busk in Jour. Anthrop. Inst., April, 1873; Wyman, in Peab. Mus. Rept., 1871.

[1606] H. H. Bancroft, Nat. Races, v. 129, 131, gives references on the autochthonous theory. It is held by Nadaillac, Les premiers hommes, ii. 117; Fred. von Hellwald in Smithsonian Rept., 1866; Bollaert’s “Contribution to an Introduction to the Anthropology of the New World” in Memoirs, Anthrop. Society of London, ii. 92; F. Müller, Allgemeine Ethnographie; and Simonin, L’homme Américain (Paris, 1870). F. W. Putnam (Report in Wheeler’s Survey, vii. p. 18) says: “The primitive race of America was as likely autochthonous and of Pliocene age as of Asiatic origin.” The autochthonous view is probably losing ground. Dall, in ch. 10, appended to the English translation of Nadaillac’s Prehistoric America, sums up the prevailing arguments against it. Cf. also Dabry de Thiersant’s Origine des Indiens du Nouveau Monde, ch. 1.

[1607] Cf. also Prescott’s Essays, 224.

[1608] This view has necessarily been abandoned in his later editions. Cf. orig. ed., iii. 307; and final revision, ii. 130.

[1609] Haven at the end of his second chapter tries to place Schoolcraft, and he does better than one would expect, at that day. For Schoolcraft’s special notes on Antiquities see his vol. i. p. 44; ii. 83; iii. 73; iv. 113; v. 85, 657. For bibliography see Pilling, Sabin, Field, etc.

[1610] Again he says: “Man may be assumed to be prehistoric wherever his chroniclings of himself are undesigned, and his history is wholly recoverable by induction. The term has, strictly speaking, no chronological significance; but in its relative application corresponds to other archæological, in contradistinction to geological periods.” Of America he says: “A continent where man may be studied under circumstances which seem to furnish the best guarantee of his independent development.” Dawkins (Cave hunting, 136) says: “For that series of events which extends from the borders of history back to the remote age, where the geologist, descending the stream of time, meets the archæologist, I have adopted the term prehistoric.”

The divisions of prehistoric time now most commonly employed are: For the oldest, the Palæolithic age, as Lubbock first termed it, which, with a shadowy termination, has an unknown beginning, covering an interval geologically of vast extent. It is the primitive stone age, the epoch of flint-chippers; and but a single positive vestige of any community of living is known to archæologists: the village of Solutré, in Eastern France, being held by some to be associated with man in this earlier stage of his development. This stone period is sometimes divided in Europe into an earlier and later period, representing respectively the men of the river drift and of the caves. In the first period, called sometimes that of the race of Canstadt, and by Mortillet the Chellean period, we have, as is claimed, a savage hunter race, represented by the Neanderthal skull; and because in two jaw-bones discovered the genial tubercle is undeveloped, a school of archæologists contend that the race was speechless (Horatio Hale’s “Origin of Language,” in Am. Asso. Adv. Sci. Proc., xxxv., Cambridge, 1886; and separate, p. 31). This theory, however, seems to rest on a misconception. Cf. Topinard on the jaw-bone from the Naulette cave in the Revue d’Anthropologie, 3d ser. i., p. 422 (1886). It is held that the ethnical relations of this race are unknown, and it is not palpably connected with the race of the later period, the race of the caves, which archæologists, like Carl Vogt, Lartet, and Christy, call the cave-bear epoch, as its evidences are found in the cave deposits of Europe.

FROM DAWSON’S FOSSIL MEN.

A front view of a Hochelagan skull, surrounded by the outline, on a larger scale, of the Cro-magnon skull.

This cave race is represented by the Cro-magnon skull, and, as Dawkins holds, is perpetuated to-day by the Eskimo, and was very likely also represented in the Guanches of the Canary Islands. Quatrefages calls it the race of Cro-magnon; and the vanishing of it into the Neolithic people is obscure. It is claimed by some, but the evidence is questionable, that the development of the muscles of speech make this race the first to speak, and that thus man, as a speaking being, is probably not ten thousand years old.

The interval before the shaped and polished stone implements were used may have been long in some places, and the gradation may have been confused in others; and it is indeed sometimes said that the one and the other condition exist in savage regions at the present day, as many archæologists hold that they have always existed, side by side, though this proposition is also denied. Indeed, it is a question if the terms of the archæologist, signifying ages or epochs, have any time value, being rather characteristics of stages of development than of passing time. Those who find the ruder implements to stand for a people living with the cave-bear find, as they contend, a shorter-headed race producing these finer stone implements, and call it the Reindeer epoch. One of Lubbock’s terms, the Neolithic age, has gained larger acceptance as a designation for this period since 1865, when he introduced it. With these polished stones we first find signs of domestic animals and of the practice of agriculture. Any considerable collection of these stone implements and ornaments will present to the observer great varieties, but with steady types, of such implements as axes, celts, hammers, knives, drills, scrapers, mortars and pestles, pitted stones, plummets, sinkers, spear-points, arrow-heads, daggers, pipes, gorgets,—not to name others.

On the American stone age, see Nadaillac, Les premiers hommes, p. 37; L. P. Gratacap in Amer. Antiquarian, iv.; and W. J. McGee, in Pop. Sci. Monthly, Nov., 1888, for condensed views; but the student will prefer the more enlarged views of Rau, Abbott and others.

[1611] Cambridge, Eng., 1862; revised, 1865; and largely rewritten, London, 1876. Cf. his “Pre-Aryan American Man,” in the Roy. Soc. Canada Trans., i., 2d sect., 35, and his “Unwritten History” in Smithsonian Rept. (1862).

[1612] London, 1865, 1870; N. Y., 1878.

[1613] Tylor speaks of Klemm’s Allgemeine Culturgeschichte der Menschheit and his Allgemeine Culturwissenschaft as containing “invaluable collections of facts bearing on the history of civilization.”

[1614] Royal Inst. of Gt. Brit. Proc., reprinted in Smithsonian Rept., 1867.

[1615] Internat. Cong. Prehist. Archæol. Trans., 1868.

[1616] London, 1871; 2d ed., 1874, somewhat amplified; Boston, 1874; N. Y., 1877.

[1617] See preface to Primitive Culture, 1st ed.

[1618] Vols. iii. and iv. of this treatise (Leipzig, 1862-64) are given to “Die Amerikaner,” and are provided with a list of books on the subject, and ethnological maps of North and South America. Brinton (Myths, p. 40) thinks it the best work yet written on the American Indians, though he thinks that Waitz errs on the religious aspects. Waitz has fully discussed the question of climate as affecting the development of people, and this is included with full references in that part of his great work which in the English translation is called an Introduction to Anthropology. Wallace and other observers contend that the direct efficacy of physical conditions is overrated, and that climate is but one of the many factors. F. H. Cushing discusses the question of habitation as affected by surroundings in the Fourth Ann. Rept. Bur. of Ethnol., p. 473.

[1619] Cf. Quatrefages’ Les Progrès de l’Anthropologie (Paris, 1868), and Paul Topinard’s Anthropology (English translation, London, 1878). Quatrefages (Human Race, New York, 1879) explains the anthropological method (p. 27).

[1620] Given in Popular Science Monthly, Dec., 1884, p. 152; and in the same periodical p. 264, is an account and portrait of Tylor.

[1621] London, N. Y., 1865; 2d ed. somewhat enlarged, Lond., 1869; and later. Part of this work had appeared earlier in the National Hist. Review, 1861-64, including a paper (ch. 8) on No. Amer. Archæology in Jan., 1863, which was reprinted in the Smithsonian Report for 1862, and was translated in the Revue Archéologique, 1865.

This book of Lubbock’s and Tylor’s correlative work probably represent the best dealing with the subject in English; and some such book as Jas. A. Farrer’s Primitive Manners and Customs (N. Y., 1879) will lead up to them with readers less studious. The English reader may find some comparative treatments in the English version of Waitz’s Introd. to Anthropology (p. 284), etc.; much that is suggestive and in some way supplemental to Tylor and Lubbock in Wilson’s Prehistoric Man; some vigorous and perhaps sweeping characterizations in Lesley’s Origin and Destiny of Man (ch. 6); and other aspects in Winchell’s Preadamites (ch. 26), Foster’s Prehistoric Races of the U. S. (ch. 9), F. A. Allen in Compte Rendu, Congrès des Américanistes, 1877, vol. i. 79. Humboldt points out the non-pastoral character of the American tribes (Views of Nature, ii. 42). Helps’ Realmah deals with the prehistoric condition of man.

[1622] London, N. Y., 1870; 2d ed.; 3d ed., 1875; 4th ed., 1882,—each with additions and revisions.

[1623] Cf. his Studies in Anc. Hist. He elucidates the early practice of capturing a wife, and controverts Morgan’s Ancient Society. Cf. W. F. Allen in Penn. Monthly, June, 1880.

[1624] Cf. also his “Early Condition of Man,” in British Ass. Proc., 1867; and Lyell’s Principles of Geology, 11th ed., ii. 485; Dawkins in No. Amer. Rev., Oct., 1883, p. 348.

[1625] Darwin took Lubbock’s side, Descent of Man, i. 174. Bradford, in his American Antiquities, held the barbarous American to be a degraded remnant of a society originally more cultivated; and a similar view was held by S. F. Jarvis in his Discourse before the New York Hist. Soc. (Proc., iii., N. Y., 1821). Cf. Büchner’s Man, Eng. transl., 67, 276. Rawlinson (Antiquity of man historically considered) considers savagery a “corruption and degradation,—the result of adverse circumstances during a long period.”

[1626] N. Y., 1869; originally in Good Words, Mar.-June, 1868.

[1627] Dawson’s Fossil Men and their modern representatives (London, 1880, 1883) is “an attempt to illustrate the characters and conditions of prehistoric men in Europe by those of the American races.” A conservative reliance on the biblical record, as long understood, characterizes Dawson’s usual speculations. Cf. his Nature and the Bible, his Story of the Earth, his Origin of the World, and his Address as president of the geological section of the Amer. Association in 1876. He confronts his opponents’ views of the long periods necessary to effect geographical changes by telling them that in historic times “the Hyrcanian ocean has dried up and Atlantis has gone down.”

[1628] Dawson (Fossil Men, 218) says: “I think that American archæologists and geologists must refuse to accept the distinction of a palæolithic from a neolithic period until further evidence can be obtained.”

[1629] These are very nearly the views of Winchell in his Preadamites, p. 420.

[1630] Cf. his papers in Methodist Quarterly, xxxvi. 581; xxxvii. 29.

[1631] This is also considered important evidence by Dawson, as well as Winchell’s estimate, in his 5th Report, Minnesota Geol. Survey (1876), of the 8,000 or 9,000 years necessary for the falls of St. Anthony to have worked back from Fort Snelling. Edw. Fontaine’s How the World was peopled (N. Y., 1872) is another expression of this recent-origin belief.

[1632] This cataclysmic element of force, as opposed to the gradual uniformity theory of Lyell, finds expounders in Huxley and Prestwich, and is the burden of H. H. Howorth’s Mammoth and the Flood (London, 1887) in its palæontological and archæological aspects, its geological aspects having been touched by him so far only in some papers in the Geological Mag. This great overthrow of the gigantic animals, during which the man intermediate between the palæolithic and neolithic age lived, was not universal, so that the less unwieldy species largely saved themselves; and it was in effect the scriptural flood, of which traditions were widely preserved among the North American tribes (Mammoth and the Flood, 307, 444).

[1633] Southall answered his detractors in the Methodist Quarterly, xxxvii. 225. Geo. Rawlinson (Antiq. of Man historically considered, Present Day Tract, No. 9, or Journal of Christian Philosophy, April, 1883) speaks of the antiquity of prehistoric man as involving considerations “to a large extent speculative” as to limits, “that are to be measured not so much by centuries as by millenia.” He condenses the arguments for a recent origin of man.

[1634] There is a cursory survey in John Scoffern’s Stray leaves of science and folk lore (London, 1870).

[1635] Cf. his papers in Leisure Hour, xxiii. 740, 766; xxvi. 54.

[1636] Current periodical views can be traced in Poole’s Index (vols. i. and ii.) under “Man,” “Races,” “Prehistoric,” etc.

The views of the cosmogonists, running back to the beginning of the sixteenth century, are followed down to the birth of modern geology in Pattison’s The Earth and the Word (Lond., 1858), and condensed in M’Clintock & Strong’s Cyclopædia (iii. 795).

[1637] Verse 1. In the beginning God created the heaven and the earth.

Verse 2. And the earth was without form and void, etc.

[1638] Cf. also J. D. Whitney’s Climatic Changes. The present proportion of land to water is reckoned as four is to eleven. The ocean’s average depth is variously estimated at from eleven to thirteen times that of the average elevation of land above water, or as 11,000 or 13,000 feet is to 1,000 feet. The bulk of water on the globe is computed at thirty-six times the cubic measurement of the land above water (Ibid. 194, 209).

[1639] For an extended discussion of the Atlantis question, see ante, ch. 1.

[1640] It is enough to indicate the necessary correlation of this subject with the transformation theory of J. B. A. Lamarck as enunciated in his Philosophie Zoologique (Paris, 1809; again, 1873), which Cuvier opposed; and with the new phase of it in what is called Darwinism, a theory of the survival of the fittest, leading ultimately to man. Lyell (Principles of Geology, 11th ed., ii, 495) presents the diverse sides of the question, which is one hardly germane to our present purpose.

[1641] London, 1863, 3 eds., each enlarged; Philad., 1863. In his final edition Lyell acknowledges his obligations to Lubbock’s Prehistoric Man and John Evans’s Anc. Stone Implements. His final edition is called: The geological evidences of the antiquity of man, with an outline of glacial and post-tertiary geology and remarks on the origin of species with special reference to man’s first appearance on the earth. 4th ed., revised (London, 1873).

[1642] Recent Origin of Man, p. 10.

[1643] Another way of looking at it gives reasons for this omission: “The first chapter of Genesis is not a geological treatise. It is absolutely valueless in geological discussion, and has no value whatever save as representing what the Jews borrowed from the Babylonians, and as preserving for us an early cosmology” (Howorth’s Mammoth and the Flood, Lond., 1887, p. ix). Between Lyell and Gabriel de Mortillet (La préhistorique Antiquité de l’Homme, Paris, 1881) on the one hand and Southall on the other, there are the more cautious geologists, like Prestwich, who claim that we must wait before we can think of measuring by years the interval from the earliest men. (Cf. “Theoretical considerations on the drift containing implements,” in Roy. Soc. Philos. Trans., 1862)

[1644] Cf. Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., Apr., 1873, p. 33.

[1645] Winchell’s book is an enlargement of an article contributed by him to M’Clintock and Strong’s Cyclopædia of Biblical literature, etc. (vol viii., 1879),—the editors of which, by their foot-notes, showed themselves uneasy under some of his inferences and conclusions, which do not agree with their conservative views.

[1646] Lois Agassiz advanced (1863) this view of the first emergence of land in America, in the Atlantic Monthly, xi. 373; also in Geol. Sketches, p. 1,—marking the Laurentian hills along the Canadian borders of the United States as the primal continent. Cf. Nott and Gliddon’s Types of Mankind, ch. 9. Mortillet holds that so late as the early quaternary period Europe was connected with America by a region now represented by the Faröes, Iceland, and Greenland. Some general references on the antiquity of man in America follow:—Wilson, Prehistoric Man. Short’s No. Amer. of Antiq., ch. 2. Nadaillac, Les Premiers Hommes, ii. ch. 8. Foster, Prehistoric Races of the U. S., and Chicago Acad. of Sciences, Proc., i. (1869). Joly, Man before Metals, ch. 7. Emil Schmidt, Die ältesten Spuren des Menschen in Nord Amerika (Hamburg, 1887). A. R. Wallace in Nineteenth Century (Nov., 1887, or Living Age, clxxv. 472). Pop. Science Monthly, Mar., 1877. An epitome in Science, Apr. 3, 1885, of a paper by Dr. Kollmann in the Zeitschrift für Ethnologie. F. Larkin, Ancient Man in America (N. Y., 1880). The biblical record restrains Southall in all his estimates of the antiquity of man in America, as shown in his Recent Origin of Man, ch. 36, and Epoch of the Mammoth, ch. 25.

[1647] Hugh Falconer (Palæontological Memoirs, ii. 579) says: “The earliest date to which man has as yet been traced back in Europe is probably but as yesterday in comparison with the epoch at which he made his appearance in more favored regions.”

[1648] Cf. also Putnam’s Report in Wheeler’s Survey, 1879, p. 11.

[1649] Cf. H. H. Bancroft, iv. 703: Short, 125, etc.

[1650] Dr. Brinton concludes that since the region is one of a rapid deposition of strata, the tracks may not be older than quaternary. The track here figured was 9½ inches long; some were 10 inches. The maximum stride was 18 inches. Cf. Dr. Earl Flint in Amer. Antiquarian (vi. 112), Mar., 1884, and (vii. 156) May,1885; Peabody Mus. Repts., 1884, p. 356; 1885, p. 414; Amer. Ant. Soc. Proc., 1884, p. 92.

[1651] Story of the Earth and Man.

[1652] The Great Ice-Age, and its Relations to the Antiquity of Man (1874).

[1653] Mammoth and the Flood.

[1654] “We cannot fix a date, in the historical sense, for events which happened outside history, and cannot measure the antiquity of man in terms of years.” Dawkins in No. Am. Rev., Oct., 1883, p. 338. Tylor (Early Hist. of Mankind, 197) says “Geological evidence, though capable of showing the lapse of vast periods of time, has scarcely admitted of these periods being brought into definite chronological terms.” Prestwich (On the geol. position and age of flint-implement-bearing beds, London, 1864,—from the Roy. Soc. Phil. Trans.) says: “However we extend our present chronology with respect to the first appearance of men, it is at present unsafe and premature to count by hundreds of thousands of years.” Southall (Recent Origin of Man, ch. 33) epitomizes the extreme views of the advocates of glaciation in the present temperate zone.

[1655] Cf. Louis Agassiz, Geological Sketches (1865), p. 210; 2d series (1886), p. 77.

[1656] J. Adhémer, Revolutions de la Mer, who advocates this theory, connects with it the movement of the apsides, and thinks that it is the consequent great accumulation of ice at the north pole which by its weight displaces the centre of gravity; and as the action is transferred from one pole to the other, the periodic oscillation of that centre of gravity is thus caused. The theory no doubt borrows something of its force with some minds from the great law of mutability in nature. That it is a grand field for such theorizers as Lorenzo Burge, his Preglacial Man and the Aryan Race shows; but authorities like Lyell and Sir John Herschel find no sufficient reason in it for the great ice-sheet which they contend for. Cf. H. Le Hon’s Influence des lois cosmiques sur la climatologie et la géologie (Bruxelles, 1868). W. B. Galloway’s Science and Geology in relation to the Universal Deluge (Lond., 1888) points out what he thinks the necessary effects of such changes of axis. J. D. Whitney (Climatic changes of later geological times, Mem. Mus. Comp. Zoöl., vii. 392, 394) disbelieves all these views, and contends that the most eminent astronomers and climatologists are opposed to them.

[1657] Of the manifold reasons which have been assigned for these great climatic changes (Lubbock, Prehistoric Times, 391, and Croll, Discussions, enumerates the principal reasons) there is at least some considerable credence given to the one of which James Croll has been the most prominent advocate, and which points to that reduction of the eccentricity of the earth’s orbit which in 22,000 years will be diminished from the present scale to one sixth of it, or to about half a million miles. This change in the eccentricity induces physical changes, which allow a greater or less volume of tropical water to flow north. In this way the once mild climate of Greenland is accounted for (Wallace’s Island Life). Croll first advanced his views in the Philosophical Mag., Aug., 1864; but he did not completely formulate his theory till in his Climate and time in their geological relations, a theory of secular changes of the earth’s climate (N. Y., 1875). It gained the acquiescence of Lyell and others; but a principal objector appeared in the astronomer Simon Newcomb (Amer. Jl. of Sci. and Arts, April, 1876; Jan., 1884; Philosoph. Mag., Feb., 1884). Croll answered in Remarks (London, 1884), but more fully in a further development of his views in his Discussions on Climate and Cosmology (N. Y., 1886). Whitney’s Climatic Changes argues on entirely different grounds.

