Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. 2 (of 8) / Spanish Explorations and Settlements in America from the Fifteenth to the Seventeenth Century

by Unknown

FOOTNOTES:

[1] See further on Herrera post, p. 67.

[2] J. C. Brevoort, on “Spanish-American documents, printed or inedited,” in Magazine of American History, March, 1879; Prescott, Mexico, ii. 91.

[3] “Of all the narratives and reports furnished to Herrera for his History, and of which he made such scanty and unintelligent use, very few have been preserved.”—Markham, Rites and Laws of the Yncas, p. vii.

[4] An overcrowding of archives in the keeping of the Council of the Indies was sometimes relieved by sending part of them to Simancas. Bancroft, Central America, i. 281. Harrisse, Christophe Colomb, i. 33, says all, or nearly all, the papers relating to Columbus have been removed to Seville.

[5] Some of the documents at Simancas and in other repositories, beginning with 1485, have been edited in the Rolls Series (published for the English Government) by G. A. Bergenroth and by Gayangos (London, 1862-1879), in the Calendar of Letters, Despatches, and State Papers relating to Negotiations between England and Spain, contained in five volumes. Vol. i. comes through 1509; and the first paper in it is a complaint of Ferdinand and Isabella against Columbus for his participancy in the piratical service of the French in 1485. Various documents from the archives of Simancas are given in Alaman’s La República Megicana, three volumes, 1844-1849. We get glimpses in the Historia of Las Casas of a large number of the letters of Columbus, to which he must have had access, but which are now lost. Harrisse thinks it was at Simancas, that Las Casas must have found them; for when engaged on that work he was living within two leagues of that repository. It seems probable, also, that Las Casas must have had use of the Biblioteca Colombina, when it was deposited in the convent of San Pablo (1544-1552), from whose Dominican monks Harrisse thinks it possible that Las Casas obtained possession of the Toscanelli map. He regrets, however, that for the personal history of Columbus and his family, Las Casas furnishes no information which cannot be found more nearly at first hand elsewhere. See Harrisse, Christophe Colomb, i. 122, 125-127, 129, 133.

[6] Robertson prefixes to his History a list of the Spanish books and manuscripts which he had used.

“The English reader,” writes Irving in 1828, when he had published his own Life of Columbus, “hitherto has derived his information almost exclusively from the notice of Columbus in Dr. Robertson’s History; this, though admirably executed, is but a general outline.”—Life of Irving, ii. 313.

[7] Harrisse, Christophe Colomb, i. 35. He also refers to the notarial records preserved at Seville, as having been but partially explored for elucidations of the earliest exploration. He found among them the will of Diego, the younger brother of Columbus (p. 38). Alfred Demersay printed in the Bulletin de la Société de Géographie, June, 1864, a paper, “Une mission geographique dans les archives d’Espagne et de Portugal,” in which he describes, particularly as regards their possessions of documents relating to America, the condition at that time of the archives of the Torre do Tombo at Lisbon (of which, after 1842 and till his death, Santarem was archivist); those of the Kingdom of Aragon at Barcelona, and of the Indies at Seville; and the collections of Muñoz, embracing ninety-five vols. in folio, and thirty-two in quarto, and of Mata-Lanares, included in eighty folios, in the Academy of History at Madrid. He refers for fuller details to Tiran’s Archives d’Aragon et de Simancas (1844), and to Joáo Pedro Ribeiro’s Memorias Authenticas para a Historia do real Archivo, Lisbon, 1819.

[8] This authority to search was given later, in 1781 and 1788.

[9] This volume is worth about five dollars.

[10] It was he who allowed Irving to use them.

[11] J. C. Brevoort, in the Magazine of American History, March, 1879. Cf. Prescott’s Ferdinand and Isabella (1873), ii. 508, and his Mexico, preface.

[12] Vol. i. p. 56, referring to Fuster’s “Copia de los manuscritos que recogió D. Juan Bautista Muñoz,” in Biblioteca Valenciana, ii. 202-238.

[13] Harrisse, in his Notes on Columbus, p. 5, describes a collection of manuscripts which were sold by Obadiah Rich, in 1848 or 1849, to James Lenox, of New York, which had been formed by Uguina, the friend of Muñoz. There is in the Academy of History at Madrid a collection of documents said to have been formed by Don Vargas Ponçe.

[14] Harrisse (Christophe Columb, i. 65) refers to an unpublished fragment in the Lenox Library. The Ticknor Catalogue (p. 244) shows a discourse on Muñoz read before the Academy of History in 1833, as well as a criticism by Iturri on his single volume. Harrisse (Christophe Colomb, i. 65) gives the titles of other controversial publications on the subject of Muñoz’s history. Muñoz died in 1799. It is usually said that the Spanish Government prevented the continuation of his work.

[15] Christophe Colomb, i. 20.

[16] See post, p. 77. A third copy, made by Columbus’ direction was sent to his factor in Hispaniola, Alonzo Sanchez de Carvajal. This is not known; and Harrisse does not show that the archives of Santo Domingo offer much of interest of so early a date. A fourth copy was deposited in the monastery of the Cuevas at Seville, and is probably the one which his son, Diego, was directed to send to Gaspar Gorricio. Cf. Harrisse, Christophe Colomb, i. 16-23, 41, 46.

[17] This letter is given in fac-simile in the Navarrete Collection, French translation, vol. iii.

[18] This book was reprinted at Genoa in 1857, with additions, edited by Giuseppe Banchero, and translated into English, and published in 1823 in London, as Memorials of a Collection of Authentic Documents, etc. A Spanish edition was issued at Havana in 1867 (Leclerc, nos. 134, 135). Wagner, in his Colombo und seine Entdeckungen (Leipsic, 1825), makes use of Spotorno, and translates the letters. These and other letters are also given in Torre’s Scritti di Colombo; in the Lettere autografe di Colombo, Milan, 1863; and in Navarrete’s Coleccion, vol. ii. following the text of those in the Veraguas collections. Cf. North American Review, xviii. 417; xxi. 398.

[19] Dodge also translated the other letters. Photographic fac-similes of these letters are in the Harvard College Library and in the Library of the Massachusetts Historical Society. See the Proceedings of the latter Society, February, 1870.

[20] Christophe Colomb, p. 11.

[21] Prescott, in the preface to his Mexico, speaks of him as “zealously devoted to letters; while his reputation as a scholar was enhanced by the higher qualities which he possessed as a man,—by his benevolence, his simplicity of manners, and unsullied moral worth.”

[22] His projected work on the Spanish navy was never printed, though a fragment of it appeared in the Memorias of the Academy of History (Ticknor Catalogue, p. 247).

[23] Leclerc says it is “difficile à trouver,” and prices it at 80 francs. The English price is from £2 to £3. A letter by Navarrete, descriptive of his Coleccion, is to be found in Zach’s Correspondance, xi. 446. Cf. also Duflot de Mofras, Mendoza et Navarrete, Paris, 1845, quoted by Harrisse, Christophe Colomb, i. 67.

[24] There is a memoir of him, with a catalogue of his works, in the Coleccion de documentos inéditos, vol. vi.; and of those published and unpublished in his Biblioteca marítima Española, ii. 458-470. These sixth and seventh volumes have never been published. The sixth was to cover the voyages of Grijalva and Lopes de Villalobos. Harrisse (Christophe Colomb, i. 68) learned that the Cartas de Indias (Madrid, 1877) contains some parts of what was to appear in vol. vii.

[25] Columbus, Vespucius, Ojeda, Magellan, etc.

[26] It is an alphabetical (by Christian names,—a not uncommon Spanish fashion) record of writers on maritime subjects, with sketches of their lives and works.

[27] Cf. an article in the North American Review, xxiv. 265, by Caleb Cushing.

[28] These form vols. i. and ii. of Marmocchi’s Collection (Leclerc, no. 133).

[29] Bancroft, Central America, i. 199.

[30] Ticknor Catalogue, p. 247.

[31] Magazine of American History, iii. 176. Cf., however, Navarrete’s generous estimate of Irving’s labors in the Introduction to the third volume of his Coleccion.

[32] The story of this undertaking is told in Pierre Irving’s Life of Washington Irving, vol. ii. chaps. xiv., xv., xvi. The book was kindly reviewed by Mr. A. H. Everett in the North American Review, January, 1829 (vol. xxviii). Cf. other citations and references in Allibone’s Dictionary, 942, and Poole’s Index, p. 280. A portion, at least, of the manuscript of the book is in existence (Massachusetts Historical Society’s Proceedings, xx. 201). Longfellow testified to Irving’s devotion to his subject (Proc., iv. 394). See post, p. 68.

[33] Irving also early made an abridged edition, to forestall the action of others.

[34] Their bibliography is fully given in Sabin, vol. ix. p. 150.

[35] It was completed in twenty volumes, and is now worth from 250 to 300 francs. See Leclerc, no. 562, for contents; Field’s Indian Bibliography, no. 1,540; Alexander Young in North American Review, xlv. 222. Ternaux died in 1864. Santarem speaks of “the sumptuous stores of his splendid American library.” Cf. H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 759.

[36] Now worth from $12 to $15.

[37] Cf. contents in Ticknor Catalogue, p. 87.

[38] Cf. Magazine of American History, i. 256; ii. 256; (by Mr. Brevoort), iii. 175 (March, 1879); Sabin, Dictionary, vol. xiv. no. 58,072. Leclerc, Bibliotheca Americana, Supplément, no. 3,016, for 22 vols. (300 francs). Harrisse, referring to this collection, says: “It is really painful to see the little method, discrimination, and knowledge displayed by the editors.” The documents on Columbus largely repeat those given by Navarrete.

[39] Sabin, Dictionary, vol. xiv. no. 58,270.

[40] H. H. Bancroft, Central America, i. 484; ii. 736.

[41] Collections like that of Icazbalceta on Mexico may be barely mentioned in this place, since their characteristics can better be defined in more special relations. Prescott had eight thousand manuscript pages of copies of documents relating to Mexico and Peru. Cf. Preface to his Mexico. In 1792 Father Manuel de la Vega collected in Mexico thirty-two folio volumes of papers, in obedience to an order of the Spanish Government to gather all documents to be found in New Spain “fitted to illustrate the antiquities, geography, civil, ecclesiastical, and natural history of America,” and transmit copies of them to Madrid (Prescott, Mexico, iii. 409).

[42] This book was privately printed (ninety-five copies) for Mr. S. L. M. Barlow, of New York. It has thrice, at least, occurred in sales (Menzies, no. 894,—$57.50; J. J. Cooke, vol. iii. no. 580; Brinley, no. 17). It is an extremely valuable key to the documentary and printed references on Columbus’ career. To a very small number (nine) of a separate issue of the portion relating to the letters of Columbus, a new Preface was added in 1865. Cf. Ernest Desjardin’s Rapport sur les deux ouvrages de bibliographie Américaine de M. Henri Harrisse (Paris, 1867, p. 8), extracted from the Bullétin de la Société de Géographie. The article on Columbus in Sabin’s Dictionary (iv. 274, etc.) is based on Harrisse, with revisions. Cf. references in H. H. Bancroft, Central America, i. 238; Saint-Martin, Histoire de la géographie (1873), p. 319; F. G. Cancellieri’s Dessertazioni epistolari bibliografiche sopra Colombo, etc. (Rome, 1809).

[43] The Archives of Venice, at the beginning of this century, contained memorials of Columbus which can no longer be found (Marin, Storia civile e politica del commercio de’ Veneziani, Venezia, 1800; Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet. Additions, p. xxi). This is perhaps owing to the Austrian depredation upon the Venetian archives in the Frari and Marciana in 1803-1805, and in 1866. Not a little, however, of use has been preserved in the Calendar of State Papers in the Archives of Venice published by the British Government, in the Rolls Series, since 1864. They primarily illustrate English history, but afford some light upon American affairs. Only six volumes (the last volume in three parts) have been printed. Mr. Rawdon Brown, who edited them, long a resident of Italy, dying at Venice, Aug. 25, 1883, at eighty, has sent, during his labors in this field, one hundred and twenty-six volumes of manuscript copies to the English Public Record Office.

[44] Of these, twenty-nine are also given in fac-simile; there are besides about two hundred and fifty fac-similes of autographs. The volume is priced at 150 marks and 300 francs. Cf. Leclerc, no. 2,688. H. H. Bancroft (Mexico, ii. 606) says of the volume: “There are about two hundred and twenty-four pages of geographical notes, vocabulary, biographical data, a glossary, and cuts, maps, and indexes. The letters and fac-similes, from the first to the last, are valuable in a historic sense, and the vocabulary is useful; but the biographical and historical data are not always reliable, numerous errors having been detected in comparing with official records and with memoranda of witnesses of the events related.” Mr. Bancroft’s own library is said to contain twelve hundred volumes of manuscript amassed for his own work; but a large portion of them, it is supposed, do not concern the Spanish history of the Pacific coast.

[45] Mr. Dexter, a graduate of Harvard in 1858, after most serviceable labors as Recording Secretary of the Massachusetts Historical Society, resigned that position on account of ill health, and died at Santa Barbara, California, Dec. 18, 1883. The Proceedings of the Society for January, 1884, contain tributes to his memory. Various communications in earlier volumes of the same Proceedings show the painstaking of his research, and the accuracy of his literary method. The first chapter in Vol. IV. of the present History was his last effort in historical study, and he did not live to correct the proofs. His death has narrowed the circle of those helpful friends who have been ever ready to assist the Editor in his present labors.

[46] Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xvi. 318; also issued separately. The letters of Columbus are also translated in the Magazine of American History, January, 1883, p. 53.

[47] An Italian version of the letters of Columbus and Vespucius, with fac-similes of the letters (Tre lettere di Colombo ed Vespucci), edited by Augusto Zeri, was printed (six hundred copies) at Rome in 1881. Cf. Murphy Catalogue, no. 642.

[48] Irving’s Life of Columbus, app. no. vii.

[49] Ferdinand Columbus tried to make his readers believe that his father was of some kinship with this corsair. The story of Columbus escaping on an oar from a naval fight off Cape St. Vincent, and entering Portugal by floating to the shore, does not agree with known facts in his life of the alleged date. (Harrisse, Les Colombo, p. 36.) Allegri Allegretti, in his Ephemerides Senenses ab anno 1450 usque ad 1496 (in Muratori, xxiii. 827), gives a few particulars regarding the early life of Columbus. (Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 41.) Some of the latest researches upon his piratical life are given by Rawdon Brown in the Calendar of State Papers, 1864, covering 1202-1509, vol. i.

[50] This name is sometimes given Palestrello.

[51] Rawdon Brown’s Calendar of State Papers in the Archives of Venice, vol. i. (1864).

[52] Prescott (Ferdinand and Isabella, ed. 1873, vol. ii. p. 123) says: “The discrepancies among the earliest authorities are such as to render hopeless any attempt to settle with precision the chronology of Columbus’s movements previous to his first voyage.”

[53] It cannot but be remarked how Italy, in Columbus, Cabot, and Vespucius, not to name others, led in opening the way to a new stage in the world’s progress, which by making the Atlantic the highway of a commerce that had mainly nurtured Italy on the Mediterranean, conduced to start her republics on that decline which the Turk, sweeping through that inland sea, confirmed and accelerated.

[54] Notwithstanding this disappointment of Columbus, it is claimed that Alfonso V., in 1474, had consulted Toscanelli as to such a western passage “to the land where the spices grow.”

[55] There is great uncertainty about this English venture. Benzoni says Columbus’s ideas were ridiculed; Bacon (Life of Henry VII.) says the acceptance of them was delayed by accident; Purchas says they were accepted too late. F. Cradock, in the Dedication of his Wealth Discovered, London, 1661, regrets the loss of honor which Henry VII. incurred in not listening to the project. (Sabin, v. 55.) There is much confusion of statement in the early writers. Cf. Las Casas, lib. i. cap. 29; Barcia, Hist. del Almirante, cap. 10; Herrera, dec. i. lib. 2; Oviedo, lib. i. cap. 4; Gomara, cap. 15; Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., p. 4.

[56] As, for instance, Oviedo and Bossi.

[57] The same whom Isabella advised Columbus to take “as an astrologer” on one of his later voyages. Cf. P. Augustin d’Osimo’s Christophe Colomb et le Père Juan Perez de Marchena; ou, de la co-opération des franciscains à la découverte de l’Amérique, 1861, and P. Marcellino da Civezza’s Histoire générale des missions franciscaines, 1863.

[58] Cf. Schanz on “Die Stellung der beiden ersten Tudors zu den Entdeckungen,” in his Englische Handelspolitik.

[59] Stevens, Historical Collection, vol. i. no. 1,418; Leclerc, no. 235 (120 francs); Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 376; Sabin, vol. vii. no. 27,116; Murphy, no. 1,046. This book, which in 1832 Rich priced at £1 10s., has recently been quoted by Quaritch at £5 5s. Harrisse calls the book mendacious (Notes on Columbus, p. 37). The book was written in 1522; its author was born in 1465, and died in 1525 as bishop of Santo Domingo.

[60] There are two views of Seville in Braun and Hogenberg’s Civitates orbis terrarum, published at Antwerp in 1572, and again at Brussels (in French) in 1574. In one of the engravings a garden near the Puerta de Goles is marked “Guerta de Colon;” and in the other the words “Casa de Colon” are attached to the top of one of the houses. Muller, Books on America, 1877, no. 712. The book is in the Harvard College Library.

[61] Santangel supplied about seventeen thousand florins from Ferdinand’s treasury. Bergenroth, in his Introduction to the Spanish State Papers, removes not a little of the mellow splendor which admirers have poured about Isabella’s character.

[62] Palos is no longer a port, such has been the work of time and tide. In 1548 the port is described in Medina’s Libro de grandezas y cosas de España. (Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 281.) Irving described it in 1828. Its present unmaritime character is set forth by E. E. Hale in Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., ii. 159; Seven Spanish Cities, p. 17; and Overland Monthly, Jan., 1883, p. 42.

[63] Cf. Irving, app. no. xvi., on the route of Columbus. Brevoort in his Verrazzano, p. 101, describes the usual route of the early navigators from Spain to the West Indies. Columbus kept two records of his progress. One was an unworthily deceitful one (reminding us of an earlier deceit, when he tampered with the compass to mislead his crew), by which he hoped to check the apprehensions of his men arising from his increasing longitude; and the other a dead reckoning of some kind, in which he thought he was approximately accurate. The story of his capitulating to his crew, and agreeing to turn back in three days in case land was not reached, is only told by Oviedo on the testimony of a pilot hostile to Columbus.

[64] It may have been on some island or in some canoe; or just as likely a mere delusion. The fact that Columbus at a later day set up a claim for the reward for the first discovery on the strength of this mysterious light, to the exclusion of the poor sailor who first actually saw land from the “Pinta,” has subjected his memory, not unnaturally, to some discredit at least with those who reckon magnanimity among the virtues. Cf. Navarrete, iii. 612.

[65] The prayer used was adopted later in similar cases, under Balboa, Cortes, Pizarro, etc. It is given in C. Clemente’s Tablas chronologicas, Valencia, 1689. Cf. Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 140; Sabin, vol. iv. no. 13,632; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,376; Murphy, no. 599; and H. H. Bancroft’s Central America, i. 371.

[66] Humboldt in his Cosmos (English translation, ii. 422) has pointed out how in this first voyage the descriptions by Columbus of tropical scenes convince one of the vividness of his impressions and of the quickness of his observation.

[67] Pinzon’s heirs at a later day manifested hostility to Columbus, and endeavored to magnify their father’s importance in the voyage. Cf. Irving, App. x. In the subsequent lawsuit for the confirmation of Columbus’s right, the Pinzons brought witnesses to prove that it was their urgency which prevented Columbus from giving up the voyage and turning back.

[68] This Latin name seems to have been rendered by the Spaniards La Española, and from this by corruption the English got Hispaniola.

[69] There is a wide difference as reported by the early writers as to the number of men which Columbus had with him on this voyage. Ferdinand Columbus says ninety; Peter Martyr, one hundred and twenty; others say one hundred and eighty. The men he left at Hayti are reckoned variously at thirty-nine, forty-three, forty-eight, fifty-five, etc. Major, Select Letters, p. 12, reckons them as from thirty-seven to forty. The lists show among them an Irishman, “Guillermo Ires, natural de Galney, en Irlanda,” and an Englishman, “Tallarte de Lajes, Ingles.” These are interpreted to mean William Herries—probably “a namesake of ours,” says Harrisse—and Arthur Lake. Bernaldez says he carried back with him to Spain ten of the natives.

[70] The line of 1494 gave Portugal, Brazil, the Moluccas, the Philippines, and half of New Guinea. Jurien de la Gravière, Les marins du XV^e et du XVI^e siècle, i. 86.

[71] Bancroft, Central America, i. 496, describes the procedures finally established in laying out towns.

[72] Navarrete, ii. 143. It is the frequent recurrence of such audacious and arrogant acts on the part of Columbus which explains his sad failure as an administrator, and seriously impairs the veneration in which the world would rejoice to hold him.

[73] The question of the priority of Columbus’ discovery of the mainland over Vespucius is discussed in the following chapter. M. Herrera is said to have brought forward, at the Congrès des Américanistes held at Copenhagen in 1883, new evidence of Columbus’s landing on the mainland. Father Manoel de la Vega, in his Historia del descobrimiento de la America septentrional, first published in Mexico in 1826 by Bustamante, alleges that Columbus in this southern course was intending to test the theory of King John of Portugal, that land blocked a westerly passage in that direction.

[74] Irving, app. xxxiii.

[75] H. H. Bancroft, Central America, vol. i. chap. iv., traces with some care the coast-findings of this voyage and the varying cartographical records.

[76] Helps says: “The greatest geographical discoveries have been made by men conversant with the book-knowledge of their own time.” The age of Columbus was perhaps the most illustrious of ages. “Where in the history of nations,” says Humboldt, “can one find an epoch so fraught with such important results as the discovery of America, the passage to the East Indies round the Cape of Good Hope, and Magellan’s first circumnavigation, simultaneously occurring with the highest perfection of art, the attainment of intellectual and religious freedom, and with the sudden enlargement of the knowledge of the earth and the heavens?” Cosmos, Eng. tr., ii. 673.

[77] This manuscript is the Libro de las profecias, of which parts are printed in Navarrete. Cf. Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 156, who calls it a “curious medley of quotations and puerile inferences;” and refers for an analysis of it to Gallardo’s Ensayo, ii. 500. Harrisse thinks the hand is that of Ferdinand Columbus when a boy, and that it may have been written under the Admiral’s direction.

[78] Irving, book i. chap. v.; Humboldt, Examen critique and Cosmos; Major, Prince Henry of Portugal, chap. xix. and Discoveries of Prince Henry, chap. xiv.; Stevens, Notes; Helps, Spanish Conquest; and among the early writers, Las Casas, not to name others.

[79] Columbus, it is well known, advocated later a pear-shape, instead of a sphere. Cf. the “Tercer viage” in Navarrete.

[80] Robertson’s America, note xii. Humboldt cites the ancients; Examen critique, i. 38, 61, 98, etc.

[81] Ferdinand Columbus says that the Arab astronomer, Al Fergani, influenced Columbus to the same end; and these views he felt were confirmed by the reports of Marco Polo and Mandeville. Cf. Yule’s Marco Polo. vol. i. p. cxxxi.

[82] By a great circle course the distance would have been reduced to something short of five thousand eight hundred miles. (Fox in U. S. Coast Survey Report, 1880, app. xviii.) Marco Polo had not distinctly said how far off the coast of China the Island of Cipango lay.

[83] Cf. D’Avezac in Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris, August-October, 1857, p. 97. Behaim in his globe placed China 120° west of Cape St. Vincent; and Columbus is supposed to have shared Behaim’s views and both were mainly in accord with Toscanelli. Humboldt, Examen Critique, ii. 357.

[84] Not long from the time of his first voyage the Orbis breviarium of Lilius, which later passed through other editions and translations, summarized the references of the ancients (Stevens, Bibl. Geog. no. 1,670). But Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 180, holds that the earliest instance of the new found islands being declared the parts known to the ancients, and referred to by Virgil in the 6th book of the Æneid,—

“Jacet extra sidera tellus,” etc.,

is in the Geographia of Henricus Glareanus, published at Basle in 1527. Cf. also Gravier, Les Normands sur la route des Indes, Rouen, 1880, p. 24; Harrisse, Bibl. Am. Vet. 262. Mr. Murphy, in placing the 1472 edition of Strabo’s De Situ orbis in his American collection, pointed to the belief of this ancient geographer in the existence of the American continent as a habitable part of the globe, as shown when he says: “Nisi Atlantici maris obstaret magnitudo, posse nos navigare per eundem parallelum ex Hispania in Indiam, etc.” Cf. further, Charles Sumner’s Prophetic Voices concerning America; also in his Works; Bancroft’s Native Races, v. 68, 122; Baldwin’s Prehistoric Nations, 399; Fontaine’s How the World was peopled, p. 139; Las Casas, Historia general; Sherer, Researches touching the New World, 1777; Recherches sur la géographie des anciens, Paris, 1797-1813; Memoirs of the Lisbon Academy, v. 101; Paul Gaffarel, L’Amérique avant Colomb, and his “Les Grecs et les Romains, ont ils connu l’Amérique?” in the Revue de Géographie (1881), ix. 241, etc.; Ferdinand Columbus’ life of his father, and Humboldt’s examination of his views in his Examen critique; Brasseur de Bourbourg’s Introduction to his Popul-Vuh.

Glareanus, above referred to, was one of the most popular of the condensed cosmographical works of the time; and it gave but the briefest reference to the New World, “de regionibus extra Ptolemæum.” Its author was under thirty when he published his first edition in 1527 at Basle. There is a copy in the Carter-Brown Library (Catalogue, i. 90). Cf. also Bibl. Amer. Vet., 142; Huth, ii. 602; Weigel, 1877, p. 82, priced at 18 marks. It was reprinted at Basle, the next year, 1528 (Trömel, 3), and again in 1529. (Bibl. Amer. Vet., 143, 147.) Another edition was printed at Freiburg (Brisgau) in 1530, of which there are copies in Harvard College and Carter-Brown (Catalogue, no. 95) libraries. (Cf. Bibl. Amer. Vet., 147; Muller, 1877, no. 1,232.) There were other Freiburg imprints in 1533, 1536, 1539, 1543, and 1551. (Bibl. Amer. Vet., 183, 212, 248; Additions, 121; Carter-Brown, i. 160; White Kennett, p. 12; Trömel, no. 12; Murphy, 1049.) There were Venice imprints in 1534, 1537, 1538, 1539, and 1544. (Bibl. Amer. Vet., 225, 228, 259; Additions, 120; Lancetti, Buchersaal, i. 79.) An edition of Venice, without date, is assigned to 1549. (Catalogue of the Sumner Collection in Harvard College Library.) Editions were issued at Paris in 1542, with a folded map, “Typus cosmographicus universalis,” in 1550 (Court, 144), and in 1572, the last repeating the map. (Bibl. Amer. Vet., 139.) The text of all these editions is in Latin. Sabin, vol. vii. no. 27,536, etc., enumerates most of the editions.

[85] Such as Plato’s in his Critias and Timæus, and Aristotle’s in his De Mundo, cap. iii., etc.

[86] Harrisse, Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima; Additions, no. 36.

[87] Bernaldez tells us that Columbus was a reader of Ptolemy and of John de Mandeville. Cf. on the spreading of Ptolemy’s views at this time Lelewel, Géographie du moyen âge, ii. p. 122; Thomassy, Les papes géographes, pp. 15, 34. There are copies of the 1475 edition of Ptolemy in the Library of Congress and the Carter-Brown Library (cf. also Murphy Catalogue, no. 2,044); of the 1478 edition, the only copy in this country, so far as known, is the one in the Carter-Brown Library, added to that collection since its catalogue was printed. The Perkins copy in 1873 brought £80 (cf. Livres payés en vente publique 1,000 francs, etc., p. 137). It was the first edition with maps. Lelewel (vol. ii. p. 124) had traced the influence of the Agathodæmon (Ptolemean) maps on the cartography of the Middle Ages. The maps representing the growth of geographical ideas anterior to Columbus will be examined in another place. The Ulm edition of Ptolemy, 1482, showed in its map of the world a part of what is now called America in representing Greenland; but it gave it a distinct relation to Europe, by making Greenland a peninsula of the Scandinavian north. There seems reason to believe that this map was made in 1471, and it passes for the earliest engraved map to show that northern region,—“Engrone-land,” as it is called. If we reject the Zeno map with its alleged date of 1400 or thereabout (published long after Columbus, in 1558), the oldest known delineations of Greenland (which there is no evidence that Columbus ever saw, and from which if he had seen them, he could have inferred nothing to advantage) are a Genoese manuscript map in the Pitti palace, which Santarem (Histoire de la Cartographie, vol. iii. p. xix) dates 1417, but which seems instead to be properly credited to 1447, the peninsula here being “Grinlandia” (cf. Lelewel, Epilogue, p. 167; Magazine of American History, April, 1883, p. 290); and the map of Claudius Clavus, assigned to 1427, which belongs to a manuscript of Ptolemy, preserved in the library at Nancy. This, with the Zeno map and that in the Ptolemy of 1482, is given in Trois cartes précolombiennes représentant Groenland, fac-simile présentés au Congrès des Américanistes à Copenhague; par A. E. Nordenskiöld, Stockholm, 1883. In the Laon globe (1486-1487) “Grolandia” is put down as an island off the Norway coast. There is a copy of this 1482 edition of Ptolemy in the Carter-Brown Library, and another is noted in the Murphy Catalogue, no. 2,046. Its maps were repeated in the 1486 edition, also published at Ulm; and of this there was a copy in the Murphy Collection (no. 2,047,—bought by President White, of Cornell); and another belongs to the late G. W. Riggs, of Washington. In 1490 the Roman edition of 1478 was reproduced with the same maps; and of this there is a copy in the Carter-Brown Library; and another is shown in the Murphy Catalogue (no. 2,048). A splendidly illuminated copy of this edition sold in the Sunderland sale (part v. no. 13,770) has since been held by Quaritch at £600. See further on these early editions of Ptolemy in Winsor’s Bibliography of Ptolemy’s Geography, published by Harvard University.

[88] Gravier, Les Normands sur la route des Indes, Rouen, 1880, p. 37.

[89] Humboldt, Cosmos (Eng. ed.), ii. 619. The Speculum naturale of Vincenzius (1250) is an encyclopædic treatise, closely allied with other treatises of that time, like the De rerum natura of Cantipratensis (1230), and the later work of Meygenberg (1349).

[90] Humboldt, Examen Critique, i. 61, 65, 70; ii. 349. Columbus quoted this passage in October, 1498, in his letter from Santo Domingo to the Spanish monarch. Margry, Navigations Françaises, Paris, 1867, p. 71, “Les deux Indes du XV^e siècle et l’influence Française sur Colomb,” has sought to reflect credit on his country by tracing the influence of the Imago mundi in the discovery of the New World; but the borrowing from Bacon destroys his case. (Major, Select Letters of Columbus, p. xlvii; Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 84.) If Margry’s claim is correct, that there was an edition of the Imago mundi printed at Nuremberg in 1472, it would carry it back of the beginning of Columbus’s advocacy of his views; but bibliographers find no edition earlier than 1480 or 1483, and most place this editio princeps ten years later as Humboldt does. It is generally agreed that the book was written in 1410. A copy of this first edition, of whatever date, is preserved in the Colombina Library in Seville; and it was the copy used by Columbus and Las Casas. Its margins are annotated, and the notes, which are by most thought to be in the hand of Columbus, have been published by Varnhagen in the Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris, January, 1858, p. 71, and by Peschel in his Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen, p. 112,—who, however, ascribes the notes to Bartholomew Columbus. A fac-simile of part of them is given on p. 31. Cf. Major, Prince Henry, p. 349; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 3; Murphy catalogue, no. 27, bought by Cornell Univ. and Dinaux, Cardinal P. d’Ailly, Cambray, 1824.

[91] Mandeville had made his Asiatic journey and long sojourn (thirty-four years) thirty or forty years later than Marco Polo, and on his return had written his narrative in English, French, and Latin. It was first printed in French at Lyons, in 1480. The narrative is, however, unauthentic.

[92] A copy of this edition is in the Colombina Library, with marginal marks ascribed to Columbus, but of no significance except as aids to the memory. Cf. Harper’s Monthly, xlvi. p. 1.

[93] There were other editions between his first voyage and his death,—an Italian one in 1496, and a Portuguese in 1502. For later editions, cf. Harrisse, Bibl. Am. Vet., no. 89; Navarrete, Bibl. maritima, ii. 668; Brunet, iii. 1,406; Saint-Martin, Histoire de la Géographie, p. 278. The recent editions of distinctive merit are those, in English, of Colonel Yule; the various texts issued in the Recueil de voyages et de mémoires publiés par la Société de Géographie de Paris; and Le livre de Marco Polo, rédigé, en Français sous sa dictée en 1298 par Rusticien de Pise, publ. pour la 1^e fois d’après 3 MSS. inéd., av. variantes, comment. géogr. et histor., etc., par G. Pauthier. 2 vols. Paris: Didot, 1865. Cf. Foscarini, Della lett. Ven. 239; Zurla, Di Marco Polo; Maltebrun, Histoire de la Géographie; Tiraboschi, Storia della lett. Ital., vol. iv.; Vivien de Saint-Martin, Histoire de la Géographie, p. 272; and the bibliography of the MSS. and printed editions of the Milione given in Pietro Amat di S. Filippo’s Studi biog. e bibliog., published by the Società Geografica Italiana in 1882 (2d ed.). A fac-simile of a manuscript of the fourteenth century of the Livre de Marco Polo was prepared under the care of Nordenskiöld, and printed at Stockholm in 1882. The original is in the Royal Library at Stockholm.

[94] The actual distance from Spain westerly to China is two hundred and thirty-one degrees.

[95] Cf. Zurla, Fra Mauro, p. 152; Lelewel, ii. 107.

[96] The Italian text of Toscanelli’s letter has been long known in Ferdinand Columbus’ Life of his father; but Harrisse calls it “très-inexact et interpolée;” and, in his Bibl. Am. Vet. Additions (1872), p. xvi, Harrisse gives the Latin text, which he had already printed, in 1871, in his Don Fernando Colon, published at Seville, from a copy made of it which had been discovered by the librarian of the Colombina, transcribed by Columbus himself in a copy of Æneas Sylvius’ (Pius II.’s) Historia rerum ubique gestarum, Venice, 1477, preserved in that library. Harrisse also gives a photographic fac-simile of this memorial of Columbus. Cf. D’Avezac, in the Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris, October, 1873, p. 46; and Harrisse, Les Cortereal, p. 41. The form of the letter, as given in Navarrete, is translated into English in Kettell’s Journal of Columbus, p. 268, and in Becher’s Landfall of Columbus, p. 183. Cf. Lelewel, Géographie du moyen âge, ii. 130; Bulletin de la Société de Géographie, 1872, p. 49; Ruge, Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen, p. 225. H. Grothe, in his Leonardo da Vinci, Berlin, 1874, says that Da Vinci in 1473 had written to Columbus respecting a western passage to the Indies.

[97] Navarrete, iii. 28.

[98] Note xvii.

[99] Appendix xi.

[100] Stevens, Bibl. Geog., no. 1147, and Sabin, Dictionary, vii. no. 26,342, give different dates.

[101] Goodrich’s Life of the so-called Christopher Columbus. Cf. Luciano Cordeiro, “Les Portugais dans la découverte de l’Amérique,” in Congrès des Américanistes, 1875, i. 274.

[102] Humboldt sees no reason to doubt that Iceland was meant. (Examen critique, i. 105; v. 213; Cosmos, ii. 611.) It may be remarked, however, that “Thyle” and “Islanda” are both laid down in the Ptolemy map of 1486, which only signifies probably that the old and new geography were not yet brought into accord. Cf. Journal of the American Geographical Society, xii. 170, 177, where it is stated that records prove the mild winter for Iceland in 1477, which Columbus represents at Thule.

[103] A like intimation is sustained by De Costa in Columbus and the Geographers of the North, Hartford, 1872; and it is distinctly claimed in Anderson’s America not discovered by Columbus, 3d edition, 1883, p. 85. It is also surmised that Columbus may have known the Zeni map.

[104] Humboldt discusses the question whether Columbus received any incentive from a knowledge of the Scandinavian or Zeni explorations, in his Examen critique, ii. 104; and it also forms the subject of appendices to Irving’s Columbus.

[105] This problem is more particularly examined in Vol. I. Cf. also Vol. IV. p. 3.

[106] Harrisse, Les Cortereals, p. 25, who points out that Behaim’s globe shows nothing of such a voyage,—which it might well have done if the voyage had been made; for Behaim had lived at the Azores, while Cortereal was also living on a neighboring island. Major, Select Letters of Columbus, p. xxviii, shows that Faria y Sousa, in Asia Portuguesa, while giving a list of all expeditions of discovery from Lisbon, 1412-1460, makes no mention of this Cortereal. W. D. Cooley, in his Maritime and Island Discovery, London, 1830, follows Barrow; but Paul Barron Watson, in his “Bibliography of pre-Columbian Discoveries” appended to the 3d edition (Chicago, 1883) of Anderson’s America not discovered by Columbus, p. 158, indicates how Humboldt (Examen critique, i. 279), G. Folsom (North American Review, July, 1838), Gaffarel (Études, p. 328), Kohl (Discovery of Maine, p. 165), and others dismiss the claim. If there was any truth in it, it would seem that Portugal deliberately cut herself off from the advantages of it in accepting the line of demarcation in 1493.

[107] Edition of 1597, folio 188.

[108] Follows Wytfliet in his Rerum Danicarum historia, 1631, p. 763.

[109] Ulyssea, Lugduni, 1671, p. 335.

[110] Journal of the American Geographical Society, xii. 170. Asher, in his Henry Hudson, p. xcviii, argues for Greenland.

[111] Gomara, Historia general de las Indias, Medina, 1553, and Anvers, 1554, cap. xxxvii, folio 31; and Herrera, Historia general, Madrid, 1601, dec. 1, lib. 6, cap. 16. Later writers have reiterated it. Cf. Humboldt, Examen critique, ii. 152, who is doubtful; Lelewel, iv. 106, who says he reached Labrador; Kunstmann, Entdeckung Amerikas, p. 45. Watson, in his Bibliography of the pre-Columbian Discoveries, cites also the favorable judgment of Belleforest, L’histoire universelle, Paris, 1577; Morisotus’ Orbis maritimi, 1643; Zurla’s Marco Polo, 1818; C. Pingel in Grönlands Historisk Mindesmaeker, 1845; Gaffarel, Étude, 1869; and De Costa, Columbus and the Geographers of the North, 1872, p. 17.

[112] America not discovered by Columbus, p. 164. Estancelin, in his Recherches sur les voyages et découvertes des navigateurs Normands en Afrique, dans les Indes orientales, et en Amérique; suivies d’observations sur la marine, le commerce, et les établissemens coloniaux des Français, Paris, 1832, claims that Pinzon, represented as a companion of Cousin, was one of the family later associated with Columbus in his voyage in 1492. Léon Guérin, in Navigateurs Français, 1846, mentions the voyage, but expresses no opinion. Parkman, Pioneers of France, p. 169, does not wholly discredit the story. Paul Gaffarel, Étude sur les rapports de l’Amérique et de l’ancien continent avant Colomb, Paris, 1869, and Découverte du Brésil par Jean Cousin, Paris, 1874, advocates the claim. Again, in his Histoire du Brésil Français, Paris, 1878, Gaffarel considers the voyage geographically and historically possible. (Cf. also a paper by him in the Revue politique et littéraire, 2 mai, 1874.) It is claimed that the white and bearded men whom, as Las Casas says, the natives of Hispaniola had seen before the coming of the Spaniards, were the companions of Cousin. Cf. Vitet’s Histoire de Dieppe, Paris, 1833, vol. ii.; David Asseline’s Antiquitéz et chroniques de Dieppe, avec introduction par Hardy, Guérillon, et Sauvage, Paris, 1874, two vols.; and the supplemental work of Michel Claude Guibert, Mémoires pour servir à l’histoire de Dieppe, Paris, 1878, two vols. Cf. Sabin, vol. xii. no. 47,541; Dufossé, Americana, nos. 4,735, 9,027.

[113] The ordinary designation of Hartmann Schedel’s Registrum huius operis libri cronicarum cū figuris et ymagībus ab inicio mūdi, Nuremberg, 1493, p. 290. The book is not very rare, though much sought for its 2,250 woodcuts; and superior copies of it bring from $75 to $100, though good copies are often priced at from $30 to $60. Cf. Bibliotheca Spenceriana; Leclerc, no. 533; Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 12, 18; Huth, iv. 1305; Sunderland, no. 2,796; Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 13; Muller, Books on America, 1872, no. 1,402; Cooke, no. 2,961; Murphy, no. 2,219, with a note by that collector.

[114] Cf. Von Murr, Memorabilia bibliothecarum Norimbergensium, vol. i. pp. 254-256: “nec locus ille de America loquitur, sed de Africa.”

[115] Watson’s Bibliography of pre-Columbian Discoveries of America, p. 161, enumerates the contestants; and Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., nos. 13, 14, epitomizes the authorities. The earliest reference, after Schedel, seems to be one in Guillaume Postel’s Cosmographicæ disciplinæ compendium, Basle, 1561, in which a strait below South America is named Behaim’s Strait; but J. Chr. Wagenseil, in his Sacra parentalia, 1682, earliest urged the claim, which he repeated in his Historia universalis, while it was reinforced in Stüven’s or Stuvenius’ De vero novi orbis inventore, Frankfort, 1714. (Copy in Harvard College Library; cf. Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 195.) The first important counter-argument appeared in E. Tozen’s Der wahre und erste Entdecker der Neuen Welt, Christoph Colon, gegen die ungegründeten Ausprüche, welche Americus Vespucci and Martin Behaim auf diese Ehre machen, vertheidiget, Göttingen, 1761. (Sabin, xii. 489.) Robertson rejected the claim; and so, in 1778, did C. G. von Murr, in his Diplomatische Geschichte des Ritters Behaim, published at Nuremberg (2d ed., Gotha, 1801; Jansen’s French translation, Paris, 1801 and Strasburg, 1802; also appended to Amoretti’s Pigafetta; English in Pinkerton’s Voyages, 1812). A letter from Otto to Benjamin Franklin, in the American Philosophical Society’s Transactions, 1786, ii. 263, urged the theory. Dr. Belknap, in 1792, in the Appendix to his Discourse on Columbus, dismissed it. Cladera, in his Investigaciones históricas sobre los principales descubrimientos de los Españoles, Madrid, 1794, was decidedly averse, replying to Otto, and adding a translation of Von Murr’s essay. (Leclerc, nos. 118, 2,505.) Amoretti, in his Preface to Pigafetta’s Voyage, Paris, 1801, argues that Columbus’ discoveries convinced Behaim of his own by comparison. Irving says the claim is founded on a misinterpretation of the Schedel passage. Humboldt, in his Examen critique, i. 256, enters into a long adverse argument. Major, in his Select Letters of Columbus, and in his Prince Henry, is likewise decided in opposition. Ghillany, in his Geschichte des Seefahrers Ritter Martin Behaim, is favorable. Gaffarel, Étude sur les rapports de l’Amérique et de l’ancien continent avant Colomb, Paris, 1869, is sceptical.