[1658] Principles of Geology, ch. 10-13, where he gives a secondary place to the arguments of Croll.

[1659] Emile Cartailhac’s L’Age de pierre dans les souvenirs et superstitions populaires (Paris, 1877).

[1660] Joly, L’Homme avant les métaux, or in the English transl., Man before Metals, ch. 2. Nadaillac (Les Premiers Hommes, i. 127) reproduces Mahudel’s cuts.

[1661] Foster, Prehistoric Races, 50, notes some obscure facts which might indicate that man lived back of the glacial times, in the Miocene tertiary period. These are the discoveries associated with the names of Desnoyers and the Abbé Bourgeois, and familiar enough to geologists. They have found little credence. Cf. Lubbock’s Prehistoric Times, 410, and his Scientific Lectures, 140; Büchner’s Man, p. 31; Nadaillac’s Les Premiers Hommes, ii, 425; and L’Homme tertiaire (Paris, 1885); Peschel’s Races of Men, p. 34; Edward Clodd in Modern Review, July, 1880; Dawkins’ Address, Salford, 1877, p. 9; Joly, Man before Metals, 177. Quatrefages (Human Species, N. Y., 1879, p. 150) assents to their authenticity. Many of these look to the later tertiary (Pliocene) as the beginning of the human epoch; but Dawkins (No. Am. Rev., cxxxvii, 338; cf. his Early Man in Britain, p. 90), as well as Huxley, say that all real knowledge of man goes not back of the quaternary. Cf. further, Quatrefages, Introd. à l’étude des races humaines (Paris, 1887), p. 91; and his Nat. Hist. Man (N. Y., 1874), p. 44.

Winchell (McClintock and Strong’s Cyclopædia, viii. 491-2, and in his Preadamites) concisely classes the evidences of tertiary man as “Preglacial remains erroneously supposed human,” and “Human remains erroneously supposed pre-glacial;” but he confines these conclusions to Europe only, allowing that the American non-Caucasian man might, perhaps, be carried back (p. 492) into the tertiary age.

Cf. on the tertiary (Pliocene) man, E. S. Morse in Amer. Naturalist, xviii. 1001,—an address at the Philad. meeting, Am. Asso. Adv. Science and his earlier paper in the No. Amer. Rev.; C. C. Abbott in Kansas City Rev., iii. 413 (also see iv. 84, 326); Cornhill Mag., li. 254 (also in Pop. Sci. Monthly, xxvii. 103, and Eclectic Mag., civ. 601). Dr. Morton believed that the Eocene man, of the oldest tertiary group, would yet be discovered. Agassiz, in 1865 (Geol. Sketches, 200), thought the younger naturalists would live to see sufficient proofs of the tertiary man adduced. S. R. Pattison (Age of Man geologically considered in Present Day Tract, no. 13, or Journal of Christ. Philos. July, 1883) does not believe in the tertiary man, instancing, among other conclusions, that no trace of cereals is found in the tertiary strata, and that these strata show other conditions unfavorable to human life. His conclusions are that man has existed only about 8,000 years, and that it is impossible for geological science at present to confute or disprove it. In his view man appeared in the first stage of the quaternary period, was displaced by floods in the second, and for the third lived and worked on the present surface.

[1662] Lyell’s Antiquity of Man, 4th ed., ch. 18. Daniel Wilson, on “The supposed evidence of the existence of interglacial man,” in the Canadian Journal, Oct., 1877. Nadaillac’s L’Amérique préhistorique, ch. 1; Les Premiers Hommes, ii. ch. 10; and his De la période glaciaire et de l’existence de l’homme durant cette période en Amérique (Paris, 1884), extracted from Matériaux, etc. G. F. Wright on “Man and the glacial period in America,” in Mag. West. Hist. (Feb., 1885), i. 293 (with maps), and his “Preglacial man in Ohio,” in the Ohio Archæol. and Hist. Quart. (Dec., 1887), i. 251. Miss Babbitt’s “Vestiges of glacial man in Minnesota,” in the Amer. Naturalist, June, July, 1884, and Amer. Asso. Adv. Sci. Proc. xxxii. 385.

[1663] Howorth, Mammoth and the Flood, 323, considers them flood-gravels instead, in supporting his thesis.

[1664] Pop. Science Monthly, xxii. 315. Smithsonian Rept., 1874-75. Reports of progress, etc., in the Peabody Museum Reports, nos. x. and xi. (1878, 1879). Prof. N. S. Shaler accompanies the first of these with some comments, in which he says: “If these remains are really those of man, they prove the existence of interglacial man on this part of our shore.” He is understood latterly to have become convinced of their natural character. J. D. Whitney and Lucien Carr agree as to their artificial character (Ibid. xii. 489). Cf. Abbott on Flint Chips (refuse work) in the Peab. Mus. Rept., xii. 506; H. W. Haynes in Boston Soc. Nat. Hist. Proc., Jan., 1881; F. W. Putnam in Peab. Mus. Rept., no. xiv. p. 23; Henry Carvell Lewis on The Trenton gravel and its relation to the antiquity of man (Philad., 1880); also in the Proceedings of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia (1877-1879, pp. 60-73; and 1880, p. 306). Abbott has also registered the discovery of a molar tooth (Peabody Mus. Rept., xvi. 177), and the under jaw of a man (Ibid. xviii. 408, and Matériaux, etc., xviii. 334.) On recent discoveries of human skulls in the Trenton gravels, see Peab. Mus. Rept. xxii. 35. The subject of the Trenton-gravels man, and of his existence in the like gravels in Ohio and Minnesota, was discussed at a meeting of the Boston Soc. of Nat. Hist., of which there is a report in their Proceedings, vol. xxiii. These papers have been published separately: Palæolithic man in eastern and central North America (Cambridge, 1888). Contents:—Putnam, F. W. Comparison of palæolithic implements.—Abbott, C. C. The antiquity of man in the valley of the Delaware.—Wright, G. F. The age of the Ohio gravel-beds.—Upham, Warren. The recession of the ice-sheet in Minnesota in its relation to the gravel deposits overlying the quartz implements found by Miss Babbitt at Little Falls, Minn.—Discussion and concluding remarks, by H. W. Haynes, E. S. Morse, F. W. Putnam. Cf. also Amer. Antiquarian, Jan., 1888, p. 46; Th. Belt’s Discovery of stone implements in the glacial drift of No. America (Lond., 1878, and Q. Jour. Sci. xv. 63; Dawkins in No. Am. Rev., Oct., 1883, p. 347.)

[1665] Cf. also Peabody Mus. Repts., xix. 492; Science, vii. 41; Boston Soc. Nat. Hist. Proc., xxi. 124; Matériaux, etc. xviii. 334; Philad. Acad. Nat. Sciences, Proc. (1880, p. 306). Abbott refers to the contributions of Henry C. Lewis of the second Geol. Survey of Penna. (Proc. Philad. Acad. Nat. Sciences, and “The antiquity and origin of the Trenton gravels,” in Abbott’s book), and of George H. Cook in the Annual Reports of the New Jersey state geologist. Abbott has recently summarized his views on the “Evidences of the Antiquity of Man in Eastern North America,” in the Am. Asso. Adv. Sci. Proc., xxxvii., and separately (Salem, 1888).

[1666] Figuier, Homme Primitif, introd.

[1667] The references are very numerous; but it is enough to refer to the general geological treatises: Vogt’s Lectures on Man, nos. 9, 10; Nadaillac’s Les Prem. Hommes, ii. 7; Dawkins in Intellectual Observer, xii. 403; and Ed. Lartet, Nouvelles recherches sur la coexistence de l’homme et des grands mammifères fossiles, réputés caractéristiques de la dernière période geologique, in the Annales des Sciences Naturelles, 4^e série, xv. 256. Buffon first formulated the belief in extinct animals from some mastodon bones and teeth sent to him from the Big Bone Lick in Kentucky, about 1740, and Cuvier first applied the name mastodon, though from the animal’s resemblance to the Siberian mammoth it has sometimes been called by the latter name. There are in reality the fossil remains of both mastodon and mammoth found in America. On the bones from the Big Bone Lick see Thomson’s Bibliog. Ohio, no. 44.

[1668] Wilson’s Prehist. Man, i. ch. 2; Proc. Amer. Acad. Nat. Sciences, July, 1859; Amer. Journal of Sci. and Arts, xxxvi. 199; cix. 335; Pop. Sci. Rev., xiv. 278; A. H. Worthen’s Geol. Survey, Illinois (1866), i. 38; Haven in Smithsonian Contrib., viii. 142; H. H. Howorth’s Mammoth and the Flood (Lond., 1887), p. 319; J. P. MacLean’s Mastodon, Mammoth and Man (Cincinnati, 1886). Cf. references under “Mammoth” and “Mastodon,” in Poole’s Index. Koch represented that he found the remains of a mastodon in Missouri, with the proofs about the relics that the animal had been slain by stone javelins and arrows (St. Louis Acad. of Sci. Trans., i. 62, 1857). The details have hardly been accepted on Koch’s word, since some doubtful traits of his character have been made known (Short, No. Amer. of Antiq., 116; Nadaillac, L’Amérique préhistorique, 37). There have been claims also advanced for a stone resembling a hatchet, found with such animals in the modified drift of Jersey Co., Illinois. E. L. Berthoud (Acad. Nat. Sci., Philad. Proc. 1872) has reported on human relics found with extinct animals in Wyoming and Colorado. Dr. Holmes (Ibid. July, 1859) had described pottery found with the bones of the megatherium. Lyell seems to have hesitated to associate man with the extinct animals in America, when the remains found at Natchez were shown to him in an early visit to America (Antiquity of Man, 237). Howorth, Mammoth and the Flood, 317, enumerates the later discoveries, some being found under recent conditions (Ibid. 278), and so recent that the trunk itself has been observed (p. 299). In the earliest instance of the bones being reported, Dr. Mather, communicating the fact to the Philosophical Trans. Roy. Soc. (1714), xxix. 63, says they were found in the Hudson River, and he supposed them the remains of a giant man, while the colored earth about the bones represented his rotted body. Cf. Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., xii. 263.

[1669] See on this a later page.

[1670] Lyell’s Antiq. of Man, 4th ed., 236; Nadaillac’s Les premiers hommes, ii. 13; Southall’s Recent origin of man, ch. 30. Vogt (Lectures on Man) accepts the evidence.

[1671] Cf. Lyell’s Antiq. of Man, ch. 5; Huxley’s Man’s place in nature; Le Hon’s L’Homme fossile en Europe; Leslie’s Origin and destiny of man, p. 54, who passes in review these early tentative explorations.

[1672] Cf. Lyell’s description in his Antiquity of Man, ch. 8; Quatrefages, Nat. Hist. Man (N. Y., 1875), p. 41; Langel, L’homme antédiluvien; Büchner’s Man, Eng. transl., ch. 1; Carl Vogt, Vorlesungen über den Menschen.

[1673] Rigollot, of Amiens, who had doubted, finally came to believe in De Perthes’s views.

[1674] Büchner’s Man, p. 26; Hugh Falconer’s Palæontological Memoirs, London, 1868 (ii. 601). Falconer’s essay on “Primæval Man and his Contemporaries,” included in this work, was written in 1863, in vindication of the views which Falconer shared with Boucher de Perthes and Prestwich, and it is an interesting study of the development of the interest in the caves.

[1675] Lyell, Antiq. of Man, ch. 8; Lubbock, Prehistoric Times, ch. 11; Nadaillac, Les Premiers Hommes, ii. 122; Leslie, Origin, etc. of Man, 56. Southall gives the antagonistic views in his Recent Origin of Man, ch. 16, and Epoch of the Mammoth, 126.

[1676] This is in dispute, however. That the older cave implements and those of the drift may be of equivalent age seems to be agreed upon by some.

[1677] Cf. also Geikie’s Great Ice Age; Lubbock’s Prehistoric Times, ch. 10; Evans’s Anc. Stone Implements of Gt. Britain; Wilson’s Prehistoric Annals of Scotland; Nilsson’s Stone Age in Scandinavia; Figuier’s World before the Deluge (N. Y., 1872), p. 473; Joly, Man before Metals, ch. 3; Cazalis de Fondouce’s Les temps préhistoriques dans le sud-est de la France; Roujow’s Etude sur les races humaines de la France; Peschel’s Races of Men, introd.

The scarcity of human remains in the drift and in the caves is accounted for by Lyell (Student’s Elements, N. Y., p. 153) by man’s wariness against floods as compared with that of beasts; and by Lubbock (Prehist. Times, 349) through the vastly greater numbers of the animals in a hunters’ age.

[1678] The present day is not without a cave people. See London Anthropolog. Rev., April, 1869, and Büchner’s Man, Eng. transl., p. 270.

[1679] Haven, p. 86.

[1680] Cf. Florentino Amegluno’s La Antigüedad del Hombre en la Plata (Paris, 1880), and Howorth’s Mammoth and the Flood, 355, who cites Klee’s Le Déluge, p. 326, and enumerates other evidences of pleistocene man in South America, in connection with extinct animals.

[1681] The instances are not rare of mummies being found in caves of the Mississippi Valley; but there is no evidence adduced of any great age attaching to them. Cf. N. S. Shaler on the antiquity of the caverns and cavern life of the Ohio Valley, in Boston Soc. Nat. Hist. Mem., ii. 355 (1875); and on desiccated remains, see the Archæologia Amer., i. 359; Brinton’s Floridian Peninsula, App. ii. On the American caves see Nadaillac’s L’Amérique préhistorique, ch. 2.

[1682] Abbott’s Primitive Industry, ch. 30.

[1683] Lyell, Antiq. of Man, 4th ed. ch. 2; Lubbock, Prehist. Times, ch. 7; Nadaillac, Les premiers hommes, i. ch. 5; Joly, Man before Metals, ch. 4; Figuier, World before Deluge (N. Y., 1872), p. 477. Worsaae, the leading Danish authority, calls them palæolithic relics; Lubbock places them as early neolithic. Southall, of course, thinks they indicate the rudeness of the people, not their antiquity. (Recent Origin, etc., ch. 12; Epoch of the Mammoth, ch. 5.)

[1684] Am. Naturalist, ii. 397.

[1685] Cf. Lyell’s Second Visit.

[1686] All the general treatises on American archæology now cover the subject: Wilson, Prehist. Man, i. 132; Nadaillac, L’Amérique préhistorique, ch. 2; Short, No. Amer. Antiq., 106; Smithsonian Reports, 1864 (Rau), 1866, 1870 (J. Fowler); Bull. Essex Inst., iv. (Putnam); Peabody Mus. Reports, i., v., vii.; Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sci. Proc. 1867, 1875; Phil. Acad. Nat. Sci. Proc. 1866; Pop. Science Monthly, x. (Lewis); Lyell’s Second Visit, i. 252; Stevens, Flint Chips, 194. For local observations: J. M. Jones in Smithsonian Ann. Report, 1863, on those of Nova Scotia. S. F. Baird in Nat. Museum Proc. (1881, 1882), on those of New Brunswick and New England. For those in Maine see Peabody Mus. Reports, xvi., xviii.; Central Ohio Sci. Assoc. Proc., i. 70; that at Damariscotta, in particular, is described in the Peabody Mus. Reports, xx. 531, 546; and in the Maine Hist. Soc. Col., v. (by P. A. Chadbourne) and vi. 349. Wyman’s studies are in the Amer. Naturalist, Jan., 1868, and Peabody Mus. Rept., ii. Putnam (Essex Inst. Bull., xv. 86) says that those at Pine Grove, near Salem, Mass., were examined in 1840. The map which is annexed of those on Cape Cod, taken from the Smithsonian Report (1883, p. 905), shows the frequency of them in a confined area, as observed; but the same region doubtless includes many not observed.

For those on the New Jersey coast see Cook’s Geology of New Jersey (Newark, 1868), and Rau in the Smithsonian Reports, 1863, 1864, 1865. The Lockwood collection from the heap at Keyport is in the Peabody Museum (cf. Rept., xxii. 43). Francis Jordan describes the Remains of an Aboriginal Encampment at Rehoboth, Delaware (Philad., 1880). Elmer R. Reynolds reported on “Precolumbian shell heaps at Newburg, Maryland, and the aboriginal shell heaps of the Potomac and Wicomico rivers” at the Congrès des Américanistes (Copenhagen, 1883, p. 292). Joseph Leidy describes those at Cape Henlopen in the Phil. Acad. Nat. Sci., 1866. Those on the Georgia coast, St. Simon’s Island, etc., are pointed out in C. C. Jones’s Antiquities of the Southern Indians; Smithsonian Repts., 1871 (by D. Brown); in Lyell’s Antiq. of Man, and in his Second Visit to the U. S. (N. Y., 1849), i. 252.

The shell heaps of Florida have had unusual attention. Wyman has indicated the absence of objects in them, showing Spanish contact. Dr. Brinton’s first studies of them were in his Notes on the Floridian Peninsula (Philad., 1859), ch. 6, and again in the Smithsonian Report (1866), p. 356. Prof. Wyman’s first reports (St. John River) were in The American Naturalist, Jan., Oct., Nov., 1868. He also described them in the Peabody Mus. Report, i., v., vii., and in his Fresh Water Shell Heaps of the St. John River, Florida (Salem, 1875), being no. 4 of the Memoirs of the Peabody Acad. of Science. There are other investigations recorded in the Smithsonian Reports, 1877, by S. P. Mayberry, on St. John River; 1879, by S. T. Walker, on Tampa Bay; also by A. W. Vogeler in Amer. Naturalist, Jan., 1879; by W. H. Dall in the American Journal of Archæology, i. 184; and by A. E. Douglass in the Amer. Antiquarian, vii. 74, 140. On those of Alabama, see Peabody Mus. Rept., xvi. 186, and Smithsonian Rept., 1877.

On those of the great interior valleys, see the Second Geological Report of Indiana, and Humphrey and Abbott’s Physics and Hydraulics of the Mississippi Valley.

For the California coast, there is testimony in Bancroft’s Native Races, iv. 709-712; Smithsonian Rept., 1874 (by P. Schumacher); American Antiquarian, vii. 159; and Journal of the Anthropological Institute, v. 489. Schumacher covers the northwest coast in the Smithsonian Rept., 1873. Those in Oregon are reported to be destitute of the bones of extinct animals, in the Bull. U. S. Geol. Survey, iii. Bancroft, Nat. Races, iv. 739, refers to those on Vancouver’s Island. W. H. Dall describes those on the Aleutian Islands in the Contributions to No. Amer. Ethnology, i. 41.

[1687] This branch of archæological science began, I believe, with the discovery by Sir Wm. R. Wilde of some lacustrine habitations in a small lake in county Meath. R. Monro’s Ancient Scotch lake Dwellings (Edinburgh, 1882) has gathered what is known of the remains in Great Britain. There are similar remains in various parts of the continent of Europe; but those revealed by the dry season of 1853-54 in the Swiss lakes have attracted the most notice. Dr. Keller described them in Reports made to the Archæological Society of Zurich. A. Morlot printed an abstract of Keller’s Report in the Smithsonian Report, 1863. In 1866, J. E. Lee arranged Keller’s material systematically, and translated it in The Lake Dwellings of Switzerland and other parts of Europe, by Ferdinand Keller (London, 1866), which was reissued, enlarged and brought down to date, in a second edition in 1878. The earliest elaborated account was Prof. Troyon’s Habitations lacustres (1860), of which there was a translation in the Smithsonian Reports, 1860, 1861. Troyon and Keller have reached different conclusions: the one believing that the traces of development in the remains indicate new peoples coming in, while Keller holds these to be signs of the progress of the same people. A paper by Edouard Desor, Palafittes or Lacustrian Constructions, appeared in English in the Smithsonian Report, 1865. There is a large collection of typical relics from these lake dwellings in the Peabody Museum (Report, v.).

These evidences now make part of all archæological treatises: Lyell’s Antiq. of Man; Lubbock, Prehist. Times, ch. 6; Nadaillac, Les premiers hommes, i. 241; Stevens, Flint Chips, 119; Joly, Man before Metals, ch. 5; Figuier, World before the Deluge (N. Y., 1872), p. 478; Southall, Recent Origin, etc., ch. 11, and Epoch of the Mammoth, ch. 4; Archæologia, xxxviii.; Haven in Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., Oct., 1867; Rau in Harper’s Monthly, Aug., 1875; Poole’s Index, p. 718, and Supplement, p. 246. The man of the Danish peat-beds and of the Swiss lake dwellings is generally held to belong to the present geological conditions, but earlier than written records.

[1688] Senate Doc.; also separately, Philad., 1852. Cf. Bancroft, Native Races, iv. 652; Domenech’s Deserts, etc., i. 201; Annual Scient. Discovery, 1850; Short, No. Am. of Antiq., 293. A photograph of the Casa Blanca is given in Putnam’s Report, Wheeler’s Survey, p. 370. Cf. Haven in Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc., 1855, p. 26.

[1689] Bull. U. S. Geol. and Geog. Survey of the territories, 2d series, no. 1 (Washington, 1875), and its Annual Rept. (Washington, 1876), condensed in Bancroft, iv. 650, 718, and by E. A. Barber in Congrès des Américanistes, 1877, i. 22. Cf. Short, 295, etc.

[1690] Bulletin, etc., ii. (1876). Hayden’s Survey (1876). Cf. Short, p. 305; Kansas City Rev., Dec., 1879 (on their age); James Stevenson in Fourth Rept. Bureau of Ethnology, pp. xxxiv, 284; Nadaillac’s Les Premiers Hommes (ii. 61), and L’Amérique préhistorique, ch. 5; Scribner’s Mag., Dec., 1878 (xvii. 266); Good Words, xx. 486; Science, xi. 257. Those of the Cañon de Chelly are described by James Stevenson in the Journal Amer. Geo. Soc. (1886), p. 329. It is generally recognized that the cliff dwellers and the Pueblo people were the same race, and that the modern Zuñi and Moquis represent them. Bandelier in Archæol. Inst. of Am., 5th Rept. J. Stevenson (Second Rept. Bur. of Ethnol., 431) describes some cavate dwellings of this region cut out of the rock by hand. There is no evidence that these remains call for any association with them of the great antiquity of man.

[1691] Cf., for instance, Short, 331.

[1692] Morgan (Systems of Consanguinity, 257) finds correspondence to the roving Indian in physical and cranial character, in linguistic traits, and in the similarity of arts and social habits. Their connection with the moundbuilder and cliff-dwelling race is traced in H. F. C. Ten Kate’s Reizen en Onderzolkingen in Nord America (Leyden, 1885). Cushing thinks (Fourth Rept. Bur. Ethnol., 481) they got their habit of building in stories from having, as cliff-dwellers, earlier built on the narrow shelves of the rocks. Morgan (Peab. Mus. Rept., xii. 550) thinks their architectural art deteriorated, since the ruined pueblos are finer constructions than those inhabited now. Cf. on the origin of Pueblo architecture V. Mindeleff in Science, ix. 593, and S. D. Peet in Amer. Antiquarian, iv. 208, and Wisconsin Acad. of Science, v. 290.

[1693] See chapter vii. of Vol. II.

[1694] Cf. lesser accounts of these earlier notices in E. G. Squier’s paper in the Amer. Rev., Nov., 1848; and G. M. Wheeler in the Journal Amer. Geog. Soc. (1874), vol. vi.

[1695] The book is rare. There is a copy in Harvard College library. Cf. Sabin, ii. 4636-38; Ternaux, 518; Carter-Brown, ii.; Leclerc, no. 813 (200 francs). There is a French version, Brussels, 1631; and a Latin, Saltzburg, 1634.

[1696] Not to be confounded with the Casas Grandes, farther south in the Mexican province of Chihuahua, which is of a similar character. Cf. Bancroft, iv. 604 (with references); Short, ch. 7; Bartlett’s Personal Narrative, ii. 348. It was first described in Escudero’s Noticias de Chihuahua (1819); and again in 1842, in Album Mexicano, i. 372.

[1697] From that day to the present there have been very many descriptions: Documentos para la historia de Mexico, 4th ser., i. 282; iv. 804; Bancroft, Nat. Races, iv. 621; Short, 279; Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, iii. 300; Bartlett, Personal Nar., ii. 278, 281; Emory, Reconnaissance, 81, 567; Humboldt, Essai politique; Baldwin, Anc. America, 82; Mayer, Mexico, ii. 396, and Observations, 15; Domenech, Deserts, i. 381; Ross Browne, Apache Country, 114; Jametel in Rev. de Géog., Mar., 1881; Nadaillac, Prehist. Amér., 222. Bancroft groups many of the descriptions, and best collates them.

[1698] Gregg, in his Commerce des Prairies (N. Y., 1844), examined the Pueblo Bonito in 1840.

[1699] Washington, 1848,—30th Cong., Ex. Doc. 41. This includes Lieut. J. W. Abert’s Report and Map of the Examination of New Mexico. He visited two pueblos. This and other material afforded the base for the studies of Squier and Gallatin, the former printing “The ancient monuments of the aboriginal semi-civilized nations of New Mexico and California” (Amer. Rev., 1848), and the latter a paper in the Amer. Ethnol. Soc. Trans., ii., repeated in French in the Nouv. Ann. des Voyages, 1851, iii. 237.

[1700] This is perhaps the most important of all the ruins. Bancroft, iv. 671. Bandelier’s studies are the most recent. Congrès des Amér., Compte Rendu, 1877, ii. 230, and his Introd. to studies among the sedentary Indians of New Mexico and Report of the ruins of Pecos (Boston, 1881,—Archæol. Inst. of America).

[1701] Also in Rept. of Sec. of War, 1st Sess. 31st Cong. Cf. Bancroft, iv. 652, 655, 661; Baldwin’s Anc. America, 86; Domenech’s Deserts, i. 149, 379; Short, 292. The Chaco cañon was visited by W. H. Jackson in 1877, and his report is in the Report of Hayden’s Survey, 1878, p. 411. Morgan gives a summary, with maps (see Nadaillac, 229), in his Houses and House Life, etc., ch. 7, 8,—holding (p. 167) them to be the seven cities of Cibola seen by Coronado. Cf. on this mooted question our Vol. II. 501-503; and Simpson’s paper in the Journal Amer. Geog. Soc. vol. v.

[1702] 32d Cong., 2d sess., Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 59.

[1703] On the Zuñi region see Bancroft, iv. 645, 667, 673 (with ref.); Short, 288; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengebirge Nord Amerikas (ii. 196, 402), and his Tagebuch, 283; Cozzen’s Marvellous Country; Tour du Monde, i.; Harper’s Monthly, Aug., 1875; J. E. Stevenson’s Zuñi and the Zunians (Washington, 1881). Of F. H. Cushing’s recent labors among the Zuñi, see Powell’s Second, Third, and Fifth Reports, Bur. of Ethnology.

[1704] The Report of Lieut. W. H. Emory, directly in charge of the survey (Ho. Ex. Doc. 135, 34th Cong., 1st sess.), was printed separately in 3 vols. in 1859.

[1705] Report upon U. S. Geol. Surveys, west of the one hundredth meridian in charge of First Lieut. Geo. M. Wheeler, vol. vii., Archæology (Washington, 1879). Ernest Ingersoll, a member of the survey, published some papers on the “Village Indians of New Mexico” in the Journal Amer. Geog. Soc., vi. and vii.

[1706] Cf. L. H. Morgan on this ruin in the Peab. Mus. Rept., xii. 536, and in a paper in the Trans. Amer. Ass. Adv. Sci. (St. Louis, 1877).

[1707] His notes form a good bibliography. He intends as a supplement an account of the different explorations prior to the seventeenth century.

[1708] Bancroft (Native Races, i. 529, 599; iv. 662, etc.) gives the best clues to authorities prior to 1875. Short (ch. 7) condenses more, and Baldwin (p. 78) still more. Nadaillac, L’Amérique préhistorique (ch. 5) also summarizes. Morgan studies the social condition of this ancient people (Systems of Consanguinity, Part ii. ch. 6; Houses and House Life, ch. 6; Peabody Mus. Repts., xii.). Cf. James Stevenson’s “Ancient Habitations of the Southwest” in Journal Amer. Geog. Soc., xviii. (1886), and his illustrated Catalogue of Collections in Powell’s Second Rept. Bureau of Ethnol.; E. A. Barber on “Les anciens pueblos” in Cong. des Américanistes, 1877, i. 23, in which he traces a gradation from the moundbuilders through the old pueblo peoples to the Toltecs; C. Schoebel’s account of an expedition in the Archives de la Soc. Amér. de France, nouv. ser. i., and the references in Poole’s Index, i. 1063; ii. 359.

Dividing the remaining references into localities, we note for New Mexico the following: J. H. Carleton in the Smithsonian Rept. (1854); W. B. Lyon (Ibid. 1871); J. A. McParlin (Ibid. 1877); Turner in Am. Ethnol. Soc. Trans., ii.; and A. W. Bell in Journal of the Ethnol. Soc. (London), Oct., 1869. Carleton describes the ruins also in the Western Journal, xiv. 185. Clarence Pullen describes the people in Journal Amer. Geog. Soc., xix. 22. For Colorado: E. L. Berthoud in Smithsonian Repts., 1867, 1871. G. L. Cannon in Ibid. 1877; H. Gannett in Pop. Sci. Monthly, xvi. 666 (Mar., 1880); Amer. Naturalist, x. 31; Lippincott’s Mag., xxvi. 54. For Arizona: F. E. Grossmann, J. C. Y. Lee, and R. T. Burr in Smithsonian Repts., respectively for 1871, 1872, 1879, with other references in Poole under “Moqui.”

[1709] This scope of treatment is manifest in the large number of papers contained in the Smithsonian Reports. See W. J. Rhees’ Catal. of Publ. of Sm. Inst. (Washington, 1882), pp. 252-3.

[1710] Beschreibung der Reise (Göttingen, 1764; Eng. transl., Lond., 1772).

[1711] Journal of two visits, etc., Burlington, 1774 (Thomson’s Bibl. of Ohio, no. 657).

[1712] His account is copied in the Mass. Mag., Oct., 1791.

[1713] Cf. Amer. Mag., Dec., 1787; Jan., Feb, 1788.

[1714] Repeated in Gilbert Imlay’s Topog. Descrip. West. Territory.

[1715] Journal of a Tour.

[1716] Voyage dans Louisiane (Paris, 1807).

[1717] Sketches of Louisiana (1812).

[1718] Views of Louisiana (Pittsburg, 1814).

[1719] Account of the History, Manners and Customs of the Indian Nations who once inhabited Pennsylvania and the neighboring States, in the Transactions Amer. Philos. Soc. (1819), and later repeated in other editions and versions (P. G. Thomson’s Bibliog. of Ohio, no. 533, etc., and Pilling’s Eskimo Bibliog., 43). Louis Cass’s criticism on Heckewelder is in No. Am. Rev. Jan., 1826. Cf. Haven, Archæol. U. S., 43.

[1720] Description of the Antiquities discovered in the State of Ohio and other Western States, with engravings from actual surveys (Worcester, Mass., 1820). This was reprinted in the Writings of Caleb Atwater (Columbus, 1833). This volume also included his Observations made on a tour to Prairie du Chien in 1829 (Columbus, 1831), where Atwater was sent by the Federal government to purchase mineral lands of the Indians (P. G. Thomson’s Bibl. of Ohio, no. 52; Pilling, Bibl. of Siouan Lang., p. 2). The part originally published in the Archæol. Amer. was translated by Malte Brun in Nouv. Annales de Voyages, xxviii., who added a paper on “L’origine et l’époque des monumens de l’Ohio.” Cf. Haven’s Archæol. U. S., 33, and the memoir of Atwater in Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc., Oct., 1867.

[1721] Including those of Newark, Perry County, Marietta, Circleville, Paint Creek, Little Miami, Piketon, etc.

[1722] Haven, 117. This publication was anticipated by a condensed statement in Squier’s Observation on the Aboriginal Monuments of the Mississippi Valley, in the second volume of the Trans. Amer. Ethnol. Soc. (N. Y., 1847), and in his Observations on the Uses of the Mounds of the West, with an attempt at their Classification (New Haven, 1847). Cf. also Harper’s Mag., xx. 737; xxi. 20, 165; Amer. Jour. Science, lxi. 305.

[1723] These went in 1863 to the Blackmore collection in Salisbury, Eng., and are described in Stevens’ Flint Chips.

[1724] Cf. Trans. Amer. Asso. Adv. Sci., 1873, and a paper “On the weapons and military character of the race of the mounds” in the Boston Soc. Nat. Hist. Mem., i. 473 (1869).

[1725] Proceedings, Oct. 23, 1852, where are plans of those at Crawfordsville, and of others in the dividing ridge between the Mississippi and the Kickapoo rivers. Cf. Ibid. Oct., 1876.

[1726] P. G. Thomson’s Bibliog. of Ohio, no. 925.

[1727] As, for instance, Conant’s Footprints of Vanished Races (1879). Cf. T. H. Lewis in the Amer. Journal of Archæology, Jan., 1886 (ii. 65).

[1728] Archæology of the U. S. (1856).

[1729] M’Culloh in 1829 had come to a similar conclusion, and Gallatin and Schoolcraft have somewhat followed him.

[1730] Hist. Mag., Feb., 1866. Cf. Charlevoix.

[1731] This was Dr. J. C. Warren’s view in 1837, in a paper before the Brit. Asso. Adv. Science. Cf. also Blumenbach, Morton, Nott, and Gliddon.

[1732] Bancroft (Nat. Races, v. 539) thinks they were connected in some obscure way with these southern nations, and in 1875 could write (p. 787) that “most and the best authorities deem it impossible that the moundbuilders were ever the remote ancestors of the Indian tribes.” Dawson (Fossil Men, 55) deems the modern Pueblo Indians to be their representatives. Brasseur supposes the Toltecs came from them. (Cf. also Short, 492; and S. B. Evans, in Kansas City Rev., March, 1882.) John Wells Foster, who had for some years written on the subject, gathered his results in a composite volume, Prehistoric Races of the United States (Chicago, 1873, 1878, 1881, etc.), in which he held to the theory of their migrating south and developing into the civilization of Central America. Cf. his paper in the Trans. Chicago Acad. Nat. Sci., vol. i., and his abstract of it in his Mississippi Valley (1869, p. 415). J. P. MacLean’s Moundbuilders (Cincinnati, 1879) takes similar ground. Morgan (Peab. Mus. Rept., xii. 552) holds that they cannot be classed with any known Indian “stock,” and that the “nearest region from which they could have been derived is New Mexico.” Wills de Haas takes exception to this view in the Trans. Anthropological Soc. of Washington (1881). Cf. R. S. Robertson in Compte Rendu, Congrès des Américanistes (1877), xi. 39.

[1733] Major Powell says, that years ago he reached the conclusion that the modern Indians must have raised at least some of the mounds in the Mississippi Valley (Bur. of Ethnol. Rept., iv. p. xxx). Cf. also Powell’s paper in Science, x. 267. In the second of these reports (p. 117) Henry W. Henshaw sets forth the views, which the Bureau maintained; and he defended these views in the Amer. Antiquarian, viii. 102. The leading member, however, of the Bureau staff, who is working in this field, is Cyrus Thomas. In the Nat. Mus. Report (1887) he defined the aim and character of the Work in Mound Exploration of the Bureau of Ethnology, also issued separately. In this it was stated that over 2,000 mounds had been opened, and 38,000 relics gathered from them; but nothing to afford any clue to the language which the moundbuilders spoke. The conclusions reached were:—

First, the mounds are as diversified as the Indian tribes are.

Second, they yield no signs of a superior race.

Third, their builders and the Indians are the same.

Fourth, the accounts of the early European visitors of the Indians found here correspond to the disclosures of the mounds.

Fifth, certain kinds of mounds in certain localities are the work of tribes now known; and there are no signs about the mounds to connect them with the Pueblo Indians or those farther south.

Thomas, in the Fifth Report (1888) described the “Burial Mounds of the northern sections of the U. S.” He says that the character of the mounds and their contents indicate the possibility of dividing the territory they occupy roughly into eight districts, each with some prominent characteristic, and he roughly distinguishes these sections as of Wisconsin; the Upper Mississippi; Ohio; New York; Appalachian; the Middle Mississippi; the Lower Mississippi and the Gulf. He holds that the moundbuilding people existed from about the fifth or sixth century down to historic times.

Taking for his texts the mounds of the Appalachian districts, he has presented anew his grounds for believing this region at least to have had the red Indian race for the constructors of its mounds, and that the Cherokees were that race. Carr had already (1876), from investigating a truncated oval mound in Virginia, and comparing it with Bartram’s (Travels, 365) description of a Cherokee council-house (Peabody Mus. Rept., x. 75), reached the conclusion that that particular mound was built by the Cherokees. Thomas further undertakes to prove that the Cherokees once occupied the Appalachian region, and that implements of the white men are found in some of the mounds, bringing them down to a period since the contact with Europeans. The habits of the builders of these mounds are, as he affirms, known to correspond to what we know from historic evidence were the habits of the Cherokees.

Thomas has also communicated the views of the Bureau in other ways, as in the Amer. Antiquarian, vi. 90; vii. 65; Mag. Amer. Hist., May, 1884, p. 396; 1887, p. 193; July and Sept., 1888. In these papers, among other points, he maintains that the defensive enclosures of northern Ohio are due to the Iroquois-Huron tribes, and he accepts the view of Peet and Latham, that the animal mounds are more ancient than the simpler forms. Other investigators have adopted, in some degree, this view. Horatio Hale thinks the Cherokees of Iroquois origin, and that they may have mingled with the moundbuilders. C. C. Baldwin holds the Allegheni, Cherokees, and the moundbuilders to be the same.

Prominent among those who have adopted this red-Indian theory are Judge M. F. Force and Lucien Carr. In 1874 Force published at Cincinnati a paper, which he read before the literary club of that city; and in 1877 he prepared a paper on the race of the moundbuilders, which appears in French in the Compte Rendu, Congrès des Américanistes (1877, i. p. 121), and in English, To what Race did the Moundbuilders belong (Cincinnati, 1875). He maintains that the race, which shows no differences from the modern Indians, flourished till about 1,000 years ago, and that some of them still survived in the Gulf States in the sixteenth century, and that their development was about on the plane of the Pueblos, higher than the Algonquins and lower than the Aztecs.

Carr’s Mounds of the Mississippi Valley historically considered makes part of the second volume of Shaler’s Kentucky Survey, and was also issued separately (1883). It is the most elaborate collation of the accounts of the early travellers, and of others coming in contact with the Indians at an early day, which has yet been made, and his foot-notes are an ample bibliography of this aspect of the subject. He holds that these early records prove that nothing has been found in the mounds which was not described in the early narratives as pertaining to the Indians of the early contact. He aims also particularly to show that these early Indians were agriculturists and sun-worshippers. Brinton, reviewing the paper in the American Antiquarian (1883, p. 68), holds that Carr goes too far, and practises the arts of a special pleader. Brinton’s own opinions seem somewhat to have changed. In the Hist. Mag., Feb., 1866, p. 35, he considers the moundbuilders as not advanced beyond the red Indians; and in the American Antiquarian (1881), iv. 9, in inquiring into their probable nationality, he thinks they were an ancient people who were driven south and became the moundbuilding Chahta.

Other supporters of the red Indian view are Edmund Andrews, in the Wisconsin Acad. of Science, iv. 126; P. R. Hoy, in Ibid. vi.; O. T. Mason, in Science, iii. 658; Nadaillac, in L’Amérique préhistorique; E. Schmidt, in Kosmos (Leipzig), viii. 81, 163; G. P. Thurston, in Mag. Amer. Hist., 1888, xix. 374.

[1734] This is denied in Fred. Larkin’s Anc. Man in America (N. Y.).

[1735] J. D. Baldwin’s Anc. America (N. Y., 1871). D. Wilson’s Prehistoric Man, i. ch. 10, etc., who holds that “the moundbuilders were greatly more in advance of the Indian hunter than behind the civilized Mexican;” and he claims that the proof deduced from the Indian type of a head discovered in a moundbuilder’s pipe (i. 366) is due to a perverted drawing in Squier and Davis. Short, No. Amer. of Antiq., believed they were of the race later in Anahuac. Gay, Pop. Hist. U. S., i. ch. 2, believes in the theory of a vanished race. In 1775 Adair thought the works indicated a higher military energy than the modern Indian showed.