It seems to be a fact that Behaim made a map showing the straits passed by Magellan, which Pigafetta refers to; and it is also clear that Schöner, in globes made earlier, also indicated a similar strait; and Schöner might well have derived his views from Behaim. What we know of Behaim’s last years, from 1494 to 1506, is not sufficient to fill the measure of these years; and advocates are not wanting who assign to them supposed voyages, on one of which he might have acquired a personal knowledge of the straits which he delineated. Such advocates are met, and will continue to be answered, with the likelier supposition, as is claimed, of the Straits in question being a happy guess, both on Behaim’s and Schöner’s part, derived from the analogy of Africa,—a southern extremity which Behaim had indeed delineated on his globe some years before its actual discovery, though not earlier than the existence of a prevalent belief in such a Strait. Cf. Wieser, Magalhâes-Strasse.

[116] Las Casas is said to have had a manuscript by Columbus respecting the information derived by him from Portuguese and Spanish pilots concerning western lands.

[117] These were accounted for by the westerly gales, the influence of the Gulf Stream not being suspected. Humboldt, Cosmos, English translation, ii. 662; Examen critique, ii. 249.

[118] See Major’s Preface to his Prince Henry. Cf. H. H. Bancroft, Central America, i. 373, for the successive names applied to the Atlantic.

[119] Cf. Les voyages merveilleux de Saint-Brandan à la recherche du paradis terrestre. Légende en vers du XI^e siècle, publiée avec introduction par Francisque-Michel, Paris, 1878; and references in Poole’s Index, p. 159.

[120] Humboldt points this island out on a map of 1425.

[121] Cf. Humboldt, Examen critique, ii. 156-245; Kunstmann, Entdeckung Amerikas, pp. 6, 35; D’Avezac on the “Isles fantastiques,” in Nouvelles annales des voyages, April, 1845, p. 55. Many of these islands clung long to the maps. Becher (Landfall of Columbus) speaks of the Isle of St. Matthew and Isle Grande in the South Atlantic being kept in charts till the beginning of this century. E. E. Hale tells amusingly of the Island of Bresil, lying off the coast of Ireland and in the steamer’s track from New York to England, being kept on the Admiralty charts as late as 1873. American Antiquarian Society Proceedings, Oct. 1873. Cf. Gaffarel, Congrès des Américanistes, 1877, i. 423, and Formalconi’s Essai sur la marine ancienne des vénitiens; dans lequel on a mis au jour plusieurs cartes tirées de la bibliothèque de St. Marc, antérieures à la découverte de Christophe Colomb, & qui indiquent clairement l’existence des isles Antilles. Traduit de l’italien par le chevalier d’Hénin, Venise, 1788.

[122] There are seven inhabitable and six desert islands in the group.

[123] Cf. Die Entdeckung der Carthager und Griechen auf dem Atlantischen Ocean, by Joachim Lelewel, Berlin, 1831, with two maps (Sabin, x. 201) one of which shows conjecturally the Atlantic Ocean of the ancients (see next page).

[124] Two priests, Bontier and Le Verrier, who accompanied him, wrote the account which we have. Cf. Peter Martyr, dec. i. c. 1; Galvano, p. 60; Muñoz, p. 30; Kunstmann, p. 6.

[125] Charton (Voyageurs, iii. 75) gives a partial bibliography of the literature of the discovery and conquest. The best English book is Major’s Conquest of the Canaries, published by the Hakluyt Society, London, 1872, which is a translation, with notes, of the Béthencourt narrative; and the same author has epitomized the story in chapter ix. of his Discoveries of Prince Henry. There is an earlier English book, George Glas’s Discovery and Conquest of the Canary Islands, London, 1764, 1767, which is said to be based on an unpublished manuscript of 1632, the work of a Spanish monk, J. de Abreu de Galineo, in the island of Palma. The Béthencourt account was first published in Paris, 1630, with different imprints, as Histoire de la première descovverte et conqueste des Canaries. Dufossé prices it at from 250 to 300 francs. The original manuscript was used in preparing the edition, Le Canarien, issued at Rouen in 1874 by G. Gravier (Leclerc, no. 267). This edition gives both a modern map and a part of that of Mecia de Viladestes (1413); enumerates the sources of the story; and (p. lxvi) gives D’Avezac’s account of the preservation of the Béthencourt manuscript. The Spanish translation by Pedro Ramirez, issued at Santa Cruz de Tenerife in 1847, was rendered from the Paris, 1630, edition.

Cf. Nuñez de la Peña’s Conquista y antiguedades de las Islas de la Gran Canaria, Madrid, 1676, and reprint, Santa Cruz de Tenerife, 1847; Cristóval Perez de el Christo, Las siete Islas de Canaria, Xeres, 1679 (rare, Leclerc, no. 644,—100 francs); Viera y Clavijo, Historia general de las Islas de Canaria, Madrid, four volumes, 1772-1783 (Leclerc, no. 647, calls it the principal work on the Canaries); Bory de Saint Vincent, Essais sur les Isles Fortunées, Paris, an xi. (1803); Les Iles Fortunées, Paris, 1869. D’Avezac, in 1846, published a Note sur la première expéditien de Béthencourt aux Canaries, and his “Isles d’Afrique” in the Univers pittoresque may be referred to.

[126] It is given by Lelewel, Géographie du Moyen Age; and has been issued in fac-simile by Ongania at Venice, in 1881. It is also given in Major, Prince Henry, 1868 edition, p. 107, and in Marco Polo, edition by Boni, Florence, 1827. Cf. Winsor’s Kohl Collection of Early Maps, issued by Harvard University.

[127] This chart is given by Jomard, pl. x., and Santarem, pl. 40. Ongania published in 1881 a Pizigani chart belonging to the Ambrosian Library in Milan, dated 1373.

[128] This map is given in Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque du Roi, vol. xiv. part 2; in Santarem, pl. 31, 40; Lelewel, pl. xxix.; Saint-Martin’s Atlas, pl. vii.; Ruge’s Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen, 1881, and full size in fac-simile in Choix de documents géographiques conservés à la Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, 1883.

[129] Winsor’s Kohl Collection of early maps, part i., no. 17.

[130] Cf. Santarem, Histoire de la Cartographie, iii. 366, and the references in Winsor’s Kohl Collection, part i. no. 19; and Bibliography of Ptolemy, sub anno 1478. A sea-chart of Bartolomeus de Pareto, A. D. 1455, shows “Antillia” and an island farther west called “Roillo.” Antillia is supposed also to have been delineated on Toscanelli’s map in 1474. In 1476 Andreas Benincasa’s portolano, given in Lelewel, pl. xxxiv. and Saint-Martin, pl. vii. shows an island “Antilio;” and again in the portolano belonging to the Egerton manuscripts in the British Museum, and supposed to represent the knowledge of 1489, just previous to Columbus’s voyage, and thought by Kohl to be based on a Benincasa chart of 1463, the conventional “Antillia” is called “Y de Sete Zitade.” It is ascribed to Christofalo Soligo. Behaim’s globe in 1492 also gives “Insula Antilia genannt Septe Citade.” Cf. Harrisse, Les Cortereal, p. 116. The name “Antilhas” seems first to have been transferred from this problematical mid-ocean island to the archipelago of the West Indies by the Portuguese, for Columbus gave no general name to the group.

[131] Cf. Kunstmann, Entdeckung Amerikas, pp. 1, etc.; Drummond, Annales da Ilha Terceira; Ernesto do Canto, Archivo dos Açores; Major’s Discoveries of Prince Henry, chap. x.; Quarterly Review, xi. 191; Cordeyro’s Historia insulana, Lisbon, 1717.

[132] Appendix xxv.

[133] Vol. ii. part 2, p. 1; also Purchas, ii. 1672.

[134] Edition of 1868, pp. xvii and 69; Kunstmann, Entdeckung Amerikas, p. 4.

[135] Cf. Gaspar Fructuoso’s Historia das Ilhas do Porto-Santo, Madeira, Desertas e Selvagens, Funchal, 1873.

[136] Cf. Studi biog. e bibliog. i. 137, which places Perestrello’s death about 1470.

[137] It has sometimes been put as early as 1440; but 1460 is the date Major has determined after a full exposition of the voyages of this time. Prince Henry (1868 edition), p. 277. D’Avezac Isles de l’Afrique, Paris, 1848.

[138] Prince Henry, edition of 1868, pp. xxiv and 127. Guibert, in his Ville de Dieppe, i. 306 (1878), refers, for the alleged French expedition to Guinea in 1364, to Villault de Belfond, Relation des costes d’Afrique appelées Guinée, Paris, 1669, p. 409; Vitet, Anciennes villes de France, ii. 1, Paris, 1833; D’Avezac Découvertes dans l’océan atlantique antérieurement aux grands explorations du XV^e siècle, p. 73, Paris, 1845; Jules Hardy, Les Dieppois en Guinée en 1364, 1864; Gabriel Gravier, Le Canarien, 1874.

[139] Cf. Jurien de la Gravière’s Les marins du XV^e et du XVI^e siècle, vol. i. chap. 2.

[140] Humboldt, Examen critique, i. 144, 161, 329; ii. 370; Cosmos, ii. 561; Jules Codine’s Mémoire géoqraphique sur la mer des Indes, Paris, 1868.

[141] Irving, app. xiv.

[142] Prince Henry, p. 116 (1868). Cf. Studi biog. e bibliog. della Soc. Geog. Ital., ii. 57.

[143] The author tells, in his preface, the condition of knowledge regarding his subject which he found when he undertook his work, and recounts the service the Royal Academy of Sciences at Lisbon has done since 1779 in discovering and laying before the world important documents.

[144] Gustav de Veer’s Prinz Heinrich der Seefahrer, und seine Zeit, Dantzig, 1864, is a more popular work, and gives lists of authorities. Cf. H. Monin in the Revue de géographie, December, 1878.

[145] There is some question if the school of Sagres had ever an existence; at least it is doubted in the Archivo dos Açores, iv. 18, as quoted by Harrisse, Les Cortereal, p. 40.

[146] Cf. Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., 261; adds 154.

[147] Major (p. xvi) has more or less distrust of Cadamosto’s story as given in the Paese novamente. Cf. the bibliography in Studi biog. e bibliog. della Soc. Geog. Ital., i. 149 (1882); and Carter-Brown, i. 101, 195, 202, 211; also Bibl. Amer. Vet. Add., no. 83.

[148] “Through all which I was present,” said Bartholomew, in a note found by Las Casas.

[149] The original is now preserved at Venice, in the Biblioteca Marciana. A large photographic fac-simile of it was issued at Venice, in 1877, by Münster (Ongania); and engraved reproductions can be found in Santarem, Lelewel, and Saint-Martin, besides others in Vincent’s Commerce and Navigations of the Ancients, 1797 and 1807; and in Ruge’s Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen, 1881. A copy on vellum, made in 1804, is in the British Museum.

[150] Cf. G. Gravier’s Recherches sur les navigations Européennes faites an moyen-âge, Paris, 1878.

[151] Navarrete, i. 304, ii. 280; Bandini’s Amerigo Vespucci, pp. 66, 83; Humboldt, Examen critique, i. 26, iv. 188, 233, 250, 261, v. 182-185; and his preface to Ghillany’s Behaim; Harrisse, Ferdinand Colomb, pp. 121-127; Major’s Prince Henry, p. 420; Stevens’s Notes, p. 372. When the natives of Cuba pointed to the interior of their island and said “Cubanacan,” Columbus interpreted it to mean “Kublai Khan;” and the Cuban name of Mangon became to his ear the Mangi of Sir John Mandeville.

[152] Dec. i. c. 8.

[153] Da Gama’s three voyages, translated from the narrative of Gaspar Correa, with other documents, was edited for the Hakluyt Society by H. E. J. Stanley, in 1869. Correa’s account was not printed till 1858, when the Lisbon Academy issued it. Cf. Navarrete, vol. i. p. xli; Ramusio, i. 130; Galvano, p.93; Major, Prince Henry, p. 391; Cladera, Investigaciones históricas; Saint-Martin, Histoire de la géographie, p. 337; Clarke, Progress of Maritime Discovery, p. 399; Ruge’s Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen pp. 109, 135, 188, 189; Lucas Rem’s Tagebuch, 1494-1542, Augsburg, 1861; Charton’s Voyageurs, iii. 209 (with references), etc.

“Portugal,” says Professor Seeley, “had almost reason to complain of the glorious intrusion of Columbus. She took the right way, and found the Indies; while he took the wrong way, and missed them.... If it be answered in Columbus’s behalf, that it is better to be wrong and find America, than to be right and find India, Portugal might answer that she did both,”—referring to Cabral’s discovery of Brazil (Expansion of England, p. 83).

[154] The Bull is printed in Navarrete, ii. 23, 28, 130; and in the app. of Oscar Peschel’s Die Theilung der Erde unter Papst Alexander VI. und Julius II., Leipsic, 1871. Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions, gives the letter of May 17, 1493, which Alexander VI. sent with the Bulls to his nuncio at the court of Spain, found in the archives of the Frari at Venice. Cf. also Humboldt, Examen critique, iii. 52; Solorzano’s Política Indiana; Sabin’s Dictionary, vol. i. no. 745; and the illustrative documents in Andres Garcia de Céspedes’ Reg. de nav., Madrid, 1606.

[155] There is more or less confusion in the estimates made of the league of this time. D’Avezac, Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris, September and October, 1858, pp. 130-164, calls it 5,924 metres. Cf. also Fox, in the U. S. Coast Survey Report, 1880, p. 59; and H. H. Bancroft, Central America, i. 190.

[156] Cf. Humboldt, Examen critique, iii. 17, 44, 56, etc.

[157] Humboldt, Examen critique, iii. 54; Cosmos, v. 55. Columbus found this point of no-variation, Sept. 13, 1492. In the latter part of the sixteenth century, for a similar reason, St. Michael’s in the Azores was taken for the first meridian, but the no-variation then observable at that point has given place now to a declination of twenty-five degrees.

[158] See the documents in Navarrete, ii. 116, and Peschel’s Theilung der Erde unter Papst Alexander VI. und Julius II.

[159] Cf., however, Juan y Ulloa’s Dissertacion sobre el meridiano de demarcation, Madrid, 1749, in French, 1776. Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 910; and “Die Demarcations-linie” in Ruge’s Das Zeitalter der Entdeckungen, p. 267.

[160] In 1495 Jaume Ferrer, who was called for advice, sent a manuscript map to the Spanish Monarchs to be used in the negotiations for determining this question. (Navarrete; also Amat, Diccionario de los escritores Catalanes.) Jaume’s different treatises are collected by his son in his Sentencias cathólicas, 1545. (Leclerc, no. 2,765, 1,000 francs; Harrisse, Bibl. Am. Vet., no. 261; Additions, no. 154.) This contains Jaime’s letter of Jan. 27, 1495, and the Monarchs’ reply of Feb. 28, 1495; and a letter written at the request of Isabella from Burgos, Aug. 5, 1495, addressed to “Christofol Colō en la gran Isla de Cibau.”

[161] Cf. North American Review, nos. 53 and 55.

[162] Cf. portions in German in Das Ausland, 1867, p. 1.

[163] It is in Italian in Torre’s Scritti di Colombo.

[164] Brunet, Supplément, col. 277.

[165] It appeared in the series Biblioteca rara of G. Daelli.

[166] Cf. Historical Magazine, September, 1864.

[167] Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet. Additions, p. vi., calls this reproduction extremely correct.

[168] Bibl. Amer. Vet., p. xii.

[169] Ticknor Catalogue, p. 387; Stevens, Hist. Coll., vol. i. no. 1,380; Sabin, iv. 277; Leclerc, no. 132. It was noticed by Don Pascual de Gayangos in La America, April 13, 1867. Cf. another of Varnhagen’s publications, Carta de Cristóbal Colon enviada de Lisboa á Barcelona en Marzo de 1493, published at Vienna in 1869. It has a collation of texts and annotations (Leclerc, no. 131). A portion of the edition was issued with the additional imprint, “Paris, Tross, 1870.” Of the 120 copies of this book, 60 were put in the trade. Major, referring to these several Spanish texts, says: “I have carefully collated the three documents, and the result is a certain conclusion that neither one nor the other is a correct transcript of the original letter,”—all having errors which could not have been in the original. Major also translates the views on this point of Varnhagen, and enforces his own opinion that the Spanish and Latin texts are derived from different though similar documents. Varnhagen held the two texts were different forms of one letter. Harrisse dissents from this opinion in Bibl. Amer. Vet. Additions, p. vi.

[170] Cf. Irving’s Columbus, app. xxix.

[171] Prescott’s Ferdinand and Isabella, revised edition, ii. 108; Sabin, vol. ii. no. 4,918; Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, no. 7, who reprints the parts in question, with a translation.

[172] Cosmos, English translation, ii, 641.

[173] Ticknor Catalogue, p. 32.

[174] He points out how the standard Chronicles and Annals (Ferrebouc, 1521; Regnault, 1532; Galliot du Pré, 1549; Fabian, 1516, 1533, 1542, etc.), down to the middle of the sixteenth century, utterly ignored the acts of Columbus, Cortes, and Magellan (Bibl. Amer. Vet. p. ii).

[175] Murr, Histoire diplomatique de Behaim, p. 123.

[176] They are mentioned in Senarega’s “De rebus Genuensibus,” printed in Muratori’s Rerum Italicarum scriptores, xxiv. 534. Cf. Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 41.

[177] Harrisse says that when Tross, of Paris, advertised a copy at a high price in 1865, there were seven bidders for it at once. Quaritch advertised a copy in June, 1871. It was priced in London in 1872 at £140.

[178] This view is controverted in The Bookworm, 1868, p. 9. Cf. 1867, p. 103. The ships are said to be galleys, while Columbus sailed in caravels.

[179] But compare his Cooke Catalogue, no. 575; also, Pinart-Bourbourg Catalogue, p. 249.

[180] M. de Rosny was born in 1810, and died in 1871. M. Geslin published a paper on his works in the Actes de la Société d’Ethnologie, vii. 115. A paper by Rosny on the “Lettre de Christoph Colombe,” with his version, is found in the Revue Orientale et Américaine, Paris, 1876, p. 81.

[181] The earliest English version of this letter followed some one edition of the Cosco-Sanchez text, and appeared in the Edinburgh Review in 1816, and was reprinted in the Analectic Magazine, ix. 513. A translation was also appended by Kettell to his edition of the Personal Narrative. There is another in the Historical Magazine, April, 1865, ix. 114.

[182] It was priced by Rich in 1844 at £6 6s.; and by Robert Clarke, of Cincinnati, in 1876, at $200. There was a copy in the J. J. Cooke sale (1883), vol. iii. no. 574, and another in the Murphy sale, no. 2,602.

[183] Sabin, vol. v. no. 18,656; Major, p. xc, where the poem is reprinted, as also in Harrisse’s Notes on Columbus, p. 186; Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 8, p. 461. This first edition has sixty-seven octaves; the second, sixty-eight. Stevens’s Hist. Coll., vol. i. no. 129, shows a fac-simile of the imperfect first edition.

[184] Notes on Columbus, p. 185; Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 9; Additions, no. 3; Lenox’s Scyllacius, p. lii. The last stanza is not in the other edition, and there are other revisions. A fac-simile of the cut on the title of this Oct. 26, 1493, edition is annexed. Other fac-similes are given by Lenox, and Ruge in his Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen, p. 247. This edition was reprinted at Bologna, 1873, edited by Gustavo Uzíelli, as no. 136 of Scelta di curiosità letterarie inedite, and a reprint of Cosco’s Latin text was included.

[185] Lenox’s Scyllacius, p. lv, with fac-similes of the cuts; Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 19; Notes on Columbus, p. 123; Huth, i. 337. The elder Harris made a tracing of this edition, and Stevens had six copies printed from stone; and of these, copies are noted in the C. Fiske-Harris Catalogue, no. 553; Murphy, no. 632; Brinley, no. 14; Stevens’s (1870) Catalogue, no. 459; and Hist. Coll., vol. i. nos. 130, 131. The text was reprinted in the Rheinisches Archiv, xv. 17. It was also included in Ein schöne newe Zeytung, printed at Augsburg about 1522, of which there are copies in the Lenox and Carter-Brown libraries. Scyllacius, p. lvi; Brunet, Supplément, col. 277; Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 115. The latest enumeration of these various editions is in the Studi biog. e bibliog. della Soc. Geog. Ital., 2d edition, Rome, 1882, p. 191, which describes some of the rare copies.

[186] Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 175; Carter-Brown, no. 105; Lenox, Scyllacius, p. lviii; Stevens, Hist. Coll., vol. i. no. 163, and Bibl. Geog., no. 2,383; Muller (1872), no. 387; J. J. Cooke, no. 2,183; O’Callaghan, no. 1,836. The letter is on pages 116-121 of the Bellum, etc. The next earliest reprint is in Andreas Schott’s Hispaniæ illustratæ, Frankfort, 1603-1608, vol. ii. (Sabin, vol. viii. no. 32,005; Muller, 1877, no. 2,914; Stevens, 1870, no. 1,845). Of the later reproductions in other languages than English, mention may be made of those in Amati’s Ricerche Storico-Critico-Scientifiche, 1828-1830; Bossi’s Vita di Colombo, 1818; Urano’s edition of Bossi, Paris, 1824 and 1825; the Spanish rendering of a collated Latin text made by the royal librarian Gonzalez for Navarrete, and the French version in the Paris edition of Navarrete; G. B. Torre’s Scritti di Colombo, Lyons, 1864; Cartas y testamento di Colon, Madrid, 1880. There is in Muratori’s Rerum Italicarum scriptores (iii. 301) an account “De navigatione Columbi,” written in 1499 by Antonio Gallo, of Genoa; but it adds nothing to our knowledge, being written entirely from Columbus’s own letters.

The earliest compiled account from the same sources which appeared in print was issued, while Columbus was absent on his last voyage, in the Nouissime Hystoriarum omnium repercussiones, que supplementum Supplementi Cronicarum nuncupantur ... usque in annum 1502, of Jacopo Filippo Foresti (called Bergomenses, Bergomas, or some other form), which was dated at Venice, 1502 (colophon, 1503), and contained a chapter “De insulis in India,” on leaf 441, which had not been included in the earlier editions of 1483, 1484, 1485, 1486, and 1493, but is included in all later editions (Venice, 1506; Nuremberg, 1506; Venice, 1513, 1524; Paris, 1535), except the Spanish translation (Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., nos. 42, 138, 204, and Additions, nos. 11, 75; Sabin, vol. vi. nos. 25,083, 25,084; Stevens, 1870, no. 175, $11; Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 19, 27; Murphy, no. 226; Quaritch, no. 11,757, £4). There are copies in the Library of Congress, the Carter-Brown and Lenox libraries, and in the National Library in Paris.

[187] Sull’importanza d’un manoscritto inedito della Biblioteca Imperiale di Vienna per verificare quale fu la prima isola scoperta dal Colombo, ... Con una carta geographica, Vienna, 1869, sixteen pages. Varnhagen’s paper first appeared in the Anales de la Universedad de Chile, vol. xxvi. (January, 1864).

[188] Evora, 1545, and often reprinted. Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 45; Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 265.

[189] A fac-simile of Irving’s manuscript of his account of this reception is given in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc. xx. 201.

[190] Prescott, Ferdinand and Isabella (1873), ii. 170; Major’s Select Letters, p. lxvi; Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions, p. ix.

[191] Irving’s Columbus, app. xxxii.

[192] Humboldt (Examen critique, ii. 279-294) notes the letters referring to Columbus; and Harrisse, (Notes on Columbus, p. 129) reprints these letters, with translations. In the 1670 edition the Columbus references are on pp. 72-77, 81, 84, 85, 88-90, 92, 93, 96, 101, 102, 116.

[193] There are eight hundred and sixteen in all (1488 to 1525), and about thirty of them relate to the New World. He died in 1526.

[194] Prescott, Ferdinand and Isabella (1873), ii. 76.

[195] Literature of Europe, vol. i. cap. 4, § 88.

[196] Ferdinand and Isabella (1873), ii. 507, and p. 77. Referring to Hallam’s conclusion, he says: “I suspect this acute and candid critic would have been slow to adopt it had he perused the correspondence in connection with the history of the times, or weighed the unqualified testimony borne by contemporaries to Martyr’s minute accuracy.”

[197] Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., p. 282; Irving, Columbus, app. xxvii.; Brevoort’s Verrazano, p. 87; H. H. Bancroft’s Central America, i. 312. A bibliography of Martyr’s works is given on another page.

[198] Ticknor Catalogue, p. 255; Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 135; Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 10; Sabin, vol. xiv. no. 57,714.

[199] It is not certain when this discourse was printed, for the publication is without date. Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 136; Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 11; Sabin, vol. iii. no. 11,175; Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. i. no. 4. There are copies of this little tract of eight leaves in the Force Collection (Library of Congress), and in the Lenox and Carter-Brown libraries. Others are in the Vatican, Grenville Collection, etc. Cf. Court, no. 255.

[200] It is given in Italian in Torre’s Scritti di Colombo, p. 372; and in English in Major’s Select Letters of Columbus, repeated in the appendix of Lenox’s reprint of Scyllacius. The “Memorial ... sobre el suceso de su segundo viage á las Indias,” in Navarrete, is also printed, with a translation, by Major, p. 72.

[201] They were all presentation-copies; but one in Leclerc, no. 2,960, is priced 400 francs. The Menzies copy brought $35.

[202] Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 16; Notes on Columbus, p. 125. Cf. Intorno ad un rarissimo opusculo di Niccolò Scillacio, Modena, 1856, by Amadeo Ronchini, of Parma.

[203] Cf. ante a note for the bibliography of Martyr, in Vol. I.

[204] Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 36, refers, for curious details about Buell, to Pasqual’s Descubrimiento de la situacion de la América, Madrid, 1789, and the letter of the Pope to Boil in Rossi’s Del discacciamento di Colombo dalla Spagnuola, Rome, 1851, p. 76.

[205] There are two copies in Harvard College Library. Cf. Rich (1832), no. 159, £2 2s.; Carter-Brown, ii. no. 252; Quaritch, £6 16s. 6d.; O’Callaghan, no. 1,841; Murphy, no. 1,971; Court, nos. 271, 272.

[206] Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 2.

[207] Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 16, 17, 276, 356; Bibl. Amer. Vet., nos. 5, 6.

[208] Folios 11 and 40. Cf. Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 17; Sabin, vol. x. no. 41,067. Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 55, says Rich errs in stating that an earlier work of Lilio (1493) has a reference to the discovery.

[209] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 7.

[210] Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, no. 126. The Coronica de Aragon, of Fabricius de Vagad, which was published in 1499, makes reference to the new discoveries (Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions, no. 9), as does the Coronica van Coellen, published at Cologne, 1499, where, on the verso of folio 339, it speaks of “new lands found, in which men roam like beasts” (Murphy, no. 254; Baer, Incunabeln, 1884, no. 172, at 160 marks; London Catalogue (1884), £12 10s.). In 1498, at Venice, was published Marc. Ant. Sabellicus’ In rapsodiam historiarum (copy in British Museum), which has a brief account of Columbus’ family and his early life. This was enlarged in the second part, published at Venice in 1504 (Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 21). An anchor lost by Columbus on this voyage, at Trinidad, is said to have been recovered in 1880 (Bulletin de la Société Géographique d’Anvers, v. 515).

[211] Que escribió D. Cristóbal Colon á los ... Rey y Reina de España. Cf. Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 127. It is given, with an English translation, in Major’s Select Letters; also in the Relazione delle scoperte fatte da C. Colombo, da A. Vespucci, e da altri dal 1492 al 1506, tratta dai manoscritti della Biblioteca di Ferrara e pubblicata per la prima volta ed annotata dal Prof. G. Ferraro, at Bologna, in 1875, as no. 144 of the Scelta di curiosità letterarie inedite o rare dal secolo xiii al xvii. A French translation is given in Charton’s Voyageurs, iii. 174.

[212] It is usually said that Ferdinand Columbus asserts it was printed; but Harrisse says he can find no such statement in Ferdinand’s book.

[213] Vol. i. pp. 277-313.

[214] It is a little quarto of six leaves and an additional blank leaf (Lenox, Scyllacius, p. lxi; Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 36). There is a copy in the Marciana, which Harrisse compared with the Morelli reprint, and says he found the latter extremely faithful (Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 17).

[215] Leclerc, no. 129.

[216] In Italian in Torre’s Scritti di Colombo, p. 396.

[217] This is also in Italian in Torre, p. 401, and in English in Major’s Select Letters.

[218] Stevens (Notes, etc., p. 31) is said by Harrisse (Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions, p. 35) to be in error in saying that Valentim Fernandez’s early collection of Voyages, in Portuguese, and called Marco Paulo, etc., has any reference to Columbus.

[219] Bibl. Amer. Vet., nos. 43, 67, and p. 463; Additions, nos. 22, 40; Thomassy, Les papes géographes.

[220] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 49. See the chapter on Vespucius.

[221] Ibid., Additions, no. 27.

[222] Ibid., no. 28.

[223] Ibid., no. 30.

[224] Sabin, vol. vi. no. 24,395.

[225] Bibl. Amer. Vet., nos. 51, 52; Murphy, no. 2,353; Stevens, Bibl. Geog., no. 2,609. There are copies in the Library of Congress, Harvard College Library, etc.

[226] Sabin, vol. vii. no. 26,140; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 39; Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 34; Graesse, ii. 645; Brunet, ii. 1421. There were later editions in 1518, 1565, 1567, 1578, 1604, 1726, etc.

[227] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 35.

[228] See Vol. III. pp. 16, 199; Bibl. Amer. Vet., pp. 464, 518; and Additions, no. 38.

[229] In the section “inventio novarum insularum,” Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions, no. 39.

[230] Brunet, iv. 915; Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions, no. 44.

[231] Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 57; Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 73. There is a copy in the Boston Athenæum.

[232] Carter-Brown, no. 48; Murphy, no. 32.

[233] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 75.

[234] Cf. bibliographical note on Columbus in Charton’s Voyageurs, iii. 190.

[235] Historical Collections, vol. i. no. 1,554; Bibl. Hist. (1870), no. 1,661; J. J. Cooke, no. 2,092; Murphy, no. 2,042 (bought by Cornell University); Panzer, vii. 63; Graesse, v. 469; Brunet, iv. 919; Rosenthal (1884); Baer, Incunabeln (1884), no. 116. Cf. Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 74, for the note and translation; and other versions in Historical Magazine, December, 1862, and in the Christian Examiner, September, 1858. Also, see Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 88, for a full account; and the reduced fac-simile of title in Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 51. The book is not very rare, though becoming so, since, as the French sale-catalogues say, referring to the note, “Cette particularité fait de ce livre un objet de haute curiosité pour les collectionneurs Américains.” Harrisse says of it: “Although prohibited, confiscated, and otherwise ill-treated by the Court of Rome and the city authorities of Genoa, this work is frequently met with,—owing, perhaps, to the fact that two thousand copies were printed, of which only five hundred found purchasers, while the fifty on vellum were distributed among the sovereigns of Europe and Asia.” (Cf. Van Praet, Catalogue des livres sur vélin, i. 8.) Its price is, however, increasing. Forty years ago Rich priced it at eighteen shillings. Recent quotations put it, in London and Paris, at £7, 100 marks, and 110 francs. The Editor has used the copy in the Harvard College Library, and in the Boston Public Library,—which last belonged to George Ticknor, who had used George Livermore’s copy before he himself possessed the book. Ticknor’s Spanish Literature, i. 188; Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., x. 431.

[236] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 220; Stevens, Historical Collections, vol. i. no. 242. There is a copy in Harvard College Library.

[237] We know that Ferdinand bought a copy of this book in 1537; cf. Harrisse, Fernand Colomb, p. 27.

[238] Historical Collections, vol. i, no. 1,554.

[239] On the question of the connection of Columbus with his second companion, Donna Beatrix Enriquez who was of a respectable family in Cordova,—that there was a marriage tie has been claimed by Herrera, Tiraboschi, Bossi, Roselly de Lorgues, Barry, and Cadoret (Vie de Colomb, Paris, 1869, appendix); and that there was no such tie, by Napione (Patria di Colombo and Introduction to Codice Colombo-Americano), Spotorno, Navarrete, Humboldt, and Irving. Cf. Historical Magazine (August, 1867), p. 225; Revue des questions historiques (1879), xxv. 213; Angelo Sanguinetti’s Sull’origine di Ferdinando Colombo (Genoa, 1876), p. 55; Giuseppe Antonio Dondero’s L’onestá di Cristoforo Colombo (Genoa, 1877), p. 213; Harrisse, Fernand Colomb, p. 2; D’Avezac, in Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (1872), p. 19. It may be noted that Ferdinand de Galardi, in dedicating his Traité politique (Leyden, 1660) to Don Pedro Colon, refers to Ferdinand Colon as “Fernando Henriquez.” (Stevens, Bibl. Geog., no. 1,147).

The inference from Columbus’ final testamentary language is certainly against the lady’s chastity. In his codicil he enjoins his son Diego to provide for the respectable maintenance of the mother of Ferdinand, “for the discharge of my conscience, for it weighs heavy on my soul.” Irving and others refer to this as the compunction of the last hours of the testator. De Lorgues tries to show that this codicil was made April 1, 1502 (though others claim that the document of this date was another will, not yet found), and only copied at Segovia, Aug. 25, 1505, and deposited in legal form with a notary at Valladolid, May 19, 1506. Columbus dying May 20,—the effect of all which is only to carry back, much to Columbus’ credit, the compunction to an earlier date. The will (1498), but not the codicil, is given in Irving, app. xxxiv. Cancellieri, in his Dissertazioni, gives it imperfectly; but it is accurately given in the Transactions of the Genoa Academy. Cf. Harrisse (Notes on Columbus) p. 160; Torre’s Scritti di Colombo; Colon en Quisqueya, Santo Domingo (1877), pp. 81, 99; Cartas y testamento, Madrid, 1880; Navarrete, Coleccion; and elsewhere.

[240] De Lorgues, on the authority of Zúñiga (Anales eclesiásticos, p. 496), says he was born Aug. 29, 1487, and not Aug. 15, 1488, as Navarrete and Humboldt had said. Harrisse (Fernand Colomb, p. 1) alleges the authority of the executor of his will for the date Aug. 15, 1488. The inscription on his supposed grave would make him born Sept. 28, 1488.

[241] Prescott (Ferdinand and Isabella, ii. 507) speaks of Ferdinand Columbus’ “experience and opportunities, combined with uncommon literary attainments.” Harrisse calculates his income from the bequest of his father, and from pensions, at about 180,000 francs of the present day. (Fernand Colomb, p. 29.)

[242] There has been close scrutiny of the publications of Europe in all tongues for the half century and more following the sketch of Guistiniani in 1516, till the publication of the earliest considerable account of Columbus in the Ulloa version of 1571, to gather some records of the growth or vicissitudes of the fame of the great discoverer, and of the interest felt by the European public in the progress of events in the New World. Harrisse’s Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, and his Additions to the same, give us the completest record down to 1550, coupled with the Carter-Brown Catalogue for the whole period.

[243] A copy of the inscription on his tomb in Seville, with a communication by George Sumner, is printed in Major’s Select Letters of Columbus, p. lxxxi.

[244] Cf. Edwards, Memoirs of Libraries, and a Memoir of Ferdinand, by Eustaquio Fernandez de Navarrete, in Colec. de doc. inéd., vol. xvi. A fac-simile of the first page of the manuscript catalogue of the books, made by Ferdinand himself, is given in Harrisse’s D. Fernando Colon, of which the annexed is the heading:—

There is a list of the books in B. Gallardo’s Ensayo de una bibliotheca de libros españoles raros. Harrisse gives the fullest account of Ferdinand and his migrations, which can be in part traced by the inscriptions in his books of the place of their purchase; for he had the habit of so marking them. Cf. a paper on Ferdinand, by W. M. Wood, in Once a Week, xii. 165.

[245] Barcia says that Baliano began printing it simultaneously in Spanish, Italian, and Latin; but only the Italian seems to have been completed, or at least is the only one known to bibliographers. (Notes on Columbus, p. 24.) Oettinger (Bibl. biog., Leipsic, 1850) is in error in giving an edition at Madrid in 1530. The 1571 Italian edition is very rare; there are copies in Harvard College, Carter-Brown, and Lenox libraries. Rich priced it in 1832 at £1 10s. Leclerc (no. 138) prices it at 200 francs. The Sobolewski copy (no. 3,756) sold in 1873 for 285 francs, was again sold in 1884 in the Court Sale, no. 77. The Murphy Catalogue (no. 2,881) shows a copy. This Ulloa version has since appeared somewhat altered, with several letters added,—in 1614 (Milan, priced in 1832, by Rich, at £1 10s.; recently, at 75 francs; Carter-Brown, ii. 165); in 1676 (Venice, Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,141, priced at 35 francs and 45 marks); in 1678 (Venice, Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,181, priced at 50 francs); in 1681 (Paris, Court Sale, no. 79); in 1685 (Venice, Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,310, priced at £1 8s.); and later, in 1709 (Harvard College Library), 1728, etc.; and for the last time in 1867, revised by Giulio Antimaco, published in London, though of Italian manufacture. Cancellieri cites editions of 1618 and 1672. A French translation, La Vie de Cristofle Colomb, was made by Cotolendi, and published in 1681 at Paris. There are copies in the Harvard College and Carter-Brown (Catalogue, vol. ii. no. 1,215) libraries. It is worth from $6 to $10. A new French version, “traduite et annotée par E. Muller,” appeared in Paris in 1879, the editor calling the 1681 version “tronqué, incorrect, décharné, glacial.” An English version appears in the chief collections of Voyages and Travels,—Churchill (ii. 479), Kerr (iii. 1), and Pinkerton (xii. 1). Barcia gave it a Spanish dress after Ulloa’s, and this was printed in his Historiadores primitivos de las Indias occidentales, at Madrid, in 1749, being found in vol. i. pp. 1-128. (Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 893.)

[246] Historical Collections (1881), vol. i. no. 1,379.

[247] The Spanish title of Harrisse’s book is D. Fernando Colon, historiador de su padre: Ensayo crítico, Sevilla, 1871. It was not published as originally written till the next year (1872), when it bore the title, Fernand Colomb: sa vie, ses œuvres; Essai critique. Paris, Tross, 1872. Cf. Arana, Bibliog. de obras anónimas Santiago de Chile (1882), no. 176.

[248] Le Comte Adolphe de Circourt in the Revue des questions historiques, xi. 520; and Ausland (1873). p. 241, etc.

[249] Harrisse, Fernand Colomb, p. 152.

[250] Sabin, vol. vii. no. 27,478. Also in 1558, 1559.

[251] Sabin, vol. v. no. 17,971.

[252] Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 293.

[253] Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 340; Leclerc, nos. 226-228; J. J. Cooke, no. 575. There were other editions in 1583 and 1585; they have a map of Columbus’ discoveries. Sabin, vol. vii. no. 26,500.

[254] Sabin, vol. ii. no. 6,161-6,162; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 509. There was a second edition, Bibliotheca, sive thesaurus virtutis et gloriæ, in 1628.

[255] Sabin, vol. iii. no. 9,195.

[256] He assumed his mother’s name, but sometimes added his father’s,—Herrera y Tordesillas. Irving (app. xxxi. to his Life of Columbus) says he was born in 1565.

[257] Life of Columbus, app. xxxi.; Herrera’s account of Columbus is given in Kerr’s Voyages, iii. 242.

[258] Central America, i. 317; cf. his Chroniclers, p. 22.

[259] Dictionary; also issued separately with that of Hennepin.

[260] In comparing Rich’s (1832, £4 4s.) and recent prices, there does not seem to be much appreciation in the value of the book during the last fifty years for ordinary copies; but Quaritch has priced the Beckford (no. 735, copy so high as £52. There are copies in the Library of Congress, Carter-Brown, Harvard College, and Boston Public Library. Cf. Ticknor Catalogue; Sabin, no. 31,544; Carter-Brown, ii. 2; Murphy, 1206; Court, 169.

[261] Sabin, no. 31,539. This Descripcion was translated into Latin by Barlæus, and with other tracts joined to it was printed at Amsterdam, in 1622, as Novus orbis sive descriptio Indiæ occidentalis (Carter-Brown) vol. ii., no. 266; Sabin, no. 31,540; it is in our principal libraries, and is worth $10 or $15). It copies the maps of the Madrid edition, and is frequently cited as Colin’s edition. The Latin was used in 1624 in part by De Bry, part xii. of the Grands voyages. (Camus, pp. 147, 160; Tiele, pp. 56, 312, who followed other engravings than Herrera’s for the Incas). There was a Dutch version, Nieuwe Werelt, by the same publisher, in 1622 (Sabin, no. 31,542; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 264), and a French (Sabin, no. 31,543; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 265; Rich, 1832, £1 10s.; Quaritch, £2 12s. 6d.).

[262] There are copies in the Boston Athenæum, Boston Public, and Harvard College libraries (Sabin, nos. 31,541, 31,546; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. nos. 376, 450; Huth, vol. ii. no. 683; Leclerc, no. 278, one hundred and thirty francs; Field, no. 689; ordinary copies are priced at £3 or £4; large paper at £10 or £12). A rival but inferior edition was issued at Antwerp in 1728, without maps, and with De Bry’s instead of Herrera’s engravings (Sabin, no. 31,545). A French version was begun at Paris in 1659, but was reissued in 1660-1670 in three volumes (Sabin, nos. 31,548-31,550; Field, no. 690; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 875; Leclerc, no. 282, sixty francs), including only three decades. Portions were included in the Dutch collection of Van der Aa (Sabin, nos. 31,551, etc.; Carter-Brown, iii. 111). It is also included in Hulsius, part xviii. (Carter-Brown, i. 496). The English translation of the first three decades, by Captain John Stevens, is in six volumes, London, 1725-1726; but a good many liberties are taken with the text (Sabin, no. 31,557; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 355). New titles were given to the same sheets, in 1740, for what is called a second edition (Sabin, no. 31,558). “How many misstatements are attributed to Herrera which can be traced no nearer that author than Captain John Stevens’s English translation? It is absolutely necessary to study this latter book to see where so many English and American authors have taken incorrect facts” (H. Stevens, Bibliotheca Hist., p. xiii.).

[263] Such as the Anales de Aragon, 1610; the Compendio historial de las chrónicas y universal historia de todos los reynos de España, 1628; Zúñiga’s Annales eclesiasticos y seculares de Seville, 1677; Los reyes de Aragon, por Pedro Abarca, 1682; and the Monarquía de España, por Don Pedro Salazar de Mendoza, 1770. The Varones ilustres del nuevo mondo of Pizarro y Orellana, published at Madrid in 1639, contained a Life of Columbus, as well as notices of Ojeda, Cortes, Pizarro, etc.

[264] Sabin, vol. ii. no. 6,440; Asher, no. 355; Trömel, no. 366; Muller (1872), no. 126.

[265] Sabin, vol. v. no. 21,418. Cf. Arana’s Bibliografía de obras anónimas, Santiago de Chile (1882), no. 143.

[266] Sabin, vol. x. no. 38,879. Harrisse (Notes on Columbus, p. 190) enumerates some of the earlier and later poems, plays, sonnets, etc., wholly or incidentally illustrating the career of Columbus. Cf. also his Fernand Colomb, p. 131, and Larousse’s Grand dictionnaire universel, vol. iv. The earliest mention of Columbus in English poetry is in Baptist Goodall’s Tryall of Trauell, London, 1630.

[267] Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., i. 45; xii. 65.