[1736] Antiq. of Man, 4th ed. 42.

[1737] Putnam’s papers and the records of his investigations can be found in his Peabody Mus. Reports, xvii., xviii., xix., xx., etc. Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., xv.; Amer. Naturalist, June, 1875; Kansas City Rev., 1879, etc.

[1738] No. Am. Rev., cxxiii., for “houses of the moundbuilders,” and also in his Houses and Home Life, ch. 9. Cf. on the other hand C. Thomas in Mag. Amer. Hist., Feb., 1884, p. 110.

[1739] Rhee’s Catalogue, p. 252-3.

[1740] S. D. Peet, who edits this journal, has advanced in one of his papers (vii. 82) that some of these earthworks are Indian game drives and screens. (He also contributed a classification of them to the Congrès des Américanistes, 1877, i. 103.) The paper by J. E. Stevenson (ii. 89), and that by Horatio Hale on “Indian Migrations” (Jan.-April, 1883), are worth noting. The Compte Rendu, Congrès des Américanistes, 1875 (i. 387), has Joly’s “Les Moundbuilders, leurs Œuvres et leurs Caractères Ethniques,” and that for 1877 has a paper by John H. Becker and Stronck. That by R. S. Robertson in Ibid. (i. p. 39) is also reprinted in the Mag. Amer. Hist. (iv. 174), March, 1880; while in March, 1883, will be found some of T. H. Lewis’s personal experiences in exploring mounds. Some other periodical papers are: W. de Haas, in Trans. Am. Asso. Adv. Science, 1868; D. A. Robertson, in Journal Amer. Geog. Soc., v. 256; A. W. Vogeles and S. L. Fay, in Amer. Naturalist, xiii. 9, 637; E. B. Finley in Mag. Western Hist., Feb., 1887, p. 439; Science, Sept. 14, 1883; Squier, in American Journal Science, liii. 237, and in Harper’s Monthly, xx. 737, xxi. 20, 165; C. Morris, in Nat. Quart. Rev., Dec. 1871, 1872, April, 1873; Ad. F. Fontpertius on “Le peuple des mounds et ses monuments” in the Rev. de Géog. (April and August, 1881); E. Price, in the Annals of Iowa, vi. 121; Isaac Smucker, in Scientific Monthly (Toledo, Ohio), i. 100.

Some other references, hardly of essential character, are: H. H. Bancroft, Nat. Races, iv. ch. 13; v. 538; Gales’s Upper Mississippi, or Historical Sketches of the Moundbuilders (Chicago, 1867); Southall’s Recent Origin of Man, ch. 36; Wm. McAdams’s Records of ancient races in the Mississippi valley; being an account of some of the pictographs, sculptured hieroglyphs, symbolic devices, emblems and traditions of the prehistoric races of America, with some suggestions as to their origin (St. Louis, 1887); Brühl’s Culturvölker des alten Amerika; J. D. Sherwood, in Stevens’s Flint Chips, 341; E. Pickett’s Testimony of the Rocks (N. Y.).

[1741] Hist. Mag., Feb., 1866.

[1742] Cf. Congrès des Amér., 1877, i. 316; C. Thomas in Amer. Antiq., vii. 66; Warden’s Recherches, ch. 4; Baldwin’s Anc. America, ch. 2.

[1743] Cf. Short, p. 158.

[1744] Force, To what Race, etc., p. 63.

[1745] Cf. Henry Gillman’s “Ancient Men of the Great Lakes” in Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sci. (Detroit, 1875), pp. 297, 317; Boston Nat. Hist. Soc. Proc., iv. 331; Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 412; C. C. Jones’s Antiq. Southern Indians; Peabody Mus. Repts., iv., vi., xi.; Jos. Jones’s Aborig. Remains of Tennessee; Jeffries Wyman in Am. Journal of Arts, etc., cvii. p. i.; W. J. McGee in Ibid. cxvi. 458; and Dr. S. F. Landrey on “A moundbuilder’s brain” in Pop. Science News (Boston, Oct., 1886, p. 138).

[1746] Cf. Holmes’s “Objects from the Mounds” in Powell’s Bur. of Ethnol. Repts., iii.; C. C. Baldwin’s “Relics of the Moundbuilders” in West. Reserve Hist. Soc. Tract, no. 23 (1874); Foster on their stone and copper implements in Chicago Acad. Science, i. (1869); objects from the Ohio mounds in Stevens’s Flint Chips, 418; images from them in Science, April 11, 1884, p. 437. In the mounds of the Little Miami Valley, native gold and meteoric iron have been found for the first time (Peab. Mus. Rept., xvi. 170).

[1747] See, on such impositions in general, MacLean’s Moundbuilders, ch. 9; C. C. Abbott in Pop. Sci. Monthly, July, 1885, p. 308; Wilson’s Prehist. Man, ii. ch. 19; Putnam in Peab. Mus. Repts., xvi. 184; Fourth Rept. Bur. Ethnol. 247.

The best known of the disputed relics are the following: The largest mound in the Ohio Valley is that of the Grave Creek, twelve miles below Wheeling, which was earliest described by its owner, A. B. Tomlinson, in 1838. It is seventy feet high and one thousand feet in circumference. (Cf. Squier and Davis, Foster, MacLean, Olden Time, i. 232; and account by P. P. Cherry—Wadsworth, 1877.) About 1838 a shaft was sunk by Tomlinson into it, and a rotunda constructed in its centre out of an original cavity, as a showroom for relics; and here, as taken from the mound, appeared two years later what is known as the Grave Creek stone, bearing an inscription of inscrutable characters. The supposed relic soon attracted attention. H. R. Schoolcraft pronounced its twenty-two characters such “as were used by the Pelasgi,” in his Observations respecting the Grave creek mound, in Western Virginia; the antique inscription discovered in its excavation; and the connected evidence of the occupancy of the Mississippi valley during the mound period, and prior to the discovery of America by Columbus, which appeared in the Amer. Ethnological Soc. Trans., i. 367 (N. Y., 1845). Cf. his Indian Tribes, iv. 118, where he thinks it may be an “intrusive antiquity.” The French savant Jomard published a Note sur une pierre gravée (Paris, 1845, 1859), in which he thought it Libyan. Lévy-Bing calls it Hebrew in Congrès des Amér. (Nancy, i. 215). Other notices are by Moïse Schwab in Revue Archéologique, Feb., 1857; José Perez in Arch. de la Soc. Amér. de France (1865), ii. 173; and in America in the Amer. Pioneer, ii. 197; Haven’s Archæol. U. S., 133, and Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., April 29, 1863, pp. 13, 32; Amer. Antiquarian, i. 139; Bancroft’s Nat. Races, v. 75.

Squier promptly questioned its authenticity (Amer. Ethnol. Soc. Trans., ii.; Aborig. Mts., 168). Wilson laughed at it (Prehistoric Man, ii. 100). Col. Whittlesey has done more than any one to show its fraudulent character, and to show how the cuts of it which have been made vary (Western Reserve, Hist. Soc. Tracts), nos. 9 (1872), 33 (1876), 42 (1878), and 44 (1879.) Cf. on this side Short, p. 419; and Fourth Rept. Bur. Ethnol., 250. Its authenticity is, however, maintained by MacLean (Moundbuilders, Cinn., 1879), who summarizes the arguments pro and con.

What is known as the Cincinnati tablet was found on the site of that city in 1841 (Amer. Pioneer, ii. 195). Squier accepted it as genuine, and thought it might be a printing-stone for decorating hides (Amer. Ethnol. Soc. Trans., ii.; Aborig. Mts. (1847), p. 70). Whittlesey at first doubted it (West. Res. Hist. Tracts, no. 9), but was later convinced of its genuineness by Robert Clarke’s Prehistoric Remains found on the site of Cincinnati (privately printed, Cinn., 1876).

The so-called Berlin tablet was found in Ohio in 1876. S. D. Peet believes it genuine (Amer. Antiq., i. 73; vii. 222).

On the Rockford tablet, see Short, 44.

The Davenport tablets, found by the Rev. J. Gass in a mound near Davenport, in Jan., 1877, are described in the Davenport Acad. Proc., ii. 96, 132, 221, 349; iii. 155. Cf. further in Amer. Asso. Adv. Science Proc. (April, 1877), by R. J. Farquharson; Congrès des Amér. (1877, ii. 158, with cut). The American Antiquarian records the controversy over its genuineness. In vol. iv. 145, John Campbell proposed a reading of the inscription. The suspicions are set forth in vii. 373. Peet, in viii. 46, inclines to consider it a fraud; and, p. 92, there is a defence. Short (pp. 38-39) doubts. In the Second Amer. Rept. Bur. of Ethnol., H. W. Henshaw, on “Animal Carvings,” attacked its character. (Cf. Fourth Rept., p. 251.) A reply by C. E. Putnam in vol. iv. of the Davenport Acad. Proc., and issued separately, is called Vindication of the Authenticity of the Elephant pipes and inscribed tablets in the Mus. of the Davenport Acad. (Davenport, Iowa, 1885). Cf. Cyrus Thomas in Science, vi. 564; also Feb. 5, 1886, p. 119. The question of the elephant pipes is included in the discussion, some denying their genuineness. Cf. also Amer. Antiq., ii. 67; Short, 531; Dr. Max Uhle in Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1887.

[1748] It has been found convenient to follow an advancing line of geographical succession, but the affiliations of the peoples of the mounds seem to indicate that those dwelling on both slopes and in the valleys of the Appalachian ranges should be grouped together, as Thomas combines them in his section on the mounds of the Appalachian District. (Fifth Rept. Bur. Ethnol.)

[1749] Proc., Oct. 23, 1849, p. 13; Belknap’s New Hampshire, iii. 89; Haven’s Archæol. U. S., 42.

[1750] D. A. Robertson, Journal Amer. Geog. Soc., vol. v., contends that the North American mounds were built by a colony of Finns long before the Christian era.

[1751] It was also issued, with some additional matter, at Buffalo (1851) as Antiquities of New York State, with supplement on Antiquities of the West (1851). Squier has also at this time a paper on these mounds in N. Y. Hist. Soc. Proc., Jan., 1849, p. 41. Cf. Am. Journal of Science, lxi. 305, and Harper’s Monthly, xx. and xxi. His conclusions, distinct from those pertaining to the Ohio mounds, were that the N. Y. earthworks were raised by the red Indians.

[1752] Cf. W. M. Taylor on a Pennsylvania mound in Smithsonian Rept., 1877.

[1753] A few minor references may be given. The Smithsonian Reports have papers by D. Trowbridge (1863); and by F. H. Cushing on those of Orleans County (1874). W. L. Stone held them to have been built by Egyptians, who afterward went south (Mag. Amer. Hist., Sept., 1878, ii. 533). Cf. Ibid. v. 35, and S. L. Frey in the Amer. Naturalist, Oct., 1879. A small book, Ancient Man in America (N. Y., 1880), by Frederic Larkin, takes issue with Squier, and believes the builders were not the modern Indians. He says he found in one of the N. Y. mounds, in 1854, a copper relic, with a mastodon, evidently in harness, scratched upon it! H. G. Mercer’s Lenape Stone describes a “gorget stone” dug up in Buck’s County, Penn., in 1872, which shows a carving representing a fight between Indians and the hairy mammoth, which we are also asked to accept as genuine. What is recognized as an ancient burial mound of the Senecas is described at some length in G. S. Conover’s Reasons why the State should acquire the famous burial mound of the Seneca Indians (1888).

[1754] Contributions to a bibliography and lists of the Ohio mounds are found as follows: Mrs. Cyrus Thomas’s “Bibliog. of Earthworks in Ohio” in the Ohio Archæol. and Hist. Quarterly, June, 1887, et seq.; a lesser list is in Thomson’s Bibliog. of Ohio, p. 385. Lists of the works are given in the Ohio Centennial Rept. and in MacLean’s Moundbuilders, pp. 230-233. J. Smucker, in the Amer. Antiquarian, vi. 43, describes the interest in archæology in the State, and instances the results in the numerous county histories, in the Western Reserve Hist. Soc. publications, in those of the Nat. Hist. Soc. of Cincinnati, of the Archæological Soc. at Madisonville, of the Central Ohio Scientific Association (begun 1878), and of the District Hist. Society (beginning its reports in 1877. Cf. P. G. Thomson, Bibl. of Ohio, no. 328). The course of the West. Reserve Hist. Soc. is sketched in the Mag. West. Hist., Feb., 1888 (vol. vii.).

[1755] Life of Cutler, ii. 14, 252.

[1756] Trans. Amer. Philos. Soc., iv.

[1757] Their survey is used in Stevens’s Flint Chips by Sherwood.

[1758] Cf. no. 11, 23, 41.

[1759] Some minor references: Whittlesey in Fireland’s Pioneer (June, 1865), and in his Fugitive Essays (Hudson, O., 1852). C. H. Mitchener’s Ohio Annals (Dayton, 1876). Hist. Mag., xii. 240. C. W. Butterfield in Mag. West. Hist., Oct., 1886 (iv. 777). I. Dille in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 359; and Hill and others in Ibid. 1877. C. Thomas in Science, xi. 314. Thomas J. Brown on artificial terraces in Amer. Antiquarian, May, 1888. Howe’s Hist. Collections of Ohio, as well as the numerous county histories, afford some material.

[1760] The annexed map of the vicinity of Chillicothe will show their abundance in a confined area. E. B. Andrews on those in the S. E. in Peabody Mus. Rept., x. MacLean’s Moundbuilders (Cincinnati, 1879) is of no original value except for Butler County. Squier and Davis give a plan of the fortified hill in this county. Walker’s Athens County. Isaac J. Finley and Rufus Putnam’s Pioneer Record of Ross County (Cincinnati, 1871). A plan of the High Bank works in this county is given in the Amer. Antiquarian, v. 56. The Highland County works, called Fort Hill, are described in the Ohio Arch. & Hist. Q., 1887, p. 260. G. S. B. Hampstead’s Antiq. of Portsmouth (1875) embodies results of a long series of surveys. Cf. Journal Anthropological Institute, vii. 132.

[1761] D. Drake’s Picture of Cincinnati (1815); Harrison in Ohio Hist. & Philos. Soc., i.; Squier and Davis; Ford’s Cincinnati, i. ch. 2.

[1762] The best known of the ancient fortifications of this region is that called Fort Ancient, about 42 miles from Cincinnati. It was surveyed by Prof. Locke in 1843. Cf. L. M. Hosea in Quart. Journal of Science (Cinn., Oct., 1874); Putnam in the Amer. Architect, xiii. 19; Amer. Antiquarian, April, 1878; Force’s Moundbuilders; Warden’s Recherches; Squier and Davis, with plan reduced in MacLean, p. 21; Short, 51; and on its present condition, Peab. Mus. Rept., xvi. 168. There is an excellent map of the mounds in the Little Miami Valley, in Dr. C. L. Metz’s Prehistoric Monuments of the Little Miami Valley, in the Journal of the Cincinnati Soc. of Nat. Hist., vol. i., Oct., 1878. The explorations of Putnam and Metz are recorded in the Peab. Mus. Repts., xvii., xviii. (Marriott mound), and xx. Cf. Putnam’s lecture in Mag. West. History, Jan., 1888. There are explorations at Madisonville noticed in the Journal of the Cinn. Soc. Nat. Hist., Apr., 1880. Others in this region are recorded in L. B. Welch and J. M. Richardson’s Prehistoric relics found near Wilmington (Sparks mound), and by F. W. Langdon in the appendix of Short.

[1763] M. C. Read’s Archæol. of Ohio (Cleveland, 1888), with cut. Col. Whittlesey made the survey in Squier and Davis, and it is copied by Foster. O. C. Marsh in Hist. Mag., xii. 240; and in Amer. Journal of Science, xcii. (July, 1866). Isaac Smucker, a local antiquary, in Newark American, Dec. 19, 1872; in Amer. Hist. Record, ii. 481; and in Amer. Antiq., iii. 261 (July, 1881). Cf. Nadaillac, 99, and view in Lossing’s War of 1812, p. 565.

Other antiquities of the central region are described in no. 11 Western Res. Hist. Soc. Tracts (Hardin Co.); in Ohio Arch. Hist. Quart., March, 1888 (Franklin Co.); Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., April, 1863 (Fairfield Co., etc.).

[1764] R. W. McFarland in Ohio Arch. Hist. Quart., i. 265 (Oxford).

[1765] Cox in Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci., 1874 (fort in Clarke Co.).

[1766] West. Res. Hist. Soc. Tracts, no. 41 (1877); and for the Cuyahoga Valley in no. 5 (1871), both by Whittlesey. The works on the Huron River, east of Sandusky, were described, with a plan, by Abraham G. Steiner in Columbian Mag., Sept., 1789, reprinted in Fireland’s Pioneer, xi. 71. G. W. Hill in Smithsonian Rept., 1874; E. O. Dunning on the Lick Creek mound in Peab. Mus. Rept., v. p. 11; S. D. Peet on a double-walled enclosure in Ashtabula Co. in Smithsonian Rept., 1876. Cf. Cornelius Baldwin on ancient burial cists in northeastern Ohio in West. Res. Hist. Tracts, no. 56, and Yarrow on mound-burials in First Rept. Bur. Ethnol.

[1767] Cf. Putnam in Bull. Essex Inst., iii. (Nov., 1871), and Boston Soc. Nat. Hist. Proc. (Feb., 1872); Foster, p. 134, with plan. The Smithsonian Repts. cover notices by W. Pidgeon (1867), by A. Patton in Knox and Lawrence counties (1873), and by R. S. Robertson (1874).

[1768] Peabody Mus. Reports, xii. 473 (1879). For Illinois mounds see Thomas in Fifth Rept. Bur. Ethnol.; Davidson and Struve’s Illinois; E. Baldwin’s La Salle Co. (Chicago, 1877); W. McAdams’s Antiq. of Cahokia (Edwardsville, 1883); H. R. Howland in the Buffalo Soc. Nat. Hist. Bull., iii.; and in Smithsonian Repts., by Chas. Rau (1868); largely on agricultural traces; by Dr. A. Patton (1873); by T. M. Perrine on Union Co. (1873); by T. McWhorter and others (1874); by W. H. Pratt on Whiteside Co. (1874); by J. Shaw on Rock River (1877); and by J. Cochrane on Mason Co. (1877).

[1769] His papers are in the Smithsonian Repts., 1873, 1875; Peabody Mus. Reports, vi. (1873), on the St. Clair River mounds; Am. Journal of Arts, etc., Jan., 1874; Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci. Proc., 1875; on bone relics in Congrès des Amér., 1877, i. 65; and on the Lake Huron mounds, in American Naturalist, Jan., 1883. Cf. other accounts in Michigan Pioneer Collections, ii. 40; iii. 41, 202; S. D. Peet in Amer. Antiq., Jan., 1888; and on the old fort near Detroit, Ibid. p. 37; and Bela Hubbard’s Memorials of a half century.

[1770] The copy in Harvard College library has some annotations by George Gale. Lapham’s survey of Aztlan is reproduced in Foster, p. 102. Lapham’s book is summarized by Wm. Barry in the Wisconsin Hist. Soc. Coll., iii. 187. These Collections contain other papers on mounds in Crawford Co. by Alfred Brunson (iii. 178); on man-shape mounds (iv. 365); J. D. Butler on “Prehistoric Wisconsin” (vii.); on Aztalan (ix. 103).

The Transactions of the Wisconsin Acad. of Science are also of assistance: vol. iii., a report of a committee on the mounds near Madison, with cuts; vol. iv., a paper by J. M. DeHart on the “Antiquities and platycnemism [flat tibia bones] of the Moundbuilders.”

[1771] S. D. Peet has discussed this aspect in the Amer. Antiquarian (1880), iii. p. 1; vi. 176; vii. 164, 215, 321; viii. 1; ix. 67. He also examines the evidence of the village life of their builders (ix. 10). Cf. his Emblematic Mounds; and his paper in the Wisconsin Hist. Coll., ix. 40.