[268] A French version, by C. M. Urano, was published at Paris in 1824; again in 1825. It is subjected to an examination, particularly as regards the charge of ingratitude against Ferdinand, in the French edition of Navarrete, i. 309 (Sabin, vol. ii. no. 6,464).

[269] There was a Spanish translation, made by José Garcia de Villalta, published in Madrid in 1833.

[270] In vol. iii., “De quelques faits relatifs à Colomb et à Vespuce.” In vol. i. he reviews the state of knowledge on the subject in 1833. The German text, Kritische Untersuchungen, was printed in a translation by Jules Louis Ideler, of which the best edition is that of Berlin, 1852, edited by H. Müller. Humboldt never completed this work. The parts on the early maps, which he had intended, were later cursorily touched in his introduction to Ghillany’s Behaim. Cf. D’Avezac’s Waltzemüller, p. 2, and B. de Xivrey’s Des premières relations entre l’Amerique et l’Europe d’après les recherches de A. de Humboldt, Paris, 1835,—taken from the Revue de Paris.

[271] History of Spanish Literature, i. 190.

[272] Harrisse (Notes on Columbus, p. 50) speaks of Prescott as “eloquent but imaginative.”

[273] The work was patronized by the Pope, and was reproduced in great luxury of ornamentation in 1879. An English abridgment and adaptation, by J. J. Barry, was republished in New York in 1869. A Dutch translation, Leven en reizen van Columbus, was printed at Utrecht in 1863.

[274] Some of the other contributions of this movement are these: Roselly de Lorgues, Satan contre Christophe Colomb, ou la prétendue chute du serviteur de Dieu, Paris, 1876; Tullio Dandolo’s I secoli di Dante e Colombo, Milan, 1852, and his Cristoforo Colombo, Genovese, 1855; P. Ventura de Raulica’s Cristoforo Colombo rivendicato alla chiesa; Eugène Cadoret, La vie de Christophe Colomb, Paris, 1869,—in advocacy of canonization; Le Baron van Brocken, Des vicissitudes posthumes de Christophe Colomb, et de sa béatification possible, Paris, 1865,—which enumerates most of the publications bearing on the grounds for canonization; Angelo Sanguineti, La Canonizzazione di Cristoforo Colombo, Genoa, 1875,—the same author had published a Vita di Colombo in 1846; Sainteté de Christophe Colomb, résumé des mérites de ce serviteur de Dieu, traduit de l’Italien, twenty-four pages; Civiltà cattolica, vol. vii.; a paper, “De l’influence de la religion dans les découvertes du XV^e siècle et dans la découverte de l’Amérique,” in Etudes par des Pères de la Compagnie de Jésus, October, 1876; Baldi, Cristoforo Colombo glorificato dal voto dell’Episcopato Cattolico, Genoa, 1881. A popular Catholic Life is Arthur George Knight’s Christopher Columbus, London, 1877.

[275] There are various reviews of it indicated in Poole’s Index, p. 29; cf. H. H. Bancroft’s Mexico, ii. 488.

[276] A somewhat similar view is taken by Maury, in Harpers’ Monthly, xlii. 425, 527, in “An Examination of the Claims of Columbus.”

[277] From which the account of Columbus’ early life is translated in Becher’s Landfall of Columbus, pp. 1-58.

[278] An English translation, by R. S. H., appeared in Philadelphia in 1878. We regret not being able to have seen a new work by Henry Harrisse now in press: Christophe Colomb, son origine, sa vie, ses voyages, sa famille, et ses descendants, d’après documents inédits, avec cinq tableaux généalogiques et un appendice documentaire. [See Postscript following this chapter.]

[279] Fr. Forster, Columbus, der Entdecker der Neuen Welt, second edition, 1846.

[280] Oscar Peschel, Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen, second edition, 1877.

[281] Sophus Ruge, Die Weltanschauung des Columbus, 1876; Das Zeitalter der Entdeckungen, 1883. Cf. Theodor Schott’s “Columbus und seine Weltanschauung,” in Virchow and Holtzendorff’s Vorträge, xiii. 308.

[282] Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 50.

[283] It appeared in the Revue contemporaine, xxiv. 484, and was drawn out by a paper on a newly discovered portrait of Columbus, which had been printed by Jomard in the Bulletin de la Société de Géographie; by Valentin Carderera’s Informe sobre los retratos de Cristóbal Colon, printed by the Royal Academy of History at Madrid, in 1851, in their Memorias, vol. viii.; and by an article, by Isidore Löwenstern, of the Academy of Sciences at Turin, in the Revue Archéologique, x. 181. The paper by Jomard was the incentive of Carderera. both treatises induced the review of Löwenstern; while Feuillet de Conches fairly summed up the results. There has been no thorough account in English. A brief letter on the subject by Irving (printed in the Life of Irving, vol. iv.) was all there was till Professor J. D. Butler recently traced the pedigree of the Yanez picture, a copy of which was lately given by Governor Fairchild to the Historical Society of Wisconsin. Cf. Butler’s paper in the Collections of that Society, vol. ix. p. 76 (also printed separately); and articles in Lippincott’s Magazine, March, 1883, and The Nation, Nov. 16, 1882.

[284] The vignette is given in colored fac-simile in Major’s Select Letters of Columbus, 2d edition. Herrera’s picture was reproduced in the English translation by Stevens, and has been accepted in so late a publication as Gay’s Popular History of the United States, i. 99. Cf. also the portrait in the 1727-1730 edition of Herrera, and its equivalent in Montanus, as shown on a later page. There is a vignette portrait on the titlepage of the 1601 edition of Herrera.

[285] The edition of Florence, 1551, has no engravings, but gives the account of Columbus on p. 171.

[286] Magazine of American History, June, 1884, p. 554.

[287] Cf. Boletin de la Sociedad geográfica de Madrid, vol. vi. A portrait in the collection of the Marquis de Malpica is said closely to resemble it. One belonging to the Duke of Veraguas is also thought to be related to it, and is engraved in the French edition of Navarrete. It is thought Antonio del Rincon, a painter well known in Columbus’ day, may have painted this Yanez canvas, on the discoverer’s return from his second voyage. Carderera believed in it, and Banchero, in his edition of the Codice Colombo Americano, adopted it (Magazine of American History, i. 511). The picture now in the Wisconsin Historical Society’s Rooms is copied directly from the Yanez portrait.

[288] This Capriolo cut is engraved and accepted in Carderera’s Informe. Löwenstern fails to see how it corresponds to the written descriptions of Columbus’ person. It is changed somewhat from the 1575 cut; cf. Magasin pittoresque, troisième année, p. 316. The two cuts, one or the other, and a mingling of the two, have given rise apparently to a variety of imitations. The head on panel preserved now, or lately, at Cuccaro, and belonging to Fidele Guglielmo Colombo, is of this type. It was engraved in Napione’s Della patria di Colombo, Florence, 1808. The head by Crispin de Pas, in the Effigies regum ac principum, of an early year in the seventeenth century, is also traced to these cuts, as well as the engraving by Pieter van Opmeer in his Opus chronographicum, 1611. Landon’s Galerie historique (Paris, 1805-1809), also shows an imitation; and another is that on the title of Cancellieri’s Notizia di Colombo. Navarrete published a lithograph of the 1575 cut. Cf. Irving’s letter. A likeness of this type is reproduced in colors, in a very pleasing way, in Roselly de Lorgues’ Christophe Colomb, 1879, and in woodcut, equally well done, in the same work; also in J. J. Barry’s adaptation of De Lorgues, New York, 1869. Another good woodcut of it is given in Harpers’ Monthly (October, 1882), p. 729. It is also accepted in Torre’s Scritti di Colombo.

[289] See 3 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vii. 285; Proc., vol. ii. pp. 23, 25, 289.

[290] There are two portraits thought to have some relation with this Florentine likeness. One was formerly in the Collection d’Ambras, in the Tyrol, which was formed by a nephew of Charles V., but was in 1805 removed to the museum in Vienna. It is on panel, of small size, and has been engraved in Frankl’s German poem on Columbus. The other is one whose history Isnardi, in his Sulla patria di Colombo, 1838, traces back for three centuries. It is now, or was lately, in the common council hall at Cogoleto.

[291] What is known as the Venetian mosaic portrait of Columbus, resembling the De Bry in the head, the hands holding a map, is engraved in Harpers’ Monthly, liv. 1.

[292] A proof-copy of this engraving is among the Tosti Engravings in the Boston Public Library.

[293] Engravings from De Bry’s burin also appeared, in 1597, in Boissard’s Icones quinquaginta virorum ad vivum effictæ; again, in the Bibliotheca sive thesaurus virtutis et gloriæ (Frankfort, 1628-1634), in four volumes, usually ascribed jointly to De Bry and Boissard; and, finally, in the Bibliotheca chalcographica (Frankfort, 1650-1664), ascribed to Boissard; but the plates are marked Jean Théodore de Bry. The De Bry type was apparent in the print in Isaac Bullart’s Académie des Sciences et des Arts, Paris, 1682; and a few years later (1688), an aquaforte engraving by Rosaspina came out in Paul Freherus’ Théâtre des hommes célèbres. For the later use made of this De Bry likeness, reference may be made, among others, to the works of Napione and Bossi, Durazzo’s Eulogium, the Historia de Mexico by Francisco Carbajal Espinosa, published at Mexico, in 1862, tome i, J. J. Smith’s American Historical and Literary Curiosities, sundry editions of Irving’s Life of Columbus, and the London (1867) edition of Ferdinand Columbus’ Life of his father. There is a photograph of it in Harrisse’s Notes on Columbus. De Bry engraved various other pictures of Columbus, mostly of small size,—a full-length in the corner of a half-globe (part vi.); a full-length on the deck of a caravel (in part iv., re-engraved in Bossi, Charton, etc.); a small vignette portrait, together with one of Vespucius, in the Latin and German edition of part iv. (1594); the well-known picture illustrating the anecdote of the egg (part iv.). Not one of these has any claim to be other than imaginative. His larger likeness he reproduced in a small medallion as the title of the Herrera narrative (part xii., German and Latin, 1623-1624), together with likenesses of Vespucius, Pizarro, and Magellan. Another reminiscence of the apocryphal egg story is found in a painting, representing a man in a fur cap, holding up an egg, the face wearing a grin, which was brought forward a few years ago by Mr. Rinck, of New York, and which is described and engraved in the Compte rendu of the Congrès des Américanistes, 1877, ii. 375.

[294] There was a movement at this time (1845) to erect a monument in Genoa.

[295] Ticknor Catalogue, p. 95. The medallion on the tomb in the cathedral at Havana is usually said to have been copied from this picture; but the picture sent to Havana to be used as a model is said, on better authority, to have been one belonging to the Duke of Veraguas,—perhaps the one said to be in the Consistorial Hall at Havana, which has the garb of a familiar of the Inquisition; and this is represented as the gift of that Duke (Magazine of American History, i. 510).

[296] It is re-engraved in the English and German translations. Carderera rejects it; but the portrait in the Archives of the Indies at Seville is said to be a copy of it; and a copy is in the Pennsylvania Academy of Arts in Philadelphia. A three-quarters length of Columbus, representing him in ruff and armor, full face, mustache and imperial, right hand on a globe, left hand holding a truncheon, called “Cristoval Colon: copiado de un Quadro origl. que se conserva en la familia,” was engraved, and marked “Bart. Vazque. la Grabo, 1791.”

[297] It is still unaccountably retained in the revised 1873 edition.

[298] Cf. their Proceedings, April, 1853.

[299] It was restored in 1850 (Magazine of American History, v. 446).

[300] Such are the following: (1) In full dress, with ruff and rings, said to have been painted by Sir Anthony More for Margaret of the Netherlands, and taken to England in 1590,—engraved in one of the English editions of Irving, where also has appeared an engraving of a picture by Juan de Borgoña, painted in 1519 for the Chapter-room of the Cathedral of Toledo. (2) A full-length in mail, with ruff, in the Longa or Exchange at Seville, showing a man of thirty or thirty-five years, which Irving thinks may have been taken for Diego Columbus. (3) An engraving in Fuchsius’ Metoposcopia et ophthalmoscopia, Strasburg, 1610 (Sabin’s Dictionary, vii. 89). (4) An engraving in N. De Clerck’s Tooneel der beroemder hertogen, etc., Delft, 1615,—a collection of portraits, including also Cortes, Pizarro, Magellan, Montezuma, etc. (5) A full-length, engraved in Philoponus, 1621. (6) An old engraving, with pointed beard and ruff, preserved in the National Library at Paris. (7) The engraving in the Nieuwe en onbekende Weereld of Montanus, 1671-1673, repeated in Ogilby’s America, and reproduced in Bos’s Leven en Daden, and in Herrera, edition 1728. A fac-simile of it is given herewith. Cf. Ruyter’s See-Helden, Nuremberg, 1661. (8) A copper plate, showing a man with a beard, with fur trimmings to a close-fitting vestment, one hand holding an astrolabe, the other pointing upward,—which accompanies a translation of Thevet’s account of Columbus in the appendix to the Cambridge, 1676, edition of North’s Plutarch. (9) An old woodcut in the Neueröffnetes Amphitheatrum, published at Erfurt in 1723-1724 (Brinley Catalogue, no. 48). (10) A man with curly hair, mustache and imperial, ruff and armor, with a finger on a globe,—engraved in Cristóbal Cladera’s Investigaciones históricas, sobre los principales descubrimientos de los Españoles en el mar Oceano en el siglo XV. y principios del XVI., Madrid, 1794. (11) Columbus and his sons, Diego and Ferdinand, engraved in Bryan Edwards’ The History, civil and commercial, of the British Colonies in the West Indies, 1794; again, 1801. Feuillet de Conches in his essay on the portraits calls it a pure fantasy.

[301] A view of this receptacle of the papers, with the bust and the portfolio, is given in Harpers’ Monthly, vol. liv., December, 1876.

[302] It is engraved in the first edition of the Codice diplomatico Colombo-Americano, and in the English translation of that book. It is also re-engraved in the Lenox edition of Scyllacius. Another bust in Genoa is given in the French edition of Navarrete. Of the bust in the Capitoline Museum at Rome—purely ideal—there is a copy in the New York Historical Society’s Gallery, no. 134. The effigies on the monument at Seville, and the bust at Havana, with their costume of the latter part of the sixteenth century, present no claims for fidelity. Cf. Magazine of American History, i. 510.

[303] There is a model of it in the Public Library of Boston, a photograph in Harrisse’s Notes, p. 182, and engravings in De Lorgues, Torri, etc. There is also a view of this monument in an article on Genoa, the home of Columbus, by O. M. Spencer, in Harpers’ Monthly, vol. liv., December, 1876. The mailed figure on the Capitol steps at Washington, by Persico, is without claim to notice. There is a colossal statue at Lima, erected in 1850 by Salvatore Revelli, a marble one at Nassau (New Providence), and another at Cardeñas, Cuba.

[304] Navarrete, ii. 316.

[305] The Informe de la Real Academia says there is no proof of it; and of the famous inscription.—

“A Castilla y á Leon
Nuevo Mundo dió Colon,”—

said to have been put on his tomb, there is no evidence that it ever was actually used, being only proposed in the Elegías of Castellanos, 1588.

[306] They are in the Archives at Madrid. Harrisse found one in the Archives of the Duke of Veraguas (Los restos, etc., p. 41). The orders are printed by Roque Cocchia, Prieto, Colmeiro, etc.

[307] Harrisse, Los restos, p. 44.

[308] Pricto, Exámen, etc., p. 18.

[309] Colmeiro, p. 160.

[310] Quoted in Harrisse, Les sépultures, etc., p. 22.

[311] Synodo Diocesan del Arzobispado di Santo Domingo, p. 13.

[312] Plans of the chancel, with the disposition of the tombs in 1540 or 1541, as now supposed, are given in Tejera, p. 10; Cocchia, p. 48, etc.

[313] Published both in French and English at Philadelphia in 1796.

[314] Harrisse, Los restos, p. 47.

[315] Navarrete, ii. 365; Prieto’s Exámen, p. 20; Roque Cocchia, p. 280; Harrisse, Los restos, app. 4.

[316] Irving’s account of this transportation is in his Life of Columbus, app. i. Cf. letter of Duke of Veraguas (March 30, 1796) in Magazine of American History, i. 247. At Havana the reinterment took place with great parade. An oration was delivered by Caballero, the original manuscript of which is now in the Massachusetts Historical Society’s Library (cf. Proceedings, ii. 105, 168). Prieto (Los restos) prints this oration; Navarrete (vol. ii. pp. 365-381) gives extracts from the official accounts of the transfer of the remains.

[317] The Spanish consul is said to have been satisfied with the precautions. Cf. Do existen depositadas las cenizas de Colon? by Don José de Echeverri (Santander, 1878). There are views of the Cathedral in Hazard’s Santo Domingo, p. 224, and elsewhere.

[318] Which some have supposed was received in Columbus’ body in his early piratical days.

[319] This plate was discovered on a later examination.

[320] Both of these inscriptions are given in fac-simile in Cocchia, p. 290; in Tejera, p. 30; and in Armas, who calls it “inscripcion auténtica—escritura gótica-alemana” of the sixteenth century.

[321] Fac-similes of these are given in the Informe de la Real Academia, Tejera (pp. 33, 34), Prieto, Cocchia (pp. 170, 171), Shea’s paper, and in Armas, who calls the inscription, “Apócrifas—escritura inglesa de la épocha actual.”

[322] Descubrimiento de los verdaderos restos de Cristóbal Colon: carta pastoral, Santo Domingo, 1877,—reprinted in Informe de la Real Academia, p. 191, etc.

[323] The Bishop, in his subsequent Los restos de Colon (Santo Domingo, 1879), written after his honesty in the matter was impugned, and with the aim of giving a full exposition, shows, in cap. xviii. how the discovery, as he claimed it, interested the world. Various contemporaneous documents are also given in Colon en Quisqueya, Coleccion de documentos, etc., Santo Domingo, 1877. A movement was made to erect a monument in Santo Domingo, and some response was received from the United States. New Jersey Historical Society’s Proceedings, v. 134; Pennsylvania Magazine of History, iii. 465.

[324] Mr. J. C. Brevoort, in “Where are the Remains of Columbus?” in Magazine of American History, ii. 157, suggests that the “D. de la A.” means “Dignidad de la Almirantazgo.”

[325] This was a view advanced by J. I. de Armas in a Caracas newspaper, later set forth in his Las cenizas de Cristóbal Colon suplantadas en la Catedral de Santo Domingo, Caracas, 1881. The same view is taken by Sir Travers Twiss, in his Christopher Columbus: A Monograph on his True Burial-place (London, 1879), a paper which originally appeared in the Nautical Magazine. M. A. Baguet, in “Où sont ces restes de Colomb?” printed in the Bulletin de la Société d’Anvers (1882), vi. 449, also holds that the remains are those of the grandson, Cristoval Colon. For an adverse view, see the Informe of the Amigos del Pais, published at Santo Domingo, 1882. Cf. also Juan Maria Asensio, Los restos de Colon, segunda ed., Sevile, 1881.

[326] Originally in the Bulletin de la Société de Géographie, October, 1878. Cf. also his paper in the Revue critique, Jan. 5, 1878, “Les restes mortels de Colomb.”

[327] Bibl. Amer. Vet., p. 3.

[328] Pages 1177-1181: “Ueber das Geburtsjahre des Entdeckers von America.”

[329] Année véritable de la naissance de Christophe Colomb, et revue chronologique des principales époques de sa vie, in Bulletin de la Société de Géographie, Juillet, 1872; also printed separately in 1873, pp. 64.

[330] Based on a statement in the Italian text of Peter Martyr (1534) which is not in the original Latin.

[331] Also in Prévost’s Voyages, and in Tiraboschi’s Letteratura Italiana.

[332] Humboldt, Examen critique, iii. 252.

[333] Nouvelle biographie générale, xi. 209.

[334] Christophe Colomb, Paris, 1862.

[335] Christopher Colomb.

[336] Les marins du XV^e et du XVI^e siècle, i. 80.

[337] Patria di Colombo.

[338] Storia universale.

[339] Zeitalter der Entdeckungen, p. 97; Ausland, 1866, p. 1178.

[340] Investigaciones históricas, p. 38.

[341] Annali di Genova,1708, p. 26.

[342] Annotationes ad Tacitum.

[343] These various later arguments are epitomized in Ruge, Das Zeitalter der Entdeckungen, p. 219.

[344] Charles Malloy’s Treatise of Affairs Maritime, 3d ed., London, 1682; Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 69.

[345] Documentary proof, as it was called, has been printed in the Revue de Paris, where (August, 1841) it is said that the certificate of Columbus’ marriage has been discovered in Corsica. Cf. Margry, Navigations Françaises, p. 357. The views of the Abbé Martin Casanova, that Columbus was born in Calvi in Corsica, and the act of the French President of Aug. 6, 1883, approving of the erection of a monument to Columbus in that town, have been since reviewed by Harrisse in the Revue critique (18 Juin, 1883), who repeats the arguments for a belief in Genoa as the birthplace, in a paper, “Christophe Colomb et la Corse,” which has since been printed separately.

[346] Domingo de Valtanas, Compendio de cosas notables de España, Seville, 1550; Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 183.

[347] The claim is for Pradello, a village neighboring to Placentia. Cf. Campi, Historia ecclesiastica di Piacenza,, Piacenza, 1651-1662, which contains a “discorso historico circa la nascita di Colombo,” etc.; Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 67; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 711.

[348] Napione, in Mémoires de l’Académie de Turin (1805), xii. 116, and (1823) xxvii. 73,—the first part being printed separately at Florence, in 1808, as Della Patria di Colombo, while he printed, in 1809, Del primo scopritore del continente del nuovo mondo. In the same year J. D. Lanjuinais published at Paris, in reference to Napione, his Christophe Colomb, ou notice d’un livre Italien concernant cet illustre navigateur. Cf. the same author’s Etudes (Paris, 1823), for a sketch of Columbus, pp. 71-94; Dissertazioni di Francesco Cancellieri sopra Colombo, Rome, 1809; and Vicenzio Conti’s historical account of Montferrat. In 1853 Luigi Colombo, a prelate of the Roman Church, who claimed descent from an uncle of the Admiral, renewed the claim in his Patria e biografia del grande ammiraglio D. Cristoforo Colombo de’ conti e signori di Cuccaro, Roma, 1853. Cf. Notes on Columbus, p. 73.

[349] Ragionamento nel quale si confirma l’opinione generale intorno al patria di Cristoforo Colombo, in vol. iii. of the Transactions of the Society.

[350] A view of the alleged house and chamber in which the birth took place is given in Harpers’ Monthly, vol. liv., December, 1876.

[351] In his Clarorum Ligurum elogia, where the Genoese were taunted for neglecting the fame of Columbus.

[352] See his will in Navarrete, and in Harrisse’s Fernan Colon.

[353] Bibl. Amer. Vet., pp. xix, 2.

[354] The claims of Savona have been urged the most persistently. The Admiral’s father, it seems to be admitted, removed to Savona before 1469, and lived there some time; and it is found that members of the Colombo family, even a Cristoforo Colombo, is found there in 1472; but it is at the same time claimed that this Cristoforo signed himself as of Genoa. The chief advocate is Belloro, in the Corres. Astron. Géograph. du Baron de Zach, vol. xi., whose argument is epitomized by Irving, app. v. Cf. Giovanni Tommaso Belloro, Notizie d’atti esistenti nel publico archivio de’ notaj di Savona, concernenti la famiglia di Cristoforo Colombo, Torino, 1810, reprinted by Spotorno at Genoa in 1821. Sabin (vol. ii. no. 4,565), corrects errors of Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 68. Other claims for these Genoese towns are brought forward, for which see Harrisse, Notes on Columbus; J. R. Bartlett, in Historical Magazine, February, 1868, p. 100; Felice Isnardi’s Dissertazione, 1838, and Nuovi documenti, 1840, etc. Caleb Cushing in his Reminiscences of Spain, i. 292 (Boston, 1833), gave considerable attention to the question of Columbus’ nativity.

[355] Bernardo Pallastrelli’s Il suocero e la moglie di C. Colombo (Modena, 1871; second ed., 1876), with a genealogy, gives an account of his wife’s family. Cf. also Allgemeine Zeitung, Beilage no. 118 (1872), and Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., October, 1873.

[356] Philip Casoni’s Annali di Genova, Genoa, 1708.

[357] Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 73. Harrisse, in his Les Colombo de France et d’Italie, fameux marins du XV^e siècle, 1461-1492 (Paris, 1874), uses some new material from the archives of Milan, Paris, and Venice, and gathers all that he can of the Colombos; and it does not seem probable that the Admiral bore anything more than a very remote relationship to the family of the famous mariners. Major (Select Letters, p. xliii) has also examined the alleged connection with the French sea-leader, Caseneuve, or Colon. Cf. Desimoni’s Rassegna del nuovo libro di Enrico Harrisse: Les Colombo de France et d’Italie (Parigi, 1874, pp. 17); and the appendices to Irving’s Columbus (nos. iv. and vi.) and Harrisse’s Les Colombo (no. vi).

[358] Conferred by the Convention of 1492; ratified April 23, 1497; confirmed by letter royal, March 14, 1502.

[359] Such as New Andalusia, on the Isthmus of Darien, intrusted to Ojeda; and Castilla del Oro, and the region about Veragua, committed to Nicuessa. There was a certain slight also in this last, inasmuch as Don Diego had been with the Admiral when he discovered it.

[360] The ruins of Diego Columbus’ house in Santo Domingo, as they appeared in 1801, are shown in Charton’s Voyageurs, iii. 186, and Samuel Hazard’s Santo Domingo, p. 47; also pp. 213, 228.

[361] Papers relating to Luis Colon’s renunciation of his rights as Duke of Veraguas, in 1556, are in Peralta’s Costa Rica, Nicaragua y Panamá, Madrid, 1883, p. 162.

[362] Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 3. Leclerc (Bibl. Amer., no. 137) notes other original family documents priced at 1,000 francs.

[363] The arms granted by the Spanish sovereigns at Barcelona, May 20, 1493, seem to have been altered at a later date. As depicted by Oviedo, they are given on an earlier page. Cf. Lopez de Haro, Nobiliario general (Madrid, 1632), pt. ii. p. 312; Muñoz, Historia del nuevo mundo, p. 165; Notes and Queries (2d series), xii. 530; (5th series) ii. 152; Mem. de la Real Academia de Madrid (1852), vol. viii.; Roselly de Lorgues, Christophe Colomb (1856); Documentos inéditos (1861), xxxi. 295; Cod. diplom. Colombo-Americano, p. lxx; Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 168; Charlevoix, Isle Espagnole, i. 61, 236, and the engraving given in Ramusio (1556), iii. 84. I am indebted to Mr. James Carson Brevoort for guidance upon this point.

[364] Vol. i. of the Studi is a chronological account of Italian travellers and voyages, beginning with Grimaldo (1120-1122), and accompanied by maps showing the routes of the principal ones. Cf. Theobald Fischer, “Ueber italienische Seekarten und Kartographen des Mittelalte’s,” in Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin, xvii. 5.

As to the work which has been done in the geographical societies of Germany, we shall have readier knowledge when Dr. Johannes Müller’s Die wissenschaftlichen Vereine und Gesellschaften Deutschlands,—Bibliographie ihrer Veröffentlichungen, now announced in Berlin, is made public. One of the most important sale-catalogues of maps is that of the Prince Alexandre Labanoff Collection, Paris, 1823,—a list now very rare. Nos. 1-112 were given to the world, and 1480-1543 to America separately.

[365] Santarem, Histoire de la cartographie, etc., vol. i., preface, pp. xxxix, 1, and 194. After the present volume was printed to this point, and after Vols. III. and IV. were in type, Mr. Arthur James Weise’s Discoveries of America to the year 1525 was published in New York. A new draft of the Maiollo map of 1527 is about its only important feature.

[366] See an enumeration of all these earlier maps and of their reproductions in part i. of The Kohl Collection of Early Maps, by the present writer. Bianco’s map was reproduced in 1869 at Venice, with annotations by Oscar Peschel; and Mauro’s in 1866, also at Venice.

[367] Literature of Europe, chap. iii. sect. 4.

[368] Cf., on the instruments and marine charts of the Arabs, Codine’s La mer des Indes, p. 74; Delambre, Histoire de l’astronomie du moyen-âge; Sédillot’s Les instruments astronomiques des Arabes, etc.

[369] Major, Prince Henry (1868 ed.), pp. 57, 60. There is some ground for believing that the Northmen were acquainted with the loadstone in the eleventh century. Prescott (Ferdinand and Isabella, 1873 ed., ii. III) indicates the use of it by the Castilians in 1403. Cf. Santarem, Histoire de la cartographie, p. 280; Journal of the Franklin Institute, xxii. 68; American Journal of Science, lx. 242. Cf. the early knowledge regarding the introduction of the compass in Eden’s Peter Martyr (1555), folio 320; and D’Avezac’s Aperçus historiques sur la boussole, Paris, 1860, 16 pp.; also Humboldt’s Cosmos, Eng. tr. ii. 656.

[370] For instance, the map of Bianco. The variation in Europe was always easterly after observations were first made.

[371] Hakluyt, i. 122.

[372] Journal of the American Geographical Society, xii. 185.

[373] It is supposed to-day to be in Prince Albert Land, and to make a revolution in about five hundred years. Acosta contended that there were four lines of no variation, and Halley, in 1683, contended for four magnetic poles.

[374] Cf. notes on p. 661, et seq., in Bunbury’s History of Ancient Geography, vol. i., on the ancients’ calculations of latitude and measurements for longitude. Ptolemy carried the most northern parts of the known world sixty-three degrees north, and the most southern parts sixteen degrees south, of the Equator, an extent north and south of seventy-nine degrees. Marinus of Tyre, who preceded Ptolemy, stretched the known world, north and south, over eighty-seven degrees. Marinus had also made the length of the known world 225 degrees east and west, while Ptolemy reduced it to 177 degrees; but he did not, nor did Marinus, bound it definitely in the east by an ocean, but he left its limit in that direction undetermined, as he did that of Africa in the south, which resulted in making the Indian Ocean in his conception an inland sea, with the possibility of passing by land from Southern Africa to Southern Asia, along a parallel. Marinus had been the first to place the Fortunate Islands farther west than the limits of Spain in that direction, though he put them only two and a half degrees beyond, while the meridian of Ferro is nine degrees from the most westerly part of the main.

[375] Cf. Lelewel, pl. xxviii., and Santarem, Histoire de la cartographie, iii. 301, and Atlas, pl. 15.

[376] Cf. editions of 1482, 1486, 1513, 1535.

[377] The earliest instance in a published Spanish map is thought to be the woodcut which in 1534 appeared at Venice in the combination of Peter Martyr and Oviedo which Ramusio is thought to have edited. This map is represented on a later page.

[378] There was a tendency in the latter part of the sixteenth century to remove the prime meridian to St. Michael’s, in the Azores, for the reason that there was no variation in the needle there at that time, and in ignorance of the forces which to-day at St. Michael’s make it point twenty-five degrees off the true north. As late as 1634 a congress of European mathematicians confirmed it at the west edge of the Isle de Fer (Ferro), the most westerly of the Canaries.

[379] Edmund Farwell Slafter, History and Causes of the Incorrect Latitudes as recorded in the Journals of the Early Writers, Navigators, and Explorers relating to the Atlantic Coast of North America (1535-1740). Boston: Privately printed, 1882. 20 pages. Reprinted from the N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg. for April, 1882.

[380] Regiomontanus,—as Johannes Müller, of Königsberg, in Franconia, was called, from his town,—published at Nuremberg his Ephemerides for the interval 1475-1506; and these were what Columbus probably used. Cf. Alex. Ziegler’s Regiomontanus, ein geistiger Vorläufer des Columbus, Dresden, 1874. Stadius, a professor of mathematics, published an almanac of this kind in 1545, and the English navigators used successive editions of this one.

[381] Cf. Kohl, Die beiden General-Karten von Amerika, p. 17, and Varnhagen’s Historia geral do Brazil, i. 432.

[382] Humboldt, Cosmos, Eng. tr., ii. 630, 670; Reisch’s Margarita philosophica (1535), p. 1416; D’Avezac’s Waltzemüller, p. 64.

[383] Cf. Lelewel, Géographie du moyen-âge, ii. 160. The rules of Gemma Frisius for discovering longitude were given in Eden’s Peter Martyr (1555), folio 360. An earlier book was Francisco Falero’s Regimiento para observar in longitud en la mar, 1535. Cf. E. F. de Navarrete’s “El problema de la longitud en la mar,” in volume 21 of the Doc. inéditos (España); and Vasco da Gama (Hakluyt Soc.), pp. 19, 25, 33, 43, 63, 138.

[384] The Germaniæ, ex variis scriptoribus perbrevis explicatio of Bilibaldus Pirckeymerus, published in 1530, has a reference to this eclipse. Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 96; Murphy Catalogue, no. 1,992. The paragraph is as follows: “Proinde compertum est ex observatione eclypsis, quæ fuit in mense Septembri anno salutis 1494. Hispaniam insulam, quatuor ferme horarum intersticio ab Hyspali, quæ Sibilia est distare, hoc est gradibus 60, qualium est circulus maximus 360, medium vero insulæ continet gradus 20 circiter in altitudine polari. Navigatur autem spacium illud communiter in diebus 35 altitudo vero continentis oppositi, cui Hispani sanctæ Marthæ nomen indidere, circiter graduum est 12 Darieni vero terra et sinus de Uraca gradus quasi tenent 7½ in altitudine polari, unde longissimo tractu occidentem versus terra est, quæ vocatur Mexico et Temistitan, a qua etiam non longa remota est insula Jucatan cum aliis nuper repertis.” The method of determining longitude by means of lunar tables dates back to Hipparchus.

[385] These were the calculations of Regiomontanus (Müller), who calls himself “Monteregius” in his Tabulæ astronomice Alfonsi regis, published at Venice in the very year (1492) of Columbus’ first voyage. (Stevens, Bibl. Geog., no. 83.) At a later day the Portuguese accused the Spaniards of altering the tables then in use, so as to affect the position of the Papal line of Demarcation. Barras, quoted by Humboldt, Cosmos, Eng. tr. ii. 671.

Johann Stoeffler was a leading authority on the methods of defining latitude and longitude in vogue in the beginning of the new era; cf. his Elucidatio fabricæ ususque astrolabii, Oppenheim, 1513 (colophon 1512), and his edition of In Procli Diadochi sphæram omnibus numeris longe absolutissimus commentarius, Tübingen, 1534, where he names one hundred and seventy contemporary and earlier writers on the subject. (Stevens, Bibl. Geog., nos. 2,633-2,634.)

[386] The polar distance of the North Star in Columbus’ time was 3° 28´; and yet his calculations made it sometimes 5°, and sometimes 10°. It is to-day 1° 20´ distant from the true pole. United States Coast Survey Report, 1880, app. xviii.

[387] Santarem, Histoire de la cartographie, vol. ii. p. lix. Columbus would find here the centre of the earth, as D’Ailly, Mauro, and Behaim found it at Jerusalem.

[388] Cosmos, Eng. tr., ii. 658. Humboldt also points out how Columbus on his second voyage had attempted to fix his longitude by the declination of the needle (Ibid., ii. 657; v. 54). Cf. a paper on Columbus and Cabot in the Nautical Magazine, July, 1876.

It is a fact that good luck or skill of some undiscernible sort enabled Cabot to record some remarkable approximations of longitude in an age when the wildest chance governed like attempts in others. Cabot indeed had the navigator’s instinct; and the modern log-book seems to have owed its origin to his practices and the urgency with which he impressed the importance of it upon the Muscovy Company.

[389] Appendix xix. of the Report of the United States Coast Survey for 1880 (Washington, 1882) is a paper by Charles A. Schott of “Inquiry into the Variation of the Compass off the Bahama Islands, at the time of the Landfall of Columbus in 1492,” which is accompanied by a chart, showing by comparison the lines of non-variation respectively in 1492, 1600, 1700, 1800, and 1880, as far as they can be made out from available data. In this chart the line of 1492 runs through the Azores,—bending east as it proceeds northerly, and west in its southerly extension. The no-variation line in 1882 leaves the South American coast between the mouths of the Amazon and the Orinoco, and strikes the Carolina coast not far from Charleston. The Azores to-day are in the curve of 25° W. variation, which line leaves the west coast of Ireland, and after running through the Azores sweeps away to the St. Lawrence Gulf.

[390] Navarrete, Noticia del cosmografo Alonzo de Santa Cruz.

[391] Humboldt, Cosmos, Eng. tr., ii. 672; v. 59.

[392] Cosmos, v. 55.

[393] Cosmos, v. 59.

[394] Charts of the magnetic curves now made by the Coast Survey at Washington are capable of supplying, if other means fail, and particularly in connection with the dipping-needle, data of a ship’s longitude with but inconsiderable error. The inclination or dip was not measured till 1576; and Humboldt shows how under some conditions it can be used also to determine latitude.

In 1714 the English Government, following an example earlier set by other governments, offered a reward of £20,000 to any one who would determine longitude at sea within half a degree. It was ultimately given to Harrison, a watchmaker who made an improved marine chronometer. An additional £3,000 was given at the same time to the widow of Tobias Meyer, who had improved the lunar tables. It also instigated two ingenious mechanicians, who hit upon the same principle independently, and worked out its practical application,—the Philadelphian, Thomas Godfrey, in his “mariner’s bow” (Penn. Hist. Soc. Coll., i. 422); and the Englishman, Hadley, in his well-known quadrant.

It can hardly be claimed to-day, with all our modern appliances, that a ship’s longitude can be ascertained with anything more than approximate precision. The results from dead-reckoning are to be corrected in three ways. Observations on the moon will not avoid, except by accident, errors which may amount to seven or eight miles. The difficulties of making note of Jupiter’s satellites in their eclipse, under the most favorable conditions, will be sure to entail an error of a half, or even a whole, minute. This method, first tried effectively about 1700, was the earliest substantial progress which had been made; all the attempts of observation on the opposition of planets, the occultations of stars, the difference of altitude between the moon and Jupiter, and the changes in the moon’s declination, having failed of satisfactory results (Humboldt, Cosmos, Eng. tr., ii. 671). John Werner, of Nuremberg, as early as 1514, and Gemma Frisius, in 1545, had suggested the measure of the angle between the altitude of the moon and some other heavenly body; but it was not till 1615 that it received a trial at sea, through the assiduity of Baffin. The newer method of Jupiter’s satellites proved of great value in the hands of Delisle, the real founder of modern geographical science. By it he cut off three hundred leagues from the length of the Mediterranean Sea, and carried Paris two and a half degrees, and Constantinople ten degrees, farther west. Corrections for two centuries had been chiefly made in a similar removal of places. For instance, the longitude of Gibraltar had increased from 7° 50´ W., as Ptolemy handed it down, to 9° 30´ under Ruscelli, to 13° 30´ under Mercator, and to 14° 30´ under Ortelius. It is noticeable that Eratosthenes, who two hundred years and more before Christ was the librarian at Alexandria and chief of its geographical school, though he made the length of the Mediterranean six hundred geographical miles too long, did better than Ptolemy three centuries later, and better even than moderns had done up to 1668, when this sea was elongated by nearly a third beyond its proper length. Cf. Bunbury, History of Ancient Geography, i. 635; Gosselin, Géog. des Grecs, p. 42. Sanson was the last, in 1668, to make this great error.

The method for discovering longitude which modern experience has settled upon is the noting at noon, when the weather permits a view of the sun, of the difference of a chronometer set to a known meridian. This instrument, with all its modern perfection, is liable to an error of ten or fifteen seconds in crossing the Atlantic, which may be largely corrected by a mean, derived from the use of more than one chronometer. The first proposition to convey time as a means of deciding longitude dates back to Alonzo de Santa Cruz, who had no better time-keepers than sand and water clocks (Humboldt, Cosmos, Eng. tr., ii. 672).

On land, care and favorable circumstances may now place an object within six or eight yards of its absolute place in relation to the meridian. Since the laying of the Atlantic cable has made it possible to use for a test a current which circles the earth in three seconds, it is significant of minute accuracy, in fixing the difference of time between Washington and Greenwich, that in the three several attempts to apply the cable current, the difference between the results has been less than ⁷/₁₀₀ of a second.

But on shipboard the variation is still great, though the last fifty years has largely reduced the error. Professor Rogers, of the Harvard College Observatory, in examining one hundred log-books of Atlantic steamships, has found an average error of three miles; and he reports as significant of the superior care of the Cunard commanders that the error in the logs of their ships was reduced to an average of a mile and a half.

[395] Lelewel, ii. 130.

[396] Humboldt, Examen critique, ii. 210.

[397] The breadth east and west of the Old World was marked variously,—on the Laon globe, 250°; Behaim’s globe, 130°; Schöner’s globe, 228°; Ruysch’s map, 224°; Sylvanus’ map, 220°; and the Portuguese chart of 1503, 220°.

[398] This sea-chart was the first which had been seen in England, and almanacs at that time had only been known in London for fifteen years, with their tables for the sun’s declination and the altitude of the pole-star.

[399] Cf. Atti della Società Ligure, 1867, p. 174, Desimoni in Giornale Ligustico, ii. 52. Bartholomew is also supposed to have been the maker of an anonymous planisphere of 1489 (Peschel, Ueber eine alte Weltkarte, p. 213).

[400] Strabo, i. 65. Bunbury, Ancient Geography, i. 627, says the passage is unfortunately mutilated, but the words preserved can clearly have no other signification. What is left to us of Eratosthenes are fragments, which were edited by Seidel, at Göttingen, in 1789; again and better by Bernhardy (Berlin, 1822). Bunbury (vol. i. ch. xvi.) gives a sufficient survey of his work and opinions. The spherical shape of the earth was so generally accepted by the learned after the times of Aristotle and Euclid, that when Eratosthenes in the third century, B.C. went to some length to prove it, Strabo, who criticised him two centuries later, thought he had needlessly exerted himself to make plain what nobody disputed. Eratosthenes was so nearly accurate in his supposed size of the globe, that his excess over the actual size was less than one-seventh of its great circle.

[401] There is a manuscript map of Hispaniola attached to the copy of the 1511 edition of Peter Martyr in the Colombina Library which is sometimes ascribed to Columbus; but Harrisse thinks it rather the work of his brother Bartholomew (Bibl. Amer. Vet., Add., xiii.) A map of this island, with the native divisions as Columbus found them, is given in Muñoz. The earliest separate map is in the combined edition of Peter Martyr and Oviedo edited by Ramusio in Venice in 1534 (Stevens, Bibliotheca geographica, no. 1,778). Le discours de la navigation de Jean et Raoul Parmentier, de Dieppe, including a description of Santo Domingo, was edited by Ch. Schefer in Paris, 1883; a description of the “isle de Haity” from Le grand insulaire et pilotage d’André Thevet is given in its appendix.

[402] Cosmos, Eng. tr., ii. 647. One of these early engravings is given on page 15.

[403] Navarrete, i. 253, 264.

[404] Navarrete, i. 5.

[405] Navarrete, iii. 587.

[406] Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 34; Morelli’s Lettera rarissima (Bassano, 1810), appendix. A “carta nautica” of Columbus is named under 1501 in the Atti della Società ligure, 1867, p. 174, and Giornale Ligustico, ii. 52.

[407] Of La Cosa, who is said to have been of Basque origin, we know but little. Peter Martyr tells us that his “cardes” were esteemed, and mentions finding a map of his in 1514 in Bishop Fonseca’s study. We know he was with Columbus in his expedition along the southern coast of Cuba, when the Admiral, in his folly, made his companions sign the declaration that they were on the coast of Asia. This was during Columbus’ second voyage, in 1494; and Stevens (Notes, etc.) claims that the way in which La Cosa cuts off Cuba to the west with a line of green paint—the conventional color for “terra incognita”—indicates this possibility of connection with the main, as Ruysch’s scroll does in his map. The interpretation may be correct; but it might still have been drawn an island from intimations of the natives, though Ocampo did not circumnavigate it till 1508. The natives of Guanahani distinctly told Columbus that Cuba was an island, as he relates in his Journal. Stevens also remarks how La Cosa colors, with the same green, the extension of Cuba beyond the limits of Columbus’ exploration on the north coast in 1492. La Cosa, who had been with Ojeda in 1499, and with Rodrigo de Bastidas in 1501, was killed on the coast in 1509. Cf. Enrique de Leguina’s Juan de la Cosa, estudio biográfico (Madrid, 1877); Humboldt’s Examen critique and his Cosmos, Eng. tr. ii., 639; De la Roquette, in the Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris, Mai, 1862, p. 298; Harrisse’s Cabots, pp. 52, 103, 156, and his Les Cortereal, p. 94; and the references in Vol. III. of the present History, p. 8.

[408] Vol. III. p. 8. The fac-simile there given follows Jomard’s. Harrisse (Notes on Columbus, p. 40), comparing Jomard’s reproduction with Humboldt’s description, thinks there are omissions in it. Becher (Landfall of Columbus) speaks of the map as “the clumsy production of an illiterate seaman.” There is also a reproduction of the American parts of the map in Weise’s Discoveries of America, 1884.

[409] Ongania, of Venice, announced some years ago a fac-simile reproduction in his Raccolta di mappamundi, edited by Professor Fischer, of Kiel. It was described in 1873 by Giuseppe Boni in Cenni storici della Reale Biblioteca Estense in Modena, and by Gustavo Uzielli in his Studi bibliografici e biografici, Rome, 1875.

[410] Pages 143, 158.

[411] He was born about 1450; Les Cortereal, p. 36. Cf. E. do Canto’s Os Corte-Reaes (1883), p. 28.

[412] Les Cortereal, p. 45.

[413] See Vol. IV. chap. 1.

[414] Harrisse, Les Cortereal, p. 50, translates this.

[415] Printed for the first time in Harrisse, Les Cortereal, app. xvii. From Pasqualigo and Cantino down to the time of Gomara we find no mention of these events; and Gomara, writing fifty years later, seems to confound the events of 1500 with those of 1501. Gomara also seems to have had some Portuguese charts, which we do not now know, when he says that Cortereal gave his name to some islands in the entrance of the gulf “Cuadrado” (St. Lawrence?), lying under 50° north latitude. Further than this, Gomara, as well as Ramusio, seems to have depended mainly on the Pasqualigo letter; and Herrera followed Gomara (Harrisse, Les Cortereal, p. 59). Harrisse can now collate, as he does (p. 65), the two narratives of Pasqualigo and Cantino for the first time, and finds Cortereal’s explorations to have covered the Atlantic coast from Delaware Bay to Baffin’s Bay, if not farther to the north.

[416] Harrisse, Les Cortereal, p. 71.

[417] Ibid., p. 96.

[418] Some have considered that this Atlantic coast in Cantino may in reality have been Yucatan. But this peninsula was not visited earlier than 1506, if we suppose Solis and Pinzon reached it, and not earlier than 1517 if Cordova’s expedition was, as is usually supposed, the first exploration. The names on this coast, twenty-two in number, are all legible but six. They resemble those on the Ptolemy maps of 1508 and 1513, and on Schöner’s globe of 1520, which points to an earlier map not now known.

[419] These earliest Spanish voyages are,—

1. Columbus, Aug. 3, 1492—March 15, 1493.

2. Columbus, Sept. 25, 1493—June 11, 1496.

3. Columbus, May 30, 1498—Nov. 25, 1500.

4. Alonzo de Ojeda, May 20, 1499—June, 1500, to the Orinoco.

5. Piro Alonzo Niño and Christoval Guerra, June, 1499—April, 1500, to Paria.

6. Vicente Yañez Pinzon, December, 1499—September, 1500, to the Amazon.

7. Diego de Lepe, December, 1499 (?)—June, 1500, to Cape St. Augustin.

8. Rodrigo de Bastidas, October, 1500—September, 1502, to Panama.

[420] The Greenland peninsula seems to have been seen by Cortereal in 1500 or 1501, and to be here called “Ponta d’Asia,” in accordance with the prevalent view that any mainland hereabout must be Asia.

[421] See fac-simile on page 112, post.

[422] Plate 43 of his Géographie du Moyen-âge.

[423] De Costa points out that La Cosa complains of the Portuguese being in this region in 1503.

[424] Catalogue of February, 1879, pricing a copy of the book, with the map, at £100. This Quaritch copy is now owned by Mr. C. H. Kalbfleisch, of New York, and its title is different from the transcription given in Sabin, the Carter-Brown and Barlow catalogues, which would seem to indicate that the title was set up three times at least.

[425] Verrazano, p. 102.

[426] The editions of 1516 and 1530 have no map, and no official map was published in Spain till 1790. The Cabot map of 1544 is clearly from Spanish sources, and Brevoort is inclined to think that the single copy known is the remainder after a like suppression. The Medina sketch of 1545 is too minute to have conveyed much intelligence of the Spanish knowledge, and may have been permitted.

[427] Vol ii. p. 143.

[428] This edition will come under more particular observation in connection with Vespucius. There are copies in the Astor Library and in the libraries of Congress, of the American Antiquarian Society, and of Trinity College, Hartford (Cooke sale, no. 1,950), and in the Carter-Brown, Barlow, and Kalbfleisch collections. There was a copy in the Murphy sale, no. 2,052.

[429] Cf. Santarem in Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris (1837), viii. 171, and in his Recherches sur Vespuce et ses voyages, p. 165; Wieser’s Magalhâes-Strasse, p. 10. It will be seen that in the Latin quoted in the text there is an incongruity in making a “Ferdinand” king of Portugal at a time when no such king ruled that kingdom, but a Ferdinand did govern in Spain. The Admiral could hardly have been other than Columbus, but it is too much to say that he made the map, or even had a chief hand in it.

[430] Cf. Humboldt, Cosmos, Eng. tr., ii. 620, 621.

[431] A heliotype fac-simile is given in Vol. III. p. 9, where are various references and a record of other fac-similes; to which may be added Varnhagen’s Novos estudos (Vienna, 1874); Ruge’s Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen; Weise’s Discoveries of America; and on a small scale in H. H. Bancroft’s Central America, vol. i.

[432] This supposition is not sustained in Wieser’s Karte des B. Colombo (1893).

[433] Pope Julius II. (July 28, 1506) gave to Tosinus, the publisher, the exclusive sale of this edition for six years. It was first issued in 1507, and had six new maps, besides those of the editions of 1478 and 1490, but none of America. There are copies in the Carter-Brown Library; and noted in the Murphy Catalogue, no. 2,049; and one was recently priced by Rosenthal, of Munich, at 500 marks. It was reissued in 1508, with a description of the New World by Beneventanus, accompanied by this map of Ruysch; and of this 1508 edition there are copies in the Astor Library, the Library of Congress, of the American Geographical Society, of Yale College (Cooke sale, vol. ii. no. 1,949), and in the Carter-Brown and Kalbfleisch collections. One is noted in the Murphy sale, no. 2,050, which is now at Cornell University.

[434] H. H. Bancroft (Central America, p. 116) curiously intimates that the dotted line which he gives in his engraving to mark the place of this vignette, stands for some sort of a terra incognita!

[435] Les Cortereal, p. 118.

[436] Harrisse, Cabots, p. 164. In his Notes on Columbus, p. 56, he conjectures that it sold for forty florins, if it be the same with the map of the New World which Johannes Trithemus complained in 1507 of his inability to buy for that price (Epistolæ familiares, 1536).

[437] Its date was altered to 1530 when it appeared in the first complete edition of Peter Martyr’s Decades. There are fac-similes in the Carter-Brown Catalogue and in Santarem’s Atlas. It will be considered further in connection with the naming of America. See post, p. 183.

[438] Pl. xviii.

[439] The bibliography of Honter has been traced by G. D. Teutsch in the Archiv des Vereins für Siebenbürgische Landeskunde, neue Folge, xiii. 137; and an estimate of Honter by F. Teutsch is given in Ibid., xv. 586. The earliest form of Honter’s book is the Rudimentorum cosmographiæ libri duo, dated 1531, and published at Cracow, in a tract of thirty-two pages. It is a description of the world in verse, and touches America in the chapter, “Nomina insularum oceani et maris.” It is extremely rare, and the only copy to be noted is one priced by Harrassowitz (Catalogue of 1876, no. 2), of Leipsic, for 225 marks, and subsequently sold to Tross, of Paris. Most bibliographers give Cracow, with the date 1534 as the earliest (Sabin, no. 32,792; Muller, 1877, no. 1,456,—37.50 fl.); there was a Basle edition of the same year. (Cf. Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 194; Wieser, Magalhâes-Strasse, p. 22.) Editions seem to have followed in 1540 (queried by Sabin, no. 32,793); in 1542 (if Stevens’s designation of his fac-simile of the map is correct, Notes, pl. 3); in 1546, when the map is inscribed “Universalis cosmographia ... Tiguri, J. H. V. E. [in monogram], 1546.” (Harrisse, no. 271; Muller, 1877, no. 1,457; Carter-Brown, no. 143; Sabin, no. 32,794.) The same map, which is part of an appendix of thirteen maps, was repeated in the Tiguri edition of 1548, and there was another issue the same year at Basle. (Harrisse, no. 287; Sabin, no. 32,795; Weigel, 1877, no. 1,268.) The maps were repeated in the 1549 edition. (Sabin, no. 32,796; Carter-Brown, no. 153.) The edition at Antwerp in 1552 leaves off the date. (Harrisse, no. 287; Weigel, no. 1,269; Murphy, no. 1,252.) It is now called, Rvdimentorvm cosmographicorum libri III. cum tabellis geographicis elegantissimis. De uariarum rerum nomenclaturis per classes, liber I. There was a Basle edition the same year. The maps continued to be used in the Antwerp edition of 1554, the Tiguri of 1558, and the Antwerp of 1660.

In 1561 the edition published at Basle, De cosmogaphiæ rudimentis libri VIII., was rather tardily furnished with new maps better corresponding to the developments of American geography. (Muller, 1877, no. 1,459.) The Tiguri publishers still, however, adhered to the old plates in their editions of 1565 (Carter-Brown, no. 257; Sabin, no. 32,797); and the same plates again reappeared in an edition, without place, published in 1570 (Muller, 1877, no. 1,457), in another of Tiguri in 1583, and in still another without place in 1590 (Murphy, no. 1,253; Muller, 1872, no. 763; Sabin, no. 32,799).

[440] Harrisse (Les Cortereal, p. 121) says there is no Spanish map showing these discoveries before 1534.

[441] Vol. III. p. 212, and the present volume, page 170.

[442] Vol. xl.; also Major’s Prince Henry, p. 388.

[443] J. P. Richter, Literary Works of Da Vinci, London, 1883, quoting the critic, who questions its assignment to the great Italian.

[444] The Portuguese portolano of about this date given in Kunstmann, pl. 4, is examined on another page.

[445] This Strasburg edition is particularly described in D’Avezac’s Waltzemüller, p. 159. (Cf. Harrisse’s Notes on Columbus, 176; his Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 117; and Winsor’s Bibliography of Ptolemy’s Geography sub anno 1522.) The maps closely resemble those of Waldseemüller in the edition of 1513; and indeed Frisius assigns them as re-engraved to Martin Ilacomylus, the Greek form of that geographer’s name. There are copies of this 1522 Ptolemy in the Harvard College, Carter-Brown, Cornell University, and Barlow libraries, and one is noted in the Murphy Catalogue, no. 2,054, which is now in the Lenox Library. The map of Frisius (Lorenz Friess, as he was called in unlatinized form) was reproduced in the next Strasburg edition of 1525, of which there are copies in the Library of Congress, in the New York Historical Society, Boston Public, Baltimore Mercantile, Carter-Brown, Trinity College, and the American Antiquarian Society libraries, and in the collections of William C. Prime and Charles H. Kalbfleisch. There were two copies in the Murphy sale, nos. 2,055 and 2,056, one of which is now at Cornell University. Cf. references in Winsor’s Bibliography of Ptolemy.

This “L. F. 1522” map (see p. 175), as well as the “Admiral’s map,” was reproduced in the edition of 1535, edited by Servetus, of which there are copies in the Astor, the Boston Public, and the College of New Jersey libraries, and in the Carter-Brown and Barlow collections. A copy is also noted in the Murphy Catalogue, no. 2,057, which is now at Cornell University.

The American maps of these editions were again reproduced in the Ptolemy, published at Vienna in 1541, of which there are copies in the Carter-Brown, Brevoort, and Kalbfleisch collections. Cf. Winsor’s Bibliography of Ptolemy.

[446] Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 133. The edition of 1530 has no maps (ibid., no. 158).

[447] There is a copy in the Grenville Collection in the British Museum. Cf. Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 144; Zurla, Fra Mauro, p. 9, and his Marco Polo, ii. 363. Harrisse, in his Notes on Columbus, p. 56, cites from Morelli’s Operette, i. 309, a passage in which Coppo refers to Columbus.

[448] Harrisse (Bibl. Amer. Vet.) gives the various ways of spelling the name by different authors as follows: “Albericus (Madrignano, Ruchamer, Jehan Lambert); Emeric (Du Redouer); Alberico or Americo (Gomara); Morigo (Hojeda); Amerrigo (Muñoz); Americus (Peter Martyr); Almerigo Florentino (Vianello); De Espuche, Vespuche, Despuche, Vespuccio (Ramusio); Vespuchy (Christ. Columbus).” Varnhagen uniformly calls him Amerigo Vespucci; and that is the signature to the letter written from Spain in 1492 given in the Vita by Bandini.

[449] The facts relative to the birth, parentage, and early life of Vespucci are given by the Abbé Bandini in his Vita e lettere di Amerigo Vespucci, 1745, and are generally accepted by those whose own researches have been most thorough,—as Humboldt in his Examen Critique; Varnhagen in his Amerigo Vespucci, son caractère, ses écrits, sa vie, et ses navigations, and in his Nouvelles recherches, p. 41, where he reprints Bandini’s account; and Santarem in his Researches respecting Americus Vespucius and his Voyages, as the English translation is called. In relation to representatives of the family in our day, see Lester’s Vespucius, p. 405. The newspapers within a year have said that two female descendants were living in Rome, the last male representative dying seven years ago.

[450] Humboldt says that it cannot be true of either voyage, and relies for proof upon the documentary evidence of Vespucci’s presence in Spain during the absence of Columbus upon those expeditions. But he makes a curious mistake in regard to the first, which, we think, has never been noticed. Columbus sailed on his first voyage in August, 1492, and returned in March, 1493. Humboldt asserts that Vespucci could not have been with him, because the letter written from Cadiz and jointly signed by him and Donato Nicolini was dated Jan. 30, 1493. But Humboldt has unaccountably mistaken the date of that letter; it was not 1493, but 1492, seven months before Columbus sailed on his first voyage. The alibi, therefore, is not proved. There is indeed no positive proof that Vespucci was not on that voyage; but, on the other hand, there is nothing known of that period of his life to suggest that he was; and, moreover, the strong negative evidence is—unusually strong in his case—that he never claimed to have sailed with Columbus.

[451] The history of the Life and Actions of Admiral Christopher Colon. By his son, Don Ferdinand Colon. [For the story of this book, see the previous chapter.—Ed.]

[452] Select Letters of Christopher Columbus, with other Original Documents relating to his Four Voyages to the New World. Translated and edited by R. H. Major, Esq., of the British Museum, London. Printed for the Hakluyt Society, 1847.

[453] The very name he bore had a divine significance, according to the fanciful interpretation of his son, Don Ferdinand Colon. For as the name Christopher, or Christophorus,—the Christ-bearer,—was bestowed upon the Saint who carried the Christ over deep waters at his own great peril, so had it fallen upon him, who was destined to discover a new world, “that those Indian nations might become citizens and inhabitants of the Church triumphant in heaven.” Nor less appropriate was the family name of Columbus, or Colomba,—a dove,—for him who showed “those people, who knew him not, which was God’s beloved Son, as the Holy Ghost did in the figure of a dove at Saint John’s baptism; and because he also carried the olive-branch and oil of baptism over the waters of the ocean like Noah’s dove, to denote the peace and union of these people with the Church, after they had been shut up in the ark of darkness and confusion.” Saint Christopher carrying Christ, appears as a vignette on Cosa’s chart.

[454] A Discourse of Sebastian Cabot touching his Discovery, etc. Translated from Ramusio (1550) by Hakluyt for his Principal Navigations, Voyages, and Discoveries of the English Nation, 1589, and in later editions.

[455] [See Vol. III. chap. i.—Ed.]

[456] For the distinction which possibly Cabot meant to convey between terra and insula, see Biddle’s Memoir of Sebastian Cabot (London 1831), p. 54.

[457] Humboldt (Examen critique, vol. iv.), supported by the authority of Professor Von der Hugen, of the University of Berlin, shows that the Italian name Amerigo is derived from the German Amalrich or Amelrich, which, under the various forms of Amalric, Amalrih, Amilrich, Amulrich, was spread through Europe by the Goths and other Northern invaders.

[458] [See Vol. III. p. 53.—Ed.]

[459] On the 20th of May, according to one edition of the letter,—that published by Hylacomylus at St-Dié.

[460] [After a picture in the Massachusetts Historical Society’s Gallery (no. 253), which is a copy of the best-known portrait of Vespucius. It is claimed for it that it was painted from life by Bronzino, and that it had been preserved in the family of Vespucius till it was committed, in 1845, to Charles Edwards Lester, United States consul at Genoa. It is engraved in Lester and Foster’s Life and Voyages of Americus Vespucius (New York, 1846), and described on p. 414 of that book. Cf. also Sparks’s statement in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., iv. 117. It has been also engraved in Canovai among the Italian authorities, and was first, I think, in this country, produced in Philadelphia, in 1815, in Delaplaine’s Repository of the Lives and Portraits of distinguished American characters, and later in various other places. The likeness of Vespucius in the Royal Gallery at Naples, painted by Parmigianino, is supposed to be the one originally in the possession of the Cardinal Alexander Farnese (Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris, iii. 370, by Jomard). That artist was but eleven years old at the death of Vespucius, and could not have painted Vespucius from life. A copy in 1853 was placed in the gallery of the American Antiquarian Society (Proceedings, April, 1853, p. 15; Paine’s Portraits and Busts, etc., no. 28). C. W. Peale’s copy of the likeness in the gallery of the Grand Duke of Tuscany is in the collection belonging to the Pennsylvania Historical Society (Catalogue, 1872, no. 148). There is also a portrait in the gallery of the New York Historical Society (Catalogue, no. 131), but the origin of it is not named. De Bry gives vignette portraits in parts iv., vi., and xii. of his Grands Voyages. See Bandini’s Vita e lettere di Vespucci, chap. vii. for an account of the various likenesses.—Ed.]

[461] “Et quoniam in meis hisce bis geminis navigationibus, tam varia diversaque, ac tam a nostris rebus, et modis differentia perspexi, idcirco libellum quempiam, quem Quatuor diætas sive quatuor navigationes appello, conscribere paravi, conscripsique; in quo maiorem rerum a me visarum partem distincte satis juxta ingenioi mei tenuitatem collegi: verumtamen non adhuc publicavi.” From the Cosmographiæ introductio of Hylacomylus (Martin Waldseemüller). St.-Dié, 1507. Repeated in essentially the same words in other editions of the letter.

[462] In the original: En este viage que este dicho testigo hizo trujo consigo a Juan de la Cosa, piloto, e Morigo Vespuche, e otros pilotos. The testimony of other pilots confirmed that of Ojeda. The records of this trial are preserved among the archives at Seville, and were examined by Muñoz, and also by Washington Irving in his studies for the Life of Columbus. See also ante, p. 88.

[463] The title of this work is Cosmographiæ introductio cum quibusdam geometriæ ac astronomiæ principiis ad eam rem necessariis. Insuper quatuor Americi Vespucii navigationes. The name of the editor, Martinus Hylacomylus, is not given in the first edition, but appears in a later, published at Strasburg in 1509. [See post, p. 167.—Ed.]

[464] See Major’s Henry the Navigator, p. 383. The title of Lud’s four-leaved book is Speculi orbis succinctiss. sed neque pœnitenda neque inelegans declaratio et canon.

[465] “Et quarta orbis pars quam quis Americus invenit, Amerigen quasi Americi terram, sive Americam nuncupare licet.”

[466] “Nunc vero et hæc partes sunt latius lustratæ, et alia quarta Pars per Americum Vesputium, ut in sequentibus audietur, inventa est, quam non video cur quis iure vetet ab America inventore, sagacis ingenii viro, Amerigen quasi Americi terram sive Americam dicendum, cum et Europa et Asia a mulieribus sua sortitæ sint nomina.” Hylacomylus.

[467] [Vespucci himself says that his mission was “per ajutare a discoprire.” An astronomer was an important officer of all these early expeditions. Isabella urged Columbus not to go without one on his second voyage; and in his narrative of his fourth voyage, Columbus contends that there is but one infallible method of making a ship’s reckoning, that employed by astronomers. Cf. Humboldt, Cosmos, Eng. tr., ii. 671.—Ed.]

[468] Herrera,—of whom Robertson says that “of all Spanish writers he furnishes the fullest and most authentic information upon American discoveries”—accuses Vespucci of “falsehoods” in pretending to have visited the Gulf of Paria before Columbus.

[469] [Varnhagen thinks there is reason to believe, from the letter of Vianello, that Vespucius made a voyage in 1505 to the northern coast of South America, when he tracked the shore from the point of departure on his second voyage as far as Darien; and he is further of the opinion, from passages in the letters of Francesco Corner, that Vespucius made still a final voyage with La Cosa to the coast of Darien (Postface in Nouvelles recherches, p. 56). Harrisse (Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions, p. xxvii) gives reasons, from letters discovered by Rawdon Brown at Venice, for believing that Vespucius made a voyage in 1508.—Ed.]

[470] Cf. Navarrete, iii. 297, for the instructions of the King.

[471] “Noticias exactas de Americo Vespucio,” in his Coleccion, iii. 315. The narrative in English will be found in Lester’s Life of Vespucius, pp. 112-139.

[472] May 10, 20, 1497, and Oct. 1, 15, 18, 1499.

[473] Cf. Examen critique, iv. 150, 151, 273-282; v. 111, 112, 197-202; Cosmos, Eng. tr., ii. 678.

[474] Humboldt, Examen critique, iv. 50, 267, 268, 272; Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 57; Navarrete, iii. 317.

[475] This part is given in English in Lester, p. 175.

[476] It is translated in Lester, pp. 151-173; cf. Canovai, p. 50.

[477] These instances are cited by Santarem. Cf. Ternaux’s Collection, vol. ii.

[478] Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 64; Humboldt, Examen critique, v. 209. There were other editions of Albertini in 1519 and 1520, as well as his De Roma prisca of 1523, repeating the credit of the first discovery in language which Muller says that Harrisse does not give correctly. Cf. Bibl. Amer. Vet., nos. 96, 103, 106; Additions, 56, 74; Muller, Books on America (1872), no. 17.

[479] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 107.

[480] Editions at Venice in 1572 and 1589 (Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,161).

[481] Cf. Vol. IV. p. 96.

[482] Sabin, vol. ii. no. 6,102.

[483] Carter-Brown, ii. 114. It was reprinted at Florence in 1859, and at Milan in 1865.

[484] Santarem enumerates various others; cf. Childe’s translation, p. 34 etc. Bandini (Vita e lettere di Vespucci, cap. vii.) also enumerates the early references.

[485] Though Guicciardini died in 1540, his Historia d’Italia (1494-1532) did not appear at Florence till 1564, and again at Venice in 1580. Segni, who told the history of Florence from 1527 to 1555, and died in 1559, was also late in appearing.

[486] Dec. i. lib. iv. cap. 2; lib. vii. c. 5.

[487] Robertson based his disbelief largely upon Herrera (History of America, note xxii.).

[488] Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 793; Murphy, no. 142; Leclerc, no. 2,473. There was a German translation in 1748 (Carter-Brown, iii. 866; Sabin, vol. i. no. 3,150), with annotations, which gave occasion to a paper by Caleb Cushing in the North American Review, xii. 318.

[489] Santarem reviews this literary warfare of 1788-1789 (Childe’s translation, p. 140).

[490] Sabin (Dictionary, iii. 312) gives the following contributions of Canovai: (1) Difensa d’Amerigo Vespuccio, Florence, 1796 (15 pp). (2) Dissertazione sopra il primo viaggio d’Amerigo Vespucci alle Indie occidentali, Florence, 1809. (3) Elogio d’Amerigo Vespucci ... con una dissertazione giustificativa, Florence, 1788; con illustrazioni ed aggiunte [Cortona], 1789; no place, 1790, Florence, 1798. (4) Esame critico del primo viaggio d’Amerigo Vespucci al nuovo mondo, Florence, 1811. Cf. Il Marquis Gino Capponi, Osservazioni sull’esame critico del primo viaggio d’Amerigo Vespucci al nuovo mondo, Florence, 1811. Leclerc, no. 400; copy in Harvard College Library. (5) Lettera allo Stampat. Sig. P. Allegrini a nome dell’ autore dell’elogio prem. di Am. Vespucci, Florence, 1789. (6) Monumenti relativi al giudizio pronunziato dall’Accademia Etrusca di Cortona di un Elogio d’Amerigo Vespucci, Florence, 1787. (7) Viaggi d’ Amerigo Vespucci con la vita, l’elogio e la dissertazione giustificativa, Florence, 1817; again, 1832. There was an English version of the Elogio printed at New Haven in 1852. Canovai rejects some documents which Bandini accepted; as, for instance, the letter in Da Gama, of which there is a version in Lester, p. 313. Cf. also Varnhagen, Amerigo Vespucci, pp. 67, 69, where it is reprinted.

[491] Irving got his cue from this, and calls the voyage of 1497 pure invention. The documents which Navarrete gives are epitomized in Lester, p. 395, and reprinted in Varnhagen’s Nouvelles recherches, p. 26.

[492] Childe’s translation, p. 24.

[493] Childe’s translation, pp. 65, 66.

[494] There is another laying down of his course in a map published with a volume not seldom quoted in the present work, and which may be well described here: Studi biografici e bibliografici sulla storia della geografia in Italia publicati in occasione del IIIº Congresso Geografico Internazionale, Edizione seconda, Rome, 1882. Vol. i. contains Biografia dei viaggiatori Italiani, colla bibliografia delle loro opere per Pietro Amat di San Filippo. The special title of vol. ii. is Mappamondi, carte nautiche, portolani ed altri monumenti cartografici specialmente Italiani dei secoli XIII-XVII, per Gustavo Uzielli e Pietro Amat di San Filippo.

[495] He gives his reasons for this landfall in his Le premier voyage, p. 5.

[496] We have no positive notice of Bermuda being seen earlier than the record of the Peter Martyr map of 1511.

[497] See Vol. III. p. 8, and the present volume, p. 115.

[498] Where (p. 106) he announced his intention to discuss at some future time the voyages of Vespucius, and to bring forward, “selon notre habitude,” some new documentary evidence. He has since given the proposed title: Americ Vespuce, sa Correspondance, 1483-1491; soixante-huit lettres inédites tirées du porte-feuille des Médicis, with annotations.

[499] See p. 108.

[500] This Vianello document was printed by Ferraro in his Relazione in 1875.

[501] His publications on the subject of Vespucius are as follows: (1) Vespuce et son premier voyage, ou notice d’une découverte et exploration du Golfe du Méxique et des côtes des États-Unis en 1497 et 1498, avec le texte de trois notes de la main de Colomb, Paris, 1858. This had originally appeared from the same type in Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris, January and February, 1858; and a summary of it in English will be found in the Historical Magazine, iv. 98, together with a letter from Varnhagen to Buckingham Smith. (2) Examen de quelques points de l’Histoire géographique du Brésil,—second voyage de Vespuce, Paris, 1858. (3) Amerigo Vespucci, son caractère, ses écrits, sa vie, et ses navigations, Lima, 1865. (4) Le premier voyage de Amerigo Vespucci définitivement expliqué dans ses détails, Vienna, 1869. (5) Nouvelles recherches sur les derniers voyages du navigateur florentin, et le reste des documents et éclaircissements sur lui, Vienna, 1869. (6) Postface auxt rois livraisons sur Amerigo Vespucci, Vienna, 1870. This is also given as pages 55-57 of the Nouvelles recherches, though it is not included in its contents table. (7) Ainda Amerigo Vespucci, novos estudos e achegas, especialmente em favor da interpretaçāo dada à sua 1ª viagem, em 1497-1498, ás Costas do Yucatan, Vienna, 1874, eight pages, with fac-similes of part of Ruysch’s map. Cf. Cat. Hist. Brazil, Bibl. nac. do R. de Janeiro, no. 839. (8) Cartas de Amerigo Vespucci, in the Rev. do Inst. Hist., i. 5.

[502] Cf. Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., p. 61.

[503] It is reprinted in Varnhagen, Amerigo Vespucci, p. 78. The manuscript is not in Vespucius’ hand (Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris, April, 1858). Varnhagen is not satisfied of its genuineness.

[504] Cf. Humboldt, Examen critique, v. 1, 34; Major, Prince Henry, p. 375; Navarrete, iii. 46, 262; Ramusio, i. 139; Grynæus, p. 122; Galvano, p. 98. Santarem, in his iconoclastic spirit, will not allow that Vespucius went on this voyage, or on that with Coelho in 1503,—holding that the one with Ojeda and La Cosa is the only indisputable voyage which Vespucius made (Childe’s translation, p. 145), though, as Navarrete also admits, he may have been on these or other voyages in a subordinate capacity. Santarem cites Lafitau, Barros, and Osorius as ignoring any such voyage by Vespucius. Vespucius says he could still see the Great Bear constellation when at 32° south; but Humboldt points out that it is not visible beyond 26° south latitude.

[505] This was a cousin of Lorenzo the Magnificent; he was born in 1463, and died in 1503. Cf. Ranke’s letter in Humboldt’s Examen critique, and translated in Lester’s Life and Voyages of Vespucius, p. 401. Varnhagen has an “Étude bibliographique” on this 1503 letter in his Amerigo Vespucci, son caractère, etc., p. 9.

[506] Varnhagen is confident (Postface in Nouvelles recherches, p. 56) that Vespucius was aware that he had found a new continent, and thought it no longer Asia, and that the letter of Vespucius, on which Humboldt based the statement of Vespucius’ dying in the belief that only Asia had been found, is a forgery.

[507] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 26; D’Avezac, Waltzemüller, p. 74; Carter-Brown, i. 26; Sunderland, vol. v. no. 12,919; Brunet, vol. v. col. 1,155; Bibliotheca Grenvilliana, p. 766.

[508] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 31; Carter-Brown, i. 21; Ternaux, no. 6; Bibliotheca Grenvilliana, p. 766; Brunet, vol. v. col. 1,154; Huth, p. 1525. A copy was sold in the Hamilton sale (1884) for £47, and subsequently held by Quaritch at £55. The Court Catalogue (no. 369) shows a duplicate from the Munich Library. Harrassowitz, Rarissima Americana (91 in 1882), no. 1, priced a copy at 1,250 marks.

[509] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 22.

[510] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 23; Carter-Brown, i. 22; Bibliotheca Grenvilliana, p. 766; Court, no. 368; Quaritch (no. 321, title 12,489) held a copy at £100.

[511] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 24.

[512] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 25; Bibliotheca Grenvilliana, ii. 766; Huth, v. 1525.

[513] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 27.

[514] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 28.

[515] Cf. also Libri (Catalogue of 1859); Brunet, vol. v. col. 1, 155; Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 30. “La petite édition de la lettre de Vespuce à Médicis sur son troisième voyage, imprimée à Paris chez Gilles de Gourmont, vendue à Londres en 1859 au prix de £32 10s., et placée dans la riche collection de M. James Lenox de New York, n’existe plus dans le volume à la fin duquel elle était reliée à la Bibliothèque Mazarine.” D’Avezac: Waltzemüller, p. 5.

[516] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 29; Huth, v. 1525; Humboldt, Examen critique, v. 7, describing a copy in the Göttingen Library; Bibliophile Belge, v. 302.

[517] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 30; Carter-Brown, i. 23. A copy was (no. 233) in a sale at Sotheby’s, London, Feb. 22, 1883. It seems probable that no. 14 of Harrisse’s Additions, corresponding to copies in the Lenox, Trivulziana, and Marciana libraries, is identical with this.

[518] Harrisse, Additions, p. 12, where its first page is said to have thirty-three lines; but the Court Catalogue (no. 367), describing what seems to be the same, says it has forty-two lines, and suggests that it was printed at Cologne about 1503.

[519] Additions, p. 13, describing a copy in the British Museum. Varnhagen (Amerigo Vespucci, Lima, 1865, p. 9) describes another copy which he had seen.

[520] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 39; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 24; Brunet, vol. v. col. 1,155; Court, no. 370; Huth, v. 1526; D’Avezac, Waltzemüller; p. 91. Tross, of Paris, in 1872, issued a vellum fac-simile reprint in ten copies. Murphy, no. 2,615; Court, no. 371.

[521] Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions, p. 36.

[522] This title is followed on the same page by a large cut of the King of Portugal with sceptre and shield. The little plaquette has six folios, small quarto (Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 33). A fac-simile edition was made by Pilinski at Paris (twenty-five copies), in 1861. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 25, with fac-simile of title; Murphy, no. 2,616; Huth, v. 1525; O’Callaghan, no. 2,328; Cooke, no. 2,519. There is a copy of this fac-simile, which brings about $5 or $6, in the Boston Public Library. Cf. also Panzer, Annalen, Suppl., no. 561 bis, and Weller, Repertorium, no. 335.

[523] There is a copy in the Carter-Brown Collection (Catalogue, vol. i. no. 586). It seems to be Harrisse’s no. 37, where a copy in the British Museum is described.

[524] Harrisse (Bibl. Amer. Vet.) says he describes his no. 38 from the Carter-Brown and Lenox copies; but the colophon as he gives it does not correspond with the Carter-Brown Catalogue, nor with the Dresden copy as described by Ruge. Cf. also Panzer, Annalen, vol. i. p. 271, no. 561; Humboldt, Examen critique, v. 6.

[525] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 34.

[526] Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions, no. 21.

[527] Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions, no. 20, following Weller’s Repertorium, no. 320.

[528] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 40; there is a copy in the Lenox Library.

[529] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 41; Heber, vol. vi. no. 3,846; Rich, no. 1; Humboldt, Examen critique, iv. 160.

[530] Vol. v. col. 1156; Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 50.

[531] Bulletin de la Société de Géographie d’Anvers, 1877, p. 349.

[532] There is a copy of this fac-simile in the Boston Public Library [G. 302, 22]. Cf. Historical Magazine, xxi. 111.

[533] Ricerche istorico-critiche circa alle scoperte d’Amerigo Vespucci con l’aggiunta di una relazione del medesimo fin ora inedita (Florence, 1789), p. 168. He followed, not an original, but a copy found in the Biblioteca Strozziana. This text is reprinted in Varnhagen’s Amerigo Vespucci, p. 83.

[534] Cf. the Relazione delle scoperte fatte da C. Colombo, da A. Vespucci, etc., following a manuscript in the Ferrara Library, edited by Professor Ferraro, and published at Bologna in 1875 as no. 144 of the series Scelta di curiosità letterarie inedite e rare dal secolo XIII al XVII.

[535] Lucas Rem’s Tagebuch aus den Jahren 1494-1542. Beitrag zur Handelsgeschichte der Stadt Augsburg. Mitgetheilt mit Bemerkungen und einem Anhange von noch ungedruckten Briefen und Berichten über die Entdeckung des newen Seeweges nach Amerika und Ost-Indien, von B. Greiff. Augsburg, 1861. This privately printed book in a “kurtzer Bericht aus der neuen Welt, 1501,” is said to contain an account of a voyage of Vespucius, probably this one (Muller, Books on America, 1877, no. 2,727).

[536] Hist. geral do Brazil (1854), p. 427. Cf. Navarrete, iii. 281, 294; Bandini, p. 57; Peschel, Erdkunde (1877), p. 275; Callender’s Voyages to Terra Australis (1866), vol. i.; Ramusio, i. 130, 141.

[537] That portion of it relating to this voyage is given in English in Lester, p. 238.

[538] N. F. Gravier in his Histoire de Saint-Dié, published at Épinal in 1836, p. 202, depicts the character of Lud and the influence of his press. Lud died at St.-Dié in 1527, at the age of seventy-nine.

[539] Cf. his Notes, etc., p. 35.

[540] Varnhagen’s Le premier voyage, p. 1.

[541] Varnhagen, Amerigo Vespucci, son caractère, etc., p. 28; D’Avezac’s Waltzemüller, p. 46; Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions, p. xxiv.

[542] Napione puts it in this year in his Del primo scopritore, Florence, 1809.

[543] Harrisse (Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 87) describes it from a copy in the British Museum which is noted in the Grenville Catalogue, p. 764, no. 6,535. D’Avezac, in 1867, noted, besides the Grenville copy, one belonging to the Marquis Gino Capponi at Florence, and Varnhagen’s (Waltzemüller, p. 45; Peignot, Répertoire, p. 139; Heber, vol. vi. no. 3,848; Napione, Del primo scopritore del nuovo mondo, 1809, p. 107; Ebert, Dictionary, no. 27,542; Ternaux, no. 5). Harrisse in 1872 (Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions, p. xxiv), added a fourth copy, belonging to the Palatina in Florence (Biblioteca Nazionale), and thinks there may have been formerly a duplicate in that collection, which Napione describes. The copy described by Peignot may have been the same with the Heber and Grenville copies; and the Florence copy mentioned by Harrisse in his Ferdinand Colomb, p. 11, may also be one of those already mentioned. The copy which Brunet later described in his Supplément passed into the Court Collection (no. 366); and when that splendid library was sold, in 1884, this copy was considered its gem, and was bought by Quaritch for £524, but is now owned by Mr. Chas. H. Kalbfleisch, of New York. The copies known to Varnhagen in 1865 were—one which had belonged to Baccio Valori, used by Bandini; one which belonged to Gaetano Poggiale, described by Napione; the Grenville copy; and his own, which had formerly belonged to the Libreria de Nuestra Señora de las Cuevas de la Cartuja in Seville. The same text was printed in 1745 in Bandini’s Vita e lettere di Amerigo Vespucci, and in 1817 in Canovai’s Viaggi d’Americo Vespucci, where it is interjected among other matter, voyage by voyage.

[544] There was also a French edition at Antwerp the same year, and it was reprinted in Paris in 1830. There were editions in Latin at Antwerp in 1556, at Tiguri in 1559, and an Elzevir edition in 1632 (Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 211).

[545] Cf. Varnhagen, Le premier voyage, p. 1.

[546] Bandini, p. xxv; Bartolozzi, Recherche, p. 67.

[547] Santarem dismisses the claim that Vespucius was the intimate of either the first or second Duke René. Cf. Childe’s translation, p. 57, and H. Lepage’s Le Duc René II. et Améric Vespuce, Nancy, 1875. Irving (Columbus, app. ix.) doubts the view which Major has contended for.

[548] Varnhagen, ignorant of Lud, labors to make it clear that Ringmann must have been the translator (Amerigo Vespucci, p. 30); he learned his error later.

[549] See the chapters of Bunbury in his History of Ancient Geography, vol. ii., and the articles by De Morgan in Smith’s Dictionary of Ancient Biography, and by Malte-Brun in the Biographie universelle.

[550] See Vol. IV. p. 35, and this volume, p. 112.

[551] Cf. D’Avezac, Waltzemüller, p. 8; Lelewel, Moyen-âge, p. 142; N. F. Gravier, Histoire de la ville de Saint-Dié, Épinal, 1836. The full title of D’Avezac’s work is Martin Hylacomylus Waltzemüller, ses ouvrages et ses collaborateurs. Voyage d’exploration et de découvertes à travers quelques épîtres dédicatoires, préfaces, et opuscules du commencement du XVI^e siècle: notes, causeries, et digressions bibliographiques et autres par un Géographe Bibliophile (Extrait des Annales des Voyages, 1866). Paris, 1867, pp. x. 176, 8vo. D’Avezac, as a learned writer in historical geography, has put his successors under obligations. See an enumeration of his writings in Sabin, vol. i. nos. 2,492, etc., and in Leclerc, no. 164, etc., and the notice in the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, April, 1876. He published in the Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris, 1858, and also separately, a valuable paper, Les voyages de Améric Vespuce au compte de l’Espagne et les mesures itinéraires employées par les marins Espagnols et Portugais des XV^e et XVI^e siècles (188 pp.).

[552] They bear the press-mark of the St.-Dié Association, which is given in fac-simile in Brunet, vol. ii. no. 316. It is also in the Carter-Brown Catalogue, i. 33, and in the Murphy Catalogue, p. 94.

[553] Carter-Brown Catalogue, i. 35; Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions, no. 24.

[554] D’Avezac, Waltzemüller, p. 28.

[555] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 44; Additions, no. 24; D’Avezac, Waltzemüller, p. 31. It is said that an imperfect copy in the Mazarine Library corresponds as far as it goes. D’Avezac says the Vatican copy, mentioned by Napione and Foscarini, cannot be found.

[556] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 45.

[557] Catalogue, no. 679, bought (1884) by President White of Cornell University.

[558] Catalogue, vol. i. no. 28.

[559] Cat. Hist. Brazil, Bibl. Nac. do Rio de Janeiro, no. 825.

[560] Described by Humboldt.

[561] Catalogue, i. 356.

[562] Waltzemüller, p. 52, etc.

[563] Cf. Brunet, ii. 317; Ternaux, no. 10.

[564] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 46; Additions, no. 24.

[565] Catalogue, i. 29. It was Ternaux’s copy, no. 10.

[566] Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions, no. 25; Leclerc, no. 600 (100 francs); D’Avezac, Waltzemüller, p. 58.

[567] Cf. D’Avezac, Waltzemüller, p. 111, and Orozco y Berra’s Cartografia Mexicana (Mexico, 1871), p. 19.

[568] How Europe, which on a modern map would seem to be but one continent with Asia, became one of three great continents known to the ancients, is manifest from the world as it was conceived by Eratosthenes in the third century. In his map the Caspian Sea was a gulf indented from the Northern Ocean, so that only a small land-connection existed between Asia and Europe, spanned by the Caucasus Mountains, with the Euxine on the west and the Caspian on the east; just as the isthmus at the head of the Arabian Gulf also joined Libya, or Africa, to Asia. Cf. Bunbury’s History of Ancient Geography, i. 660.

[569] Humboldt, Examen critique, v. 182; but Varnhagen thinks Humboldt was mistaken so far as Vespucius was concerned.

[570] As early as 1519, for instance, by Enciso in his Suma de geographia.

[571] Examen critique, i. 181; v. 182.