[1772] None of the bones of extinct animals have been found in the mounds; nor has the buffalo, long a ranger of the Mississippi Valley, been identified in the shapes of the mounds. (Cf. Peet on the identification of animal mounds in Amer. Antiq., vi. 176.) Peet holds they followed the mastodon period (Ibid. ix. 67). The elephant mound, so called, has been often shown in cuts. (Cf. Smithsonian Rept., 1877, accompanying a paper by J. Warner, and Powell’s Second Rept. Bur. of Eth., 153.) Henshaw here discredits the idea of its being intended for an elephant. The evidence of elephant pipes is thought uncertain. Cf. article on mound pipes by Barber in Amer. Naturalist, April, 1882.

[1773] Second Rept. Bur. of Ethnol., p. 159, where Henshaw thinks it may just as well be anything else. Cf. Isaac Smucker in Amer. Antiquarian, vii. 350.

[1774] Cf. Amer. Antiq., vi. 254.

[1775] Peab. Mus. Rept., xvii., and Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., Oct., 1883. He points out that the Ohio effigy mounds have a foundation of stones with clay superposed; the Georgia mounds are mainly of stone; while the Wisconsin mounds seem to be constructed only of earth.

Further references on the Wisconsin mounds: Smithsonian Repts., by E. E. Breed (1872); by C. K. Dean (1872); by Moses Strong (1876, 1877); by J. M. DeHart (1877); and again (1879).

Also: Haven’s Archæol. U. S., p. 106; W. H. Canfield’s Sauk County; DeHart in Amer. Antiquarian, April, 1879; their military character in Ibid., Jan., 1881; also as emblems in Ibid. 1883 (vi. 7); Nadaillac and other general works. There is a map of those near Beloit—some are in the college campus—in the American Antiquarian, iii. 95.

[1776] They have been described in the Smithsonian Reports by T. R. Peale (1861); and in Amer. Antiquarian, July, 1888, by S. D. Peet. Other mounds and relics are described in the Smithsonian Repts. (1863) by J. W. Foster; (1870) by A. Barrandt; (1877) by W. H. R. Lykins; and (1879) by G. C. Broadhead; in Peab. Mus. Repts., viii., by Professor Swallow; in Missouri Hist. Soc. Publ., no. 6, by F. F. Hilder; in Cinn. Quart. Jour. of Sci., Jan., 1875, by Dr. S. H. Headlee; in the Kansas City Rev., i. 25, 531; in the St. Louis Acad. of Science (1880) by W. P. Potter; Mr. A. J. Conant has been the most prolific writer in Ibid., April 5, 1876; in W. F. Switzler’s History of Missouri (St. Louis, 1879), and in C. R. Burns’s Commonwealth of Missouri (1877). Cf. also Poole’s Index, p. 858.

[1777] T. H. Lewis in Science, v. 131; vi. 453. On other Iowa mounds, see Smithsonian Rept., by J. B. Cutts (1872); by M. W. Moulton (1877), and again (1879); Annals of Iowa, vi. 121; and W. J. McGee in Amer. Journal Science, cxvi. 272.

[1778] Smithsonian Rept., 1863; and for mounds, 1879. Cf. L. C. Estes on the antiquities on the banks of Missouri and Lake Pepin in Ibid., 1866.

[1779] Kansas Rev., ii. 617; Joseph Savage and B. F. Mudge in Kansas Acad. Science, vii.

[1780] Smithsonian Rept., by A. J. Comfort (1871) and by A. Barrandt (1872); W. McAdams in Amer. Antiquarian, viii. 153.

[1781] Amer. Naturalist, x. 410, by E. Palmer; Bancroft, Nat. Races, iv. 715.

[1782] App. to Gleeson’s Hist. of the Catholic Church in California (1872), ii., and Bancroft’s Nat. Races, iv. 695.

[1783] P. W. Norris in Smithsonian Report, 1879.

[1784] Cf. George Gibbs in Journal Amer. Geogr. Soc., iv.; A. W. Chase in Amer. Jour. Sci., cvi. 26; Amer. Architect, xxi. 295; and Bancroft, Nat. Races, iv. 735.

[1785] Cf. S. H. Locket in Smithsonian Rept. (1872), and T. P. Hotchkiss in the same, and a paper in 1876; Amer. Journal Science, xlix. 38, by C. G. Forshey, and lxv. 186, by A. Bigelow.

[1786] T. H. Lewis, with plan, in Amer. Journal Archæol., iii. 375; previously noted by Atwater and by Squier and Davis.

[1787] Cf. Filson’s Kentucke.

[1788] Amer. Philos. Soc. Trans., iv., no. 26.

[1789] Thomas E. Pickett contributed this part (1871) to Collins’s Hist. Kentucky (1878), i. 380; ii. 68, 69, 227, 302, 303, 457, 633, 765. Pickett’s contribution was published separately as The testimony of the Mounds (Marysville, Ky., 1875). Prof. Shaler, as head of the Geological Survey of Kentucky, included in its Reports Lucien Carr’s treatise on the mounds, already mentioned; and touches the subject briefly in his Kentucky, p. 45. Cf. also Maj. Jona. Heart in Imlay’s Western Territory; S. S. Lyon in Smithsonian Repts., 1858, 1870, and R. Peter, in 1871, 1872; F. W. Putnam in Boston Soc. Nat. Hist. Proc., xvii. 313 (1875); and Nature, xiii. 109.

[1790] The aboriginal remains of Tennessee have successively been treated in John Haywood’s History of Tennessee (Nashville, 1823); by Gerard Troost in Amer. Ethnol. Soc. Trans. (1845), i. 335; by Joseph Jones in Smithsonian Contributions, xx. (1876), who connected those who erected the works, through the Natchez Indians, with the Nahuas. Edward O. Dunning had described some of the Tennessee relics in the Peabody Mus. Repts., iii., iv., and v.; but Putnam in no. xi. (1878) gave the results of his opening of the stone graves, with his explorations of the sites of the villages of the people, and described their implements, nothing of which, as he said, showed contact with Europeans. Cyrus Thomas deems these remains the works of the Indian race (Amer. Antiq., vii. 129; viii. 162). The Smithsonian Repts. have had various papers on the Tennessee antiquities: I. Dille (1862); A. F. Danilsen (1863); M. C. Read (1867); E. A. Dayton, E. O. Dunning, E. M. Grant, and J. P. Stelle (1870); Rev. Joshua Hall, A. E. Law, and D. F. Wright (1874); and others (in 1877).

L. J. Du Pré, in Harper’s Monthly (Feb., 1875), p. 347, reports upon a ten-acre adobe threshing-floor, preserved two feet and a half beneath black loam, near Memphis.

[1791] Col. Jones’s papers are: Indian Remains in South Georgia, an address (Savannah, 1859); Ancient tumuli on the Savannah River; Monumental Remains of Georgia, part i. (Savannah, 1861); Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., April, 1869; Antiquities of Southern Indians (1873); on effigy mounds in Smithsonian Rept. (1877); and on bird-shaped mounds in Journal Anthropological Soc., viii. 92. Cf. also the early chapters of his Hist. of Georgia.

Other writers: H. C. Williams and Geo. Stephenson in Smithson. Rept. (1870); and Wm. McKinley and M. F. Stephenson (1872). Cf. Amer. Ethnol. Soc. Trans., iii., on Creeks and Cherokees; and on the great mound in the Etowah Valley, Amer. Asso. Adv. Sci. (1871). Thomas (Fifth Rept. Bur. Ethnol.) supposes the Etowah mound to be the one with a roadway described by Garcilasso de la Vega as being on De Soto’s route. Thomas describes other mounds of this group, giving cuts of the incised copper plates found in them, which he holds to be of European make. This forces him to the conclusion that the larger mound was built before De Soto’s incursion and the others later; and as they differ from those in Carolina, he determines they were not built by the Cherokees.

[1792] Cf. S. A. Agnew in Smithsonian Reports (1867), and J. W. C. Smith (1874, cf. 1879); Jas. R. Page in St. Louis Acad. Science Trans., iii., and Cinn. Q. Journal of Sci., Oct., 1875; Haven, p. 51; and Edw. Fontaine’s How the World was peopled, 153.

[1793] E. Cornelius in Amer. Journ. Sci., i. 223; Pickett’s Alabama, ch. 3.

[1794] Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, iii., and in N. Y. Hist. Soc. Proc., 1846, p. 124. Brinton’s Floridian Peninsula, ch. 6. Amer. Antiquarian, iv. 100; ix. 219. Smithsonian Reports (1874), by A. Mitchell, and 1879.

[1795] J. M. Spainhour on antiquities in North Carolina, in Smithson. Rept., 1871; T. R. Peale on some near Washington, D. C. (Ibid., 1872); Schoolcraft, on some in Va., in Amer. Ethnol. Soc. Trans., i.; with Squier and Davis, and Peabody Mus. Rept., x., by Lucien Carr. There is a plan of a fort in Virginia in the Amer. Pioneer, Sept., 1842, and a paper on the graves in S. W. Virginia in Mag. Amer. Hist., Feb., 1885, p. 184.

[1796] W. E. Guest on those near Prescott, in Smithsonian Rept., 1856. T. C. Wallbridge describes some at the bay of Quinté in Canadian Journal (1860), v. 409, and Daniel Wilson for Canada West in Ibid., Nov., 1856. T. H. Lewis on the remains in the valley of the Red River of the North, in Amer. Antiquarian, viii. 369; and for those in Manitoba papers by A. McCharles in the Amer. Journal of Archæology, iii. 72 (June, 1887), and by George Bryce in Manitoba Hist. and Sci. Soc. Trans., No. 18 (1884-85). Bancroft’s Nat. Races, iv. 738, etc., for British Columbia.

[1797] Cf. for garden beds Amer. Antiquarian, i. and vii.; Foster, 155; Bela Hubbard’s Memorials of a half century (Detroit). Shaler (Kentucky, 46) surmises that it was the buffalo coming into the Ohio Valley, and affording food without labor, that debased the moundbuilders to hunters.

[1798] Cf. Col. Whittlesey on rock inscriptions in the United States in West. Res. Hist. Soc. Tract No. 42. Col. Garrick Mallory’s special studies of pictographs are contained in the Bull. U. S. Geological Survey of the territories (1877), and in the Fourth Rept. Bur. Ethnol. Wm. McAdams includes those of the Mississippi Valley in his Records of ancient races in the Mississippi Valley (St. Louis, 1887). Cf. Hist. Mag., x. 307. Those in Ohio are enumerated in the Final Rept. of the State Board of Centennial Managers (1877), by M. C. Read and Col. Whittlesey. Cf. also the West. Res. Hist. Soc. Tracts Nos. 12, 42, 53; the Amer. Asso. Adv. Sci. Proc. (1875); and The Antiquary, ii. 15. Those in the Upper Minnesota Valley are reported on by T. H. Lewis in the Amer. Naturalist, May, 1886, and July, 1887. J. R. Bartlett in his Personal Narrative noted some of those along the Mexican boundary, and Froebel (Seven Years’ Travel, Lond., 1859, p. 519) controverts some of Bartlett’s views. Cf. Nadaillac, Les premiers hommes, ii.; J. G. Bruff on those in the Sierra Nevada in Smithson. Rept., 1872. A. H. Keane reports upon some in North Carolina in the Journal Anthropological Inst. (London), xii. 281. C. C. Jones in his Southern Indians (1873) covers the subject. Some in Brazil are noted in Ibid., Apr., 1873.

[1799] The first session of the International Congress of Prehistoric [Anthropology and] Archæology was held at Neuchâtel, and its proceedings were printed in the Materiaux pour l’histoire de l’homme. The second session was at Paris; the third at Norwich, England; the fourth at Copenhagen; and there have been others of later years. Cf. A. de Quatrefages’ Rapport sur le progrès de l’anthropologie (Paris, 1868). Quatrefages himself is one of the most distinguished of the French school, and deserves as much as any to rank as the founder of the present French school of anthropologists. Cf. his Hommes fossiles et hommes sauvages (1884). The English reader can most easily get possessed of his view, conservative in some respects, in Eliza A. Youman’s English version of his most popular book, Nat. Hist. of Man (N. Y., 1875).

[1800] Founded in Paris in 1864 by Gabriel de Mortillet, and edited after vol. v. by Eugène Trutat and Emile Cartailhac.

[1801] Cf. C. Rau’s Articles on anthropol. subjects contributed to the Annual Repts. of the Smithson. Inst., 1863-1877 (Smiths. Inst., no. 440; Washington, 1882). The Smithson. Rept., 1880 (Washington, 1881), also contains a bibliography of anthropology by O. T. Mason. A considerable list of books is prefixed to Dr. Gustav Brühl’s Culturvölker des alten Amerika, which is a collection of tracts published at different times (1875-1887) at N. Y., Cincinnati, and St. Louis.

[1802] He had surveyed the condition of the science in 1867 in his introduction to Nilsson’s Stone Age,—Primitive inhabitants of Scandinavia. Cf. also Smithsonian Report, 1862.

[1803] Figuier’s books are nearly all accessible in English. His Human Race and his World before the Deluge cover some parts of the subject.

[1804] A few minor references: Dawson’s Story of Earth and Man, ch. 14, 15. Foster’s Prehistoric Races of the U. S., ch. 1, 2. Clodd’s Childhood of the World. Gay’s Pop. Hist. U. S., ch. 1. Principal Forbes in the Edinburgh Review, July, 1863; Oct., 1870. London Quarterly Rev., Apr., 1870. Contemp. Rev., xi. Bibliotheca Sacra, Apr., 1873. Brit. Q. Rev., Ap., Oct., 1863. Lond. Rev., Jan., 1860. Lippincott’s Mag., vol. i. Nat. Q. Rev., Mar., 1876. Lakeside Monthly, vol. x., etc.

[1805] Translated by N. D’Anvers and edited by W. H. Dall, with some radical changes of text (N. Y., 1884). Cf. Lucien Carr in Science, 1885, Feb. 27, p. 176. Dall discusses the evidences of the remains of the later prehistoric man in the United States in the Smithsonian Contributions, vol. xxii.

[1806] A few other references of lesser essays: D. G. Brinton’s Review of the data for the study of the prehistoric chronology of America (Salem, 1887,—from the Proc. Amer. Ass. Adv. Sci., xxxvi.); his Recent European Contributions to the study of Amer. Archæology (Philad. 1883); and his Prehistoric Archæology (Philad., 1886). Seth Sweetzer on prehistoric man in the Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc., Apr., 1869, and Haven’s Prehistoric Amer. Civilization in Ibid., April, 1871. J. L. Onderdonck in Nat. Quart. Rev. (April, 1878), xxxvi. 227. Ernest Marceau’s “Les anciens peuples de l’Amérique” in the Revue Canadienne, n. s., iv. 709. E. S. Morse in No. Amer. Rev., cxxxii. 602, or Kansas Rev., v. 90. H. Gillman’s Ancient men of the Great Lakes (Detroit, 1877).

The principal work on the South American man is Alcède d’Orbigny’s L’Homme Américaine (Paris, 1837). There are some local treatises, like Lucien de Rosny’s Les Antilles: étude d’ethnographie et d’archéologie Americaines (Paris, 1886,—Am. Soc. d’Ethnographie, n. s., ii.), and papers by Nadaillac and others in the Materiaux, etc.

[1807] By Theo. Lyman and Hr. de Schlagintweit.

[1808] The long article on the Races of America in Cassino’s Standard Nat. Hist. (Boston, 1885), vol. vi., is based on Friedrich von Hellwald’s Naturgeschichte des Menschen, but it is widely varied in places under the supervision of Putnam and Carr. Cf. also J. C. Prichard’s Researches into the physical history of mankind (Lond., 1841), 4th ed., vol. v., “Oceanic and American nations.”

[1809] Bandelier, in his several essays in the 2d volume of the Peabody Museum Reports, speaks of his neglecting such compilations as Bancroft’s in order to deal solely with the original sources, and the student will find the references in his foot-notes of those essays very full indications of what he must follow in the study of such sources.

[1810] Harrisse, Bib. Am. Vet.; Rich, Bibl. Nova; Leclerc, nos. 350, 351; Pilling, p. xxviii.

[1811] Pilling, p. xii.

[1812] See Vol. II. p. 429.

[1813] Bib. Mex. Guat., p. 24; Pinart, no. 161. Cf. Icazbalceta on “Las bibliotecas de Eguiara y de Beristain” in Memorias de la Académia Méxicana, i. 353.

[1814] Vol. II. p. 430.

[1815] Also in Eng. transl., ii. 256.

[1816] Cf. Brinton’s Aborig. Amer. Authors, Philad., 1883.

[1817] See Vol. II p. 430.

[1818] Pilling, p. xxxi.

[1819] A school book, Marcius Willson’s Amer. History (N. Y., 1847), went much farther than any book of its class, or even of the usual popular histories, in the matter of American antiquities, giving a good many plans and cuts of ruins.

[1820] For bibliog. detail regarding the Nat. Races, see Pilling’s Proof Sheets, p. 9. Reviews of the work are noted in Poole’s Index, p. 956.

[1821] Cf., for instance, Dall’s strictures on the tribes of the N. W. in Contrib. to Amer. Ethnol., i. p. 8.

[1822] Sabin, ii. 7233; Field, no. 169.

[1823] Bare mention may be made of a few other books of a general scope: Jean Benoit Scherer’s Recherches historiques et géographiques sur le nouveau monde (Paris, 1777); D. B. Warden’s Recherches sur les Antiquités de l’Am. Sept. (Paris, 1827) in Recueil de Voyages, publié par la Soc. Géog. (Paris, 1825, ii. 372; cf. Dupaix, ii.); Ira Hill’s Antiquities of Amer. Explained (Hagerstown, 1831); Louis Faliès’ Etudes historiques et philosophiques sur les civilisations européenne, romaine, grecque, des populations primitives de l’Amérique septentrionale, les Chiapas, Palenqué des Nuhuas ancêtres des Toltèques, civilisation Yucatèque, Zapotèques, Mixtèques, royaume du Michoacan, populations du Nord-Ouest, du Nord et de l’Est, bassin du Mississipi, civilisation Toltèque, Aztèque, Amérique du centre, Péruvienne, domination des Incas, royaume de Quito, Océanie (Paris, 1872-74); Frederick Larkin’s Ancient man in America. Including works in western New York, and portions of other states, together with structures in Central America (New York, 1880),—a book, however, hardly to be commended by archæologists; and Charles Francis Keary’s Dawn of History, an introduction to prehistoric study (N. Y., 1887).

[1824] It is not necessary to enumerate many titles, but reference may be made to the summary of prehistoric conditions in Zerffi’s Historical development of art. It may be worth while to glance at A. Daux’s Etudes préhistoriques. L’industrie humaine: ses origines, ses premiers essais et ses légendes depuis les premiers temps jusqu’au déluge (Paris, 1877); Dawson’s Fossil men, ch. 5; Joly’s Man before Metals; Nadaillac’s Les Premiers Hommes, ii. ch. 11; Dabry de Thiersant’s Origine des indiens du Nouveau Monde (Paris, 1883); and Brühl’s Culturvölker alt-Amerika’s, ch. 14, 16.

[1825] Cf., particularly for California, Putnam’s Report in Wheeler’s Survey.

[1826] There is some question if the early Americans ever carried on the heavier parts of the quarrying arts, as for building-stones. Cf. Morgan’s Houses and House Life, 274. They did quarry soap-stone (Elmer R. Reynolds, Schumacher and Putnam, in Peabody Mus. Repts., xii.) and mica (Smithsonian Report, 1879, by W. Gesner; C. D. Smith in Ibid. 1876; Dr. Brinton in Proc. Numism. and Antiq. Soc. of Philad., 1878, p. 18). That they quarried pipe-stone is also well known, and the famous red pipe-stone quarry, lying between the Missouri and Minnesota rivers, was under the protection of the Great Spirit, so that tribes at war with one another are said to have buried their hatchets as they approached it. Wilson, in the last chapter of the first volume of his Prehistoric man, examines this pipe-carving and tells the story of this famous quarry. He refers to the tobacco mortars of the Peruvians in which they ground the dry leaf; and to the pipes of the mounds in which it was smoked. Cf. J. F. Nadaillac’s Les pipes et le tabac (Paris, 1885), taken from the Materiaux pour l’histoire primitive de l’homme (ii. for 1885); and Lucien de Rosny on “Le tabac et ses accessoires parmi les indigènes de l’Amérique,” in Mémoires sur l’Archéologie Américaine, 1865, of the Soc. d’Ethnographie.