[572] Suggested by Pizarro y Orellano in 1639; cf. Navarrete, French tr., ii. 282.

[573] Pilgrimes, iv. 1433.

[574] Bancroft, Central America, i. 291.

[575] See p. 122.

[576] Humboldt (Cosmos, Eng. tr., ii. 420) particularly instances his descriptions of the coast of Brazil. For fifteen hundred years, as Humboldt points out (p. 660), naturalists had known no mention, except that of Adulis, of snow in the tropical regions, when Vespucius in 1500 saw the snowy mountains of Santa Marta. Humboldt (again in his Cosmos, Eng. tr., ii. 664, 667), according Vespucius higher literary acquirements than the other early navigators had possessed, speaks of his extolling not ungracefully the glowing richness of the light and picturesque grouping and strange aspect of the constellations that circle the Southern Pole, which is surrounded by so few stars,—and tells how effectively he quoted Dante at the sight of the four stars, which were not yet for several years to be called the Southern Cross. Irving speaks of Vespucius’ narrative as “spirited.”

[577] Harrisse, no. 60; Brunet, ii. 319.

[578] Harrisse, Fernand Colomb, p. 145.

[579] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 62; Additions, no. 31; Huth, v. 1,526; Varnhagen, Amerigo Vespucci, p. 31. Cf. Navarrete, Opúsculos, i. 94.

[580] Equally intended, as Varnhagen (Le premier voyage, p. 36), thinks to be accompanied by the Latin of the Quattuor navigationes.

[581] This little black-letter quarto contains fourteen unnumbered leaves, and the woodcut on the title is repeated on Bii, verso, E, recto, and Eiiii, verso. There are five other woodcuts, one of which is repeated three times. Harrisse (Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 61; also p. 462) reports only the Harvard College copy, which was received from Obadiah Rich in 1830. There are other entries of this tract in Panzer, vi. 44, no. 149, under Argentorati (Strasburg), referring to the Crevenna Catalogue, ii. 117; Sabin, vii. 286; Grenville Catalogue, p. 480; Graesse, iii. 94; Henry Stevens’s Historical Nuggets, no. 1,252, pricing a copy in 1862 at £10 10s.; Harrassowitz (81, no. 48), pricing one at 1,000 marks; Huth, ii. 602; Court, no. 145; Bibliotheca Thottiana, v. 219; and Humboldt refers to it in his Examen critique, vi. 142, and in his introduction to Ghillany’s Behaim, p. 8, note. Cf. also D’Avezac’s Waltzemüller, p. 114; Major’s Prince Henry the Navigator, p. 387, and his paper in the Archæologia, vol. xl.; Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 173. D’Avezac used a copy in the Mazarine Library. A German translation, printed also by Grüninger at Strasburg, appeared under the title, Der Welt Kugel, etc. (Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions, no. 32.) Varnhagen (Le premier voyage, p. 36) thinks this German text the original one.

[582] Cf. Harrisse, Cabots, 182; D’Avezac, Allocution à la Société de Geographie de Paris, Oct. 20, 1871, p. 16; and his Waltzemüller, p. 116.

[583] See this Vol. p. 120.

[584] No. 4,924 of his Catalogue, no. xiv. of that year.

[585] This Latin text of Bassin was also printed at Venice in 1537 (Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions, no. 156; Leclerc, no. 2,517). Humboldt (Examen critique, iv. 102, 114) and others have been misled by a similarity of title in supposing that there were other editions of the Cosmographiæ introductio published at Ingoldstadt in 1529, 1532, and at Venice in 1535, 1541, 1551, and 1554. This book, however, is only an abridgment of Apian’s Cosmographia, which was originally printed at Landshut in 1524. Cf. Huth, i. 357; Leclerc, no. 156; D’Avezac, Waltzemüller, p. 124. The Bassin version of the voyages was later the basis of the accounts, either at length or abridged, or in versions in other languages, in the Paesi novamente and its translations; in the Novus orbis of 1532 (it is here given as addressed to René, King of Sicily and Jerusalem), and later, in Ramusio’s Viaggi, vol. i. (1550); in Eden’s Treatyse of the Newe India (1553); in the Historiale description de l’Afrique of Leo Africanus (1556),—cf. Carter-Brown Catalogue, i. 211, 229; in De Bry, first and second parts of the Grands voyages, and third and fourth of the Petits voyages, not to name other of the older collections; and among later ones in Bandini, Vita e lettere di Vespucci (pp. 1, 33, 46, 57), and in the Collecção de noticias para a historia e geografia das nações ultramarinas (1812), published by the Royal Academy of Lisbon. Varnhagen reprints the Latin text in his Amerigo Vespucci, p. 34.

[586] Depicted on p. 118. Cf. Wieser, Magalhaês-Strasse, pp. 26, 27.

[587] Bibl. Amer. Vet., p. 142.

[588] The original edition appeared at Vienna in 1514; but it was reprinted at Strasburg in 1515. Cf. Sabin, vol. i. no. 671; Bibl. Amer. Vet., nos. 76, 77, 78; Stevens, Bibliotheca geographica, 70; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 48.

[589] See the following section of the present chapter.

[590] See a fac-simile of this part of the map in the chapter on Magellan.

[591] Stevens, Bibliotheca historica (1870), no. 1,272; Bibliotheca geographica, no. 1,824.

[592] See p. 112.

[593] See chapter on Magellan.

[594] Helps, however, cannot trace him at work upon it before 1552, and he had not finished it in 1561; and for three centuries yet to come it was to remain in manuscript.

[595] Book i. cap. 140.

[596] Harrisse (Fernand Colomb, p. 30), says: “The absence of nautical charts and planispheres, not only in the Colombina, but in all the muniment offices of Spain, is a signal disappointment. There is one chart which above all we need,—made by Vespucius, and which, in 1518, was in the collection of the Infanta Ferdinand, brother of Charles V.” A copy of Valsequa’s chart of 1439 which belonged to Vespucius, being marked “Questa ampla pelle di geographia fù pagata da Amerigo Vespucci cxxx ducati di oro di marco,” was, according to Harrisse (Bibl. Amer. Vet. Add., p. xxiii), in existence in Majorca as late as 1838.

[597] The letters AM appear upon the representation of the New World contained in it.

[598] Cf. on Gemma Frisius’ additions to Apianus’ Cosmographia, published in Spanish from the Latin in 1548, what Navarrete says in his Opúsculos, ii. 76.

[599] Antwerp, 1544, cap. xxx. “America ab inventore Amerio [sic] Vesputio nomen habet;” Antwerp, 1548, adds “alii Bresiliam vocât;” Paris, 1548, cap. xxx., “de America,” and cap. xxxi. “de insulis apud Americam;” Paris, 1556, etc. Cf. Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., nos. 156, 252, 279; Additions, nos. 92, 168.

[600] “Quam ab Americo primo inventore Americam vocant.”

[601] “Insularum America cognominata obtenditur.”

[602] Sir Thomas More in his Utopia (which it will he remembered was an island on which Vespucius is represented as leaving one of his companions), as published in the 1551 edition at London, speaks of the general repute of Vespucius’ account,—“Those iiii voyages that be nowe in printe and abrode in euery mannes handes.” Cf. Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. i. no. 162. William Cuningham, in his Cosmographical Glasse (London, 1559), ignores Columbus, and gives Vespucius the credit of finding “America” in June, 1497 (Ibid., no. 228).

[603] See p. 119.

[604] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 178; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 106; Charles Deane’s paper on Schöner in the Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., October, 1883.

[605] Examen critique, v. 174. Here is a contemporary’s evidence that Vespucius supposed the new coasts to be Asia.

[606] “Tota itaque quod aiunt aberrant cœlo qui hanc continentem Americâ nuncupari contendunt, cum Americus multo post Columbû eandê terram adieret, nec cum Hispanis ille, sed cum Portugallensibus, ut suas merces commutaret, èo se contulito.” It was repeated in the edition of 1541.

[607] Pedro de Ledesma, Columbus’ pilot in his third voyage, deposed in 1513 that he considered Paria a part of Asia (Navarrete, iii. 539).

[608] Cosmos, Eng. tr., ii. 676.

[609] Wieser, Der Portulan des Königs Philipp, vol. ii. Vienna, 1876.

[610] See instances cited by Prof. J. D. Butler, Transactions of the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, vol. ii. (1873, 1874). There was an attempt made in 1845, by some within the New York Historical Society, to render tardy justice to the memory of Columbus by taking his name, in the form of Columbia, as a national designation of the United States; but it necessarily failed (Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., ii. 315). “Allegania” was an alternative suggestion made at the same time.

[611] This letter is preserved in the Archives of the Duke of Veraguas. It has been often printed. Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 149.

[612] Vizconde de Santarem (Manoel Francisco de Barros y Sousa), Researches respecting Americus Vespucius and his Voyages. Translated by E.V. Childe (Boston, 1850), 221 pp. 16mo. This is a translation of the Recherches historiques, critiques et bibliographiques sur Améric Vespuce et ses voyages, which was published in Paris in 1842. Santarem had before this sought to discredit the voyages claimed for Vespucius in 1501 and 1503, and had communicated a memoir on the subject to Navarrete’s Coleccion. He also published a paper in the Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris in October, 1833, and added to his statements in subsequent numbers (October, 1835; September, 1836; February and September, 1837). These various contributions were combined and annotated in the Recherches, etc., already mentioned. Cf. his Memoria e investigaciones históricas sobre los viajes de Américo Vespucio, in the Recueil complet de traités, vi. 304. There is a biography of Vespucius, with an appendix of “Pruebas é ilustraciones” in the Coleccion de Opúsculos of Navarrete, published (1848) at Madrid, after his death.

[613] Such, for instance, was Caleb Cushing’s opinion in his Reminiscences of Spain, ii. 234.

[614] Eng. tr., ii. 680.

[615] These chapters are reprinted in Sabin’s American Bibliopolist, 1870-1871.

[616] His theory was advanced in a paper on “The Origin of the Name America” in the Atlantic Monthly (March, 1875), xxxv. 291, and in “Sur l’origine du nom d’Amérique,” in the Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris, June, 1875. He again advanced his theory in the New York Nation, April 10, 1884, to which the editors replied that it was “fatally ingenious,”—a courteous rejoinder, quite in contrast with that of H. H. Bancroft in his Central America (i. 291), who charges the Professor with “seeking fame through foolishness” and his theory. Marcou’s argument in part depends upon the fact, as he claims, that Vespucius’ name was properly Albericus or Alberico, and he disputes the genuineness of autographs which make it Amerigo; but nothing was more common in those days than variety, for one cause or another, in the fashioning of names. We find the Florentine’s name variously written,—Amerigo, Merigo, Almerico, Alberico, Alberigo; and Vespucci, Vespucy, Vespuchi, Vespuchy, Vesputio, Vespulsius, Despuchi, Espuchi; or in Latin Vespucius, Vespuccius, and Vesputius.

[617] The Germans have written more or less to connect themselves with the name as with the naming,—deducing Amerigo or Americus from the Old German Emmerich. Cf. Von der Hagen, Jahrbuch der Berliner Gesellschaft für Deutsche Sprache, 1835; Notes and Queries, 1856; Historical Magazine, January, 1857, p. 24; Dr. Theodor Vetter in New York Nation, March 20, 1884; Humboldt, Examen critique, iv. 52.

[618] Bunbury, History of Ancient Geography, ii. 352-368.

[619] [Cf. the section on the “Historical chorography of South America” in which the gradual development of the outline of that continent is traced.—Ed.]

[620] It should be remembered that Columbus on his fourth voyage had sailed along the coast from Cape Honduras to Nombre de Dios, and that Vicente Yañez Pinzon and Juan Diaz de Solis, coasting the shores of the Gulf of Honduras, had sailed within sight of Yucatan in 1506; and therefore that in 1508 the coast-line was well known from the Cabo de S. Augustin to Honduras.

[621] [This name in the early narratives and maps appears as Tarena, Tariene, or Darien, with a great variety of the latter form. Cf. Bancroft, Central America, i. 326.—Ed.]

[622] This Vasco Nuñez was a bankrupt farmer of Española who went with Bastidas on his voyage to the Gulf of Urabá and had been so carefully concealed aboard Enciso’s ship that the officers sent to apprehend absconding debtors had failed to discover him.

[623] [See the chapter on Peru.—Ed.]

[624] [Cf. the chapter on Cortés.—Ed.]

[625] Not the Córdoba of Nicaragua.

[626] [From this point the story is continued in the chapter on Cortés.—Ed.]

[627] Coleccion de los viages y déscubrimientos, que hicieron por mar los Españoles desde fines del siglio XV., por Don Martin Fernandez de Navarrete. The third volume of this series constitutes the Viages menores, y los de Vespucio; Poblaciones en el Darien, suplemento al tomo II, Madrid, 1829. [Cf. the Introduction to the present volume.—Ed.]

[628] Cf. Biblioteca marítima española, ii. 436-438; H. H. Bancroft, Central America, i. 198. [Cf. Introduction to the present volume.—Ed.]

[629] [Cf. the chapters on Columbus, Las Casas, and Pizarro.—Ed.]

[630] Navarrete, iii. 5, note 1, and 539, 544; Humboldt, Examen critique, i. 88, note.

[631] Coleccion, iii. 538-615.

[632] Besides this original material, something concerning this first voyage of Ojeda is contained in Oviedo, i. 76, and ii. 132; Las Casas, ii. 389-434 (all references to Oviedo and Las Casas in this chapter are to the editions issued by the Real Academia); Herrera, dec. i. lib. 4, chaps. i.-iv.; Navarrete, Coleccion, iii. 4-11, 167, 543-545; Humboldt, Examen critique, i. 313, and iv. 195, 220; Helps, Spanish Conquest, i. 263, 280, ii. 106; Irving, Companions, pp. 9-27; Bancroft, Central America, i. 111, 118, 308; Ruge, Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen, p. 322. There is also a notice of Ojeda by Navarrete in his Opúsculos, i. 113.

[633] [On this see note on p. 7 of the present volume.—Ed.]

[634] Navarrete, Coleccion, iii. 12, note 1.

[635] Biblioteca marítima española, ii. 525.

[636] Page 117, ed. 1532. For other references to this voyage, see Peter Martyr (dec. i. chap. viii.), whose account is based on the above; Herrera, dec. i. lib. 4, chap. v.; Navarrete, Coleccion, iii. 11-18, 540-542; Humboldt, Examen critique, iv. 220; Bancroft, Central America, i. 111; Irving, Companions, pp. 28-32.

[637] Chapters cxii. and cxiii. In Latin in Grynæus, p. 119, edition of 1532.

[638] Varnhagen, Examen de quelques points de l’histoire géographique du Brésil, pp. 19-24; Varnhagen, Historia geral do Brazil (2d ed.), i. 78-80.

[639] Cf. Navarrete, Coleccion, iii. 19, note. Humboldt (Examen critique, i. 313) says that Vicente Yañez saw the coast forty-eight days before Cabral left Lisbon. As to the exact date of Vicente Yañez’ landfall, the Paesi novamente (chap. cxii.) gives it as January 20, while Peter Martyr (dec. i. chap. ix.), who usually follows the Paesi novamente, in his description of this and of the Guerra and Niño voyages gives it as “Septimo kalendas Februarii,” or January 26. But the difference is unimportant. [Cf. further the section on the “Historical Chorography of South America,” in which the question is further examined.—Ed.]

[640] Navarrete, iii. 547 et seq.

[641] See also Navarrete, Notice chronologique, in Quatre voyages, i. 349, and Humboldt, Introduction to Ghillany’s Behaim, p. 2, where he says, in the description of the La Cosa map, that Cabo de S. Augustin, whose position is very accurately laid down on that map, was first called Rostro Hermoso, Cabo Sta. Maria de la Consolacion, and Cabo Sta. Cruz. In this he is probably correct; for if Vicente Yañez or Lepe did not discover it, how did La Cosa know where to place it?—unless he revised his map after 1500. This is not likely, as the map contains no hint of the discoveries made during his third voyage undertaken with Rodrigo de Bastidas in 1500-1502. Cf. Stevens, Notes, p. 33, note.

[642] Cf. two Real provisions of date Dec. 5. 1500, in Navarrete, iii. 82, 83; and see also a Capitulacion and Asiento of date Sept. 5, 1501, in Documentos inéditos, xxx. 535. Other references to this voyage are,—Herrera, dec. i. lib. 4, chap. vi.; Navarrete, iii. 18-23; Humboldt, Examen critique, iv. 221; Bancroft, Central America, i. 112; and Irving, Companions, pp. 33-41.

[643] Navarrete, Coleccion, iii. 552-555.

[644] Ibid., iii. 552.

[645] Ibid., iii. 80, 81.

[646] Capitulacion, etc., Sept. 14, 1501 (Documentos inéditos, xxxi. 5); Cédulas, November, 1501 (Documentos inéditos, xxxi. 100, 102); another cédula of January, 1502 (Documentos inéditos, xxxi. 119). See also Herrera, dec. i. lib. 4, chap. vii.; Navarrete, iii. 23, 594; Humboldt, Examen critique, i. 314, iv. 221; Bancroft, Central America, i. 113; and Irving, Companions, p. 42.

[647] Navarrete, Coleccion, iii. 5, and note, and p. 539; Humboldt, Examen critique, i. 88, and note. [Cf. the section in the present volume on “The Early Maps of the Spanish and Portuguese Discoveries,” ante, p. 106.—Ed.]

[648] Cf. Voyage aux régions équinoxiales du nouveau continent fait en 1799, 1800, 1801, 1802, 1803, et 1804, par Alexandre de Humboldt et A. Bonpland, rédigé par Alexandre de Humboldt, avec un atlas géographique et physique (8 vols.), Paris, 1816-1832. Translated into English by Helen Maria Williams, and published as Personal Narrative of Travels to the Equinoctial Regions, etc. (7 vols.), London, 1818-1829. There is another translation, with the same title, by Thomassina Ross (7 vols.), London, 1818-1829, of which a three-volume edition was brought out in 1852.

[649] Examen critique de l’histoire de la géographie du nouveau continent, etc., par A. de Humboldt, Paris, 1836-1839. This was first published in Voyage de Humboldt et Bonpland. Cf. Bibliography of Humboldt, vol. iii.

[650] (1) With Columbus—September, 1493 to June, 1496. (2) With Ojeda—May, 1499 to June, 1500. (3) With Bastidas—October, 1500 to September, 1502. (4) In command—1504 to 1506. (5) In command—1507 to 1508. (6) With Ojeda—1509. Cf. Humboldt, Examen critique, v. 163; also Navarrete, Biblioteca marítima española, ii. 208.

[651] [See further on the La Cosa map, Vol. III. of the present History, p. 8, and the present volume, p. 106, where fac-similes and sketches are given.—Ed.]

[652] Answers to the sixth question (Coleccion, iii. 545), reviewed by the editor on pp. 591 and 592 of the same volume.

[653] Documentos inéditos, ii. 362. It was partially translated in Bancroft, Central America, i. 186, note.

[654] Navarrete, Coleccion, ii. 416.

[655] Documentos inéditos, xxxi. 230.

[656] Título (1502, April 3), Documentos inéditos, xxxi. 129.

[657] Documentos inéditos, ii. 366.

[658] Ibid., xxxvii. 459.

[659] Oviedo, i. 76, and ii. 334; Las Casas, iii. 10. Something may also be found in Herrera, dec. i. lib. 4, chap. xiv., and in Navarrete, Coleccion, iii. 25; Quintana, Obras completas in Biblioteca de autores Españoles, xix. 281; Humboldt, Examen critique, i. 360, iv. 224; Helps, i. 281; and Irving, Companions, p. 43-45.

[660] Vol. i. pp. 114, 183-194.

[661] Cf. Early American Chroniclers, p. 44.

[662] Chroniclers, p. 44.

[663] [There is a further estimate in another part of the present work.—Ed.]

[664] Coleccion, pp. 28, 168, 591; see also Humboldt, Examen critique, i. 360, and iv. 226; and Irving, Companions, pp. 46-53.

[665] Coleccion, iii. 85.

[666] Ibid., iii. 89.

[667] Ibid., iii. 91.

[668] Ibid., iii. 103, 105-107.

[669] Ibid., ii. 420-436.

[670] Tierra de riego, Navarrete, Coleccion, iii. 32.

[671] Navarrete, iii. 32, note 3. In this note he mentions Enciso’s Suma de geografía as an authority.

[672] Central America, i. 339, note.

[673] Navarrete, Biblioteca marítima española, ii. 432; but see also Bancroft, Central America, i. 192, note.

[674] Irving, Companions, pp. 126-129. See Memorial que dió el bachiller Enciso de lo ejecutado por el en defensa de los Reales derechos en la materia de los indios, in Documentos inéditos, i. 441. This document contains, pp. 442-444, the celebrated requerimiento which Pedrárias was ordered to read to the natives before he seized their lands. A translation is in Bancroft, Central America, i. 397, note. It may also be found in Oviedo, iii. 28. Bancroft in the above note also indicates the depositary of the requerimiento drawn up for the use of Ojeda and Nicuesa. With regard to this Cenú expedition, see also Enciso, Suma de geografía, p. 56.

[675] Cited in this chapter as Documentos inéditos. [See further on this collection in the Introduction to the present volume.—Ed.]

[676] Navarrete, Coleccion, iii. 109; and see also Biblioteca marítima española, ii. 210, 211.

[677] Documentos inéditos, xxxi. 220.

[678] Navarrete, Coleccion, iii. 161.

[679] Documentos inéditos, xxxi. 360.

[680] Ibid., xxxi. 250.

[681] Coleccion, iii. 169.

[682] Coleccion, iii. 162.

[683] Navarrete, Coleccion, iii. 46; Humboldt, Examen critique, iv. 228; Herrera, dec. i. lib. 6, chap. xvii. But this discovery is denied by Harrisse.

[684] “Collector of penalties.” Cf. Bancroft, Central America, i. 473.

[685] [The bibliographical history of Oviedo’s writings is given in the note following the chapter on Las Casas. Harrisse, who gives a chapter on Oviedo in his Christophe Colomb, p. 97, points out how rarely he refers to original documents.—Ed.]

[686] Real cédula por la cual, con referencia á lo capitulado con Diego de Nicuesa y Alonso de Hojeda, y al nombramiento de ámbos por cuatro años para gobernadores de Veragua el primero y de Urabá et segundo, debiendo ser Teniente suyo Juan de la Cosa, se ratifica el nombramiento á Hojeda (June 9, 1508), Navarrete, Coleccion, iii. 116; in the original spelling, and bearing date May 9, 1508, in Documentos inéditos, xxxii. 25. The “capitulado” mentioned in the above title is in Documentos inéditos, xxxii. 29-43, and is followed by the Real cédula para Xoan de la Cossa sea capitan e gobernador por Alhonso Doxeda; e en las partes donde esthobiere el dicho Doxeda su Lugar Thiniente (June 9, 1508); and see also Capitulacion que se toma con Diego de Nicuesa y Alonso de Ojeda (June 9, 1508), Documentos inéditos, xxii. 13.

[687] Navarrete, Coleccion, iii. 118; Documentos inéditos, xxxii. 46; and see also Ibid., p. 52.

[688] Cédula, Documentos inéditos, xxxii. 51.

[689] Navarrete, Coleccion, iii. 386 and note; probably presented in 1516. Cf. Biblioteca marítima española, ii. 666.

[690] Documentos inéditos, xxxi. 529, 533.

[691] Ibid., xxxii. 101.

[692] Ibid., xxxii. 103.

[693] Ibid., xxxii. 231, 236, 240, 257.

[694] See document of October 5, 1511, in Navarrete, Coleccion, iii. 120, and of Oct. 6, 1511, in Documentos inéditos, xxxii. 284.

[695] Other references are Oviedo, ii. 421; Las Casas, iii. 289-311; Peter Martyr, dec. ii. chap. i.; Herrera, dec. i. lib. 7, chaps. vii., xi., xiv.-xvi., and lib. 8, iii.-v.; Navarrete, Coleccion, iii. 170; Quintana, U. S., pp. 281, 301; Helps, i. 287-296; Bancroft, Central America, i. 289-301; Irving, Companions, pp. 54-102.

[696] See, however, on the career of Nicuesa after leaving Cartagena the following authorities: Oviedo, ii. 465-477; Las Casas, iii. 329-347; Peter Martyr, dec. ii. chaps. ii.-iii.; Herrera, dec. i. lib. 7, chap. xvi., and lib. 8, chaps. i.-iii. and viii.; Vidas de Españoles célebres in vol. xix. of Biblioteca de autores Españoles, obras completas del Excímo Sr. D. Manuel José Quintana, p. 283; Helps, i. 303-317; Bancroft, Central America, i. 289-308, and 336, note; Irving, Companions, pp. 103-117, 138-146.

[697] Cf. Navarrete, Biblioteca marítima española, ii. 409.

[698] Quintana, U. S., pp. 281-300.

[699] Navarrete, Coleccion, iii. 358-375.

[700] Narrative ... of Pascual de Andagoya, translated by C. R. Markham for the Hakluyt Society, 1865, Introduction, pp. iii, xix.

[701] Oviedo, iii. 4-21; Las Casas, iii. 312-328, iv. 66-134; Peter Martyr, dec. ii. chaps. iii.-vi., dec. iii. chap. i.; Herrera, dec. i. lib. 9 and 10, with the exception of chap. vii. of book 10, which relates to Pedrárias, and of a few other chapters with regard to the affairs of Velasquez, etc.; Galvano, Hakluyt Society ed., p. 124; Helps, i. 321-352, and chap. iv. of his Pizarro; Bancroft, Central America, i. 129, 133, 330-385, 438; and Mexico, iii. 558; Irving, Companions, pp. 136-212 and 254-276; Ruge, Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen, p. 347.

[702] Cf. Bancroft, Central America, i. 364, note. Irving unluckily followed Peter Martyr, as Bancroft shows. [Humboldt is inclined to magnify the significance of the information which Columbus in his third voyage got, as looking to a knowledge, by the Spaniards, of the south sea as early as 1503. Cf. his Relation historique du voyage aux régions équinoxiales, iii. 703, 705, 713; Cosmos, Eng. tr. (Bohn), ii. 642; Views of Nature (Bohn), p. 432.—Ed.]

[703] Coleccion, iii. 337-342.

[704] Ibid., iii. 342-355.

[705] Ibid., iii. 355.

[706] Documentos inéditos, xxxvii. 282.

[707] Ibid., ii. 526; Navarrete, Coleccion, iii. 375. Cf. Navarrete’s nota on the credibility of Vasco Nuñez in Ibid., p. 385. Portions of this letter have been translated by Markham in the notes to pages 1 and 10 of Andagoya’s Narrative, published by the Hakluyt Society.

[708] Cf. Sabin, Dictionary, vol. xiii. no. 56,338; also vol. x. no. 41,604.

[709] Letter from the King to Pedrárias, Sept. 23, 1514 (Documentos inéditos, xxxvii. 285); to Alonso de la Fuente, nuestro Thesoréro de Castilla del Oro, same date (Doc. in., p. 287); to other officials (Doc. in., p. 289); to Vasco Nuñez (Doc. in., p. 290). See also some extracts printed in the same volume, pp. 193-197.

[710] Documentos inéditos, xxxvii. 5-75.

[711] Ibid., xx. 5-119.

[712] Carta de Alonso de la Puente [thesoréro of Tierra-Firme] y Diego Marquez, 1516 (Documentos inéditos, ii. 538); Carta al Mr. de Zevres el lycenciado Çuaço, 1518 (Documentos inéditos, i. 304). Alonso do Çuaço, or Zuazo, was juez de Residencia en Santo Domingo. Cf. Documentos inéditos, i. 292, note.

[713] Relacion de los sucesos de Pedrárias Dávila en las provincias de Tierra firme ó Castilla del oro, y de lo occurido en el descubrimiento de la mar del Sur y costas del Perú y Nicaragua, escrita por el Adelantado Pascual de Andagoya, in Navarrete, Coleccion, iii. 393-456. The portion bearing on the events described in this chapter ends at page 419. This has been translated and edited with notes, a map, and introduction by Clements R. Markham, in a volume published by the Hakluyt Society, London, 1865. [Cf. chapter on Peru, and the paper on Andagoya by Navarrete in his Opúsculos, i. 137.—Ed.]

[714] Cf. Navarrete, Noticia biográfica del Adelantado Pascual de Andagoya, Coleccion, iii. 457; also Biblioteca marítima española, ii. 519; and Markham’s translation of Andagoya’s Relacion, pp. xx.-xxx.

[715] [See the bibliography of Herrera on p. 67, ante.—Ed.]

[716] Documentos inéditos, xxxvii. 311.

[717] See also Oviedo, iii. 21-51, 83 et seq.; Las Casas, iv. 135-244; Peter Martyr, dec. ii. chap. vii. dec. iii. chaps. i.-iii., v., vi., and x., and dec. v. chap. ix.; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. 1, 2, 3, dec. iii. lib. 4, 5, 8, 9, and 10 passim; Quintana, U. S., p. 294; Helps, i. 353-388; Bancroft, Central America, i. 386-431; Irving, Companions, pp. 212-276.

[718] Documentos inéditos, xxxvii. 215-231.

[719] Oviedo, iii. 56; Las Casas, iv. 230-244; Peter Martyr, dec. iv. chap. ix.; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. 2, chaps. xiii., xv., and xxi.; Quintana, U. S., pp. 298-299; Helps, i. 389-411; Bancroft, Central America, i. 432-459; Irving, Companions, pp. 259-276. Cf. Manuel M. De Peralta, Costa Rica, Nicaragua y Panamá en el siglo XVI. (Madrid, 1883), pp. ix, 707, for documents relating to Pedrárias in Costa Rica and Nicaragua, and p. 83 for Diego Machuca de Zuazo’s letter to the Emperor, written from Granada, May 30, 1531, referring to the death of Pedrárias.

[720] Documentos inéditos, xiv. 5, partly translated in Bancroft, Central America, i. 480, note.

[721] Bancroft, Central America, i. 481, note.

[722] Documentos inéditos, xiv. 20.

[723] Ibid., xiv. 25.

[724] Ibid., xiv. 47.

[725] Navarrete, Coleccion, iii. 413-418; Markham’s translation, pp. 31-38; see also Oviedo, iii. 65 et seq.; Las Casas, v. 200 et seq.; Peter Martyr, dec. vi. chaps. ii.-viii.; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. 3, chap. xv. and lib. 4 etc., dec. iii. lib. 4, chaps. v. and vi.; Helps, iii. 69-76.

[726] Cf. Bancroft, Central America, i. 483, note. [See the Introduction to the present volume.—Ed.]

[727] Central America, i. 478-492, 512-521, and 527-538. This letter, which is dated at Santo Domingo (March 6, 1524), has since been printed in Peralta’s Costa Rica, Nicaragua y Panamá en el Siglo XVI. (Madrid, 1883), p. 3, where is also (p. 27) his Itinerario, beginning “21 de Enero de 1522.”

[728] For Esquivel and Jamaica, see Herrera, dec. i. lib. 8, chap. v.; Navarrete, Coleccion, iii. 171. For Ocampo’s voyage, Oviedo, i. 495; Las Casas, iii. 210; Herrera, dec. i. lib. 7, chap. i.; Stevens’s Notes, p. 35; Helps, i. 415, and ii. 165.

[729] See also Herrera, dec. i. lib. 9, chaps. iv., vii., and xv.; also lib. 10, chap. viii.; Helps, i. 415-432, and Vida de Cortés in Icazbalceta, Coleccion ... para la historia de México, i. 319-337. [There is a little contemporary account of the conquest of Cuba in the Lenox Library, Provinciæ ... noviter reperta in ultima navigatione, which seems to be a Latin version of a Spanish original now lost (Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 101). On the death of Velasquez, see Magazine of American History, i. 622, 692.—Ed.]

[730] Coleccion, iii. 53.

[731] Oviedo, i. 497; Las Casas, iv. 348-363; Peter Martyr, dec. iv. chap. i.; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. 2, chap. xvii.; Navarrete, Coleccion, iii. 53; Cogolludo, Historia de Yucatan, 3; Prescott, Mexico, i. 222; Helps, ii. 211-217; Bancroft, Central America, i. 132, and Mexico, i. 5-11.

[732] [Cf. the chapter on Cortés.—Ed.]

[733] History of Mexico, i. 7, note 4.

[734] Bancroft, Mexico, i. 5, 6, notes.

[735] Memorial del negocio de D. Antonio Velasquez de Bazan, etc., Documentos Inéditos, x. 80-86; this extract is on p. 82.

[736] Historia verdadera, chaps. viii.-xiv.

[737] Historia general, i. 502-537.

[738] As to the identity of Juan Diaz, see note to Bernal Diaz, Historia verdadera, ed. of 1632, folio 6; Oviedo, i. 502; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. 31, chap. i. As to his future career, see Bancroft, Mexico, ii. 158 and note 5. The full title of this account of Juan Diaz is: Itinerario del armata del Re catholico in India verso la isola de Iuchathan del anno M.D.XVIII. alla qual fu presidente & capitan generale Ioan de Grisalva: el qual e facto per el capellano maggior de dicta armata a sua altezza.

[739] [A copy of this, which belonged to Ferdinand Columbus, is in the Cathedral Library at Seville. The book is so scarce that Muñoz used a manuscript copy; and from Muñoz’ manuscript the one used by Prescott was copied. Maisonneuve (1882 Catalogue, no. 2,980) has recently priced a copy at 600 francs. There is a copy in the Carter-Brown Library (Catalogue, vol. i. no. 65), and was sold the present year in the Court sale (no. 362). It was reprinted in 1522, 1526 (Murphy, no, 2,580), and 1535,—the last priced by Maisonneuve (no. 2,981) at 400 francs. Cf. Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., nos. 98, 114, 137, 205, and Additions, no. 59. The Carter-Brown Catalogue (i. 119) puts a Venice edition, without date, under 1536. Ternaux gives a French translation in his Relations et mémoires, vol. x. Icazbalceta has given a Spanish version from the Italian, together with the Italian text, in his Coleccion de documentos para la historia de México, i. 281; also see his introduction, p. xv. He points out the errors of Ternaux’s version. Cf. Bandelier’s “Bibliography of Yucatan” in Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc. (October, 1880), p. 82. Harrisse in his Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions, no. 60, cites a Lettera mādata della insula de Cuba, 1520, which he says differs from the account of Juan Diaz.—Ed.]

[740] Las Casas, iv. 421-449. Other references to this voyage are,—Peter Martyr, dec. iv. chaps. iii. and iv.; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. 3, chaps. i., ii., ix., x., and xi.; Navarrete, Coleccion, iii. 55; Cogolludo, Historia de Yucathan, p. 8; Brasseur de Bourbourg, iv. 50; Helps, ii. 217; Bancroft, Central America, i. 132; and Mexico, PP. 15-35.

[741] This map has seemingly some relation to a map, preserved in the Propaganda at Rome, of which mention is made by Thomassy, Les papes géographes, p. 133.

[742] See notes following chap. vi.

[743] Yucatan seems to have been first named, or its name at least was first recorded, as Yuncatan by Bartholomew Columbus (Bibl. Amer. Vet., p. 471). There are various theories regarding the origin of the name. Cf. Bancroft, Mexico, i. 11, 12; Prescott, Mexico, i. 223. A new Government map of Yucatan was published in 1878 (Magazine of American History, vol. iii. p. 295).

[744] As given by Kunstmann. See Vol. IV. p. 36 of the present work.

[745] See notes following chap. vi.

[746] See ante, p. 218.

[747] See ante, p. 43.

[748] See ante, p. 127.

[749] See Vol. IV. p. 26.

[750] See post, p. 221.

[751] See Vol. III. p. 11.

[752] See post, p. 223.

[753] See Vol. IV. p. 42.

[754] Cf. Bancroft, Mexico, i. 21; Valentini in Magazine of American History, iii. 295, who supposes that the land usually thought to be an incomplete Cuba in Ruysch’s map of 1508 (p. 115, ante) is really Yucatan, based on the results of the so-called first voyage of Vespucius, and that its seven Latin names correspond to a part of the nineteen Portuguese names which are given on the western shore of the so-called Admiral’s map of the Ptolemy of 1513 (p. 112, ante). Peschel (Geschichte der Erdkunde, 1865, p. 235) also suggests that this map is the work of Vespucius.

[755] Page 43. The best reproduction of it is in Kohl’s Die beiden ältesten General-Karten von Amerika; and there is another fac-simile in Santarem’s Atlas, no. xiv. Cf. Humboldt, Examen critique, ii. 184, and his preface to Ghillany’s Behaim; Harrisse, Cabots, pp. 69, 172; Murr, Memorabilia bibliothecarum (Nuremberg, 1786), ii. 97; Lindenau, Correspondance de Zach (October, 1810); Lelewel, Géographie du moyen-âge, ii. 110; 110; Ocean Highways (1872).

[756] Les papes géographes, p. 118.

[757] See Vol. IV. p. 38.

[758] Cf. Humboldt, Examen critique, iii. 184; Gazetta letteraria universale (May, 1796), p. 468; Santarem in Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (1847), vii. 310, and in his Recherches sur la découverte des pays au-delà du Cap-Bojador, pp. xxiii and 125; Murr, Histoire diplomatique de Behaim, p. 26; Lelewel, Géographie du moyen-âge, ii. 166.

[759] See ante, p. 92.

[760] One hundred copies issued.

[761] Dr. J. Chavanne in Mittheilungen der k. k. geographischen Gesellschaft in Wien (1875), p. 485; A. Steinhauser in Ibid., p. 588; Petermann’s Mittheilungen (1876), p. 52; Malte-Brun in the Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris (1876), p. 625; Dr. Franz Wieser’s “Der Portulan des Infanten und nachmaligen Königs Philipp II. von Spanien,” printed in the Sitzungsberichte der philosophisch-historischen Classe der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, lxxxii. 541 (March, 1876), and also printed separately.

[762] Cabots, p. 168.

[763] See Vol. III. p. 19

[764] Catalogue, no. 349, p. 1277.

[765] Cf. Vincenzo Promis, Memoriale di Diego Colombo con nota sulla bolla di Alessandro VI. (Torino, 1869), p. 11; Heinrich Wuttke, “Zur Geschichte der Erdkunde in der letzten Hälfte des Mittelalters,” in the Jahresbericht des Vereins für Erdkunde in Dresden (1870), vol. vi. and vii. p. 61, etc.; Wieser, Der Portulan, etc., p. 15.

[766] Vol. IV. p. 26.

[767] Vol. III. p. 17.

[768] See post, p. 432.

[769] Vol. III. p. 11.

[770] Vol. IV. p. 46.

[771] Vol. IV. p. 40.

[772] Kohl, ignorant of the Peter Martyr map of 1511 (see p. 110), mistakes in considering that the map must be assigned to a date later than 1530, for the reason that the Bermudas are shown in it.

[773] This may be the map referred to by R. H. Schomburgk in his Barbadoes (London, 1848), as being in the British Museum, to which it was restored in 1790, after having been in the possession of Edward Harley and Sir Joseph Banks.

[774] See Vol. IV. p. 41.

[775] See ante, p. 177.

[776] See Vol. IV. p. 42.

[777] Cf. Schomburgk’s Barbadoes, p. 256.

[778] See “Hist. Chorography of S. America.”

[779] See Vol. IV. p. 43, and fac-simile given in “Hist. Chorography of South America.”

[780] See “Hist. Chorography of S. America.”

[781] Figured in the Jahrbuch des Vereins für Erdkunde in Dresden, 1870.

[782] See post, p. 433.

[783] See post, p. 450.

[784] See post, p. 438.

[785] See Vol. IV. p. 93.

[786] See Vol. IV. p. 79.

[787] See post, p. 449.

[788] See Vol. IV. pp. 94, 373.

[789] See Vol. IV. p. 95.

[790] See Vol. IV. p. 96.

[791] Cf. Vol. IV. p. 97.

[792] Harrisse, Jean et Sebastien Cabot, leur origine et leurs voyages (Paris, 1882), pp. 97-104. The Cabot claim appears in Peter Martyr, Decades (Basle, 1533), dec. iii. lib. 6, folio 55; Ramusio, Viaggi (1550-1553), tom. i. folio 414; Jacob Ziegler, Opera varia (Argentorati, 1532), folio xcii. [Cf. the present History Vol. III. chap. i., where it is shown that the person not named by Ramusio was Gian Giacomo Bardolo.—Ed.]

[793] Historical Magazine, 1860, p. 98. Varnhagen ascribes the names of the Cantino and subsequent Ptolemy maps to Vespucius. The name Paria near Florida seems certainly to have come from this source. [The question of this disputed voyage is examined in chapter ii. of the present volume.—Ed.]

[794] James Carson Brevoort, Verrazano the Navigator, p. 72.

[795] Harrisse, Les Corte-Real et leurs voyages au Nouveau Monde, pp. 111, 151. [The Cantino map is sketched on p. 108.—Ed.]

[796] P. Martyris Angli Mediolanensis opera. Hispali Corumberger, 1511. [A fac-simile of this map in given on p. 110.—Ed.]

[797] King to Ceron and Diaz, Aug. 12, 1512.

[798] Las Casas was certainly mistaken in saying that Ponce de Leon gave the name Bimini to Florida; the name was in print before it appears in connection with him, and is in his first patent before he discovered or named Florida (Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, lib. ii. chap. xx., iii. p. 460).

[799] Capitulacion que el Ray concedió á Joan Ponce de Leon para que vaya al descubrimiento de la ysla de Bemini. Fecha en Burgos a xxiij de hebrero de Dxij a^o.

[800] Letter of the King to Ceron and Diaz, Aug. 12, 1512; the King to Ponce de Leon, and letter of the King, Dec. 10, 1512, to the officials in the Indies.

[801] The King, writing to the authorities in Española July 4, 1513, says: “Alegrome de la ida de Juan Ponce á Biminy; tened cuidado de proveerle i avisadme de todo.”

[802] Memoir on a Mappemonde by Leonardo da Vinci communicated to the Society of Antiquaries by R. H. Major, who makes its date between 1513 and 1519,—probably 1514. The Ptolemy printed at Basle 1552 lays down Terra Florida and Ins. Tortucarum, and the map in Girava’s Cosmography shows Florida and Bacalaos; but the B. de Joan Ponce appears in La geografia di Clavdio Ptolomeo Alessandrino, Venice, 1548. [A fac-simile of the sketch accredited to Da Vinci is given on p. 126.—Ed.]

[803] Asiento y capitulacion que se hizo demas con Joan Ponce de Leon sobre la ysla Binini y la ysla Florida, in the volume of Asientos y capitulaciones(1508-1574), Royal Archives at Seville, in Coleccion de documentos inéditos, xxii. pp. 33-38.

[804] Cédula to the Jeronymite Fathers, July 22, 1517 (Coleccion de documentos inéditos, xi. 295-296). One of these surreptitious voyages was made by Anton de Alaminos as pilot (Ibid., pp. 435-438). [See ante, p. 201, for the voyage of Alaminos.—Ed.]

[805] Ponce de Leon to Charles V., Porto Rico, Feb. 10, 1521.

[806] Extracted from a letter of Ponce de Leon to the Cardinal of Tortosa (who was afterward Pope Adrian VI.), dated at Porto Rico, February 10, 1521.

[807] Herrera, dec. iii. book 1, chap. xiv.; Oviedo, lib. 36, chap. i. pp. 621-623; Barcia, Ensaio cronologico, pp. 5, 6.

[808] Oviedo (edition of Amador de los Rios, ii. 143), gives in his Derrotero, “la bahia que llaman de Miruelos” as west of Apalache Bay. See Barcia’s Ensaio cronológico, p. 2.

[809] [The Córdoba of chap. iii. ante.—Ed.]

[810] [See chap. vi. of the present volume.—Ed.]

[811] The great river might be supposed to be the Rio Grande; but its volume is scarcely sufficient to justify the supposition, while the Mississippi is indicated on the map of his province with its name R. del Espiritu Santo, evidently given by Garay.

[812] [See ante, p. 218.—Ed.]

[813] [See chapter vi. of the present volume.—Ed.]

[814] Testimony of Pedro de Quexos; Act of taking possession by Quexos.

[815] Testimony of Pedro de Quexos.

[816] Act of possession; Testimony of Aldana.

[817] Answer of Ayllon to Matienzo.

[818] Navarrete, Coleccion, iii. 69.

[819] Ibid., p. 153.

[820] Cédula, June 12, 1523.

[821] Cédula given at Burgos.

[822] Interrogatories of Ayllon; Testimony of Quexos.

[823] Testimony of Alonzo Despinosa Cervantes and of Father Antonio de Cervantes, O.S.D., in 1561. The date is clearly fixed after May 26, and before June 9, as Ayllon testified on the former day, and on the latter his procurator appeared for him. Navarrete is wrong in making him sail about the middle of July (Coleccion, iii. 72).

[824] If Ayllon really reached the Jordan, this was the Wateree.

[825] [See Vol. III. p. 130.—Ed.]

[826] See ante, p. 221; and references to reproductions, on p. 222.

[827] Duro, Informe relativo a los pormenores de descubrimiento del Nuevo Mundo, Madrid, 1883. p. 266, where Cabot’s testimony in the Colon-Pinzon suit is given.

[828] [See chapter vi. of this volume.—Ed.]

[829] Coleccion de documentos inéditos, xii. 86.

[830] “Aqui desembarco Panfilo de Narvaez.” Mappemonde of Sebastian Cabot in Jomard. This map has always been supposed to be based on Spanish sources; but owing to the strict prohibition of publication in Spain, it was probably printed elsewhere, “in Brussels or Amsterdam, or some such place,” as Gayangos thinks. It is seemingly engraved on wood (Smith’s Relation of Alvar Nuñez Cabeça de Vaca, p. 56); or at least some have thought so.

[831] Compare Cabeza de Vaca’s account, Oviedo, lib. 35, chap. i.-vii., pp. 582-618; and the French accounts of La Salle’s expedition,—Joutel and Anastase Douay in Le Clercq, Établissement de la Foi, for the animals and plants of the district.

[832] Relaçam verdadeira (Evora, 1557), chaps. i.-vi., continued in Smith’s translation, pp. 1-21; in Hakluyt’s Supplementary Volume (London, 1812), pp. 695-712; and in Force’s Tracts. Rangel in Oviedo, book xvii. chap. xxii. p. 546.

[833] Biedma’s Relacion in Smith’s Coleccion, and his Soto, p. 231; Coleccion de documentos inéditos, iii. 414-441.

[834] Cf. Buckingham Smith on “The Captivity of Ortis,” in the appendix to his Letter on De Soto.

[835] Oviedo, i. 547.

[836] Relaçam verdadeira, chap. xi.; Smith’s Soto, pp. 43-44; Biedma, Ibid., 234.

[837] Oviedo, i. 554-557.

[838] Relaçam verdadeira, chap. xii.-xv.; Biedma, Relacion; Smith’s Soto, pp. 49-68, 236-241; Rangel in Oviedo, Historia General, i. 562.

[839] Oviedo, i. 563.

[840] Relaçam verdadeira, chap. xv.-xvi.; Biedma, Relacion; Smith’s Soto, pp. 66-77, 240-242; Rangel in Oviedo, i. 563-566.

[841] It is variously written also Mavila and Mavilla.

[842] Relaçam verdadeira, chs. xvii.-xix.; Biedma, Relacion; Smith’s Soto, pp. 80-90, 242-245.

[843] See Smith’s Soto, p. 90; Rangel in Oviedo, i. 569. The requiems said years afterward to have been chanted over Soto’s body are therefore imaginary. No Mass, whether of requiem or other, could have been said or sung after the battle of Mauila.

[844] Relaçam verdadeira, chap. xx.-xxi.; Biedma, Relacion; Smith’s Soto, pp. 91-100, 246-248; Rangel in Oviedo, Historia General, chap. xxviii. pp. 571-573.

[845] Relaçam verdadeira, chap. xxii.; Biedma, Relacion, in Smith, Soto, pp. 101-105, 249-250; Hakluyt; Rangel in Oviedo.

[846] Oviedo, p. 573.

[847] Relaçam verdadeira, chap. xxiii., xxiv.; Biedma, Relacion, in Smith’s Soto, pp. 106-117, 250-252; Hakluyt; Rangel in Oviedo. Compare Relacion of Coronado’s expedition in Smith’s Coleccion, p. 153.

[848] Rangel in Oviedo, i. 576.

[849] Oviedo, p. 577. Here, unfortunately, his abridgment of Rangel ends. The contents of two subsequent chapters are given, but not the text.

[850] Relaçam verdad., chaps. xxv.-xxx.; Biedma, Relacion, in Smith’s Soto, pp. 118-149, 252-257.

[851] Relaçam verdad., chaps. xxxi.-xlii.; Biedma, Relacion, in Smith’s Soto, pp. 150-196, 257-261.

[852] Barcia, Ensaio cronológico, p. 24; Gomara, Hist. gen., lib. i. c. 45.

[853] Cf. Vol. IV. chap. 2.

[854] Documents printed in Smith’s Coleccion, pp. 103-118.

[855] Barcia, Ensaio cronológico, p. 24.

[856] Las Casas, Destruccion de las Indias. De las provincias de la Tierra Firme por la parte que se llama la Florida,—a chapter written partly before and partly after Moscoço’s arrival in Mexico. [See the chapter on Las Casas, following the present one.—Ed.]

[857] The best account of this affair is a “Relacion de la Florida para el Ill^mo Señor Visorrei de la N^a España la qual trajo Fray Greg^o de Beteta,” in Smith’s Coleccion, pp. 190-202. The first part is by Cancer himself, the conclusion by Beteta. There are also extant “Requirimentos y respuestas que pasaron en la Nao S^a Maria de la Encina,” and the Minutes of discussions between the missionaries, and the Captain’s order to his pilot and sailors. There is a somewhat detailed sketch of Cancer’s life in Davila Padilla’s Historia de la fundacion de la Provincia de Santiago de México, 1596, chapters liv.-lvii., and a brief notice in Touron, Histoire de l’Amérique, vi. 81. Cf. Herrera, dec. viii. lib. 5, p. 112; Gomara, c. xlv.; Barcia, Ensaio cronológico, pp. 25-26.

[858] Barcia, Ensaio cronológico, p. 26.

[859] Barcia, Ensaio cronológico, pp. 28-29. “Don Luis Velasco a los officiales de Sevilla,” Mexico, November, 1554. Farfan to same, Jan. 3, 1555. The vessels were wrecked at Cape Santa Elena, 9° N. Villafañe was sent to rescue the survivors. Davila Padilla gives details in his sketches of Fathers Diego de la Cruz, Juan de Mena, Juan Ferrer, and Marcos de Mena.

[860] “The Viceroy has treated this matter in a most Christian way, with much wisdom and counsel, insisting strenuously on their understanding that they do not go to conquer those nations, nor do what has been done in the discovery of the Indies, but to settle, and by good example, with good works and with presents, to bring them to a knowledge of our holy Faith and Catholic truth.”—Father Pedro de Feria, Letter of March 3, 1559.

[861] Alaman, Disertaciones históricas, vol. iii., apendice, p. 11.

[862] Declaracion de Guido de Bazares de la Jornada que hizo á descubrir las puertos y vaias q^e hai en la costa de la Florida, Feb. 1, 1559. A poor translation of this document is given in French in Ternaux’ Voyages, vol. x., and a still worse one in English in French’s Historical Collections of Louisiana, etc., new series, ii. 236.

[863] Relacion de Dn Luis de Velasco a S. M. Mexico, Sept. 24, 1559. This was written after receiving, on the 9th, the letters sent by Tristan de Luna on the galleon. It is given in B. Smith’s Coleccion, p. 10. See Davila Padilla, Historia de la fundacion de la Provincia de Santiago de México (Madrid, 1596), chaps. lviii.-lix., pp. 231-234. Ichuse in some documents is written Ochuse.

[864] Testimony of Cristóval Velasquez.

[865] Davila Padilla (p. 236) says August 20; but it was evidently September.

[866] Letter of Velasco, Oct. 25, 1559, citing a letter of Tristan de Luna. Said by Montalvan and Velasquez to have been one hundred and fifty men, horse and foot, under Mateo de Sauce, the sergeant-major, and Captain Christopher de Arellano, accompanied by Fathers Annunciation and Salazar (Testimony of Miguel Sanchez Serrano). He remained three months at Ichuse before he heard from Ypacana; and though urged to go there, lingered five or six months more.

[867] Letter of Tristan de Luna to the King, Sept. 24, 1559, in Coleccion de documentos inéditos, xii. 280-283.

[868] Letter of Velasco to Luna, Oct. 25, 1559; Davila Padilla, book i. chap. lxi. pp. 242-244.

[869] Barcia, Ensaio cronológico, pp. 33-34; Davila Padilla, book i. chap. lxii., pp. 245-246.

[870] Ochechiton, like Mississippi, means great river,—from okhina, river; chito, great (Byington’s Choctaw Definer, pp. 79, 97).

[871] Testimony of soldiers.

[872] Davila Padilla, book i. chap. lxiii.-lxvi. pp. 247-265.

[873] These I take to be the Rio Manipacna and Rio Tome.

[874] Ceron, Respuesta, Sept. 16, 1560. Velasco, Letter, Aug. 20-Sept. 3, 1560; Davila Padilla, book i. p. 268.

[875] Davila Padilla, p. 270. The labors of Cancer and of Feria and his companions are treated briefly in the Relacion de la fundacion de la Provincia de Santiago, 1567. Cf. Coleccion de documentos inéditos, v. 447.

[876] Barcia, Ensaio cronológico, pp. 34-41; Davila Padilla, pp. 271-277.

[877] Testimony of Velasquez and Miguel Sanchez Serrano. The expedition sent out by Tristan de Luna to occupy Santa Elena was composed of three vessels, bearing one hundred men. The vessels were scattered in a storm, and ran to Mexico and Cuba. After that Pedro Menendez, who was in command of a fleet sailing from Vera Cruz, was ordered to run along the Atlantic coast for a hundred leagues above Santa Elena. Letter of Velasco, Sept. 3, 1560; Testimony of Montalvan.

[878] Testimonio de Francisco de Aguilar, escrivano que fue en la jornada á la Florida con Angel de Villafañe Relacion del reconocimiento que hizo el Capitan General Angel de Villafañe de la costa de la Florida, y posesion que tomó ... desde 33° hasta 35°. Testimony of Montalvan, Velasquez, Serrano, etc. The Indian, however, may have been found among a still more southerly tribe.

[879] A council held in Mexico of persons who had been in Florida agreed that the royal order was based on accurate information (Parecer que da S. M. el conséjo de la Nueva España, March 12, 1562). Tristan de Luna sailed to Spain, and in a brief, manly letter solicited of the King an investigation into his conduct, professing his readiness to submit to any punishment if he was deemed deserving of it (Memorial que dió al Rey Don Tristan de Luna y Arellano dandole cuenta del suceso de la jornada de la Florida).

[880] There is a copperplate engraving of “Pedro Menendez de Aviles, Natural de Avilés en Asturias, Comendador de la orden de Santiago, Conquistador de la Florida, nombrado Gral de la Armada contra Jnglaterra. Murió en Santander A^o 1574, á los 55, de edad.” Drawn by Josef Camaron, engraved by Franco de Paula Marte, 1791 (7⅛ × 11⅜ inches). Mr. Parkman engraved the head for his France in the New World, and Dr. Shea used the plate in his Charlevoix.

[881] Coleccion de documentos inéditos, xxii. 242.

[882] “They burned it [Havana], with all the town and church, and put to death all the inhabitants they found, and the rest fled to the mountains; so that nothing remained in the town that was not burned, and there was not an inhabitant left alive or dwelling there” (Memorial de Pedro Menendez de Aviles á S.M. sobre los agravios ... que recivio de los oficiales de la casa de contratacion, 1564). Menendez was personally cognizant, as he sent a vessel and men from his fleet to help restore the place.

[883] [Laudonnière’s account of this relief is translated in the Hawkins Voyages (p. 65), published by the Hakluyt Society. A project of the English for a settlement on the Florida coast (1563), under Stukely, came to nought. Cf. Doyle’s English in America, p. 55.—Ed.]

[884] “En fermant ceste lettre i’ay eu certain aduis, comme dom Petro Melandes se part d’Espagne, pour aller à la coste de la Nouvelle Frāce; vous regarderez n’endurer qu’il n’entrepreine sur nous non plus qu’il veut que nous n’entreprenions sur eux.” As Mr. Parkman remarks, “Ribault interpreted this into a command to attack the Spaniards.”—Pioneers of France in the New World.

[885] Relacion de Mazauegos. Relacion de lo subcedido en la Habana cerca de la entrada de los Franceses. Smith, Coleccion, p. 202. Relacion de los robos que corsarios franceses han hecho 1559-1571. Relacion de los navios quo robaron franceses los años de 1559 y 1560.

[886] One was commanded by Captain Cossette (Basanier, p. 105).

[887] Letter of Menendez to the King, dated Province of Florida, Sept. 11, 1565. Mendoza Grajales, Relacion de la jornada de P^o Menendez, 1565.

[888] Letter of Menendez to the King, Oct. 15, 1565; Mendoza Grajales, Relacion in Coleccion de documentos inéditos (edited by Pacheco, etc.), iii. 441-479.

[889] Mendoza Grajales, Relacion.

[890] Jacques de Sorie, in 1555, at Havana, after pledging his word to spare the lives of the Spaniards who surrendered, put them and his Portuguese prisoners to death; negroes he hung up and shot while still alive (Relacion de Diego de Mazauegos, MS.; Letter of Bishop Sarmiento in Coleccion de documentos inéditos, v. 555). Priests, especially those of religious Orders, met no mercy at the hands of the French cruisers at this period, the most atrocious case being that of the Portuguese Jesuit Father Ignatius Azevedo, captured by the French on his way to Brazil with thirty-nine missionary companions, all of whom were put to death, in 1570. In all my reading, I find no case where the French in Spanish waters then gave quarter to Spaniards, except in hope of large ransom. Two of the vessels found at Caroline were Spanish, loaded with sugar and hides, captured near Yaguana by the French, who threw all the crew overboard; and Gourgues, on reaching Florida, had two barks, evidently captured from the Spaniards, as to the fate of whose occupants his eulogists observe a discreet silence.

[891] This is the Spanish account of Solis de Meras. Lemoyne, who escaped from Caroline, gives an account based on the statement of a Dieppe sailor who made his way to the Indians, and though taken by the Spaniards, fell at last into French hands. Challeux, the carpenter of Caroline, and another account derived from Christophe le Breton, one of those spared by Menendez, maintain that Menendez promised La Caille, under oath and in writing to spare their lives if they surrendered. This seems utterly improbable; for Menendez from first to last held to his original declaration, “el que fuere herege morira.” Lemoyne is so incorrect as to make this last slaughter take place at Caroline.

[892] Menendez to the King,—writing from Matanzas, Dec. 5, 1565; and again from Havana, Dec. 12, 1565. Barcia, Ensaio cronológico, p. 91.

[893] Juan de la Vandera, Memoir,—in English in Historical Magazine, 1860, pp. 230-232, with notes by J. G. Shea, from the original in Coleccion de documentos inéditos, iv. 560-566, and in Buckingham Smith’s Coleccion. There is also a version in B. F. French’s Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida (1875), p. 289.

[894] Letter of Menendez, October 15, 1566, in Alcazar, Chrono. historia de la Compañía de Jesus en la provincia de Toledo (Madrid, 1710), vol. ii. dec. iii. año vi. cap. iii., translated by Dr. D. G. Brinton in the Historical Magazine, 1861, p. 292.

[895] Barcia, Ensaio cronológico, p. 133.

[896] La Reprise de la Floride, etc. Garibay says briefly that they went to Florida and destroyed and carried off the artillery of San Mateo, and then menaced Havana (Sucesos de la Isla de Santo Domingo).

[897] Parecer que da á S. M. la Audiencia de Nueva España, Jan. 19, 1569. The fort at San Mateo was not immediately restored; a new fort, San Pedro, was established at Tacatacuru (Coleccion de documentos inéditos, xii. 307-308). Stephen de las Alas in 1570 withdrew the garrisons, except fifty men in each fort,—a step which led to official investigation (Ibid., xii. 309, etc.).

[898] Barcia, Ensaio cronológico, pp. 137-146. For the Jesuit mission in Florida, see Alegambe, Mortes illustres, pp. 44, etc.; Tanner, Societas militans, pp. 447-451; Letter of Rogel, Dec. 9, 1570, in the Chrono. historia de la Compañia de Jesus en la Provincia de Toledo, by Alcazar (Madrid, 1710), ii. 145, translated by Dr. D. G. Brinton in the Historical Magazine, 1861, p. 327, and chap. v. of his Floridian Peninsula; Letter of Rogel, Dec. 2, 1569, MS.; one of Dec. 11, 1569, in Coleccion de documentos inéditos, xii. 301; one of Quiros and Segura from Axacan, Sept. 12, 1570; Sacchini, Historia Societatis Jesu, part iii., pp. 86, etc.

[Dr. Shea, in 1846, published a paper in the United States Catholic Magazine, v. 604 (translated into German in Die Katolische Kirche in den V. S. von Nordamerika, Regensburg, 1864, pp. 202-209), on the Segura mission; and another in 1859 in the Historical Magazine, iii. 268, on the Spanish in the Chesapeake from 1566 to 1573; and his account of a temporary Spanish settlement on the Rappahannock in 1570 is given in Beach’s Indian Miscellany, or the “Log Chapel on the Rappahannock” in the Catholic World, March, 1875. Cf. present History, Vol. III. p. 167, and a paper on the “Early Indian History of the Susquehanna,” by A. L. Guss, in the Historical Register; Notes and Queries relating to the Interior of Pennsylvania, 1883, p. 115 et seq. De Witt Clinton, in a Memoir on the Antiquities of the Western Parts of New York, published at Albany in 1820, expressed an opinion that traces of Spanish penetration as far as Onondaga County, N. Y., were discoverable; but he omitted this statement in his second edition. Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 13,718.—Ed.]

[899] This officer, Fairbanks, in his misunderstanding of Spanish and Spanish authorities, transforms into Marquis of Menendez!

[900] Barcia, Ensayo cronológico, pp. 146-151.

[901] Historia general de las Indias (ed. 1601), dec. i. lib. ix. cap. 10-12, p. 303 (313).

[902] Historia general (1535), part i. lib. xix. cap. 15, p. clxii.

[903] [The Peter-Martyr map (1511) represents a land called Bimini (“illa de Beimeni”—see ante p. 110) in the relative position of Florida. The fountain of perpetual youth, the search for which was a part of the motive of many of these early expeditions, was often supposed to exist in Bimini; but official documents make no allusion to the idle story. Dr. D. G. Brinton (Floridian Peninsula, p. 99) has collected the varying statements as to the position of this fountain.—Ed.]

[904] Oviedo, Madrid (1850), lib. xvi. cap. 11, vol. i. p. 482.

[905] Primera y segunda parte de la historia general de las Indias (1553), cap. 45, folio xxiii.

[906] Dos libros de cosmografia (Milan, 1556), p. 192.

[907] Bernal Diaz, Historic verdadera (1632).

[908] Cabeça de Vaca, Washington, 1851. [It is also sketched ante, p. 218.—Ed.]

[909] De insulis nuper inventis (Cologne, 1574), p. 349.

[910] Ensayo cronológico para la historia general de la Florida, por Don Gabriel de Cardenas y Cano [anagram for Don Andres Gonzales Barcia], Madrid, 1723. [He includes under the word “Florida” the adjacent islands as well as the main. Joseph de Salazars’ Crísis del ensayo cronológico (1725) is merely a literary review of Barcia’s rhetorical defects. Cf. Brinton’s Floridian Peninsula, p. 51.—Ed.]

[911] Barcia, in the Introduccion a el Ensayo cronológico, pp. 26, 27, discusses the date of Ponce de Leon’s discovery. He refutes Remesal, Ayeta, and Moreri, who gave 1510, and adopts the date 1512 as given by the “safest historians,” declaring that Ponce de Leon went to Spain in 1513. The date 1512 was adopted by Hakluyt, George Bancroft, and Irving; but after Peschel in his Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen called attention to the fact that Easter Sunday in 1512 did not fall on March 27, the date given by Herrera, without mentioning the year, but that it did fall on that day in 1513, Kohl (Discovery of Maine, p. 240), George Bancroft, in later editions, and others adopted 1513, without any positive evidence. But 1512 is nevertheless clung to by Gravier in his “Route du Mississippi” (Congrès des Américanistes, 1878, i. 238), by Shipp in his De Soto and Florida, and by H. H. Bancroft in his Central America (vol. i. p. 128). Mr. Deane, in a note to Hakluyt’s use of 1512 in the Westerne Planting (p. 230), says the mistake probably occurred “by not noting the variation which prevailed in the mode of reckoning time.” The documents cited in chapter iv. settle the point. The Capitulacion under which Ponce de Leon sailed, was issued at Burgos, Feb. 23, 1512. He could not possibly by March 27 have returned to Porto Rico, equipped a vessel, and reached Florida. The letters of the King to Ceron and Diaz, in August and December 1512, show that Ponce de Leon, after returning to Porto Rico, was prevented from sailing, and was otherwise employed. The letter written by the King to the authorities in Española, July 4, 1513, shows that he had received from them information that Ponce de Leon had sailed in that year.

[912] Coleccion (Viages minores), iii. 50-53.

[913] Historia verdadera (1632), cap. vi. p. 4, verso.

[914] Duro, Colon y Pinzon, p. 268.

[915] Oviedo (ed. Amador de los Rios), lib. xxi. cap. 7, vol. ii. p. 139; Herrera, Historia general, dec. ii. p. 63; Navarrete, Coleccion, iii. 53; Barcia, Ensayo cronológico, p. 3; Peter Martyr, dec. iv. cap. 1; Torquemada, i. 350; Gomara, folio 9; Icazbalceta, Coleccion, i. 338.

[916] Real cédula dando facultád á Francisco de Garay para poblar in provincia de Amichel en la costa firme, Burgos, 1521.

[917] Coleccion, iii. 147-153.

[918] Coleccion de documentos inéditos, ii. 558-567.

[919] Decades, dec. v. cap. 1.

[920] In his Historia.

[921] Historia, dec. ii. lib. x, cap. 18.

[922] [Cf. the bibliography of these letters in chap. vi. The notes in Brinton’s Floridian Peninsula are a good guide to the study of the various Indian tribes of the peninsula at this time.—Ed.]

[923] [Cf. chap. vi. of the present volume.—Ed.]

[924] Vol. xxvi. pp. 77-135.

[925] Epis. June 20, 1524, in Opus epistolarum, pp. 471-476.

[926] Historia, lib. xxxiii. cap. 2, p. 263.

[927] Historia, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. 5. Cf. also Barcia, Ensayo cronológico, p. 8, and Galvano (Hakluyt Society’s ed.), pp. 133, 153.

[928] Coleccion de documentos inéditos, x. 40-47; and the “testimonio de la capitulacion” in vol. xiv. pp. 503-516.

[929] Vol. xxxiv. pp. 563-567; xxxv. 547-562.

[930] Vol. iii. p. 69. His conjectures and those of modern writers (Stevens, Notes, p. 48), accordingly require no examination. As the documents of the first voyage name both 33° 30´ and 35° as the landfall, conjecture is idle.

[931] Dec. ii. lib. xi. cap. 6. This statement is adopted by many writers since.

[932] Pedro M. Marquez to the King, Dec. 12, 1586.

[933] Gomara, Historia, cap. xlii.; Herrera, Historia, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. 5.

[934] Vol. ii. lib. xxi. cap. 8 and 9.

[935] Ecija, Relacion del viage (June-September, 1609).

[936] Vol. iii. pp. 72-73. Recent American writers have taken another view. Cf. Brevoort, Verrazano, p. 70; Murphy, Verrazzano, p. 123.

[937] Historia, lib. xxxvii. cap. 1-4, in vol. iii. pp. 624-633.

[938] Documentos inéditos, iii. 347.

[939] Galvano (Hakluyt Society’s ed., p. 144) gives the current account of his day.

[940] Cf. Vol. IV. p. 28. The capitulacion is given in the Documentos inéditos, xxii. 74.

[941] [Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 239; Sabin, vol. iii. no. 9,767. There is a copy in the Lenox Library. Cf. the Relacion as given in the Documentos inéditos, vol. xiv. pp. 265-279, and the “Capitulacion que se tomó con Panfilo de Narvaez” in vol. xxii. p. 224. There is some diversity of opinion as to the trustworthiness of this narrative; cf. Helps, Spanish Conquest, iv. 397, and Brinton’s Floridian Peninsula, p. 17. “Cabeça has left an artless account of his recollections of the journey; but his memory sometimes called up incidents out of their place, so that his narrative is confused.”—Bancroft: History of the United States, revised edition, vol. i. p. 31.—Ed.]

[942] The Comentarios added to this edition were by Pero Hernandez, and relate to Cabeza de Vaca’s career in South America.

[943] [There are copies of this edition in the Carter-Brown (Catalogue, vol. i. no. 197) and Harvard College libraries; cf. Sabin, vol. iii. no. 9,768. Copies were sold in the Murphy (no. 441), Brinley (no. 4,360 at $34), and Beckford (Catalogue, vol. iii. no. 183) sales. Rich (no. 28) priced a copy in 1832 at £4 4s. Leclerc (no. 2,487) in 1878 prices a copy at 1,500 francs; and sales have been reported at £21, £25, £39 10s., and £42.—Ed.]

[944] [Vol. i. no. 6. Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. 893; Field, Indian Bibliography, no. 79.—Ed.]

[945] [Nova typis transacta navigatio Novi Orbis, 1621. Ardoino’s Exámen apologético was first published separately in 1736 (Carter-Brown, iii. 545).—Ed.]

[946] Vol. iii. pp. 310-330.

[947] Following the 1555 edition, and published in his Voyages, at Paris.

[948] Vol. iv. pp. 1499-1556.

[949] [Menzies Catalogue, no. 315; Field, Indian Bibliography, nos. 227-229.—Ed.]

[950] [Cf. Field, Indian Bibliog., no. 364.,—Ed.]

[951] Printed by Munsell at Albany, at the charge of the late Henry C. Murphy. [Dr. Shea added to it a memoir of Mr. Smith, and Mr. T. W. Field a memoir of Cabeza de Vaca.—Ed.]

[952] [The writing of his narrative, not during but after the completion of his journey, does not conduce to making the statements of the wanderer very explicit, and different interpretations of his itinerary can easily be made. In 1851 Mr. Smith made him cross the Mississippi within the southern boundary of Tennessee, and so to pass along the Arkansas and Canadian rivers to New Mexico, crossing the Rio Grande in the neighborhood of thirty-two degrees. In his second edition he tracks the traveller nearer the Gulf of Mexico, and makes him cross the Rio Grande near the mouth of the Conchos River in Texas, which he follows to the great mountain chain, and then crosses it. Mr. Bartlett, the editor of the Carter-Brown Catalogue (see vol. i. p. 188), who has himself tracked both routes, is not able to decide between them. Davis, in his Conquest of New Mexico, also follows Cabeza de Vaca’s route. H. H. Bancroft (North Mexican States, i. 63) finds no ground for the northern route, and gives (p. 67) a map of what he supposes to be the route. There is also a map in Paul Chaix’ Bassin du Mississipi au seizième siècle. Cf. also L. Bradford Prince’s New Mexico (1883), p. 89.—Ed.] The buffalo and mesquite afford a tangible means of fixing the limits of his route.

[953] Including the petition of Narvaez to the King and the royal memoranda from the originals at Seville (p. 207), the instructions to the factor (p. 211), the instructions to Cabeza de Vaca (p. 218), and the summons to be made by Narvaez (p. 215). Cf. French’s Historical Collections of Louisiana, second series, ii. 153; Historical Magazine, April, 1862, and January and August, 1867.

[954] Smith’s Cabeça de Vaca, p. 100; Torquemada (Monarquia Indiana, 1723, iii. 437-447) gives Lives of these friars. Barcia says Xuarez was made a bishop; but Cabeza de Vaca never calls him bishop, but simply commissary, and the portrait at Vera Cruz has no episcopal emblems. Torquemada in his sketch of Xuarez makes no allusion to his being made a bishop. and the name is not found in any list of bishops. We owe to Mr. Smith another contribution to the history of this region and this time, in a Coleccion de varios documentos para la historia de la Florida y tierras adyacentes,—only vol. i. of the contemplated work appearing at Madrid in 1857. It contained thirty-three important papers from 1516 to 1569, and five from 1618 to 1794; they are for the most part from the Simancas Archives. This volume has a portrait of Ferdinand V., which is reproduced ante, p. 85. Various manuscripts of Mr. Smith are now in the cabinet of the New York Historical Society.

[955] Oviedo’s account is translated in the Historical Magazine, xii. 141, 204, 267, 347. [H. H. Bancroft (No. Mexican States, i. 62) says that the collation of this account in Oviedo (vol. iii. pp. 582-618) with the other is very imperfectly done by Smith. He refers also to careful notes on it given by Davis in his Spanish Conquest of New Mexico, pp. 20-108. Bancroft (pp. 62, 63) gives various other references to accounts, at second hand, of this expedition. Cf. also L. P. Fisher’s paper in the Overland Monthly, x. 514. Galvano’s summarized account will be found in the Hakluyt Society’s edition, p. 170.—Ed.]

[956] Bancroft, United States, i. 27.

[957] Cabeça de Vaca, p. 58; cf. Fairbanks’s Florida, chap. ii.

[958] Cabeça de Vaca, pp. 20, 204.

[959] [Tampa is the point selected by H. H. Bancroft (No. Mexican States, i. 60); cf. Brinton’s note on the varying names of Tampa (Floridian Peninsula, p. 113).—Ed.]

[960] B. Smith’s De Soto, pp. 47, 234.

[961] Nouvelle France, iii. 473.

[962] Barcia, p. 308. The Magdalena may be the Apalachicola, on which in the last century Spanish maps laid down Echete; cf. Leroz, Geographia de la America (1758).

[963] The manuscript is in the Hydrographic Bureau at Madrid. The Lisbon Academy printed it in their (1844) edition of the Elvas narrative. Cf. Smith’s Soto, pp. 266-272; Historical Magazine, v. 42; Documentos inéditos, xxii. 534. [It is dated April 20, 1537. In the following August Cabeza de Vaca reached Spain, to find that Soto had already secured the government of Florida; and was thence turned to seek the government of La Plata. It was probably before the tidings of Narvaez’ expedition reached Spain that Soto wrote the letter regarding a grant he wished in Peru, which country he had left on the outbreak of the civil broils. This letter was communicated to the Historical Magazine (July, 1858, vol. ii. pp. 193-223) by Buckingham Smith, with a fac-simile of the signature, given on an earlier page (ante, p. 253).—Ed.]

[964] [Rich in 1832 (no. 34) cited a copy at £31 10s., which at that time he believed to be unique, and the identical one referred to by Pinelo as being in the library of the Duque de Sessa. There is a copy in the Grenville Collection, British Museum, and another is in the Lenox Library (B. Smith’s Letter of De Soto, p. 66). It was reprinted at Lisbon in 1844 by the Royal Academy at Lisbon (Murphy, no. 1,004; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 596). Sparks says of it: “There is much show of exactness in regard to dates; but the account was evidently drawn up for the most part from memory, being vague in its descriptions and indefinite as to localities, distances, and other points.” Field says it ranks second only to the Relation of Cabeza de Vaca as an early authority on the Indians of this region. There was a French edition by Citri de la Guette in 1685, which is supposed to have afforded a text for the English translation of 1686 entitled A Relation of the Conquest of Florida by the Spaniards (see Field’s Indian Bibliography, nos. 325, 340). These editions are in Harvard College Library. Cf. Sabin, Dictionary, vi. 488, 491, 492; Stevens, Historical Collections, i. 844; Field, Indian Bibliography, no. 1,274; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. nos. 1,324, 1,329; Arana, Bibliografía de obras anónimas (Santiago de Chile, 1882), no. 200. The Gentleman of Elvas is supposed by some to be Alvaro Fernandez; but it is a matter of much doubt (cf. Brinton’s Floridian Peninsula, p. 20). There is a Dutch version in Gottfried and Vander Aa’s Zee-und Landreizen (1727), vol. vii. (Carter-Brown, iii. 117).—Ed.]

[965] [Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 86; Murphy, no. 1,118. Rich (no. 110) priced it in 1832 at £2 2s.—Ed.]

[966] Field, Indian Bibliography, no. 1,338.

[967] [It is also in Vander Aa’s Versameling (Leyden, 1706). The Relaçam of the Gentleman of Elvas has, with the text of Garcilasso de la Vega and other of the accredited narratives of that day, contributed to the fiction which, being published under the sober title of Histoire naturelle et morale des Iles Antilles (Rotterdam, 1658), passed for a long time as unimpeached history. The names of César de Rochefort and Louis de Poincy are connected with it as successive signers of the introductory matter. There were other editions of it in 1665, 1667, and 1681, with a title-edition in 1716. An English version, entitled History of the Caribby Islands, was printed in London in 1666. Cf. Duyckinck, Cyclopædia of American Literature, supplement, p. 12; Leclerc, nos. 1,332-1,335, 2,134-2,137.—Ed.]

[968] [A copy of the original Spanish manuscript is in the Lenox Library.—Ed.]

[969] Recueil des pièces sur la Floride.

[970] In the volume already cited, including Hakluyt’s version of the Elvas narrative. It is abridged in French’s Historical Collections of Louisiana, apparently from the same source.

[971] Pages 47-64. Irving describes it as “the confused statement of an illiterate soldier.” Cf. Documentos inéditos, iii. 414.

[972] [Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 42; Sunderland, vol. v. no. 12,815; Leclerc, no. 881, at 350 francs; Field, Indian Bibliography no. 587; Brinley, no. 4,353. Rich (no. 102) priced it in 1832 at £2 2s.—Ed.]

[973] [Brinton (Floridian Peninsula, p. 23) thinks Garcilasso had never seen the Elvas narrative; but Sparks (Marquette, in American Biography, vol. x.) intimates that it was Garcilasso’s only written source.—Ed.]

[974] [Theodore Irving, The Conquest of Florida by Hernando de Soto, New York, 1851. The first edition appeared in 1835, and there were editions printed in London in 1835 and 1850. The book is a clever popularizing of the original sources, with main dependence on Garcilasso (cf. Field, Indian Bibliography, no. 765), whom its author believes he can better trust, especially as regards the purposes of De Soto, wherein he differs most from the Gentleman of Elvas. Irving’s championship of the Inca has not been unchallenged; cf. Rye’s Introduction to the Hakluyt Society’s volume. The Inca’s account is more than twice as long as that of the Gentleman of Elvas, while Biedma’s is very brief,—a dozen pages or so. Davis (Conquest of New Mexico, p. 25) is in error in saying that Garcilasso accompanied De Soto.—Ed.]

[975] [There was an amended edition published by Barcia at Madrid in 1723 (Carter-Brown, iii. 328; Leclerc, no. 882, at 25 francs); again in 1803; and a French version by Pierre Richelet, Histoire de la conquête de la Floride, was published in 1670, 1709, 1711, 1731, 1735, and 1737 (Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,050; vol. iii. nos. 132, 470; O’Callaghan Catalogue, no. 965). A German translation by H. L. Meier, Geschichte der Eroberung von Florida, was printed at Zelle in 1753 (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 997) with many notes, and again at Nordhausen in 1785. The only English version is that embodied in Bernard Shipp’s History of Hernando de Soto and Florida (p. 229, etc.),—a stout octavo, published in Philadelphia in 1881. Shipp uses, not the original, but Richelet’s version, the Lisle edition of 1711, and prints it with very few notes. His book covers the expeditions to North America between 1512 and 1568, taking Florida in its continental sense; but as De Soto is his main hero, he follows him through his Peruvian career. Shipp’s method is to give large extracts from the most accessible early writers, with linking abstracts, making his book one mainly of compilation.—Ed.]

[976] Letter of Hernando de Soto, and Memoir of Hernando de Escalante Fontaneda. [The transcript of the Fontaneda Memoir is marked by Muñoz “as a very good account, although it is by a man who did not understand the art of writing, and therefore many sentences are incomplete. On the margin of the original [at Simancas] are points made by the hand of Herrera, who doubtless drew on this for that part [of his Historia general] about the River Jordan which he says was sought by Ponce de Leon.” This memoir on Florida and its natives was written in Spain about 1575. It is also given in English in French’s Historical Collection of Louisiana (1875), p. 235, from the French of Ternaux; cf. Brinton’s Floridian Peninsula, p. 26. The Editor appends various notes and a comparative statement of the authorities relative to the landing of De Soto and his subsequent movements, and adds a list of the original authorities on De Soto’s expedition and a map of a part of the Floridian peninsula. The authorities are also reviewed by Rye in the Introduction to the Hakluyt Society’s volume. Smith also printed the will of De Soto in the Hist. Mag. (May, 1861), v. 134.—Ed.]

[977] [A memorial of Alonzo Vasquez (1560), asking for privileges in Florida, and giving evidences of his services under De Soto, is translated in the Historical Magazine (September, 1860), iv. 257.—Ed.]

[978] [Buckingham Smith has considered the question of De Soto’s landing in a paper, “Espiritu Santo,” appended to his Letter of De Soto (Washington, 1854), p. 51.—Ed.]

[979] [Colonel Jones epitomizes the march through Georgia in chap. ii. of his History of Georgia (Boston, 1883). In the Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution, 1881, p. 619, he figures and describes two silver crosses which were taken in 1832 from an Indian mound in Murray County, Georgia, at a spot where he believed De Soto to have encamped (June, 1540), and which he inclines to associate with that explorer. Stevens (History of Georgia, i. 26) thinks but little positive knowledge can be made out regarding De Soto’s route.—Ed.]

[980] [Pages 25-41. Pickett in 1849 printed the first chapter of his proposed work in a tract called, Invasion of the Territory of Alabama by One Thousand Spaniards under Ferdinand de Soto in 1540 (Montgomery, 1849). Pickett says he got confirmatory information respecting the route from Indian traditions among the Creeks.—Ed.]

[981] “We are satisfied that the Mauvila, the scene of Soto’s bloody fight, was upon the north bank of the Alabama, at a place now called Choctaw Bluff, in the County of Clarke, about twenty-five miles above the confluence of the Alabama and Tombigbee” (Pickett, i. 27). The name of this town is written “Mauilla” by the Gentleman of Elvas, “Mavilla” by Biedma, but “Mabile” by Ranjel. The u and v were interchangeable letters in Spanish printing, and readily changed to b. (Irving, second edition, p. 261).

[982] Bancroft, United States, i. 51; Pickett, Alabama, vol. i.; Martin’s Louisiana, i. 12; Nuttall’s Travels into Arkansas (1819), p. 248; Fairbanks’s History of Florida, chap. v.; Ellicott’s Journal, p. 125; Belknap, American Biography, i. 192. [Whether this passage of the Mississippi makes De Soto its discoverer, or whether Cabeza de Vaca’s account of his wandering is to be interpreted as bringing him, first of Europeans, to its banks, when on the 30th of October, 1528, he crossed one of its mouths, is a question in dispute, even if we do not accept the view that Alonzo de Pineda found its mouth in 1519 and called it Rio del Espiritu Santo (Navarrete, iii. 64). The arguments pro and con are examined by Rye in the Hakluyt Society’s volume. Cf., besides the authorities above named, French’s Historical Collections of Louisiana; Sparks’s Marquette; Gayarré’s Louisiana; Theodore Irving’s Conquest of Florida; Gravier’s La Salle, chap. i., and his “Route du Mississipi” in Congrès des Américanistes (1877), vol. i.; De Bow’s Commercial Review, 1849 and 1850; Southern Literary Messenger, December, 1848; North American Review, July, 1847.—Ed.]

[983] Jaramillo, in Smith’s Coleccion, p. 160.

[984] [See chap. vii. on “Early Explorations of New Mexico.”—Ed.]

[985] Pioneers of France in the New World; cf. Gaffarel, La Floride Française, p. 341.

[986] There is a French version in Ternaux’ Recueil de la Floride, and an English one in French’s Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida (1875), ii. 190. The original is somewhat diffuse, but is minute upon interesting points.

[987] Cf. Sparks, Ribault, p. 155; Field, Indian Bibliography, p. 20. Fairbanks in his History of St. Augustine tells the story, mainly from the Spanish side.

[988] Edited by Charles Deane for the Maine Historical Society, pp. 20, 195, 213.

[989] Life of Ribault, p. 147.

[990] [This original English edition (a tract of 42 pages) is extremely scarce. There is a copy in the British Museum, from which Rich had transcripts made, one of which is now in Harvard College Library, and another is in the Carter-Brown Collection (cf. Rich, 1832, no. 40; Carter-Brown, i. 244). The text, as in the Divers Voyages, is reprinted in French’s Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida (1875), p. 159. Ribault supposed that in determining to cross the ocean in a direct westerly course, he was the first to make such an attempt, not knowing that Verrazano had already done so. Cf. Brevoort, Verrazano, p. 110; Hakluyt, Divers Voyages, edition by J. W. Jones, p. 95. See also Vol. III. p. 172.—Ed.]

[991] [This is the rarest of Hakluyt’s publications, the only copy known in America being in the Lenox Library (Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,236)—Ed.]

[992] [Brinton, Floridian Peninsula, p. 39. The original French text was reprinted in Paris in 1853 in the Bibliothèque Elzévirienne; and this edition is worth about 30 francs (Field, Indian Bibliography, no. 97; Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,235). The edition of 1586 was priced by Rich in 1832 at £5 5s., and has been sold of late years for $250, £63, and 1,500 francs. Cf. Leclerc, no. 2,662; Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,234; Carter-Brown, i. 366; Court, nos. 27, 28; Murphy, no. 1,442; Brinley, vol. iii. no. 4,357; Field, Indian Bibliography, p. 24. Gaffarel in his La Florida Française (p. 347) gives the first letter entire, and parts of the second and third, following the 1586 edition.—Ed.]

[993] Cf. Stevens Bibliotheca historica (1870,) p. 224; Brinton, Floridian Peninsula, p. 32.

[994] Brevis narratio eorum quæ in Florida Americæ provīcia Gallis acciderunt, secunda in illam Navigatione, duce Renato de Laudoñiere classis Præfecto: anno MDLXIIII. Quæ est secunda pars Americæ. Additæ figuræ et Incolarum eicones ibidem ad vivū expressæ, brevis etiam declaratio religionis, rituum, vivendique ratione ipsorum. Auctore Iacobo Le Moyne, cui cognomen de Morgues, Laudoñierum in ea Navigatione Sequnto. [There was a second edition of the Latin (1609) and two editions in German (1591 and 1603), with the same plates. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 399, 414; Court, no. 243; Brinley, vol. iii, no. 4,359. The original Latin of 1591 is also found separately, with its own pagination, and is usually in this condition priced at about 100 francs. It is supposed to have preceded the issue as a part of De Bry (Dufossé, 1878, nos. 3,691, 3,692).