[1827] It should be remembered that the recognition of the Flint-folk as occupying a distinct stage of development is a modern notion. For a century and a half after European museums began to gather stone implements they were reputed relics of Celtic art. Treatment of American art necessarily makes part of the works of Squier and Davis; Schoolcraft; Foster’s Prehistoric Races, ch. 6; Lubbock’s Prehistoric Times; Joly’s Man before Metals. Cf. references in Poole’s Index under “Stone Age” and “Stone Implements.”

[1828] Cf. S. D. Peet in Amer. Antiquarian, vii. 15.

[1829] Rau is an authority on stone implements. See further his paper on stone implements in the Smithsonian Rept., 1872; one on drilling stone without metal in Ibid. 1868; and one on cup-shaped and other lapidarian sculpture in the Contributions to No. Amer. Ethnology, vol. v. (Powell’s Rocky Mountain Survey, 1882). These carved, cup-like cavities in rocks are also discussed in Wilson’s Prehistoric Man, vol. i. ch. 3, where it is held that they were formed by the grinding process in shaping the rounded end of tools. H. W. Henshaw in the Amer. Jour. of Archæology (i. 105) discusses another enigma in the stone relics, called sinkers or plummets. Foster (Prehist. Races, 230) believes they were used as weights to keep the thread taut in weaving.

[1830] Cf. also Stevens’s Flint Chips, 292, and Charnay, Eng. transl., p. 70.

[1831] Cf. G. Crook “on the Indian method of making arrow-heads” in the Smithsonian Rept., 1871, and C. C. Jones, Jr., on “the primitive manufacture of spear and arrowpoints along the Savannah River” in Ibid. 1879. A paper by Sellers in a later report is of importance. Cf. Stevens’ Flint Chips, pp. 75-85, and Schumacher in Smithsonian Report, 1873. True flint was not often, if ever, used in America, but rather chert or hornstone, and quartz, though implements are found of jasper, chalcedony, obsidian, quartzite, and argillite. Cf. Rau on the stock in trade of an aboriginal lapidary in Smithsonian Rept. (1877); and Rosny’s “Recherches sur les masques, le jade et l’industrie lapidaire chez les indigènes de l’Amérique” in Arch. de la Soc. Amér. de France, n. s., vol. i. Jade or jadite implements and ornaments have been found in Central America and Mexico, and others resembling them in northwestern America; but it is not yet clear that the unworked material, such as is used in the middle America specimens, is found in America in situ. Upon the solution of this last problem will depend the value of these implements when found in America as bearing upon questions of Asiatic intercourse. Cf. Dr. A. B. Meyer in the Amer. Anthropologist (vol. i., July, 1888, p. 231), and F. W. Putnam in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., Jan., 1886, and in the Proc. Amer. Antiq. Society.

[1832] Wilson (Prehistoric Man, i. 200) points out that philology confirms it, the word for copper meaning “yellow stone.” On the question of their melting metal see letter of Prof. F. W. Putnam in Kansas City Rev. of Science, Dec. 1881; Wilson (i. 361); Foster’s Prehistoric Races, 293.

[1833] Wilson (i. 209, 227) thinks the arboreal and other evidences carry the time when these mines were worked back, at latest, to a period corresponding to Europe’s mediæval era. The earliest modern references to copper in this region are in Sagard in 1632 (Haven, p. 127) and in the Jesuit Relation of Allouez in 1666-67. Alexander Henry (Travels and Adventures in Canada) in 1765 is the earliest English explorer to mention it. Wilson holds to the belief that the present race of red Indians had no knowledge of these mining practices, but that they knew simply chance masses or exposed lodes. Wilson (i. 362) also gives reasons for supposing that the Lake Superior mines may have been a common meeting ground for all races of the continent.

[1834] Wilson, i. 205. MacLean’s Moundbuilders, ch. 6, gives a section of the shaft as when discovered.

[1835] Of the Lake Superior mines, the earliest intelligent account we have is in C. T. Jackson’s Geological Report to the U. S. Gov’t, 1849; but a more extended and connected account appeared the next year in the Report on the Geology of Lake Superior (Washington, 1850), by J. W. Foster and J. D. Whitney, which is substantially reproduced in Foster’s Prehistoric Races (1873), ch. 7. Meanwhile, Col. Charles Whittlesey had published in vol. xiii. of the Smithsonian Contributions his Ancient Mining on the shores of Lake Superior (Washington, 1863, with a map), which is on the whole the best account, to be supplemented by his paper in the Memoirs of the Boston Society of Natural History. Jacob Houghton supplied a description of the “ancient copper mines of Lake Superior” to Swineford’s History and Review of the mineral resources of Lake Superior (Marquette, 1876). Cf. also Annals of Science (Cleveland), i. for 1852; Dawson’s Fossil Men, 61; Baldwin’s Ancient America, 42; Wilson’s Prehistoric Man, i. 204; Dr. Harvey Read in the Dist. Hist. Soc. Report, ii. (1878); Joseph Henry in the Smithsonian Reports (1861; also in 1862); and Short, p. 89, with references.

On the mines at Isle Royale, see Henry Gillman’s “Ancient works at Isle Royale” in Appleton’s Journal, Aug. 9, 1873; Smithsonian Repts., 1873, 1874, by A. C. Davis; the Proceedings of the Amer. Asso. for the Advancement of Science, 1875; and Professor Winchell in Popular Science Monthly, Sept., 1881.

See further, on the copper implements of these ancient workers: Abbott’s Primitive Industry, ch. 28; Foster’s Prehistoric Races, 251; P. R. Hoy’s How and by whom were the copper implements made? (Racine, 1886, in Wisconsin Acad. of Science, iv. 132); J. D. Butler’s address on “Prehistoric Wisconsin” in the Wisconsin Hist. Coll., vol. vii. (see also vol. viii.), with his “Copper Age in Wisconsin” in the Proc. of the Amer. Antiquarian Society, April, 1877, and his paper on copper tools in the Wisconsin Acad. of Science, iii. 99; H. W. Haynes on “Copper implements of America” in Proc. Amer. Antiq. Soc., Oct., 1884, p. 335; Putnam on the copper objects of North and South America preserved in the Peabody Museum (Reports, xv. 83); Read and Whittlesey in the Final Report, Ohio Board Cent. Managers, 1877, ch. 3; and Poole’s Index, p. 300. Reynolds has recently in the Journal of the Anthropol. Soc. (Washington) claimed copper mining for the modern Indians.

[1836] Clavigero (Philad., Eng. transl., i. 20); Prescott, i. 138; Folsom’s ed. of Cortes’ letters, 412; Lockhart’s transl. of Bernal Diaz (Lond., 1844, i. 36).

[1837] Cf. on copper implements from Mexico: P. J. J. Valentini’s Mexican copper tools: the use of copper by the Mexicans before the Conquest; and The Katunes of Maya history, a chapter in the early history of Central America. From the German, by S. Salisbury, jr. (Worcester, 1880), from the Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., Apr. 30, 1879; F. W. Putnam in Ibid., n. s., ii. 235 (Oct. 21, 1882); Charnay, Eng. transl., p. 70; H. L. Reynolds, Jr., on the “Metal art of ancient Mexico” in Popular Science Monthly, Aug., 1887 (vol. xxxi., p. 519).

[1838] Cf. St. John Vincent Day’s Prehistoric use of iron and steel: with observations (London, 1877). This book grew out of papers printed in the Proc. Philosoph. Soc. of Glasgow (1871-75).

[1839] Cf. Dr. Washington Matthews on the “Navajo silversmiths” in the 2d Rept. Bureau of Ethnol. (Washington, 1883), p. 167.

[1840] The chief European collections are in the British Museum, the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, the Louvre, and at Copenhagen, Vienna, Brussels, not to name others; and among private ones, the Christy and Evans collections in England and the Uhde in Heidelberg.

[1841] Transactions, n. s., iii. 510.

[1842] Cf. Lucien de Rosny’s “Introduction à une histoire de la céramique chez les indiens du nouveau monde” in the Archives de la Soc. Amér. de France, n. s., vol. i., and Stevens’ Flint Chips, 241. Further references: Wilson’s Prehist. Man, ii. ch. 17; Catlin’s N. A. Indians, ch. 16; F. V. Hayden’s Contrib. to the Ethnog. of the Missouri Valley, 355; A. Demmin’s Hist. de la Céramique (Paris, 1868-1875); Nadaillac’s Les Premiers Hommes, and his L’Amérique préhistorique, ch. 4.

[1843] For the Atlantic coast, papers by Abbott (American Naturalist, Ap. 72, etc.), later more comprehensively treated in his Primitive Industry, ch. 11; and for the middle Atlantic region, a paper by Francis Jordan, Jr., in the Amer. Philosoph. Soc. Proc. (1888, vol. xxv.). For Florida, Schoolcraft in the New York Hist. Soc. Proc., 1846, p. 124. For the moundbuilders, Foster’s Prehistoric Races, p. 237, and in Amer. Naturalist, vii. 94 (Feb., 1873); Nadaillac, ch. 4; and Putnam in Amer. Nat., ix. 321, 393, and Peabody Mus. Repts., viii. For the Mississippi Valley in general, Edw. Evers in The Contributions to the archæology of Missouri; W. H. Holmes in the Fourth Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, an improvement of a paper in the Proc. of the Davenport Acad. of Sciences, vol. iv. Joseph Jones in the Smithsonian Contrib., xxii., and Putnam in the Peabody Mus. Repts., have described the pottery of Tennessee. The Pacific R. R. Repts/ yield us something; and Putnam (Reports) was the first to describe the Missouri pottery. J. H. Devereux treats the pottery of Arkansas in the Smithsonian Rept., 1872. On the Pueblo pottery, see papers of W. H. Holmes and F. H. Cushing in the Fourth Rept. Bur. of Ethn. (pp. 257, 743); and James Stevenson’s illustrated catalogue in the Third Rept., p. 511. F. W. Putnam (Amer. Art Review, Feb., 1881), supplementing his work in vol. vii. of Wheeler’s Survey, thinks that the present Pueblo Indians make an inferior ware to their ancestors’ productions. The pottery of the cliff-dwellers is described in Hayden’s Annual Rept. (1876). Paul Schumacher explains the method of manufacturing pottery and basket-work among the Indians of Southern California in the Peabody Museum Rept., xii. 521. O. T. Mason’s papers in recent Smithsonian Reports and in the Amer. Naturalist are among the best investigations in this direction.

[1844] For some special phases, see S. Blondel’s Recherches sur les bijoux des peuples primitifs ... Méxicains et Péruviens (Paris, 1876); F. W. Putnam’s Conventionalism in Ancient American Art (Salem, 1887, from the Bull. Essex Inst., xviii., for 1886); Mexican masks in Stevens’ Flint chips, 328; S. D. Peet on “Human faces in aboriginal art,” in the American Antiquarian (May, 1886, or viii. 133); the description of terra-cotta figures in Herman Strebel’s Alt-Mexico. A terra-cotta vase in the Museo Nacional is figured in Brasseur’s Popol Vuh (1861).

It is not known that stringed instruments were ever used, notwithstanding the suggestion of the twanging of the bow-string; but museums often contain specimens of musical pipes used by the aborigines. The opening chapter of J. F. Rowbotham’s Hist. of Music (London, 1885) gives what evidence we have, with references, as to kinds of music common to the American aborigines, and their fictile wind instruments. Cf. A. J. Hipkins’ Musical instruments, historic, rare, and unique. The selection, introduction, and descriptive notes by A. J. Hipkins; illustrated by William Gibb (Edinburgh, 1888); H. T. Cresson on Aztec music in the Proc. Acad. Nat. Sciences (Philad., 1883); and Wilson’s Prehistoric Man (ii. 37), with the references in Bancroft’s index (v. p. 717).

In Nott and Gliddon’s Indigenous Races of the Earth (Philad., 1857) there is a section by Francis Pulszky on “Iconographic researches on human races and their art.”

[1845] Mrs. Zelia Nuttall’s essay on some Mexican feather-work preserved in the Imperial Museum at Vienna appeared in the Archæol. and Ethnolog. Papers of the Peabody Museum, vol. i. no. 1 (Cambridge, 1888), and here she discusses the question if this is a standard or head-dress, and holds it to have been a head-dress. The contrary view is taken by F. von Hochstetter in his Ueber Mexicanische Reliquien aus der Zeit Montezuma’s (Vienna, 1884), who supposes it to have been among the presents sent by Cortes in 1519 to Charles V., in the possession of whose nephew it is known to have been in 1596.

[1846] Cf. Horatio Hale on The Origin of Primitive Money (N. Y., 1886,—from the Popular Science Monthly, xxviii. 296); W. B. Weedon’s Indian Money as a factor in New England Civilization (Baltimore, 1884),—Johns Hopkins (University Studies); Ashbel Woodward’s Wampum (Albany, 1878); Ernst Ingersoll in the Amer. Naturalist (May, 1883); and the cuts of wampum belts in the Second Rept. Bur. Ethnology (pp. 242, 244, 246, 248, 252, 254).

[1847] Cf. D. G. Brinton’s The lineal measures of the Semi-civilized nations of Mexico and Central America. Read before the American Philosophical Society, Jan. 2, 1885 (Philadelphia, 1885).

[1848] Wilson’s Prehistoric Man, i. ch. 6.

[1849] Wilson, i. 168. See post, Vol. II. 508, for an old cut of a raft under sail.

[1850] Peabody Mus. Rept., ii. 602-8.

[1851] Chips, ii. 248. Cf. Dabry de Thiersant’s Origine des indiens (Paris, 1883), p. 187.

[1852] It has been a question whether the palæolithic man talked, and it has been asserted and denied, from the character of certain inferior maxillary bones found in caves, that he had the power of articulate speech. Dr. Brinton has recently, from an examination of the lowest stocks of linguistic utterances now known, endeavored to set forth “a somewhat correct conception of what was the character of the rudimentary utterances of the race.” Cf. Brinton, Language of the Palæolithic Man, Philadelphia, 1888; Mortillet, La préhistorique Antiquité de l’Homme (Paris, 1883); H. Steinthal, Der Ursprung der Sprache (Berlin, 1888). Horatio Hale, on “The origin of languages and the antiquity of speaking man,” in the Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci. Proc., xxxv. 279, cites the views of some physiologists to show that the pre-glacial man could not talk, because there are only rudimentary signs of the presence of important vocal muscles to be discovered in the most ancient jaw-bones which have been found. Rau inferred that the totally diverse character, as he thought, of the American tongues indicated strongly that the earliest man could not articulate (Contrib. to N. A. Ethnology, v. 92). For other somewhat wild speculations, see Col. E. Carette’s Etude sur les temps antéhistoriques, La Langage (Paris, 1878).

[1853] Morgan thought he had found a test in his Systems of consanguinity and affinity of the Human Family (Washington, 1871).

[1854] Journal Anthropological Inst., v. 216.

[1855] Science of Language, i. 326.

[1856] For recognition of it in American philology, see Bancroft, iii. 670, and Short, 471.

[1857] Cf. Waitz, Introd. to Anthropology (Eng. transl.), p. 238; Wedgwood, Origin of Language; Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, ch. 8; Tylor’s Anthropology, ch. 6; Topinard’s Anthropologie; J. P. Lesley’s Man’s Origin and Destiny (who considers the test so far a failure); William D. Whitney’s “Testimony of language respecting the unity of the human race,” in the North American Review, July, 1867.

[1858] The “Lenguas y naciones Americanas” forms part of the first volume of Lorenzo Hervas’s Catálogo de las Lenguas de las Naciones Conocidas, y numeracion, division, y clases de estas segun la diversidad de sas idiomas y dialectos (Madrid, 1800-1805, in 6 vols.), which served in some measure Johann Severin Vater, and J. C. Adelung in their Mithridates, oder Allgemeine Sprachenkunde (Berlin, 1806-17, in 4 vols.) and his Analekten der Sprachenkunde (Leipzig, 1821).

There has more been done so far to map out the ethnological fields of middle America than to determine those of the more northern parts. Cf. the map in Orozco y Berra’s Geografía de las lenguas de Mexico (1864), and that in V. A. Malte-Brun’s paper in the Compte Rendu, Cong. des Américanistes, 1877, ii. 10. The maps in Bancroft’s Native Races, ii. and v., will serve ordinary readers. For the broader northern field, see the papers by L. H. Morgan and George Gibbs in the Smithsonian Reports, 1861, 1862. The Bureau of Ethnology have in preparation such a map, and they mark on it, it is understood, about seventy distinct stocks.

Cf. Horatio Hale on “Indian migrations as evidenced by language,” in the Amer. Antiquarian, v. 18, 108 (Jan., April, 1883), and issued separately, Chicago, 1883. Lucien Adam criticised the views of Hall in the Copenhagen Compte Rendu, Cong. des Amér., 1883, p. 123.

[1859] Nat. Races, iii. 558.

[1860] Cf. Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc., April, 1879.

[1861] Fossil Men, 310.

[1862] A prominent feature is the process of uniting words lengthwise, so to speak, which gives a single utterance the import of a sentence. This characteristic of the American languages has been called polysynthetic, incorporative, holophrastic, aggregative, and agglutinative. H. H. Bancroft instances the word for letter-postage in Aztec as being “Amatlacuilolitquitcatlaxtlahuilli,” which really signifies by its component parts, “payment received for carrying a paper on which something is written.” Cf. Brinton’s On polysynthesism and incorporation as characteristic of American languages (Philad., 1885).

[1863] Hayden says: “The dialects of the western continent, radically united among themselves and radically distinguished from all others, stand in hoary brotherhood by the side of the most ancient vocal systems of the human race.”

[1864] Morgan, in his Systems of Consanguinity, contends for this linguistic unity, though (in 1866) he admits that “the dialects and stock languages have not been explored with sufficient thoroughness.”

[1865] Gallatin says of them: “They bear the impress of primitive languages, ... and attest the antiquity of the population,—an antiquity the earliest we are permitted to assume.” This was of course written before the geological evidences of the antiquity of man were understood, and the remoteness referred to was a period near the great dispersion of Babel.

[1866] The appendix of this work has a good general summary of the Ethnography and Philology of America, by A. H. Keane.

[1867] The interlinking method of communication between tribes of different languages is what is called sign or gesture language, and the study of it shows that in much the same forms it is spread over the continent. It has been specially studied by Col. Garrick Mallery. Cf. his papers in the Amer. Antiquarian, ii. 218; Proc. Amer. Asso. Adv. Science, Saratoga meeting, 1880; and at length in the First Annual Rept. Bur. of Ethnology (1881). He notes his sources of information on pp. 395, 401. He had earlier printed under the Bureau’s sanction his Introduction to the Study of Sign Language (Washington, 1880). The subject is again considered in the Third Rept. of the Bureau, p. xxvi. Cf. also W. P. Clark’s Indian Sign-language, with Explanatory Notes (Philad., 1885). Morgan (Systems of Consanguinity, 227) expresses the opinion that it has the germinal principle “from which came, first, the pictographs of the northern Indians and of the Aztecs; and, secondly, as its ultimate development, the ideographic and possibly the hieroglyphic language of the Palenqué and Copan monuments.”

In addition to languages and dialects, we have a whole body of jargons, a conventional mixture of tongues, adduced by continued intercourse of peoples speaking different languages. They grew up very early, where the French came in contact with the aborigines, and Father Le Jeune mentions one in 1633 (Hist. Mag., v. 345). The Chinook jargon, for instance, was, if not invented, at least developed by the Hudson Bay Company’s servants, out of French, English, and several Indian tongues (whose share predominates), to facilitate their trade with the natives, and does not contain, at an outside limit, more than 400 or 500 words. There is some reason to believe that the Indian portion of this jargon is older, however, than the English contact (Bancroft, iii. 632-3; Gibbs’s Chinook Dictionary; Horatio Hale in Wilkes’ U. S. Explor. Exped.).

[1868] See the section on “Americana,” with a foot-note on linguistic collections. Haven summed up what had been done in this field in 1855 in his Archæology of the U. S. p. 53.