The engravings were reproduced in heliotypes; and with the text translated by Frederick B. Perkins, it was published in Boston in 1875 as the Narrative of Le Moyne, an Artist who accompanied the French Expedition to Florida under Laudonnière, 1564. These engravings have been in part reproduced several times since their issue, as in the Magazin pittoresque, in L’univers pittoresque, in Pickett’s Alabama, etc.—Ed.]

[995] Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,631-32; Carter-Brown, i. 262.

[996] [Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,634; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 263. An English translation, following the Lyons text, was issued in London in 1566 as A True and Perfect Description of the Last Voyage of Ribaut, of which only two copies are reported by Sabin,—one in the Carter-Brown Library (vol. i. no. 264), and the other in the British Museum. This same Lyons text was included in Ternaux’ Reçueil de pièces sur la Floride and in Gaffarel’s La Floride Française, p. 457 (cf. also pp. 337-339), and it is in part given in Cimber and Danjon’s Archives curieuses de l’histoire de France (Paris, 1835), vi. 200. The original Dieppe text was reprinted at Rouen in 1872 for the Société Rouennaise de Bibliophiles, and edited by Gravier under the title: Deuxième voyage du Dieppois Jean Ribaut à la Floride en 1565, précédé d’une notice historique et bibliographique. Cf. Brinton, Floridian Peninsula, p. 30.—Ed.]

[997] [O’Callaghan, no. 463; Rich (1832), no. 60. There was an edition at Cologne in 1612 (Stevens, Nuggets, no. 2,300; Carter-Brown, ii. 123). Sparks (Life of Ribault, p. 152) reports a De navigatione Gallorum in terram Floridam in connection with an Antwerp (1568) edition of Levinus Apollonius. It also appears in the same connection in the joint German edition of Benzoni, Peter Martyr, and Levinus printed at Basle in 1582 (Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 344). It may have been merely a translation of Challeux or Ribault (Brinton, Floridian Peninsula, p. 36)—Ed.].

[998] Murphy, nos. 564, 2,853.

[999] Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,630; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 330; Dufossé, no. 4,211.

[1000] This petition is known as the Epistola supplicatoria, and is embodied in the original text in Chauveton’s French edition of Benzoni. It is also given in Cimber and Danjon’s Archives curieuses, vi. 232, and in Gaffarel’s Floride Française, p. 477; and in Latin in De Bry, parts ii. and vi. (cf. Sparks’s Ribault, appendix). [There are other contemporary accounts or illustrations in the “Lettres et papiers d’état du Sieur de Forquevaulx,” for the most part unprinted, and preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris, which were used by Du Prat in his Histoire d’Élisabeth de Valois (1859), and some of which are printed in Gaffarel, p. 409. The nearly contemporary accounts of Popellinière in his Trois mondes (1582) and in the Histoire universelle of De Thou, represent the French current belief. The volume of Ternaux’ Voyages known as Recueil de pièces sur la Floride inédites, contains, among eleven documents, one called Coppie d’une lettre venant de la Floride, ... ensemble le plan et portraict du fort que les François y ont faict (1564), which is reprinted in Gaffarel and in French’s Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida, vol. iii. This tract, with a plan of the fort on the sixth leaf, recto, was originally printed at Paris in 1565 (Carter-Brown, i. 256). None of the reprints give the engravings. It was seemingly written in the summer of 1564, and is the earliest account which was printed.—Ed.]

[1001] Ensayo cronológico.

[1002] [Parkman, however, inclines to believe that Barcia’s acceptance is a kind of admission of its “broad basis of truth.”—Ed.]

[1003] Page 340. Cf. Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque du Roi, iv. 72.

[1004] [They are: a. Preserved in the Château de Vayres, belonging to M. de Bony, which is presumably that given as belonging to the Gourgues family, of which a copy, owned by Bancroft, was used by Parkman. It was printed at Mont-de-Marsan, 1851, 63 pages.

b. In the Bibliothèque Nationale, no. 1,886. Printed by Ternaux-Compans in his Recueil, etc., p. 301, and by Gaffarel, p. 483, collated with the other manuscripts and translated into English in French’s Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida, ii. 267. This copy bears the name of Robert Prévost; but whether as author or copyist is not clear, says Parkman (p. 142).

c. In the Bibliothèque Nationale, no. 2,145. Printed at Bordeaux in 1867 by Ph. Tamizey de Larroque, with preface and notes, and giving also the text marked e below.

d. In the Bibliothèque Nationale, no. 3,384. Printed by Taschereau in the Revue rétrospective (1835), ii. 321.

e. In the Bibliothèque Nationale, no. 6,124. See c above.

The account in the Histoire notable is called an abridgment by Sparks, and of this abridgment there is a Latin version in De Bry, part ii.,—De quarta Gallorum in Floridam navigatione sub Gourguesio. See other abridgments in Popellinière, Histoire des trois mondes (1582), Lescarbot, and Charlevoix.]

[1005] Floridian Peninsula, p. 35.

[1006] Such as Wytfliet’s Histoire des Indes; D’Aubigné’s Histoire universelle (1626); De Laet’s Novus orbis, book iv.; Lescarbot’s Nouvelle France; Champlain’s Voyages; Brantôme’s Grands capitaines François (also in his Œuvres). Faillon (Colonie Française, i. 543) bases his account on Lescarbot.

[1007] Cf. Shea’s edition with notes, where (vol. i. p. 71) Charlevoix characterizes the contemporary sources; and he points out how the Abbé du Fresnoy, in his Méthode pour étudier la géographie, falls into some errors.

[1008] American Biography, vol. vii. (new series).

[1009] Boston, 1865. Mr. Parkman had already printed parts of this in the Atlantic Monthly, xii. 225, 536, and xiv. 530.

[1010] Paris, 1875. He gives (p. 517) a succinct chronology of events.

[1011] Cf., for instance, Bancroft’s United States, chap. ii.; Gay’s Popular History of the United States, chap. viii.; Warburton’s Conquest of Canada, app. xvi.; Conway Robinson’s Discoveries in the West, ii. chap. xvii. et seq.; Kohl’s Discovery of Maine; Fairbanks’s Florida; Brinton’s Floridian Peninsula,—among American writers; and among the French,—Guérin, Les navigateurs Français (1846); Ferland, Canada; Martin, Histoire de France; Haag, La France protestante; Poussielgue, “Quatre mois en Floride,” in Le tour du monde, 1869-1870; and the Lives of Coligny by Tessier, Besant, and Laborde. There are other references in Gaffarel, p. 344.

There is a curious article, “Dominique de Gourgues, the Avenger of the Huguenots in Florida, a Catholic,” in the Catholic World, xxi. 701.

[1012] The Acts of the Apostles, xxviii. 2-6.

[1013] [See Chapter I.—Ed.]

[1014] Llorente adds that he had a personal acquaintance with a branch of the family at Calahorra, his own birthplace, and that the first of the family went to Spain, under Ferdinand III., to fight against the Moors of Andalusia. He also traces a connection between this soldier and Las Cases, the chamberlain of Napoleon, one of his councillors and companions at St. Helena, through a Charles Las Casas, one of the Spanish seigneurs who accompanied Blanche of Castile when she went to France, in 1200, to espouse Louis VIII.

[1015] There is a variance in the dates assigned by historians for the visits of both Las Casas and his father to the Indians. Irving, following Navarrete, says that Antoine returned to Seville in 1498, having become rich (Columbus iii. 415). He also says that Llorente is incorrect in asserting that Bartholomew in his twenty-fourth year accompanied Columbus in his third voyage, in 1498, returning with him in 1500, as the young man was then at his studies at Salamanca. Irving says Bartholomew first went to Hispaniola with Ovando in 1502, at the age of about twenty-eight. I have allowed the dates to stand in the text as given by Llorente, assigning the earlier year for the first voyage of Las Casas to the New World as best according with the references in writings by his own pen to the period of his acquaintance with the scenes which he describes.

[1016] The administration of affairs in the Western colonies of Spain was committed by Ferdinand, in 1511, to a body composed chiefly of clergy and jurists, called “The Council for the Indies.” Its powers originally conferred by Ferdinand were afterward greatly enlarged by Charles V. These powers were full and supreme, and any information, petition, appeal, or matter of business concerning the Indies, though it had been first brought before the monarch, was referred by him for adjudication to the Council. This body had an almost absolute sway alike in matters civil and ecclesiastical, with supreme authority over all appointments and all concerns of government and trade. It was therefore in the power of the Council to overrule or qualify in many ways the will or purpose or measures of the sovereigns, which were really in favor of right or justice or humane proceedings in the affairs of the colonies. For it naturally came about that some of its members were personally and selfishly interested in the abuses and iniquities which it was their rightful function and their duty to withstand. At the head of the Council was a dignitary whose well-known character and qualities were utterly unfavorable for the rightful discharge of his high trust. This was Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, successively Bishop of Badajoz, Valencia, and Burgos, and constituted “Patriarch of the Indies.” He had full control of colonial affairs for thirty years, till near his death in 1547. He bore the repute among his associates of extreme worldliness and ambition, with none of the graces and virtues becoming the priestly office, the duties of which engaged but little of his time or regard. It is evident also that he was of an unscrupulous and malignant disposition. He was inimical to Columbus and Cortés from the start. He tried to hinder, and succeeded in delaying and embarrassing, the second westward voyage of the great admiral. (Irving’s Columbus, iii.; Appendix XXXIV.) He was a bitter opponent of Las Casas, even resorting to taunting insults of the apostle, and either openly or crookedly thwarting him in every stage and effort of his patient importunities to secure the intervention of the sovereigns in the protection of the natives. The explanation of this enmity is found in the fact that Fonseca himself was the owner of a repartimiento in Hispaniola, with a large number of native slaves.

[1017] There is an extended Note on Las Casas in Appendix XXVIII. of Irving’s Columbus. That author most effectively vindicates Las Casas from having first advised and been instrumental in the introduction of African slavery in the New World, giving the dates and the advisers and agents connected with that wrong previous to any word on the subject from Las Casas. The devoted missionary had been brought to acquiesce in the measure on the plausible plea stated in the text, acting from the purest spirit of benevolence, though under an erroneous judgment. Cardinal Ximenes had from the first opposed the project.

[1018] As will appear farther on in these pages, Las Casas stands justly chargeable with enormous exaggerations of the number or estimate of the victims of Spanish cruelty. But I have not met with a single case in any contemporary writer, nor in the challengers and opponents of his pleadings at the Court of Spain, in which his hideous portrayal of the forms and methods of that cruelty, its dreadful and revolting tortures and mutilations, have been brought under question. Mr. Prescott’s fascinating volumes have been often and sometimes very sharply censured, because in the glow of romance, chivalric daring, and heroic adventure in which he sets the achievements of the Spanish “Conquerors” of the New World he would seem to be somewhat lenient to their barbarities. In the second of his admirable works he refers as follows to this stricture upon him: “To American and English readers, acknowledging so different a moral standard from that of the sixteenth century, I may possibly be thought too indulgent to the errors of the Conquerors;” and he urges that while he has “not hesitated to expose in their strongest colors the excesses of the Conquerors, I have given them the benefit of such mitigating reflections as might be suggested by the circumstances and the period in which they lived” (Preface to the Conquest of Mexico).

It is true that scattered over all the ably-wrought pages of Mr. Prescott’s volumes are expressions of the sternest judgment and the most indignant condemnation passed upon the most signal enormities of these incarnate spoilers, who made a sport of their barbarity. But those who have most severely censured the author upon the matter now in view have done so under the conviction that cruelty unprovoked and unrelieved was so awfully dark and prevailing a feature in every stage and incident of the Spanish advance in America, that no glamour of adventure or chivalric deeds can in the least lighten or redeem it. The underlying ground of variance is in the objection to the use of the terms “Conquest” and “Conquerors,” as burdened with the relation of such a pitiful struggle between the overmastering power of the invaders and the abject helplessness of their victims.

As I am writing this note, my eye falls upon the following extract from a private letter written in 1847 by that eminent and highly revered divine, Dr. Orville Dewey, and just now put into print: “I have been reading Prescott’s Peru. What a fine accomplishment there is about it! And yet there is something wanting to me in the moral nerve. History should teach men how to estimate characters; it should be a teacher of morals; and I think it should make us shudder at the names of Cortez and Pizarro. But Prescott does not; he seems to have a kind of sympathy with these inhuman and perfidious adventurers, as if they were his heroes. It is too bad to talk of them as the soldiers of Christ; if it were said of the Devil, they would have better fitted the character” (Autobiography and Letters of Orville Dewey, D.D. p. 190).

[1019] Juan Ginez de Sepulveda, distinguished both as a theologian and an historian, was born near Cordova in 1490, and died in 1573. He was of a noble but impoverished family. He availed himself of his opportunities for obtaining the best education of his time in the universities of Spain and Italy, and acquired an eminent reputation as a scholar and a disputant,—not, however, for any elevation of principles or nobleness of thought. In 1536 he was appointed by Charles V. his historiographer, and put in charge of his son Philip. Living at Court, he had the repute of being crooked and unscrupulous, his influence not being given on the side of rectitude and progressive views. His writings concerning men and public affairs give evidence of the faults imputed to him. He was vehement, intolerant, and dogmatic. He justified the most extreme absolutism in the exercise of the royal prerogative, and the lawfulness and even the expediency of aggressive wars simply for the glory of the State. Melchior Cano and Antonio Ramirez, as well as Las Casas, entered into antagonism and controversy with his avowed principles. One of his works, entitled Democrates Secundus, seu de justis belli causis, may be pronounced almost brutal in the license which it allowed in the stratagems and vengefulness of warfare. It was condemned by the universities of Alcala and Salamanca. He was a voluminous author of works of history, philosophy, and theology, and was admitted to be a fine and able writer. Erasmus pronounced him the Spanish Livy. The disputation between him and Las Casas took place before Charles in 1550. The monarch was very much under his influence, and seems to some extent to have sided with him in some of his views and principles. Sepulveda was one of the very few persons whom the monarch admitted to interviews and intimacy in his retirement to the Monastery at Yuste.

It was this formidable opponent—a personal enemy also in jealousy and malignity—whom Las Casas confronted with such boldness and earnestness of protest before the Court and Council. It was evidently the aim of Sepulveda to involve the advocate of the Indians in some disloyal or heretical questioning of the prerogatives of monarch or pope. It seemed at one time as if the noble pleader for equity and humanity would come under the clutch of the Holy Office, then exercising its new-born vigor upon all who could be brought under inquisition for constructive or latent heretical proclivities. For Las Casas, though true to his priestly vows, made frequent and bold utterances of what certainly, in his time, were advanced views and principles.

[1020] Juan Antonio Llorente, eminent as a writer and historian, both in Spanish and French, was born near Calahorra, Aragon, in 1756, and died at Madrid in 1823. He received the tonsure when fourteen years of age, and was ordained priest at Saragossa in 1779. He was of a vigorous, inquisitive, and liberal spirit, giving free range to his mind, and turning his wide study and deep investigations to the account of his enlargement and emancipation from the limitations of his age and associates. He tells us that in 1784 he had abandoned all ultramontane doctrines, and all the ingenuities and perplexities of scholasticism. His liberalism ran into rationalism. His secret or more or less avowed alienation from the prejudices and obligations of the priestly order, while it by no means made his position a singular or even an embarrassing one under the influences and surroundings of his time, does at least leave us perplexed to account for the confidence with which functions and high ecclesiastical trusts were committed to and exercised by him. He was even made Secretary-General of the Inquisition, and was thus put in charge of the enormous mass of records, with all their dark secrets, belonging to its whole history and processes. This charge he retained for a time after the Inquisition was abolished in 1809. It was thus by a singular felicity of opportunity that those terrible archives should have been in the care, and subject to the free and intelligent use, of a man best qualified of all others to tell the world their contents, and afterward prompted and at liberty to do so from subsequent changes in his own opinions and relations. To this the world is indebted for a History of the Inquisition, the fidelity and sufficiency of which satisfy all candid judgments. He was restive in spirit, provoked strong opposition, and was thus finally deprived of his office. After performing a variety of services not clerical, and moving from place to place, he went to Paris, where, in 1817-1818, he courageously published the above-mentioned History. He was interdicted the exercise of clerical functions. In 1822, the same year in which he published his Biography and French translation of the principal works of Las Casas, he published also his Political Portraits of the Popes. For this he was ordered to quit Paris,—a deep disappointment to him, causing chagrin and heavy depression. He found refuge in Madrid, where he died in the following year.

[1021] Mr. Ticknor, however, says that these two treatises “are not absolutely proved” to be by Las Casas.—History of Spanish Literature, i. 566.

[1022] Conquest of Mexico, i. 80, n. Of his Short Account of the Destruction of the Indies, this historian says: “However good the motives of its author, we may regret that the book was ever written.... The author lent a willing ear to every tale of violence and rapine, and magnified the amount to a degree which borders on the ridiculous. The wild extravagance of his numerical estimates is of itself sufficient to shake confidence in the accuracy of his statements generally. Yet the naked truth was too startling in itself to demand the aid of exaggeration.” The historian truly says of himself, in his Preface to the work quoted: “I have not hesitated to expose in their strongest colors the excesses of the conquerors.”

[1023] Llorente, i. 365, 386.

[1024] [Helps (Spanish Conquest) says: “Las Casas may be thoroughly trusted whenever he is speaking of things of which he had competent knowledge.” Ticknor (Spanish literature, ii. 31) calls him “a prejudiced witness, but on a point of fact within his own knowledge one to be believed.” H. H. Bancroft (Early American Chroniclers, p. 20; also Central America, i. 274, 309; ii. 337) speaks of the exaggeration which the zeal of Las Casas leads him into; but with due abatement therefor, he considers him “a keen and valuable observer, guided by practical sagacity, and endowed with a certain genius.”—Ed.]

[1025] Sabin’s Works of Las Casas, and his Dictionary, iii. 388-402, and x. 88-91; Field’s Indian Bibliography; Carter-Brown Catalogue; Harrisse’s Notes on Columbus, pp. 18-24; the Huth Catalogue; Brunet’s Manuel, etc.

[1026] [Field says it was written in 1540, and submitted to the Emperor in MS.; but in the shape in which it was printed it seems to have been written in 1541-1542. Cf. Field, Indian Bibliography, nos. 860, 870; Sabin, Works of Las Casas, no. 1; Carter-Brown Catalogue, i. 164; Ticknor, Spanish Literature, ii. 38; and Catalogue, p. 62. The work has nineteen sections on as many provinces, ending with a summary for the year 1546. This separate tract was reprinted in the original Spanish in London, in 1812, and again in Philadelphia, in 1821, for the Mexican market, with an introductory essay on Las Casas. Stevens, Bibliotheca historica, 1105; cf. also Coleccion de documentos inéditos (España), vol. vii.

The Cancionero spiritual, printed at Mexico in 1546, is not assigned to Bartholomew Las Casas in Ticknor’s Spanish Literature, iii. 44, but it is in Gayangos and Vedia’s Spanish translation of Ticknor. Cf. also Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,122; Harrisse, Bib. Am. Vet., Additions, No. 159.—Ed.]

[1027] [Field does not give it a date; but Sabin says it was written in 1552. Cf. Field, nos. 860, 870, note; Sabin, no. 2; Carter-Brown, i. 165; Ticknor Catalogue, p. 62.—Ed.]

[1028] [Field says it was written “soon after” no. 1; Sabin places it in 1543. Cf. Field, no. 862, 870, note; Carter-Brown, i. 166; Sabin, 3; Stevens, Bibl. Geog., no. 595; Ticknor Catalogue, p. 62.—Ed.]

[1029] [Sabin says it was written in America in 1546-1547. Field, nos. 863, 870, note; Carter-Brown, i. 167; Sabin, no. 6.—Ed.]

[1030] [There seems, according to Field (nos. 864, 865), to have been two distinct editions in 1552, as he deduces from his own copy and from a different one belonging to Mr. Brevoort, there being thirty-three variations in the two. Quaritch has noted (no. 11,855, priced at £6 6s.) a copy likewise in Gothic letter, but with different woodcut initials, which he places about 1570. Cf. Field, p. 217; Carter-Brown, i. 168; Sabin, no. 8; Ticknor Catalogue, p. 62.

The initial work of Sepulveda, Democrates Secundus, defending the rights of the Crown over the natives, was not published, though he printed his Apologia pro libro de justis belli causis, Rome, 1550 (two copies of which are known), of which there was a later edition in 1602; and some of his views may be found in it. Cf. Ticknor, Spanish Literature, ii. 37; Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, p. 24, and Bib. Amer. Vet., no. 303; and the general histories of Bancroft, Helps, and Prescott. The Carter-Brown Catalogue, no. 173, shows a MS. copy of Sepulveda’s book. It is also in Sepulveda’s Opera, Cologne, 1602, p. 423; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 15.—Ed.]

[1031] [Sabin dates it in 1543. Cf. Field, nos. 866, 870, note; Sabin, no. 4; Carter-Brown, i. 170.—Ed.]

[1032] [Sabin says it was written in Spain in 1548 Cf. Field, nos. 867, 870, note; Sabin, no. 7; Carter-Brown, i. 171.—Ed.]

[1033] [Field, nos. 868, 870, note; Sabin, no. 9; Carter-Brown, i. 169.—Ed.]

[1034] [This is the longest and one of the rarest of the series. Sabin says it was written about 1543. There were two editions of the same date, having respectively 80 and 84 leaves; but it is uncertain which is the earlier, though Field supposes the fewer pages to indicate the first. Field, nos. 869, 870, note; Sabin, no. 5; Carter Brown, i. 172.—Ed.]

[1035] [It is only of late years that the entire series has been described. De Bure gives only five of the tracts; Dibdin enumerates but seven; and Llorente in his edition omits three, as was done in the edition of 1646. Rich in 1832 priced a set at £12 12s. A full set is now worth from $100 to $150; but Leclerc (nos. 327, 2,556) has recently priced a set of seven at 700 francs, and a full set at 1,000 francs. An English dealer has lately held one at £42. Quaritch has held four parts at £10, and a complete set at £40. Single tracts are usually priced at from £1 to £5. Recent sales have been shown in the Sunderland (no. 2,459, 9 parts); Field (no. 1,267); Cooke (vol. iii. no. 369, 7 parts); Stevens, Hist. Coll. (no. 311, 8 parts); Pinart (no. 536); and Murphy (no. 487) catalogues. The set in the Carter-Brown Library belonged to Ternaux; that belonging to Mr. Brevoort came from the Maximillian Library. The Lenox Library and Mr. Barlow’s Collection have sets. There are also sets in the Grenville and Huth collections.

The 1646 reprint, above referred to, has sometimes a collective title, Las Obras, etc., but most copies, like the Harvard College copy, lack it. As the titles of the separate tracts (printed in this edition in Roman) retained the original 1552 dates, this reprint is often called a spurious edition. It is usually priced at from $15 to $30. Cf. Sabin, no. 13; Field, p. 216; Quaritch, no. 11,856; Carter-Brown, i. 173; ii. 584; Stevens, Hist. Coll., i. 312; Cooke, iii. 370.

Some of the Tracts are included in the Obras escogidas de filósofos, etc. Madrid, 1873.—Ed.]

[1036] [Field, no. 870, and note; Sabin, no. 11; the Carter-Brown Collection lacks it. It was reprinted at Tübingen, and again at Jena, in 1678. It has never been reprinted in Spain, says Stevens (Bibl. Hist., no. 1,096).—Ed.]

[1037] [“Not absolutely proved to be his,” says Ticknor (Spanish Literature, ii. 37).—Ed.]

[1038] [There were a hundred copies of these printed. They are:—

1. Memorial de Don Diego Colon sobre la conversion de las gentes de las Yndias. With an Epistle to Dr. Reinhold Pauli. It is Diego Colon’s favorable comment on Las Casas’s scheme of civilizing the Indians, written at King Charles’s request. Cf. Stevens, Hist. Coll., i. 881.

2. Carta, dated 1520, and addressed to the Chancellor of Charles, in which Las Casas urges his scheme of colonization of the Indians. Mr. Stevens dedicates it to Arthur Helps in a letter. Cf. Stevens, Hist. Coll., i. 882; the manuscript is described in his Bibl. Geog., no. 598.

3. Paresçer o determinaciō de los señores theologos de Salamanca, dated July 1, 1541. This is the response of the Faculty of Salamanca to the question put to them by Charles V., if the baptized natives could be made slaves. Mr. Stevens dedicates the tract to Sir Thomas Phillipps. Cf. Stevens, Hist. Coll., i. 883.

4. Carta de Hernando Cortés. Mr. Stevens, in his Dedication to Leopold von Ranke, supposes this to have been written in 1541-1542. It is Cortes’ reply to the Emperor’s request for his opinions regarding Encomiendas, etc., in Mexico. Cf. Stevens, Hist. Coll., i. 884.

5. Carta de Las Casas, dated Oct. 22, 1545, with an abstract in English in the Dedication to Colonel Peter Force. It is addressed to the Audiencia in Honduras, and sets forth the wrongs of the natives. Cf. Stevens, Hist. Coll., i. 885. The manuscript is now in the Huth Collection, Catalogue, v. 1,681.

6. Carta de Las Casas to the Dominican Fathers of Guatemala, protesting against the sale of the reversion of the Encomiendas. Mr. Stevens supposes this to have been written in 1554, in his Dedication to Sir Frederick Madden. Cf. Stevens, Hist. Coll., i. 886. A set of these tracts is worth about $25. The set in the Cooke Sale (vol. iii. no. 375) is now in Harvard College Library; another set is shown in the Murphy Catalogue, no. 488, and there is one in the Boston Public Library.—Ed.]

[1039] Field, p. 219.

[1040] Vol. i. p. 160.

[1041] [Harrisse, Notes on Columbus, says volumes i. and ii. are in the Academy; but volume iii. is in the Royal Library. Cf., however, the “Advertencia preliminar” of the Madrid (1875) edition of the Historia on this point, as well as regards the various copies of the manuscript existing in Madrid.—Ed.]

[1042] [Such is Quintana’s statement; but Helps failed to verify it, and says he could only fix the dates 1552, 1560, 1561 as those of any part of the writing. Life of Las Casas, p. 175.—Ed.]

[1043] [I trace no copy earlier than one Rich had made. Prescott had one, which was probably burned in Boston (1872). Helps used another. There are other copies in the Library of Congress, in the Lenox Library, and in H. H. Bancroft’s Collection.—Ed.]

[1044] [Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., p. 119, says the purpose of the Academy at one time was to annotate the manuscript, so as to show Las Casas in a new light, using contemporary writers.—Ed.]

[1045] [It is worth from $30 to $40. It is called Historia de las Indias, ahora por primera vez dada á luz por el Marqués de la Fuensanta del Valle y José Sancho Rayon. It contains, beginning in vol. v. at p. 237, the Apologética historia which Las Casas had written to defend the Indians against aspersions upon their lives and character. This latter work was not included in another edition of the Historia printed at Mexico in two volumes in 1877-1878. Cf. Vigel, Biblioteca Mexicana. Parts of the Apologética are given in Kingsborough’s Mexico, vol. viii. Cf. on the Historia, Irving’s Columbus, App.; Helps’s Spanish Conquest (Am. ed.), i. 23, and Life of Las Casas, p. 175; Ticknor, Spanish Literature, ii. 39; Humboldt’s Cosmos (Eng. tr.), ii. 679; H. H. Bancroft, Central America, i. 309; Prescott’s Mexico, i. 378; Quintana’s Vidas, iii. 507.—Ed.]

[1046] [Llorente’s version is not always strictly faithful, being in parts condensed and paraphrastic. Cf. Field, no. 889; Ticknor, Spanish Literature, ii. 38, and Catalogue, p. 62; Sabin, nos. 14, 50; H. H. Bancroft, Central America, i. 309. This edition, besides a life of Las Casas, contains a necrology of the Conquerors, and other annotations by the editor.—Ed.]

[1047] [This earliest version is a tract of 70 leaves, printed probably at Brussels, and called Seer cort Verhael vande destructie van d’Indien. Cf. Sabin, no. 23; Carter-Brown, i. 320; Stevens, Bibl. Hist., no. 1,097. The whole series is reviewed in Tiele’s Mémoire bibliographique (who gives twenty-one editions) and in Sabin’s Works of Las Casas (taken from his Dictionary); and many of them are noted in the Carter-Brown Catalogue and in Muller’s Books on America, 1872 and 1877. This 1578 edition was reissued in 1579 with a new title, Spieghel der Spaenscher Tirannije, which in some form continued to be the title of subsequent editions, which were issued in 1596, 1607, 1609, 1610, 1612 (two), 1620 (two), 1621, 1627 (?), 1634, 1638, 1663, 1664, etc. Several of these editions give De Bry’s engravings, sometimes in reverse. A popular chap-book, printed about 1730, is made up from Las Casas and other sources.—Ed.]

[1048] [This included the first, second, and sixth of the tracts of 1552. In 1582 there was a new edition of the Tyrannies, etc., printed at Paris; but some copies seem to have had a changed title, Histoire admirable des horribles insolences, etc. It was again reissued with the original title at Rouen in 1630. Cf. Field, 873, 874; Sabin, nos. 41, 42, 43, 45; Rich (1832); Stevens, Bibl. Hist., no. 1,098; Leclerc, nos. 334, 2,558; Carter-Brown, i. 329, 345, 347; O’Callaghan, no. 1,336; a London catalogue (A. R. Smith, 1874) notes an edition of the Histoire admirable des horribles Insolences, Cruautez et tyrraines exercées par les Espagnols, etc., Lyons, 1594.—Ed.]

[1049] [It is a tract of sixty-four leaves in Gothic letter, and is very rare, prices being quoted at £20 and more. Cf. Sabin, no. 61; Carter-Brown, i. 351; Stevens, Bibl. Geog., 596, Huth Catalogue, i. 271. Cf. William Lightfoote’s Complaints of England, London, 1587, for English opinion at this time on the Spanish excesses (Sabin, vol. x. no. 41,050), and the Foreign Quarterly Review (1841), ii. 102.—Ed.]

[1050] [Field, p. 877; Carter-Brown, ii. 804; Sabin, no. 60. The first tract is translated in Purchas’s Pilgrimes, iv. 1,569.—Ed.]

[1051] [Some copies read, Account of the First Voyages, etc. Cf. Field, no. 880; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,556; Sabin, no. 63; Stevens, Bibl. Geog., no. 603; and Prince Library Catalogue, p. 34. Another English edition, London, 1689, is called Popery truly display’d in its Bloody Colours. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,374; Sabin, no. 62. Another London book of 1740, Old England for Ever, is often called a Las Casas, but it is not his. Field, no. 888.—Ed.]

[1052] [Sabin, no. 51; Carter-Brown, i. 510; Stevens, Hist. Coll., i. 319. It has no place. Muller calls a Warhafftiger Bericht of 1599, with no place, the earliest German edition, with De Bry’s, engravings,—which were also in the Oppenheim edition of 1613, Warhafftiger und gründlicher Bericht, etc. Cf. Sabin, no. 54; Carter-Brown, ii. 146. A similar title belongs to a Frankfort edition of 1597 (based on the Antwerp French edition of 1579), which is noted in Sabin, no. 52, and in Bib. Grenvilliana, ii. 828, and was accompanied by a volume of plates (Sabin, no,. 53).

There seem to be two varieties of the German edition of 1665, Umbständige warhafftige Beschreibung der Indianischen Ländern. Cf. Carter-Brown, ii. 957; Sabin, no. 55; Field, no. 882. Sabin (no. 56) also notes a 1790 and other editions.—Ed.]

[1053] [It followed the French edition of 1579, and was reissued at Oppenheim in 1614. Cf. Field, p. 871; Carter-Brown, i. 453, 524; ii. 164; Sabin, nos. 57, 58.

The Heidelberg edition of 1664, Regionum Indicarum per Hispanos olim devastatarum descriptio, omits the sixteen pages of preliminary matter of the early editions; and the plates, judging from the Harvard College and other copies, show wear. Sabin, no. 59; Carter-Brown, ii. 944.—Ed.]

[1054] [As in the Istoria ò brevissima relatione, Venice, 1626, 1630, and 1643, a version of the first tract of 1552, made by Castellani. It was later included in Marmocchi’s Raccolta di viaggi. Cf. Sabin, nos. 16, 17, 18; Carter-Brown, ii. 311, 360, 514; Leclerc, no. 331; Field, no. 885; Stevens, Hist. Coll., i. 315; Bibl. Hist., no. 1,100. The sixth tract was translated as Il supplice schiavo Indiano, and published at Venice in 1635, 1636, and 1657. Cf. Carter-Brown, ii. 434, 816; Field, no. 886; Sabin, nos. 20, 21. It was reissued in 1640 as La libertà pretesa. Sabin, no. 19; Field, no. 887; Carter-Brown, ii. 473. The eighth and ninth tracts appeared as Conquista dell’Indie occidentali, Venice, 1645. Cf. Field, no. 884; Sabin, no. 22; Carter-Brown, ii. 566.—Ed.]

[1055] In Harvard College Library, with also the Ordenanzas reales del Conseio de las Indias, of the same date.

[1056] There are convenient explanations and references respecting the functions of the Casa de la Contratacion, the Council of the Indies, the Process of the Audiencia, and the duties of an Alcalde, in Bancroft’s Central America, vol. i. pp. 270, 280, 282, 297, 330.

[1057] See chap. iii. p. 203, ante.

[1058] At Medellin, in Estremadura, in 1485.

[1059] They are given in Pacheco’s Coleccion, xii. 225, Prescott’s Mexico, app. i., and elsewhere. Cf. H. H. Bancroft, Mexico, i. 55.

[1060] There is much conflict of testimony on the respective share of Cortés and Velasquez in equipping the expedition. H. H. Bancroft (Mexico, i. 57) collates the authorities.

[1061] Prescott makes Cortés sail clandestinely; Bancroft makes his departure a hurried but open one; and this is Helps’s view of the authorities.

[1062] The authorities are not in unison about all these figures. Cf. H. H. Bancroft, Mexico, i. 70.

[1063] See the long note comparing some of these accounts in H. H. Bancroft’s Mexico, i. 102, etc.

[1064] Marina did more. She impressed Cortés, who found her otherwise convenient for a few years; and after she had borne him children, married her to one of his captains. What purports to be a likeness of her is given in Cabajal’s México, ii. 64.

[1065] Prescott (Mexico, revised edition, i. 345) points out how this site was abandoned later for one farther south, where the town was called Vera Cruz Vieja; and again, early in the seventeenth century, the name and town were transferred to another point still farther south,—Nueva Vera Cruz. These changes have caused some confusion in the maps of Lorenzana and others. Cf. the maps in Prescott and H. H. Bancroft.

[1066] There is some discrepancy in the authorities here as regards the openness or stealth of the act of destroying the fleet. See the authorities collated in Prescott, Mexico, new edition, i. 369, 370.

[1067] The estimates of numbers in all the operations throughout the Conquest differ widely, sometimes very widely, according to different authorities. The student will find much of the collation of these opposing statements done for him in the notes of Prescott and Bancroft.

[1068] Fac-simile of an engraving on copper in the edition of Solis printed at Venice in 1715, p. 29. It is inscribed: “Cavato da vn originale fatto iñazi chei si portassi alla Conqvista del Messico.”

[1069] Fac-simile of the copper plate in the Venice edition of Solis Conquista (1715) inscribed “Cavato dall’originale venvto dal Messico al Ser^mo G. D. di Toscana.”

[1070] H. H. Bancroft (Mexico, i. 378) and Prescott (new edition vol. ii., p. 231) collate the authorities.

[1071] There are a variety of views as to the force Cortés now commanded; cf. H. H. Bancroft, Mexico, i. 424.

[1072] Prescott (Mexico, new ed., ii. 309) collates the diverse accounts.

[1073] It must be mentioned that the Spaniards have been accused of murdering Montezuma. Bancroft (Mexico, i. 464) collates the different views of the authorities. Cortes sent the body out of the fort. Indignities were offered it; but some of the imperial party got possession of it, and buried it with such honor as the times permitted.

[1074] There are difficulties about the exact date; cf. H. H. Bancroft, Mexico, i. 472.

[1075] Bancroft (Mexico, i. 488) collates the various authorities; so does Prescott (Mexico, new ed., ii. 364) of the losses of this famous triste Noche.

[1076] The figures usually given are enormous, and often greatly vary with the different authorities. In this as in other cases where numbers are mentioned, Prescott and Bancroft collate the several reckonings which have been recorded.

[1077] Their chief was Juan Florin, who has been identified by some with Verrazano.

[1078] H. H. Bancroft (Central Mexico, i. 626) collates as usual the various estimates of Alvarado’s force.

[1079] There is some doubt whether the alleged plot was not, after all, a fiction to cover the getting rid of burdensome personages. H. H. Bancroft (Central America, i. 555) collates the various views, but it does not seem that any unassailable conclusion can be reached.

[1080] Part of a view of Acapulco as given in Montanus and Ogilby, p. 261, showing the topography, but representing the later fort and buildings. The same picture, on a larger scale, was published by Vander Aa at Amsterdam. A plan of the harbor is given in Bancroft’s Mexico, iii. 25. The place had no considerable importance as a Spanish settlement till 1550 (Ibid., ii. 420). Cf. the view in Gay’s Popular History of the United States, ii. 586.

[1081] The remains of Cortés have rested uneasily. They were buried at Seville; but in 1562 his son removed them to New Spain and placed them in a monastery at Tezcuco. In 1629 they were carried with pomp to Mexico to the church of St. Francis; and again, in 1794, they were transferred to the Hospital of Jesus (Prescott, Mexico, iii. 465), where a monument with a bust was placed over them. In 1823, when a patriotic zeal was turned into the wildness of a mob, the tomb was threatened, and some soberer citizens secretly removed the monument and sent it (and later the remains) clandestinely to his descendant, the Duke of Monteleone, in Palermo, where they are supposed now to be, if the story of this secret shipment is true (Prescott, Mexico, iii. 335; Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., pp. 219, 220; Bancroft, Mexico, iii. 479, 480). Testimony regarding the earlier interment and exhumation is given in the Coleccion de documentos inéditos (España), xxii. 563. Cf. B. Murphy on “The Tomb of Cortés” in the Catholic World, xxxiii. 24.

For an account of the family and descendants of Cortés, see Bancroft, ii. 480; Prescott, iii. 336. The latter traces what little is known of the later life of Marina (vol. iii. p. 279).

[1082] Those pertaining to Cortés in vols. i.-iv. of the Documentos inéditos (España) had already appeared. Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., pp. 213-215, enumerates the manuscripts which had been collected by Prescott. Clavigero had given accounts of the collections in the Vatican, at Vienna, and of those of Boturini, etc.

[1083] Sabin, vol. xx. no. 34,153. In the Introduction to both volumes Icazbalceta discusses learnedly the authorship of the various papers, and makes note of considerable bibliographical detail. The edition was three hundred copies, with twelve on large paper.

[1084] Vol. i. 281; see also ante, p. 215.

[1085] Vol. i. 368. This plan is given on an earlier page. Cf. Bancroft, Early American Chroniclers, p. 15.

[1086] See chap. v. p. 343.

[1087] Mexico, ii. 96. A part of it was printed in the Documentos inéditos as “Ritos antiquos... de las Indias.” Cf. Kingsborough, vol. ix.

[1088] Mexico, i. 405.

[1089] Prescott, Mexico, ii. 147.

[1090] Sabin, vol. ix. nos. 34,154-34,156; Quaritch, Ramirez Collection (1880), no. 89, priced it at £40.

[1091] This institution is clearly defined by Helps, iii. 141. Cf. Bancroft, Central America, i. 250.

[1092] Prescott, Mexico, ii. 272; Bancroft, Mexico, ii. 373; Murphy Catalogue, no. 2,092; Pinart-Brasseur Catalogue, no. 770. The book has a portrait of Alvarado, and is enriched with notes by Ramirez. The manuscript of the charges against Alvarado was discovered in 1846 among some supposed waste-papers in the Mexican Archives which the licentiate, Ignacio Rayon, was then examining (Bancroft, Central America, ii. 104).

[1093] Mexico, ii. 9. Bancroft says he uses a copy made from one which escaped the fire that destroyed so much in 1692, and which belonged to the Maximilian Collection. Quaritch offered, a few years since, as from the Ramirez Collection, for £175, the Acts of the Municipality of Mexico, 1524-1564, in six manuscript volumes. Bancroft (Mexico, iii. 508, etc.), enumerates the sources of a later period.

[1094] Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions, p. xxxiv.

[1095] There appeared in 1882, in two volumes, in the Biblioteca de los Americanistas, a Historia de Guatemala ó recordación Florida escrita el siglo XVII por el Capitán D. Francisco Antonio de Fuentes y Guzman ... publica por primera vez con notas é ilustraciones D. Justo Zaragoza.

[1096] Quaritch in his Catalogue, no. 321, sub 11,807, shows a collection of forty-seven for £50, apparently the Ramirez Collection. Cf. Sabin, vol. iii. no. 9,567, etc.

[1097] Mexico, vol. i. p. viii.

[1098] Indeed, the footnotes of Prescott are meagre by comparison. The enumeration of the manuscript sources on the Conquest given in Charton’s Voyageurs, iii. 420, shows what provision of this sort was most to be depended on thirty years ago. There is a set of nine folios in Harvard College Library, gathered by Lord Kingsborough, called Documentos para el historia de México y Peru. It includes some manuscripts; but they are all largely, perhaps wholly, of a later period than the Conquest.

[1099] Quaritch, who in his Catalogue of 1870 (no. 259, sub 376) advertised for £105 the original manuscripts of three at least of these councils (1555, 1565, 1585), intimates that they never were returned into the Ecclesiastical Archives after Lorenzana had used them in preparing an edition of the Proceedings of these Councils which he published in 1769 and 1770,—Concilios provinciales de México,—though in the third, and perhaps in the first, he had translated apparently his text from the Latin published versions. Bancroft describes these manuscripts in his Mexico, ii. 685. The Acts of the First Council had been printed (1556) before Lorenzana; but the book was suppressed, and the Acts of the Third Council had been printed in 1622 in Mexico, and in 1725 at Paris. The Acts of the Third also appeared in 1859 at Mexico with other documents. The readiest source for the English reader of the history of the measures for the conversion of the Indians and for the relation of the Church to the civil authorities in New Spain are sundry chapters (viii., xix., etc.) in Bancroft’s Central America, and others (ix., xix., xxxi., xxxii.) in his Mexico. (Cf. references in Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., p. 209.) The leading Spanish authorities are Torobio Motolinia, Mendieta, and Torquemada, all characterized elsewhere. Alonso Fernandez’ Historia eclesiástica de nuestros tiempos (Toledo, 1611) is full in elucidation of the lives of the friars and of their study of the native tongues. (Cf. Rich, 1832, £2 2s.; Quaritch, 1870, £5; Bancroft, Mexico, ii. 190.) Gil Gonzales Davila’s Teatro eclesiástico de la primitiva Iglesia de las Indias (Madrid, 1649-1655) is more important and rarer (Quaritch, 1870, £8 8s.; Rosenthal, Munich, 1884, for 150 marks; Bancroft, Mexico, ii. 189). Of Las Casas and his efforts, see the preceding chapter in the present volume.