[1869] There is a less extensive survey, but wider in territory, in Short’s North Americans of Antiquity, ch. 10.

[1870] Vol. III. p. 355.

[1871] See Pilling’s Proof-sheets.

[1872] Duponceau’s report in Heckewelder, Hist. Acc. of the Indian Nations, 1819, is in the Mass. Hist. Coll., 1822. Pickering says that Duponceau was the earliest to discover and make known the common characteristics of the American tongues.

[1873] These are enumerated in the appendix of The Calendar of the Sparks MSS., issued by the library of Harvard University. They are also cited with some in other depositories by Pilling in his Proof-sheets.

[1874] Also in J. B. Scherer’s Recherches historiques et géographiques sur le Nouveau Monde (Paris, 1777).

[1875] We know little of what Jefferson might have accomplished, for his manuscripts were burned in 1801 (Schoolcraft’s Ind. Tribes, ii. 356). As early as 1804 the U. S. War Department issued a list of words, for which its agents should get in different tribes the equivalent words. Gallatin used these results. Different lists of test words have been often used since. George Gibbs had a list. The Bureau of Ethnology has a list.

[1876] Cf. synopsis in Haven’s Archæol. U. S., p. 65.

[1877] For Hale’s later views see his Origin of language and antiquity of speaking man (Cambridge, 1886), from the Proc. Amer. Ass. Adv. Science, xxxv.; and his Development of language (Toronto, 1888), from the Proc. Canadian Inst., 3d ser., vi.

[1878] Among other workers in the northern philology may be named Schoolcraft in his Indian Tribes (ii. and iii. 340), who makes no advance upon Gallatin; W. W. Turner in the Smithsonian Report, vi.; R. S. Riggs adds a Dacota bibliography to his Grammar and Dictionary of the Dacota language (Washington, Smiths. Inst., 1852); George Gibbs in the Smithsonian Repts. for 1865 and 1870, and as collaborator in other studies, of which record is made in J. A. Stevens’ memoir of Gibbs, first printed in the N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., and then in the Smithsonian Report for 1873; F. W. Hayden’s Contributions to the ethnography and philology of the Indian tribes of the Missouri Valley (Philad., 1862), being vol. xiii. of the Trans. Amer. Philosophical Soc.

A contemporary of Gallatin, but a man sorely harassed, as others see him, with eccentricities and unstableness of head, was C. F. Rafinesque, who had nevertheless a certain tendency to acute observation, which prevents his books from becoming wholly worthless. His first publication was an introduction to Marshall’s History of Kentucky, which he printed separately as Ancient History, or Annals of Kentucky, with a survey of the ancient monuments of North America, and a tabular view of the principal languages and primitive nations of the whole earth (Frankfort, Ky., 1824). In this he makes a comparison of four principal words from fourteen Indian tongues with thirty-four primitive languages of the old world. In 1836 he printed at Philadelphia The American Nations, or outlines of their general history, ancient and modern, including the whole history of the earth and mankind in the western hemisphere; the philosophy of American history; the annals, traditions, civilization, languages, etc., of all American nations, tribes, empires and states (in two volumes).

[1879] It embraces:

First Series: No. 1. J. G. Shea, French Onondaga Dictionary.

2. G. Mengarini, Selish or Flat-head Grammar.

3. B. Smith, Grammatical Sketch of the Heve language.

4. F. Arroyo de la Cuesta, Grammar of the Mutsun language.

5. B. Smith, Grammar of the Pima or Névome language.

6. M. C. Pandosy, Grammar and Dictionary of the Yakama language.

7. B. Sitjar, Vocabulary of the language of the San Antonio Mission.

8. F. Arroyo de la Cuesta, Vocabulary or phrase-book of the Mutsun language.

9. Abbé Maillard, Grammar of the Micmaque language.

10. J. Bruyas, Radices Verborum Iroqæorum.

11. G. Gibbs, Alphabetical Vocabularies of the Clallam and Lummi.

12. G. Gibbs, Dictionary of the Chinook jargon.

13. G. Gibbs, Alphabetical Vocabulary of the Chinook language.

Second Series: 1. W. Matthews, Grammar and Dictionary of the language of the Hidatsa.

2. W. Matthews, Hidatsa-English Dictionary.

The first series was printed in New York, 1860-63; the second, 1873-74. There is full bibliographical detail in Pilling’s Proof-sheets.

[1880] The following are already published:

1. The Chronicles of the Mayas, ed. by Brinton.

2. The Iroquois Book of Rites, ed. by Horatio Hale.

3. The Comedy-ballet of Gueguence, ed. by Brinton.

4. The National Legend of the Creeks, ed. by Albert S. Gatschet.

5. The Lenâpé and their Legends.

6. The Annals of the Cakchiquels, ed. by Brinton.

[1881] This series contains:

1. Juan de Albornoz, Arte de la lengua Chiapaneca y Doctrina Cristiana por Luis Barrientos (Paris, 1875).

2. P. E. Pettitot, Dictionnaire de la langue Dènè-Dindjie (Paris, 1876).

3. P. E. Pettitot, Vocabulaire Français-Esquimau (Paris, 1876).

4. P. Franco, Noticias de los Indios del Departamento de Veragua, etc. (San Francisco, 1882).

Pilling (Proof-sheets, 589, 1042-1044) gives an account of Pinart’s published and MS. linguistic collections, as well as (p. 587) of Francisco Pimentel’s Las Lenguas indígenas de México (Mexico, 1862-65).

[1882] It embraces:

1. E. Uricoechea, Lengua Chibcha (Paris, 1871).

2. Eujenio Castillo i Orozco, Vocabulario Paéz-Castellano, etc. (Paris, 1877).

3. Raymond Breton, Grammaire Caraïbe, ed. par L. Adam et Ch. Leclerc (Paris, 1878).

4. Ollantai, drame, trad. par Pacheco Zegarra (Paris, 1878).

5. R. Celedon, La Lengua goajra, con una introd. por E. Uricoechea (Paris, 1878).

6. L. Adam et V. Henry, La Lengua Chiquita (Paris, 1880).

7. Antonio Magio, La Lengua de los Indios Baures (Paris, 1880).

8. J. Crevaux, P. Sagot, et L. Adam, Langues de la région des Guyanes (Paris, 1882).

9. J. D. Haumonté, Parisot, et L. Adam, La Langue Taensa (Paris, 1882). This has been pronounced a deception.

10. Francisco Pareja, La Lengua Timuquana, 1614 (Paris, 1886).

[1883] Cf. Pilling’s Proof-sheets, pp. 217-218.

[1884] Brinton (Amer. Hero Myths, 60), referring to Father Cuoq’s Lexique de la langue Iroquoise, speaks of that author as “probably the best living authority on the Iroquois.” Pilling, Proof-sheets, 185, etc., gives the best account of his writings. Cf. Mrs. E. A. Smith on the Iroquois in Journal Anthropolog. Inst., xiv. 244.

[1885] The languages covered are: Dakota, Chibcha, Nahuatl, Kechua, Quiché, Maya, Montagnais, Chippeway, Algonquin, Cri, Iroquois, Hidatsa, Chacta, Caraïbe, Kiriri, Guarani. Adam has been one of the leading spirits in the Congrès des Américanistes. There was published in 1882, as a part of the Bibliothèque linguistique Américaine, a Grammaire et Vocabulaire de la langue taensa, avec textes traduits et commentés par F. D. Haumonté, Parisot, L. Adam. It was printed from a manuscript said to have been discovered in 1872, in the library of Mons. Haumonté. Dr. Brinton, finding, as he claimed, that Adam had been imposed upon, printed in the American Antiquarian, March, 1885, “The Tænsa Grammar and Dictionary, a Deception Exposed,” the points of which were epitomized by Professor H. W. Haynes in the American Antiquarian Society Proceedings (April, 1885), and Adam answered in Le Tænsa, a-t-il été forgé de toutes pièces (Paris, 1885).

The languages of the southern and southwestern United States have been particularly studied by Albert S. Gatschet, among whose publications may be named Zwölf Sprachen aus dem Südwesten Nord Amerikas (Weimar, 1877); The Timucua language of Florida (Philad., 1878, 1880); The Chumeto language of California (Philad., 1882); Der Yuma Sprachstamm of Arizona and the neighboring regions (Berlin, 1877, 1883); Wortverzeichniss eines Viti-Dialectes (Berlin, 1882); The Shetimasha Indians of St. Mary’s Parish, Louisiana (Washington, 1883); but his most important contribution is the linguistic, historic, and ethnographic introduction to his Migration Legend of the Creek Indians (Philad., 1884), in which he has surveyed the whole compass of the southern Indians. The extent of Mr. Gatschet’s studies will appear from Pilling’s Proof-sheets, pp. 285-292, 955.

[1886] Contents.—1. Sur quelques familles de langues du Méxique. 2. Sur différents idiomes de la Nouvelle-Espagne. 3. Sur la famille de langues Tapijulapane-Mixe. 4. Sur la famille de langue Pirinda-Othomi. 5. Sur les lois phonétiques dans les idiomes de la famille Mame-Huastèque. 6. Sur le pronom personnel dans les idiomes de la famille Maya-Quiché. 7. Sur l’étude de la prophétie en langue Maya d’Ahkuil-Chel. 8. Sur le système de numération chez les peuples de la famille Maya-Quiché. 9. Sur le déchiffrement des écritures calculiformes du Mayas. 10. Sur les signes de numération en Maya.

Pilling (Proof-sheets, pp. 145-148, 904-906) enumerates many of the separate publications.

[1887] Brinton has printed The philosophical grammar of the American languages as set forth by Wilhelm von Humboldt, with a translation of an unpublished memoir by him on the American verb (Philad., 1885). The great work of A. von Humboldt and Bonpland, Voyage aux régions équinoxiales du nouveau continent (Paris, 1816-31), gives some linguistic matter in the third volume.

[1888] These are enumerated in the list in Bancroft, i.; in Field, nos. 208-218; and in Leclerc, Index; with more detail in Pilling’s Proof-sheets, pp. 102-110, 894-896. Cf. also Sabin, iii. nos. 9,521 etc.

[1889] Brinton, who possesses his papers, published a Memoir of him in the Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc., 1884. His publications and MS. collections are given in Pilling’s Proof-sheets, PP. 72, 73, 879-881.

[1890] He cites (iii. 725-26) many opinions; and quotes Sahagún as saying that the Apalaches were Nahuas and spoke the Mexican tongue (Ibid. iii. 727). Is this any evidence of the Floridian immigration?

[1891] A considerable body of literature in this language has come down to us. Bancroft (iii. 728) enumerates a number of the principal religious manuals, etc. Icazbalceta in the first volume of his Bibliografia Mexicana (Mexico, 1886), in cataloguing the books issued in Mexico before 1600, includes all that were printed in the native tongue. Brinton gives some account of such native authors in his Aboriginal American authors and their productions, especially those in the native languages. A chapter in the history of literature (Philad., 1883). Cf. his paper in the Congrès des Amér., Copenhagen, 1883, p. 54. Bancroft (iii. 730) gives some citations as to its literary value. Brinton has illustrated this quality in some of his lesser monographs, as in his Ancient Nahuatl Poetry (Philad., 1887); and in his Study of the Nahuatl language (1886), in which he gives specimens and enumerates the dictionaries and texts. He says there are more than a hundred authors in it (Amer. Antiquarian, viii. 22). Icazbalceta has collected many Nahua MSS., and his brother-in-law, Francisco Pimentel, has used them in his Cuadro descriptivo y comparativo de las Lenguas indigenas de México (1862), of which there is a German translation by Isidor Epstein (N. Y., 1877). This is based on a second augmented edition (Mexico, 1874-75), in which the tongues of northern Mexico are better represented, and a general classification of the languages is added. Pimentel (i. 154) asserts that it is a mistake to suppose that the Chichimecs spoke Nahua. Cf., however, Bancroft (iii. 724) and Short, 255, 480. Pimentel’s opinions are weighty, and follow in this respect those of Orozco y Berra, Sahagún, Ixtlilxochitl; but later, Veytia had maintained the reverse.

Lucien Adam includes the Nahua in his Etudes sur six langues Américaines (Paris, 1878). Aubin wrote “Sur la langue Méxicaine et la philologie Américaine” in the Archives de la Soc. Amér. de France, n. s., vol. i. Brasseur contributed various articles on Mexican philology to the Revue Orientale et Américaine. Dr. C. Hermann Berendt formed an Analytical Alphabet for the Mexican and Central America languages (N. Y., 1869). Buschmann has a study in the Mémoirs de l’Académie de Berlin, and separately, Ueber die Astekischen Ortsnamen (Berlin, 1853). Henri de Charencey in his Mélanges de Philologie (Paris, 1883) has a paper “Sur quelques familles de langues du Méxique.” V. A. Malte-Brun gave in the Compte Rendu, Cong. des Américanistes, 1877 (vol. ii. p. 10), a paper “La distribution ethnographique des nations et des langues au Méxique.” Reference has been made elsewhere to the important publication of Manuel Orozco y Berra, Geografia de las lenguas y carta etnográfica de México, precedidos de un ensayo de classificacion de las mismas lenguas y de apuntes para las inmigraciones de las tribus (Mexico, 1864). The work is said to be the fruit of twelve years’ constant study, and to have been based in some part on MSS. belonging to Icazbalceta, dating back to the latter part of the sixteenth century (enumerated in Peab. Mus. Repts., ii. 559). There is some adverse criticism. Peschel (Races of Men, 438) thinks the linguistic map of Mexico in Orozco y Berra’s work the only good feature in the book, since the author spreads old errors anew in consequence of his unacquaintance with Buschmann’s researches. A series of linguistic monographic essays on the Aztec names of places is embraced in Dr. Antonio Peñafiel’s Nombres Geografico de Mexico. Catalogo alfabetico de los nombres de lugar pertenecientes al idioma “Nahuatl” estudio jeroglifico de la matricula de los tributos del codice Mendocino (Mexico, 1885). In the Archives de la Soc. Amér. de France, n. s., 179, iii. there is an essay by Siméon, “La langue Méxicaine et son histoire.”

The affiliation of the Aztec with the Pueblo stocks is traced by Bancroft, iii. 665, who follows out the diversities of those stocks (pp. 671, 681). Cf. for various views Morgan’s Systems of Consanguinity, 260; Buschmann’s Die Völker und Sprachen Neu Mexico’s, and First Rept. Bur. of Ethnology, p. xxxi.

[1892] Some authorities give fourteen dialects of the Maya. Cf. the table in Bancroft, iii. 562, etc., and the statements in Garcia y Cubas, translated by Geo. F. Henderson as The Republic of Mexico. It is still spoken in the greatest purity about the Balize, as is commonly said; but Le Plongeon goes somewhat inland and says he found it “in all its pristine purity” in the neighborhood of Lake Peten. Le Plongeon, with that extravagance which has in the end deprived him of the sympathy and encouragement due to his noteworthy labors, says, “One third of this Maya tongue is pure Greek,” following Brasseur in one of his vagaries, who thought he found in 15,000 Maya vocables at least 7,000 that bore a striking resemblance to the language of Homer.

[1893] The bibliographies will add to this enumeration. The Pinart Catalogue (pp. 98-100) gives a partial list. Only some of the more important monographs upon features of the Maya language can be mentioned: Father Pedro Beltran de Santa Rosa’s Arte del idioma Maya (Mexico, 1746) was so rare that Brasseur did not secure it, but Leclerc catalogues it (no. 2,280), as well as the reprint (Merida, 1859) edited by José D. Espinosa. There is a study of the Maya tongues included in a paper printed first by Carl Hermann Berendt in the Journal of the Amer. Geog. Soc. (viii. 132, for 1876), which was later issued separately as Remarks on the centres of ancient civilization in Central America and their geographical distribution (N. Y., 1876). It is accompanied by a map. (Cf. also his “Explorations in Central America” in the Smithsonian Rept., 1867.) Brasseur included in his Manuscrit Troano (Paris, 1869-70), and later published separately, a Dictionnaire, Grammaire et Chrestomathie de la langue Maya (Paris, 1872); the dictionary containing 10,000 words, the grammar being a translation from Father Gabriel de Saint Bonaventure, while the chrestomathy was a gathering of specimens ancient and modern, of the language. Brasseur, in his mutable way, found in the first season of his studies the Greek, Latin, English, German, Scandinavian, not to name others, to have correspondences with the Maya, and ended in deriving them from that tongue as the primitive language. (Cf. Short, 476.) Dr. Brinton has a paper on The Ancient Phonetic Alphabet of Yucatan (N. Y., 1870), and he read at the Buffalo meeting (1886) of the Amer. Assoc. for the Advancement of Science a paper on the phonetic element of the graphic system of the Mayas, etc., which is printed in the American Antiquarian, viii. 347. In the introduction of his Maya Chronicles (Philad., 1882) he examines the language and literature of the Mayas. He refers to a “Disertacion sobre la historia de la lengua Maya o Yucateca” by Crescencio Carrello y Ancona in the Revista de Merida, 1870. Charencey has printed various special papers, like a Fragment de Chrestomathie de la langue Maya antique (Paris, 1875) from the Revue de Philologie et d’Ethnographie, and a paper read before the Copenhagen meeting of the Congrès des Américanistes (Compte Rendu, p. 379), “De la formation des mots en lengua Maya.” Landa’s Relation as published by Brasseur (Paris, 1864) is of course a leading source.

Of the Quiché branch of the Maya we know most from Brasseur’s Popul Vuh and from his Gramatica de la lengua Quiché (Paris, 1862), in the appendix of which he printed the Rabinal Achi, a drama in the Quiché tongue. Father Ildefonso José Flores, a native of the country, was professor of the Cakchiquel language in the university of Guatemala in the last century, and published a Arte de la lengua metropolitana del Reyno Cakchiquel (Guatemala, 1753), which was unknown to later scholars, till Brasseur discovered a copy in 1856 (Leclerc, no. 2,270). The literature of the Cakchiquel dialect is examined in the introduction to Brinton’s Grammar of the Cakchiquel language (Philad., 1884), edited for the American Philosophical Society. Cf. Brinton’s little treatise On the language and ethnologic position of the Xinca Indians of Guatemala (Philadelphia, 1884); his So-called Alaguilac language of Guatemala in the Proc. Am. Philosoph. Soc., 1887, p. 366; and Otto Stoll’s Zur Ethnographie der Republik Guatemala (Zurich, 1884).

We owe to Brinton, also, a few discussions of the Nicaragua tongues, both in their Maya and Aztec relations. He has discussed the local dialect of this region in the introduction of The Güegüence; a comedy ballet in the Nahuatl-Spanish dialect of Nicaragua (Philadelphia, 1883), and in his Notes on the Mangue, an extinct dialect formerly spoken in Nicaragua (Philadelphia, 1886).

[1894] Notwithstanding this commonness of origin, if such be the case, there is a striking truth in what Max Müller says: “The thoughts of primitive humanity were not only different from our thoughts, but different also from what we think their thoughts ought to have been.”

[1895] See Vol. IV. p. 295.

[1896] Such are Sagard’s Histoire du Canada (1636); Nicolas Perrot’s Mémoire sur les Mœurs, Coutumes et Religion des Sauvages, involving his experience from 1665 to 1699; Lafitau’s Mœurs des Sauvages (1724), and the like.

[1897] Bancroft (iii. 136) says: “It does not appear, notwithstanding Mr. Squier’s assertion to the contrary, that the serpent was actually worshipped either in Yucatan or Mexico.” Cf. Brinton’s Myths, ch. 4; Chas. S. Wake’s Serpent Worship (London, 1888); and J. G. Bourke’s Snake-dance of the Moquis of Arizona; being a narrative of a journey from Santa Fé, New Mexico, to the villages of the Moqui Indians of Arizona, with a description of the manners and customs of this peculiar people, to which is added a brief dissertation upon serpent-worship in general, with an account of the tablet dance of the Pueblo of Santo Domingo, New Mexico, etc. (London, 1884).

[1898] Brinton (Myths, etc., 141) declares sun-worship, which some investigators have made the base of all primitive religions, to be but a “short and easy method with mythology,” and that “no one key can open all the arcana of symbolism.” He refers to D’Orbigny (L’Homme Américain), Müller (Amer. Urreligionen), and Squier (Serpent Symbol) as supporting the opposing view. We may find like supporters of the sun as a central idea in Schoolcraft, Tylor, Brasseur. Cf. Bancroft’s Native Races (iii. 114) in opposition to Brinton.

[1899] This monotheism is denied by Brinton (Myths of the New World, 52). “Of monotheism, either as displayed in the one personal definite God of the Semitic races, or in the dim pantheistic sense of the Brahmins, there was not a single instance on the American continent,”—the Iroquois “Neu” and “Hawaneu,” which, as Brinton says, have deceived Morgan and others, being but the French “Dieu” and “Le bon Dieu” rendered in Indian pronunciation (Myths of the New World, p. 53). The aborigines instituted, however, in two instances, the worship of an immaterial god, one among the Quichuas of Peru and another at Tezcuco (Ibid. p. 55).

Bandelier (Archæol. Tour, 185), examining the Hist. de los Méxicanos por sus Pinturas (Anales del Museo, ii. 86), Motolinía, Gómara, Sahagún, Tobar, and Durán, finds no trace of monotheism till we come to Acosta. Torquemada speaks of supreme gods; and Bandelier thinks that Ixtlilxochitl, in conveying the idea of a single god, evidently distorts and disfigures Torquemada.

Bancroft (iii. 198) accords honesty to Ixtlilxochitl’s account of the religion of the Tezcucan ruler Nezahualcoyotl, as reaching the heights of Mexican monotheistic conception, because he thinks his descendants, if he had fabled, would never have ended his description with so pagan a statement as that which makes the Tezcucan recognize the sun as his father and the earth as his mother.

Max Müller tells us that we should distinguish between monotheism and henotheism, which is the temporary preeminence of one god over the host of gods, and which was as near monotheism as the American aborigines came.

[1900] He also masses the evidence which shows, as he thinks, that “on Catholic missions has followed the debasement, and on Protestant missions the destruction, of the Indian race.” Amer. Hero-Myths, pp. 206, 238.

[1901] Unfortunately, Brinton enforces this view and others with a degree of confidence that does not help him to convince the cautious reader, as when he speaks of the opinions of those who disagree with him as “having served long enough as the last refuge of ignorance” (Amer. Hero-Myths, 145).

[1902] The whole question of comparative mythology involves in its broad aspects the subject of American myths. The literature of this general kind is large, but reference may be made to Girard de Rialle’s La Mythologie Comparée (Paris, 1878); for the idea of God, Dawson’s Fossil Men, ch. 9 and 10; Lubbock’s Origin of Civilization, ch. 4, 5, 6; J. P. Lesley’s Man’s origin and destiny, ch. 10; and for the geographical distribution of myths, Tylor’s Early Hist. of Mankind, ch. 12; Max Müller’s Chips, vol. ii.; and in a general way, Brinton’s Religious sentiment, its source and aim (N. Y., 1876). Reference may also be made to Joly’s Man before Metals, ch. 7; Dabry de Thiersant’s Origine des indiens (Paris, 1883); and G. Brühl’s Culturvölker Alt-Amerikas (Cincinnati, 1876-78), ch. 10 and 19. Brinton (Myths, 210) tracks the Deluge myth among the Indians, and Bancroft gives many instances of it (Native Races, v., index). Brinton thinks a paper by Charencey, “Le Déluge d’après les traditions indiennes de l’Amérique du Nord,” in the Revue Américaine, a help for its extracts, but complains of its uncritical spirit.

We find sufficient data of the aboriginal belief in the future life both in Bancroft’s final chapter (vol. iii. part i.) and in Brinton’s Myths, ch. 9. Brinton delivered an address on the “Journey of the soul,” which is printed in the Proceedings (Jan., 1883) of the Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of Philadelphia.

[1903] In studying the mythology of these tribes we must depend mainly on confined monographs. Mrs. E. A. Smith treats the myths of the Iroquois in the Second Annual Rept. Bureau of Ethnology. Charles Godfrey Leland has covered The Algonquin legends of New England; or, myths and folk-lore of the Micmac, Passamaquoddy, and Penobscot tribes (Boston, 1884). Brinton has a book on The Lenâpé and their legends (Philad., 1885); and one may refer to the Life and Journals of David Brainard. S. D. Peet has a paper on “The religious beliefs and traditions of the aborigines of North America” in the Journal of the Victoria Institute (London, 1888, vol. xxi. 229); one on “Animal worship and Sun worship in the east and west compared” in the American Antiquarian, Mar., 1888; and a paper on the religion of the moundbuilders in Ibid. vi. 393. The Dahcotah, or life and legends of the Sioux around Fort Snelling (N. Y., 1849) of Mrs. Mary Eastman has been a serviceable book. S. R. Riggs covers the mythology of the Dakotas in the Amer. Antiquarian (v. 147), and in this periodical will be found various studies concerning other tribes.

[1904] Bandelier, Archæol. Tour, 185, calls it the earliest statement of the Nahua mythology.

[1905] There is more or less of original importance on the Aztec myths in Alfredo Chavero’s “La Piedra del Sol,” likewise in the Anales (vol. i.). Cf. also the “Ritos Antiguos, sacrificios e idolatrias de los indios de la Nueva España,” as printed in the Coleccion de doc. ined. para la hist. de España (liii. 300).

Bancroft (vol. iii. ch. 6-10), who is the best source for reference, gives also the best compassed survey of the entire field; but among writers in English he may be supplemented by Prescott (i. ch. 3, introd.); Helps in his Spanish Conquest (vol. ii.); Tylor’s Primitive Culture; Albert Réville’s Lectures on the origin and growth of religion as illustrated by the native religions of Mexico and Peru, translated by P. H. Wicksteed (London, 1884, being the Hibbert lectures for 1884); on the analogies of the Mexican belief, a condensed statement in Short’s No. America of Antiq., 459; a popular paper in The Galaxy, May, 1876. Bandelier intended a fourth paper to be added to the three printed in the Peabody Mus. Repts. (vol. ii.), namely, one on “The Creeds and Beliefs of the Ancient Mexicans,” which has never, I think, been printed.

Among the French, we may refer to Ternaux-Compans’ Essai sur la théogonie Méxicaine (Paris, 1840) and the works of Brasseur. Klemm’s Cultur-Geschichte and Müller’s Urreligionen will mainly cover the German views. Of the Mexican writers, it may be worth while to name J. M. Melgar’s Examen comparativa entre los signos simbolicos de las Teogonias y Cosmogonias antiguas y los que existen en los manuscritos Méxicanos (Vera Cruz, 1872).

The readiest description of their priesthood and festivals will be found in Bancroft (ii. 201, 303, with references). Tenochtitlan is said to have had 2,000 sacred buildings, and Torquemada says there were 80,000 throughout Mexico; while Clavigero says that a million priests attended upon them. Bancroft (iii. ch. 10) describes this service. There is a chance in all this of much exaggeration.

The history of human sacrifice as a part of this service is the subject of disagreement among the earlier as well as with the later writers. Bancroft (iii. 413, 442) gives some leading references. Cf. Prescott (i. 77) and Nadaillac (p. 296). Las Casas in his general defence of the natives places the number of sacrifices very low. Zumárraga says there were 20,000 a year. The Aztecs, if not originating the practice, as is disputed by some, certainly made much use of it.

[1906] Anales del Museo Nacional, ii. 247; Bancroft, iii. 240, 248.

[1907] Bandelier thinks Durán the earliest to connect St. Thomas with Quetzalcoatl. Cf. Bancroft, iii. 456.

[1908] Müller agrees with Ixtlilxochitl that Quetzalcoatl and Huemac were one and the same, and that Ternaux erred in supposing them respectively Olmec and Toltec deities. Cf. Brasseur’s Palenqué, 40, 66. Cf. D. Daly on “Quetzalcoatl, the Mexican Messiah” in Gentleman’s Mag., n. a., xli. 236.

[1909] For the later views in general see Clavigero, Tylor, Brasseur (Nations Civil., i. 253), Prescott (i. 62), Bancroft (iii. 248, 263; v. 24, 200, 255, 257), and Short (267, 274).

[1910] The god Paynal was a sort of deputy war-god. See H. H. Bancroft’s Native Races.

[1911] Cf. references in Peabody Mus. Rept., ii. 571; Short, p. 206.

[1912] Cf. Relacion de las ceremonias y Ritos de Michoacan, a manuscript in the library of Congress, of which there is a copy in Madrid, which is printed in the Coleccion de doc. ined. para la hist. de España, liii.

[1913] For further modern treatment see Schultz-Sellack’s “Die Amerikanischen Götter der vier Weltgegenden und ihre Tempel in Palenque” in Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, xi.(1879); Brasseur’s Landa, p. lx; Ancona’s Yucatan (i. ch. 10); Powell’s First Report Bureau of Ethnology; for sacrifices, Nadaillac (p. 266); and for festivals and priestly service, Bancroft (ii. 689). For Yucatan folk-lore, see Brinton in Folk-lore Journal (vol. i. for 1883).

[1914] First series: vol. iv., W. Sargent on articles from an old grave at Cincinnati, exhumed in 1794; vol. v., G. Turner on the same; vol. vi., W. Dunbar on the Indian sign language; J. Madison on remains of fortifications in the west; B. S. Barton on affinities of Indian words. New series: vol. i., H. H. Brackenridge on Indian populations and tumuli; C. W. Short on an Indian fort near Lexington, Ky.; vol. iii., D. Zeisberger on a Delaware grammar; vol. iv., J. Heckewelder on Delaware names, etc.

[1915] It celebrated its centennial in 1880, when an impromptu address was delivered by R. C. Winthrop, which is printed by this society, and is also contained, with a statement of the occasion of it, in his Speeches and Addresses, 1878-1886. For a record of the interest in archæological studies about 1790, see Reports of the American Philosophical Society, xxii. no. 119.

[1916] First series: vol. i., S. H. Parsons on discoveries in the western country; vol. iii., E. A. Kendall and J. Davis on an examination of the much controverted inscription of the so-called Dighton Rock; E. Stiles on an Indian idol. New series: vol. i., Rasle’s Abenaki dictionary; vol. v., W. Sargent’s plan of the Marietta mounds, etc.

[1917] This society published the original edition of S. G. Morton’s Inquiry into the distinctive characteristics of the aboriginal race of America (2d ed., Philadelphia, 1844), which glances at their moral and intellectual character, their habits of interment, their maritime enterprise, and their physical condition.

[1918] Field’s Ind. Bibliog., no. 1564.

[1919] Vol. ii., S. S. Haldeman on linguistic ethnology; vol. iii., J. C. Nott and L. Agassiz on the unity of the human race; vol. v., Col. Whittlesey on ancient human remains in Ohio; vol. vi., J. L. Leconte on the California Indians; vol. xi., Whittlesey on ancient mining at Lake Superior; Morgan on Iroquois laws of descent; D. Wilson on a uniform type of the American crania; vol. xiii., Morgan on the bestowing of Indian names; vol. xvii., Whittlesey on the antiquity of man in America; W. De Haas on the archæology of the Mississippi Valley; W. H. Dall on the Alaska tribes; vol. xix., Dall on the Eskimo tongue, etc.

[1920] Abstracts of the Transactions prepared by J. W. Powell (Washington, 1879, etc.).

[1921] The student will find some general help, at least, from the publications of such as these: the Peabody Academy of Science (Salem, Mass.), Memoirs, 1869, etc.; Essex Institute (Salem, Mass.), Bulletin, 1869, and Proceedings, 1848, etc.; Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, Memoirs, 1810-16; Transactions, 1866, etc.; the Lyceum of Natural History, became in 1876 the New York Academy of Sciences, Annals, 1823, etc.; Proceedings, 1870, etc.; Transactions; the Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of Philadelphia, Proceedings; Wyoming Historical and Geological Society, Proceedings and Collections (Wilkes-Barre, Pa., 1884, etc.); the Cincinnati Society of Natural History, Journal and Proceedings, 1876; Indianapolis Academy of Sciences, Transactions, 1870, etc.; Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters, Bulletin, 1870, and Transactions, 1870; Davenport (Iowa) Academy of Science, Proceedings, 1867; St. Louis Academy of Science, Transactions, 1856; Kansas Academy of Science, Transactions, 1872; California Academy of Sciences, Proceedings, 1854, etc., and Memoirs, 1868, etc.; Geographical Society of the Pacific, its official organ Kosmos,—not to name others.

In British America we may refer to the Natural History Society of Montreal, publishing The Canadian Naturalist, 1857, etc.; the Canadian Institute, Proceedings; the Royal Society of Canada, Proceedings; the Nova Scotia Institute of Natural Science, Proceedings and Transactions, 1867,—not to mention others; and among periodicals the Canadian Monthly, the Canadian Antiquarian, and the Canadian Journal.

[1922] The tendency of general periodicals to questions of this kind is manifest by the references in Poole’s Index, under such heads as American Antiquities, Anthropology, Archæology, Caves and Cave-dwellers, Ethnology, Lake Dwellings, Man, Mounds and Moundbuilders, Prehistoric Races, etc.

[1923] The history of its incipiency and progress can be gathered from the Reports of the Museum, with summaries in those numbered i., xi. and xix.

[1924] Cf. Waldo Higginson’s Memorials of the Class of 1833, Harvard College, p. 60, and the contemporary tributes from eminent associates noted in Poole’s Index, p. 1434.

[1925] The documentary history, by W. J. Rhees, of the Smithsonian Institution, forms vol. xvii. of its Miscellaneous Collections. Cf. J. Henry on its organization in the Proceedings of the Amer. Asso. for the Adv. of Science, vol. i. A Catalogue of the publications of the S. I. with an alphabetical index of articles, by William J. Rhees (Washington, 1882), constitutes no. 478 of its series.

The early management of the Smithsonian decided that the “knowledge” of its founder meant science, and from the start gave not a little attention to archæology as a science. When the Bureau of Ethnology became a part of the Institution, and its Reports included papers necessarily historical as well as archæological, the way was prepared for a broader meaning to the term “knowledge,” and as a significant recognition of the allied field of research the present government of the Smithsonian gave hearty concurrence to the act of Congress which in Dec., 1888, made also the American Historical Association, which had existed without incorporation since 1884, a section of the Smithsonian Institution.

[1926] Its mound explorations have been conducted by Cyrus Thomas; those among the Pueblos of the southwest by James Stevenson (d. 1888); while Major Powell himself has controlled personally the body of searchers in the linguistic fields (American Antiquarian, viii. 32). It would seem that its profession “to organize anthropological research” is not to its full extent true, since the physiological side of the subject seems to be left in Washington to the Army Medical Museum.

[1927] Cf. Charles Rau’s Archæological Collections of the United States National Museum (1876) in Smithsonian Contributions, xx., with many illustrative woodcuts; and a paper by Ernest Ingersoll in The Century, January, 1885. Cf. also F. W. Putnam’s contribution on American Archæological Collections in the American Naturalist, vii. 29.

[1928] B. P. Poore’s Descriptive Catal. Govt. Pub., p. 593; Field’s Ind. Bibliog., no. 1379; Allibone’s Dictionary, iii. p. 1952, for references and opposing criticisms. Some of the condemnation of the book is too sweeping, for amid its ignorance, confusion, and indiscrimination there is much to be picked out which is of importance. Cf. Parkman’s Jesuits, p. lxxx; Wilson’s Prehistoric Man, ii. ch. 19; Brinton’s Myths, p. 40. Cf. on Schoolcraft’s death (with a portrait) Historical Mag., April, 1865; Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., April, 1865.

F. S. Drake’s Indian Tribes of the United States (Philad., 1884) is, with some additional matter, a rearrangement of Schoolcraft, the omission to acknowledge which on the title-page being an unworthy bibliographical deceit. Schoolcraft’s rivalry of Geo. Catlin and his ignoring of Catlin’s work is commented on at some length by Donaldson in the Smithsonian Inst. Report, 1885, part ii. pp. 373-383.

[1929] For full details of this and other publications mentioned in this paper, see S. H. Scudder’s Catalogue of Scientific Serials, 1633-1876, published by the library of Harvard University in 1879.

[1930] Sabin, xvii., no. 70354. The Congrès Archéologique de France began its Séances générales in 1834, but the interest of its Comptes rendus for Americanists is for comparative illustration. The two volumes of Mémoires de la Société Ethnologique (Paris, 1841-45) contain nothing bearing directly on American archæology. Much the same may be said of the Annales Archéologiques fondées par Didron aîné, in 1844, and continued to 1870; of the Bulletin Archéologique (1844-46) of the Athénæum Français, and of its continuation, the Bulletin Archéologique Français (1846-56); and of the Annales of the Institut Archéologique (1844, etc.).

[1931] Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc., April, 1876.

[1932] A Revue Ethnographique was begun in 1869. A Societé Ethnologique, publishing Bulletin (1846-47) and Mémoires (1841-45), is a distinct organization.

[1933] S. H. Scudder, in his Catalogue of Scientific Serials, no. 1528, endeavors to put into something like orderly arrangement the exceedingly devious devices of duplication of this and allied publications.

[1934] A Revue d’Anthropologie was begun at Paris, under the direction of Broca, in 1872. A Société d’Anthropologie began two series, Bulletins and Mémoires, in 1860. Mortillet conducted L’Homme from 1883 to 1887, when he and his associates in this work suspended its publication to devote themselves to a Dictionnaire des Sciences Anthropologiques and to a Bibliothèque Anthropologique.

[1935] Rosny died April 23, 1871.

[1936] Its publications began in 1665. Cf. synopsis in Scudder’s Catalogue, pp. 26-27. Cf. C. A. Alexander on the origin and history of the Royal Society, in Smithsonian Rept., 1863.

[1937] Some of the local societies deal to some extent in American subjects; e. g., the Journal of the Manchester Geographical Society, begun in 1885.

[1938] Not to be confounded with The Ethnological Journal, vol. i., 1848-49, and vol. ii., 1854, incomplete; and The Ethnological Journal, 1 vol., 1865-66.

[1939] Cf. J. R. Bartlett on an Antwerp meeting, in Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., 1868.

[1940] Such periodicals as Nature and Popular Science Review show how anthropological science is attracting attention.

[1941] See Scudder’s Catalogue.

[1942] The third volume of Bastian’s Culturländer des Alten America (Berlin, 1886) comprises “Nachträge und Ergänzungen aus den Sammlungen des Ethnologischen Museums.”

[1943] Congrès des Américanistes, Compte Rendus, Nancy, ii. 271.

[1944] Cf. Oscar Montelius, Bibliographie de l’archéologie préhistorique de la Suède pendant le 19e siècle, suivie d’un exposé succinct des sociétés archéologiques suédoises (Stockholm, 1875).

[1945] It is described by Tylor in his Anahuac, ch. 9; by Brocklehurst in his Mexico to-day, ch. 21; by Bandelier in the American Antiquarian (1878), ii. 15; in Mayer’s Mexico; and in the summary of information (fifteen years old, however) in Bancroft’s Mexico, iv. 553, etc., with references, p. 565, which includes references to the Uhde collection at Heidelberg, the Christy collection in London (Tylor), that of the American Philosophical Society in Philadelphia (Trans., iii. 570), not to name the Mexican sections of the large museums of America and Europe. Henry Phillips, Jr. (Proc. Amer. Philosophical Soc., xxi. p. 111) gives a list of public collections of American Archæology. There are some private collections mentioned in the Archives de la Soc. Amér. de France, Nouv. Ser., vol. i. A. de Longperier’s Notice des Monuments dans la Salle des Antiquités Américaines (Paris, 1880) covers a part of the great Paris exhibition of that year. Something is found in E. T. Stevens’s Flint Chips, a guide to prehistoric archæology as illustrated in the Blackmore Museum [at Salisbury, England], London, 1870.

[1946] There is an account of Mendoza in the Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., April, 1888, p. 172.

[1947] Coleccion de las Antigüedades Mexicanas que ecsisten en el Museo Nacional, litografiadas por Frederico Waldeck (Mexico, 1827—fol.); Sabin, iv. 15796. See miscellaneous references on Mexican relics in Bancroft’s Nat. Races, iv. 565.

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TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE:

—Obvious print and punctuation errors were corrected.

—The transcriber of this project created the book cover image using the title page of the original book. The image is placed in the public domain.