The Orders of friars are made the subject of special treatment in Bancroft’s Mexico. The Franciscans were the earliest to arrive, coming, in response to the wish of Cortés, in 1524. There are various histories of their labors,—Francisco Gonzaga’s De origine seraphicæ religionis Franciscanæ, Rome, 1587 (Carter-Brown, i. 372); sections of Torquemada and the fourth part of Vetancour’s Teatro Mexicano, Mexico, 1697-1698; Francisco Vasquez’ Chronica ... de Guatemala, 1714; Espinosa’s Chronica apostolica, 1746 (Sabin, vi. 239; Carter-Brown, iii. 827), etc. Of the Dominicans we have Antonio de Remesal’s Historia de la S. Vincent de Chyapa, Madrid, 1619 (Bancroft, Central America, ii. 339, 736), and Davilla Padilla’s Santiago de México, mentioned in the text. Of the Augustinian friars there is Juan de Grijalva’s Cronica, Mexico, 1624. Of the books on the Jesuits who came late (1571, etc.), there is a note in Bancroft’s Mexico, iii. 447, showing as of chief importance Francisco de Florencia’s Compañia de Jesus (Mexico, 1694), while the subject was taken up under the same title by Francisco Javier Alegre, who told the story of their missions from 1566 in Florida to 1765. The manuscript of this work was not printed till Bustamante edited it in 1841.

The legend or belief in our Lady of Guadalupe gives a picturesque and significant coloring to the history of missions in Mexico, since from the day of her apparition the native worship, it is said, steadily declined. It is briefly thus: In 1531 a native who had received a baptismal name of Juan Diego, passing a hill neighboring to the city of Mexico, was confronted by a radiant being who announced herself as the Virgin Mary, and who said that she wished a church to be built on the spot. The native’s story, as he told it to the Bishop, was discredited, until some persons sent to follow the Indian saw him disappear unaccountably from sight.

It was now thought that witchcraft more than a heavenly interposition was the cause, until, again confronting the apparition, Diego was bidden to take some roses which the Lady had handled and carry them in his mantle to the Bishop, who would recognize them as a sign. When the garment was unrolled, the figure of the Virgin was found painted in its folds, and the sign was accepted. A shrine was soon erected, as the Lady had wished; and here the holy effigy was sacredly guarded, until it found a resting-place in what is thought to be the richest church in Mexico, erected between 1695 and 1709; and there it still is. It has been at times subjected to some ecclesiastical scrutiny, and there have been some sceptics and cavillers. Cf. Bancroft, Mexico, ii. 407, and authorities there cited. Lorenzana in his Cartas pastorales (1770) has given a minute account of the painting (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,749; Sabin, vol, xii. no. 56,199; and the Coleccion de obras pertenecientes a la milagrosa aparicion de Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe).

[1100] Carter-Brown, i. 496; Bancroft, Mexico, iii. 723. There is a copy in Harvard College Library. There were later editions at Brussels in 1625 (Carter-Brown, ii. 300; Stevens, Historical Collection, i. 177), and again at Valladolid in 1634 as Varia historia de la Nueva España y Florida, segunda impresion (Carter-Brown, ii. 412).

[1101] We read in the 1596 edition (p. 670) that one Juan Pablos was the first printer in Mexico, who printed, as early as 1535, a religious manual of Saint John Climachus. The book, however, is not now known (Sabin, vi. 229), and there is no indisputable evidence of its former existence; though a similar story is told by Alonzo Fernandez in his Historia eclesiástica (Toledo, 1611), and by Gil Gonzales Davila in his Teatro eclesiástico (Madrid, 1649),—who gives, however, the date as 1532. The Teatro is of further interest for the map of the diocese of Michoacan and for the arms of the different dioceses. It is in two volumes, and is worth from thirty to forty dollars.

The subject of early printing in Mexico has been investigated by Icazbalceta in the Diccionario universal de historia y de geografia, v. 961 (published in Mexico in 1854), where he gives a list of Mexican imprints prior to 1600 (Carter-Brown, i. 129, 130). A similar list is given in connection with an examination of the subject by Harrisse in his Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 232. Mr. John Russell Bartlett gives another list (1540 to 1600) in the Carter-Brown Catalogue, i. 131, and offers other essays on the subject in the Historical Magazine, November, 1858, and February, 1865, and again in the new edition of Thomas’s History of Printing (Worcester, 1875), i. 365, appendix.

The earliest remaining example of the first Mexican press which we have is a fragmentary copy of the Manual de adultos of Cristóbal Cabrera, which was originally discovered in the Library of Toledo, whence it disappeared, to be again discovered by Gayangos on a London bookstall in 1870. It is supposed to have consisted of thirty-eight leaves, and the printed date of Dec. 13, 1540, is given on one of the leaves which remain (Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 232; Additions, no. 123, with fac-similes, of which a part is given in the Carter-Brown Catalogue, i. 131). Harrisse, perhaps, is in error, as Quaritch affirms (Ramirez Collection, 1880, no. 339), in assigning the same date, 1540, to an edition of the Doctrina Christiana found by him at Toledo; and there seem to have been one or two other books issued by Cromberger (Catalogue Andrade, nos. 2,366, 2,367, 2,369, 2,477) before we come to an acknowledged edition of the Doctrina Cristiana—which for a long time was held to be the earliest Mexican imprint—with the date of 1544. It is a small volume of sixty pages, “impressa en México, en casa de Juan Cromberger” (Rich, 1832, no. 14; Sabin, vol. iv, no. 16,777; Carter-Brown, i. 134, with fac-similes of title; Bookworm, 1867, p. 114; Quaritch, no. 321, sub 12,551). Of the same date is Dionisio Richel’s Compendio breve que tracta a’ la manera de como se hā de hazer las processiones, also printed, as the earlier one was, by command of Bishop Zumarraga, this time with a distinct date,—“Año de M. D. xliiij.” A copy which belonged to the Emperor Maximilian was sold in the Andrade sale (no. 2,667), and again in the Brinley sale (no. 5,317). Quaritch priced Ramirez’ copy in 1880 at £52.

The lists above referred to show eight separate issues of the Mexican press before 1545. Icazbalceta puts, under 1548, the Doctrina en Mexicano as the earliest instance known of a book printed in the native tongue. Up to 1563, with the exception of a few vocabularies and grammars of the languages of the country, of the less than forty books which are known to us, nearly all are of a theological or devotional character. In that year (1663) Vasco de Puga’s Collection of Laws—Provisiones, cédulas, instrucciones de su Majestad—was printed (Quaritch, Ramirez Collection, 1880, no. 236, £30). Falkenstein in his Geschichte der Buchdruckerkunst (Leipsic, 1840) has alleged, following Pinelo and others, that a Collection of Laws—Ordinationes legumque collectiones—was printed in 1649; but the existence of such a book is denied. Cf. Thomas, History of Printing, i. 372; Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 288.

[1102] Quaritch, Ramirez Collection (1880), no. 28, £15; Sabin, vol. 1. no. 3,349; Carter-Brown, iii. 893; Rich, Bibl. Nova Amer. (1835), p. 95; Stevens, Bibliotheca historica, no. 126; Leclerc, no. 50,—400 francs; Field, Indian Bibliography, no. 79.

[1103] Navarrete first printed it in his Coleccion, i. 421; it was included also in Vedia’s Historiadores primitivos de Indias (Madrid, 1852); and Gayangos, in his Cartas de Hernan Cortés (Paris, 1866) does not hesitate to let it stand for the first letter, while he also annotates it. It is likewise printed in the Biblioteca de autores Españoles, vol. xxii., and by Alaman in his Disertaciones sobre la historia de la República Mejicana, vol. i., appendix, with a sketch of the expedition. Cf. Prescott’s Mexico, i. 360, iii. 428; H. H. Bancroft’s Mexico, i. 169.

[1104] Bancroft, Mexico, i. 170. It is supposed that still a third letter went at the same time, which is now known to us. Three letters of this time were found in 1866 among some old account-books in a library sold in Austria. Two of them proved to be written in Spain upon the news of Cortés’ discoveries, while one was written by a companion of Cortés shortly after the landing on the Mexican coast, but is not seemingly an original, for it is written in German, and the heading runs: Newzeit wie unnsers aller-gnadigistn hern des Romischn und hyspaenischn Koningsleut Ain Costliche Newe Lanndschafft habn gefundn, and bears date June 28, 1519. There are some contradictions in it to the received accounts; but these are less important than the mistake of a modern French translator, who was not aware of the application of the name of Yucatan, at that time, to a long extent of coast, and who supposed the letters referred to Grijalva’s expedition. The original text, with a modern German and French version, appears in a small edition (thirty copies) which Frederic Muller, of Amsterdam, printed from the original manuscript (cf. his Books on America, 1872, no. 1,144; 1877, no. 2,296, priced at 120 florins) under the title of Trois lettres sur la découverte de Yucatan, Amsterdam, 1871 (Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 66; Muller, Books on America, 1877, no. 2,296; C. H. Berendt in American Bibliopolist, July and August, 1872; Murphy, no. 2,795).

One of the news-sheets of the time, circulated in Europe, is preserved in the Royal Library at Berlin. A photo-lithographic fac-simile was published (one hundred copies) at Berlin in 1873. It is called: Newe Zeittung. von dem lande. das die Sponier funden haben ym 1521. iare genant Iucatan. It is a small quarto in gothic type, of four unnumbered leaves, with a woodcut. Cf. Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 70, with fac-simile of title; Carter-Brown, i. 69; Muller (1877), no. 3,593; Sobolewski, no. 4,153.

[1105] Prescott used a copy taken from Muñoz’ transcript.

[1106] Cf. Prescott, Mexico, i. 262; Bancroft, Mexico, i. 72.

[1107] Cf. Stevens, Bibliotheca historica (1870), p. 103; Historical Collections, i. 342; and the section on “Early Descriptions of America” in the present work.

[1108] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 179.

[1109] Sabin, vi. 126; Carter-Brown, i. 63.

[1110] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 105.

[1111] Mexico, i. 547.

[1112] Cf. Harrisse Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 118; Carter-Brown, i. 71; Brunet, ii. 310; Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,933; Folsom, introduction to his edition. The Lenox and Barlow libraries have most, if not all, of the various early editions of the Cortés letters.

[1113] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,934; Carter-Brown, i. 73; Brunet, ii. 311; Bibliotheca Grenvilliana, p. 84; Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 120; Heber, vol. vii. no. 1,884; Ternaux, no. 27.

[1114] Cf. Carter-Brown, i. 81; Bibl. Amer. Vet., nos. 118, 125; Brunet, ii. 312; Bibliotheca Grenvilliana, p. 166; Huth, i. 353; C. Fiske Harris, Catalogue, no. 896; Cooke Catalogue, vol. iii. no. 623; Sunderland, vol. ii. no. 3,479; Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,947; Panzer, vii. 466; Menzel, Bibl. Hist., part i. p. 269; Ternaux, p. 32; Heber, vol. vi. no. 2,415 and ix. 910; Murphy Catalogue, no. 676; Stevens, American Bibliographer, p. 85. The book, when it contains the large folding plan of Mexico and the map of the Gulf of Mexico, is worth about $100. The plan and map are missing from the copy in the Boston Public Library. [D. 3101., 56, no. 1].

[1115] Cf. Brunet, ii. 312, and Supplément, col. 320; Carter-Brown, i. 82, which shows a map with inscriptions in Italian; Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 129; Pinart, no. 262; Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,951; Panzer, vol. viii. no. 1,248; Court, nos. 90, 91; Heber, vol. vi. no. 1,002, and x. 848; Walckenaer, no. 4,187. There are copies with another colophon (Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 130), connecting two printers with it,—Lexona and Sabio. F. S. Ellis, London, 1884 (no. 60), priced a copy at £52 10s., and Dufossé (no. 14,184) at 200 francs.

[1116] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,950, and xiii. 56,052; Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 119; Bibliotheca Grenvilliana, p. 166.

[1117] It is very rare, but Tross, of Paris, had a copy in his hands in 1866.

[1118] Annexed herewith in fac-simile.

[1119] Cf. Arana, Bibliografía de obras anónimas (1882) no. 244.

[1120] Cf. the notice of Cortés in R. C. Sands’s Writings, vol. i.

[1121] The original edition of Lorenzana is usually priced at $10 to $20. Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. nos. 16,938, 16,939, and vol. x. p. 462; H. H. Bancroft, Mexico, iii. 378 (with a sketch of Lorenzana); Brunet, Supplément, i. 321; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,750; Leclerc, no. 155; Sobolewski, no. 3,767; F. S. Ellis (1884), £2 2s.

[1122] Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,942. Bancroft (Mexico, i. 549), speaking of Gayangos’ edition, says: “Although a few of Lorenzana’s blunders find correction, others are committed; and the notes of the archbishop are adopted without credit and without the necessary amendment of date, etc.,—which often makes them absurd.”

[1123] The book is variously priced from $20 to $60. Cf. Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 168; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 100; Biblioteca Grenvilliana, p. 167; Leclerc, no. 152; Sunderland, no. 3,480; Pinart, no. 261; O’Callaghan, no. 683; Sabin, vol. iv. nos. 16,947-16,949. There were also Latin versions in the Novus orbis of Grynæus, 1555 and 1616.

[1124] The only copy known is noted in Tross’s Catalogue, 1866, no. 2,881. It is in Roman letter, sixteen leaves.

[1125] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,953.

[1126] Cf. Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 297; Ternaux, p. 57; Trömel, p. 14; Brunet, ii. 312; Stevens, Nuggets, i. 188; O’Callaghan, no. 989; Sobolewski, no. 3,766; J. J. Cooke, iii. 624 (copy now in Harvard College Library). It is usually priced at £2 or £3. Dufossé (1884, no. 14,185) held a copy at 100 francs.

[1127] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,958.

[1128] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,959.

[1129] Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. 113.

[1130] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,962.

[1131] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,964.

[1132] Cf. on the second letter, Prescott, Mexico, Kirk’s ed., ii. 425.

[1133] Cf. Rich, (1832) no. 5,—£10 10s.; Stevens, American Bibliographer, p. 84; Bibliotheca Grenvilliana, p. 166; Panzer, vii. 122; Heber, vol. vii. no. 1,884; Ternaux, no. 26; Brunet, ii. 311; Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 121; Carter-Brown, i. 74; Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,935.

[1134] Priced by F. S. Ellis (1884) at £18 18s.

[1135] Cf. Carter-Brown, i. 83; Ternaux, no. 33; Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 126; Bibliotheca Grenvilliana, p. 167; Brunet, ii. 312; Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,948; Stevens, American Bibliographer, p. 87. There is a copy of the 1524 edition in the Boston Public Library. [D. 3101. 56, no. 2].

[1136] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,936; Carter-Brown, i. 85; Brunet, ii. 311; Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 135; Bibliotheca Grenvilliana, p. 166.

[1137] The only copy known is that in the Carter-Brown Library (Catalogue, no. 88). Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,937; Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 138; Stevens, American Bibliographer, p. 85; Brunet, ii. 312; Panzer, x. 28; Heber, vol. vii. no. 1,884; Bibliotheca Grenvilliana, p. 166; Ternaux, no. 34.

[1138] Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,940.

[1139] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,941; Carter-Brown, i. 84; Court, no. 89; Prescott, Mexico, iii. 248.

[1140] A letter about the Olid rebellion is lost; Helps, iii. 37.

[1141] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,943.

[1142] Cf. H. Vattemare in Revue contemporaine, 1870, vii. 532.

[1143] Prescott’s Mexico, iii. 266. Cf. references on this expedition to Honduras in H. H. Bancroft’s Central America, i. 537, 567, 582; ii. 144; and his Native Races, iv. 79. This Honduras expedition is also the subject of one of Ixtlilxochitl’s Relaciones, printed in Kingsborough’s ninth volume.

[1144] Cartas al Emperador (Sept. 11, 1526, Oct. 10, 1530), in Documentos inéditos (España), i. 14, 31, and in Kingsborough’s Mexico, vol. viii.; Memorial al Emperador (1539) in Documentos inéditos, iv. 201. Cf. also Purchas, v. 858, and Ramusio, iii. 187. His Última y sentidisima carta, Feb. 3, 1544, is given in Documentos inéditos, i. 41, and in Prescott’s Mexico, Kirk’s ed., iii. 460. Other letters of Cortés are in the Pacheco Coleccion and in that of Icazbalceta. The twelfth volume of the Biblioteca histórica de la Iberia (Mexico, 1871), with the special title of Escritos sueltos de Cortés, gives nearly fifty documents. Icazbalceta, in the introduction of vol. i. p. xxxvii. of his Coleccion, gives a list of the escritos sueltos of Cortés in connection with a full bibliography of the series of Cartas, with corrections, derived largely from Harrisse, in vol. ii. p. lxiii.

[1145] Mexico, i. 549, 696. “Ever ready with a lie when it suited his purpose; but he was far too wise a man needlessly to waste so useful an agent.”—Early American Chroniclers, p. 16.

[1146] Harrisse (Bibl. Amer. Vet.) gives numerous references on Cortés. It is somewhat singular that there is no mention of him in the Novus orbis of 1532, and none in De Bry. Mr. Brevoort prepared the article on Cortés in Sabin’s Dictionary.

[1147] Ticknor, Spanish Literature, ii. 30; Prescott’s Mexico, i. 474, and Peru, ii. 304, 457; H. H. Bancroft, Central America, i. 314, his Mexico, and his Early American Chroniclers, p. 21.

[1148] There are curious stories about this book, in which there is not entire accord with one another. The fact seems to be that Bustamante got hold of the manuscript, and supposed it an original work of Chimalpain, and announced it for publication in a Spanish dress, as translated from the Nahuatl, under the title of Historia de las conquistas de Hernando Cortés, under which name it appeared in two volumes in Mexico in 1826 (Ticknor Catalogue, p. 207). Bandelier and others referring to it have supposed it to be what the title represented (Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., new series, i. 84; cf. Bibl. Amer. Vet., p. 204); but it is printed in Spanish nevertheless, and is nothing more than a translation of Gomara. Bustamante in his preface does not satisfy the reader’s curiosity, and this Mexican editor’s conduct in the matter has been the subject of apology and suspicion. Cf. Quaritch’s Catalogues, nos. 11,807, 12,043, 17,632; H. H. Bancroft, Central America, i. 315; Sabin, vii. no. 27,753. Quaritch adds that Bustamante’s text seems rather like a modern improvement of Gomara than a retranslation, and that a manuscript apparently different and called Chimalpain’s history was sold in the Abbé Fischer’s sale in 1869.

[1149] It is a small folio, and has become extremely rare, owing, perhaps, in part to the attempted suppression of it. Quaritch in 1883 priced a copy at £75. It should have two maps, one of the Indies, the other of the Old World (Ternaux, no. 61; Carter-Brown, nos. 177, 178; Sunderland, vol. iii. no. 7,575; Library of an Elizabethan Admiral, 1883, no. 338; Leclerc, no. 2,779; Rich (1832), no. 23, £10 10s.; Sabin, vol. vii. no. 27,724; Murphy, no. 1,062).

[1150] Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 179, 180; Sabin, vol. vii. no. 27,725; Leclerc, 800 francs. Mr. J. C. Brevoort has a copy. Sabin (no. 27,726) notes a Conquista de México (Madrid, 1553) which he has not seen, but describes it at second hand as having the royal arms where the Medina edition has the arms of Cortés, and intimates that this last may have been the cause of the alleged suppression.

[1151] Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 187, 188, with a fac-simile of the title of the former; and on p. 169 is noted another Saragossa edition of 1555. Sabin, vol. vii. nos. 27,727, 27,728.

[1152] Historia de México, Juan Steelsio, and again Juan Bellero (with his map); La historia general de las Indias, Steelsio. These are in Harvard College Library. Sabin (vol. vii. nos. 27,729-27,732) notes of these Antwerp editions,—Historia general, Nucio, Steelsio, and Bellero; Historia de México, Bellero, Lacio, Steelsio; and Conquista de México, Nucio. The Carter-Brown Catalogue (nos. 189-193) shows the Historia de México with the Steelsio and Bellero imprints, and copies of the Historia general with the imprints of Bellero and Martin Nucio. Quaritch prices the Bellero México at £5 5s. Rich priced it in 1832 at £3 3s. There is a Steelsio México in the Boston Public Library. Cf. Huth Catalogue, ii. 605; Murphy, nos. 1,057-1,059; Court, nos. 146, etc. Of the later Spanish texts, that in Barcia’s Historiadores primitivos (1748-1749) is mutilated; the best is that in the Biblioteca de autores Españoles, published at Madrid in 1852.

[1153] Such, at least, is the condition of the copy in Harvard College Library; while the two titles are attached to different copies in the Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. i. nos. 199, 210. The México is also in the Boston Athenæum. Cf. O’Callaghan Catalogue, no. 989. Sabin (vol. vii. nos. 27,734-27,735) says the 1555 title is a cancelled one. Mr. Brevoort possesses a Historia generale delle Indie occidentali (Rome, 1556), which he calls a translation of part i. Cf. Sabin, vol. vii. no. 27,736; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 200. F. S. Ellis (1884, no. 111) prices a copy at £2 2s. Sabin (no. 27,737) also notes a Gomara, as published in 1557 at Venice, as the second part of a history, of which Cieza de Leon’s was the first part.

[1154] Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 232, 233, 250, 306, 541; Sabin, vol. vii. nos. 27,739-27,745. The Historia general was published in Venice in 1565 as the second part of a Historie dell’Indie, of which Cieza de Leon’s Historie del Peru was the first part, and Gomara’s Conquista di Messico (1566) was the third. This Italian translation was made by Lucio Mauro. The three parts are in Harvard College Library and in the Boston Public Library (Sabin, vol. vii. no. 27,738).

[1155] Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 273, 274, 314, 324, 334, 357, 371, 375; Sabin, vol. vii. nos. 27,746-27,750; Murphy, nos. 1,059, 1,061; O’Callaghan, no. 990. F. S. Ellis (1884, no. 108) prices the 1569 edition at £10 10s. The 1578 and 1558 editions are in Harvard College Library,—the latter is called Voyages et conquestes du Capitaine Ferdinand Courtois. Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,955. Harrisse says that Oviedo, as well as Gomara, was used in this production. There were later French texts in 1604, 1605, and 1606. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. nos. 34, 46; Rich (1832), no. 104; Sabin (vol. vii. no. 27,749) also says of the 1606 edition that pp. 67-198 are additional to the 1578 edition.

[1156] Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 323; Menzies, no. 814; Crowninshield, no. 285; Rich (1832), no. 58; Brinley, no. 5,309; Murphy, no. 1,060. There are copies of this and of the 1596 reprint in Harvard College Library; and of the 1578 edition in the Massachusetts Historical Society’s Library and in Mr. Deane’s Collection; cf. Vol. III. pp. 27, 204. An abridgment of Gomara had already been given in 1555 by Eden in his Decades, and in 1577 in Eden’s History of Travayle; and his account was later followed by Hakluyt.

[1157] The bibliography of Gomara in Sabin (vol. vii. p. 395) was compiled by Mr. Brevoort. The Carter-Brown Catalogue (vol. i. p. 169) gives a list of editions; cf. Leclerc, no. 243, etc.

[1158] Bancroft (Mexico, ii. 339) gives references for tracing the Conquerors and their descendants.

[1159] Mexico, ii. 146; cf. H. H. Bancroft, Early Chroniclers, p. 14.

[1160] Ibid., ii. 459.

[1161] Ibid., i. 473.

[1162] Bancroft speaks of the account’s “exceeding completeness, its many new facts, and varied version” (Mexico, i. 697).

[1163] Scherzer (in his edition of Ximenes’ Las historias del origen de los Indios de esta provincia de Guatemala, 1857) says that the text as published is very incorrect, and adds that the original manuscript is in the city library at Guatemala. Brasseur says he has seen it there. It is said to have a memorandum to show that it was finished in 1605 at Guatemala. We have no certain knowledge of Diaz’ death to confirm the impression that he could have lived to the improbable age which this implies. (Cf. Magazine of American History, i. 129, 328-329.) There are two editions of it, in different type, which have the seal of authenticity. One was dated in 1632; the other, known as the second edition, is without date, and has an additional chapter (numbered wrongly ccxxii.) concerning the portents among the Mexicans which preceded the coming of the Spaniards. It is explained that this was omitted in the first edition as not falling within the personal observation of Diaz. (Cf. Sabin, vol. vi. nos. 19,978, 19,979; Carter-Brown, ii. 387; Murphy, no. 790; Court, nos. 106, 107; Leclerc, no. 1,115. Rich priced it in his day at $10; it now usually brings about $30.) There are later editions of the Spanish text,—one issued at Mexico in 1794-1795, in four small volumes (Sabin, vol. vi. no. 19,980; Leclerc, no. 1,117, 40 francs); a second, Paris, 1837 (Sabin, vol. vi. no. 19,981); and another, published in 1854, in two quarto volumes, with annotations from the Cortés letters, etc. It is also contained in Vedia’s edition of the Historiadores primitivos, vol. ii. There are three German editions, one published at Hamburg in 1848, with a preface by Karl Ritter, and others bearing date at Bonn, 1838 and 1843 (Sabin, vi. no. 19,986-19,987). There are two English versions,—one by Maurice Keating, published at London in 1800 (with a large map of the Lake of Mexico), which was reprinted at Salem, Mass., in 1803 (Sabin, vol. vi. nos. 19,984-19,985). Mr. Deane points out how Keating, without any explanation, transfers from chap. xviii. and other parts of the text sundry passages to a preface. A second English translation,—Memoirs of Diaz,—by John Ingram Lockhart, was published in London in 1844 (Sabin, vol. vi. no. 19,983), and is also included in Kerr’s Voyages, vols. iii. and iv. Munsell issued an abridged English translation by Arthur Prynne at Albany in 1839 (Sabin, vol. vi. no. 19,982). The best annotated of the modern issues is a French translation by D. Jourdanet, Histoire véridique de la conquête de la Nouvelle Espagne, Paris, 1876. In the following year a second edition was issued, accompanied by a study on the human sacrifices of the Aztecs, and enriched with notes, a bibliography, and a chapter from Sahagun on the vices of the Mexicans. It also contained a modern map of Mexico, showing the marches of Cortés; the map of the valley, indicating the contraction of the lake (the same as used by Jourdanet in other works), and a reproduction of a map of the lake illustrating the operations of Cortés, which follows a map given in the Mexican edition of Clavigero. A list of the Conquistadores gives three hundred and seventy-seven names, which are distinguished apart as constituting the followers of Cortés, Camargo, Salcedo, Garay, Narvaez, and Ponçe de Leon. This list is borrowed from the Diccionario universal de historia y de geografia, ... especialmente sobre la república Mexicana, 1853-1856. (Cf. Norton’s Literary Gazette, Jan. 15, 1835, and Revue des questions historiques, xxiii. 249.) This Diccionario was published at Mexico, in 1853-1856, in ten volumes, based on a similar work printed in Spain, but augmented in respect to Mexican matters by various creditable collaborators, while vols. viii., ix., and x. are entirely given to Mexico, and more particularly edited by Manuel Orozco y Berra. The work is worth about 400 francs. The Cartas de Indias (Madrid, 1877) contained a few unpublished letters of Bernal Diaz.

[1164] Sahagun’s study of the Aztec tongue was a productive one. Biondelli published at Milan in 1858, from a manuscript by Sahagun, an Evangelarium epistolarium et lectionarium Aztecum sive Mexicanum, ex antiquo codice Mexicano nuper reperto; and Quaritch in 1880 (Catalogue, p. 46, no. 261, etc.) advertised various other manuscripts of his Sermones in Mexicano, etc. Jourdanet in his edition (p. x.) translates the opinion of Sahagun given by his contemporary and fellow-Franciscan, Fray Geronimo Mendieta, in his Historia eclesiastica Indiana (Mexico, 1860) p. 633. There is a likeness of Sahagun in Cumplido’s edition of Prescott’s Mexico, published at Mexico in 1846, vol. iii.

[1165] A part of the original manuscript of Sahagun was exhibited, says Brinton (Aboriginal American Authors, p. 27), at the Congrès des Américanistes at Madrid in 1881.

[1166] Field, Indian Bibliography, no. 1,348. Stevens (Historical Collections, vol. i., no. 1,573) mentions a copy of this edition, which has notes and collations with the original manuscript made by Don J. F. Ramirez. Cf. Ticknor Catalogue, p. 316.

[1167] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 208.

[1168] The book was called: La aparicion de N^tra. Señora de Guadalupe de México, comprobada con la refutation del argumento negativo que presenta Muñoz, fundandose en el testimonio del P. Fr. Bernardino Sahagun; ó sea: Historia original de este escritor, que altera la publicada en 1829 en el equivocado concepto de ser la unica y original de dicho autor. Publícala, precediendo una disertacion sobre la aparicion guadalupana, y con notas sobre la conquista de México. Cf. Ticknor Catalogue, p. 46.

[1169] Spanish Conquest, ii. 346.

[1170] Magazine of American History (November, 1881) p. 378. Cf. other estimates in H. H. Bancroft’s Mexico, i. 493, 696; Native Races, iii. 231-236; Early Chroniclers, pp. 19, 20. Bernal Diaz and Sahagun are contrasted by Jourdanet in the introduction to his edition of the latter. Cf. also Jourdanet’s edition of Bernal Diaz and the article on Sahagun by Ferdinand Denis in the Revue des Deux Mondes.

[1171] Prescott’s Mexico, Kirk’s ed. ii. 38.

[1172] Prescott, Mexico, iii. 214.

[1173] Mr. Brevoort reviewed this edition in the Magazine of American History.

[1174] Vols. x. and xvi. In one of these is the Chronica Compendiosissima of Amandus (Antwerp, 1534), which contains the letters of Peter of Ghent, or De Mura,—Recueil des pièces relatives à la Conquête du Mexique, pp. 193-203. Cf. Sabin, vol. i. no. 994.

[1175] Vol. xi. Zurita is also given in Spanish in the Coleccion de documentos inéditos, vol. ii. (1865), but less perfectly than in Ternaux. The document was written about 1560.

[1176] Vols. viii., xii., xiii.

[1177] Field, Indian Bibliography, nos. 1540-1541.

[1178] Ibid., no. 767.

[1179] Ibid., no. 766; Sabin, vol. ix. p. 168. Cf. Brinton, Aboriginal American Authors, p. 15.

[1180] Prescott, Mexico, vol. i. pp. 163, 174, 206, 207; vol. iii. p. 105; and H. H. Bancroft, Mexico, vol. i. pp. 339, 697; vol. ii. p. 24; Kingsborough, vol. ix.

[1181] Brinton, Aboriginal American Literature, p. 24.

[1182] Icazbalceta, in his Apuntes para un Catálogo de Escritores en lenguas indigenas de America (Mexico, 1866), gives a summary of the native literature preserved to us. Cf. Brinton’s Aboriginal American Authors, p. 14, etc., on natives who acquired reputation as writers of Spanish.

[1183] Vol. i. p. lxxiv; and on p. lxxviii he gives accounts of various manuscripts, chiefly copies, owned by himself. He also traces the rise of his interest in American studies, while official position in later years gave him unusual facilities for research. His conclusions and arguments are often questioned by careful students. Cf. Bandelier, in Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., October, 1880, p. 93.

[1184] In the introduction to this volume Brasseur reviews the native writers on the Conquest. Bancroft (Mexico, vol. i. p. 493, vol. ii. p. 488) thinks he hardly does Cortés justice, and is prone to accept without discrimination the native accounts, to the discredit of those of the conquerors. Brasseur gives abundant references; and since the publication of the Pinart-Brasseur Catalogue, we have a compact enumeration of his own library.

[1185] He enumerates a few of the treasures, vol. i. p. lxxvi.

[1186] The list is not found in all copies. Murphy Catalogue, p. 300. F. S. Ellis (London, 1884) prices a copy at £2 2s.

[1187] Born at Puebla 1710; died 1780.

[1188] Published in three volumes in Mexico in 1836. Edited by C. F. Ortega. Cf. Prescott, Mexico, book i. chap. i. Veytia also edited from Boturini’s collection, and published with notes at Mexico in 1826, Tezcuco en los ultimos tiempos de sus antiguos reyes (Murphy Catalogue, no. 428).

[1189] Aboriginal American Authors, p. 26, where are notices of other manuscripts on Tlaxcalan history.

[1190] Cf. Nouvelles Annales des Voyages (1845), vol. ii. p. 129, etc.

[1191] Prescott, Mexico, vol. ii. p. 286; Bancroft, Mexico, vol. i. p. 200.

[1192] Pinart-Brasseur Catalogue, no. 237.

[1193] Brinton’s Aboriginal American Authors, p. 26. Mr. A. F. Bandelier is said to be preparing an edition of it.

[1194] Cf. Nouvelles Annales des Voyages, 1844-1849. Ternaux’s translation is much questioned. Cf. also Kingsborough, vol. ix., and the Biblioteca Mexicana of Vigel, with notes by Orozco y Berra.

[1195] Aboriginal American Authors, p. 28.

[1196] Bancroft, Central America, vol. i. p. 686. Bandelier has given a partial list of the authorities on the conquest of Guatemala in the Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., October, 1880; and Bancroft (Central America, vol. i. p. 703, vol. ii. p. 736) characterizes the principal sources. Helps (end of book xv. of his Spanish Conquest) complained of the difficulty in getting information of the Guatemala affairs; but Bancroft makes use of all the varied published collections of documents on Spanish-American history, which contain so much on Guatemala; and to his hands, fortunately, came also all the papers of the late E. G. Squier. A Coleccion de Documentos Antiguos de Guatemala, published in 1857, has been mentioned elsewhere, as well as the Proceso against Alvarado, so rich in helpful material. The general historians must all be put under requisition in studying this theme,—Oviedo, Gomara, Diaz, Las Casas, Ixtlilxochitl, and Herrera, not to name others. Antonio de Remesal’s is the oldest of the special works, and was written on the spot. His Historia de Chyapa is a Dominican’s view; and being a partisan, he needs more or less to be confirmed. A Franciscan friar, Francisco Vasquez, published a Chronica de la Provincia del Santissimo Nombre de Jesus de Guatemala in 1714, a promised second volume never appearing. He magnified the petty doings of his brother friars; but enough of historical interest crept into his book, together with citations from records no longer existing, to make it valuable. He tilts against Remesal, while he constantly uses his book; and the antagonism of the Franciscans and Dominicans misguides him sometimes, when borrowing from his rival. He lauds the conquerors, and he suffers the charges of cruelty to be made out but in a few cases (Bancroft, Central America, vol. ii. pp. 142, 736). The Historia de Guatemala of Francisco Antonio de Fuentes y Guzman is quoted by Bancroft from a manuscript copy (Central America, vol. ii. p. 736), but it has since been printed in Madrid in 1882-1883, in two volumes, with annotations by Justo Zaragoza, as one of the series Biblioteca de los Americanistes. Bancroft thinks he has many errors and that he is far from trustworthy, wherever his partiality for the conquerors is brought into play. The chief modern historian of Guatemala is Domingo Juarros, who was born in that city in 1752, and died in 1820. His Compendio de la historia de la Ciudad de Guatemala was published there, the first volume in 1808 and the second in 1818; and both were republished in 1857. It was published in English in London in 1823, with omissions and inaccuracies,—according to Bancroft. The story of the Conquest is told in the second volume. Except so far as he followed Fuentes, in his partiality for the conquerors, Juarros’ treatment of his subject is fair; and his industry and facilities make him learned in its details. Bancroft (Central America, vol. ii. pp. 142, 737) remarks on his omission to mention the letters of Alvarado, and doubts, accordingly, if Juarros could have known of them.

Of the despatches which Alvarado sent to Cortés, we know only two. Bandelier (American Antiquarian Society’s Proceedings, October, 1880) says that Squier had copies of them all; but Bancroft (Central America, vol. i. p. 666), who says he has all of Squier’s papers, makes no mention of any beyond the two,—of April 11 and July 28, 1524,—which are in print in connection with Cortés’ fourth letter, in Ramusio’s version, except such as are of late date (1534-1541), of which he has copies, as his list shows (Cf. also Ternaux, vol. x., and Barcia, vol. i. p. 157). Ternaux is said to have translated from Ramusio. Oviedo uses them largely, word for word. Herrera is supposed to have used a manuscript History of the Conquest of Guatemala by Gonzalo de Alvarado.

[1197] Prescott, Mexico, vol. ii. p. 165.

[1198] A copy is in the Force Collection, Library of Congress, and another in Mr. Bancroft’s, from whose Mexico, vol. i. p. 461, we gather some of these statements.

[1199] Cf. Backer, Bibliothèque des écrivains de la Compagnie de Jésus; Markham’s introduction to his edition of Acosta in the Hakluyt Society’s publications.

[1200] The original edition of the De natura is scarce. Rich priced it at £1 1s. fifty years ago; Leclerc, no. 2,639, at 150 francs (cf. also Carter-Brown, i. 379; Sabin, i. 111,—for a full account of successive editions; Sunderland, i. 23). It was reprinted at Salamanca in 1595, and at Cologne in 1596. The latter edition can usually be bought for $3 or $4. Cf. Field, no. 9; Stevens, Bibliotheca Historica, no. 9; Murphy, no. 11, etc.

[1201] Rich priced it in 1832 at £1 10s.; ordinary copies are now worth about £2 or £3, but fine copies in superior binding have reached £12 12s. (Cf. Leclerc, no. 5—200 francs; Sunderland, i. 24; J. A. Allen, Bibliography of Cetacea, p. 24,—where this and other early books on America are recorded with the utmost care.) Other Spanish editions are Helmstadt, 1590 (Bartlett); Seville, 1591 (Brunet, Backer); Barcelona, 1591 (Carter-Brown, i. 478; Leclerc, no. 7); Madrid, 1608 (Carter-Brown, ii, 61; Leclerc, no. 8) and 1610 (Sabin); Lyons, 1670; and Madrid, 1792, called the best edition, with a notice of Acosta.

The French editions followed rapidly: Paris, by R. Regnault, 1597 (Brunet, Markham); 1598 (Leclerc, no. 10—100 francs; Dufossé, 125 francs, 140 francs, 160 francs); 1600 (Leclerc, no. 11; Bishop Huet’s copy in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris has notes which are printed by Camus in his book on De Bry); 1606 (Leclerc, nos. 12, 13); 1616 (Carter-Brown, ii. 177; Leclerc, no. 2,639—50 francs); 1617 (Leclerc, no. 14); 1619 (Sabin); 1621 (Rich). An Italian version, made by Gallucci, was printed at Venice in 1596 (Leclerc, no. 15).

There were more liberties taken with it in German. It was called Geographische und historische Beschreibung der America, when printed at Cologne in 1598, with thirty maps, as detailed in the Carter-Brown Catalogue, i. 520. Antonio (Biblioteca Hispana Nova) gives the date 1599. At Cologne again in 1600 it is called New Welt (Carter-Brown, i. 548), and at Wesel, in 1605, America oder West India, which is partly the same as the preceding (Carter-Brown, ii. 31). Antonio gives an edition in 1617.

The Dutch translation, following the 1591 Seville edition, was made by Linschoten, and printed at Haarlem in 1598 (Leclerc, no. 16); and again, with woodcuts, in 1624 (Carter-Brown, ii. 287; Murphy, no. 9). It is also in Vander Aa’s collection, 1727. It was from the Dutch version that it was turned (by Gothard Arthus for De Bry in his Great Voyages, part ix.) into German, in 1601; and into Latin, in 1602 and 1603.

The first English translation did not appear till 1604, at London, as The naturall and morall historie of the East und West Indies. Intreating of the remarkable things of Heaven, of the Elements, Mettalls, Plants, and Beasts which are proper to that Country; Together with the Manners, Ceremonies, Lawes, Governements, and Warres of the Indians. Written in Spanish by Ioseph Acosta, and translated into English by E[dward] G[rimston]. Rich priced it fifty years ago at £1 16s.; it is usually priced now at from four to eight guineas (cf. Carter-Brown, ii. 21; Field, no. 8; Menzies, no. 4; Murphy, no. 8). It was reprinted, with corrections of the version, and edited by C. R. Markham for the Hakluyt Society in 1880.

[1202] This is extremely rare. Quaritch, who said in 1879 that only three copies had turned up in London in thirty years, prices an imperfect copy at £5. (Catalogue, no. 326 sub. no. 17,635.)

It is worth while to note how events in the New World, during the early part of the sixteenth century, were considered in their relation to European history. Cf. for instance, Ulloa’s Vita dell’imperator Carlo V. (Rome, 1562), and such chronicles as the Anales de Aragon, first and second parts. Harrisse (Bibl. Amer. Vet. and Additions), and the Carter-Brown Catalogue (vol. i.) will lead the student to this examination, in their enumeration of books only incidentally connected with America. To take but a few as representative:

Maffeius, Commentariorum urbanorum libri, Basle, 1530, with its chapter on “loca nuper reperta.” (Harrisse, Additions, no. 93; edition of 1544, Bibl. Amer. Vet. no. 257, and Additions, no. 146. Fabricius cites an edition as early as 1526.)

Laurentius Frisius, Der Cartha Marina, Strasburg, 1530. (Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 151; Additions, no. 90.)

Gemma Phrysius, De Principiis Astronomiæ et Cosmographicæ, with its cap. xxix., “De insulis nuper inventis.” (Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions, no. 92.) There are later editions in 1544 (Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 252), 1548; also Paris, in French, 1557, etc.

Sebastian Franck, Weltbuch, Tübingen, 1533-1534, in which popular book of its day a separate chapter is given to America. The book in this first edition is rare, and is sometimes dated 1533, and again 1534. (Cf. Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., nos. 174, 197; Sabin, vi. 570; Carter-Brown, i. 111; Muller, 1877, no. 1,151; H. H. Bancroft, Mexico, i. 250.) There was another edition in 1542 (Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 238; Stevens, Bbliotheca Historica, no. 738), and later in Dutch and German, in 1558, 1567, 1595, etc. (Leclerc, nos. 212, 217, etc.).

George Rithaymer, De orbis terrarum, Nuremberg, 1538, with its “De terris et insulis nuper repertis” (Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions, no. 119).

Achilles P. Gassarum, Historiarum et chronicarum mundi epitomes libellus, Venice, 1538, with its “insulæ in oceano antiquioribus ignotæ.”

Ocampo, Chronica general de España, 1543, who, in mentioning the discovery of the New World, forgets to name Columbus (Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 242; Sabin, vol. xiii.).

Guillaume Postel, De orbis terræ concordia, Basle, about 1544 (Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions, no. 145).

John Dryander, Cosmographiæ introductio, 1544 (Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions, no. 147).

Biondo, De ventis et navigatione, Venice, 1546, with cap. xxv. on the New World (Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 274).

Professor J. R. Seeley, in his Expansion of England (p. 78), has pointed out how events in the New World did not begin to react upon European politics, till the attacks of Drake and the English upon the Spanish West Indies instigated the Spanish Armada, and made territorial aggrandizement in the New World as much a force in the conduct of politics in Europe as the Reformation had been. The power of the great religious revolution gradually declined before the increasing commercial interests arising out of trade with the New World.

[1203] Bancroft, Mexico, ii. 667. He died in 1604.

[1204] Sabin, vol. xii. no. 47,812. Icazbalceta showed Torquemada’s debt to Mendieta by collations. (Bancroft, Mexico, ii. 668.) No author later than Torquemada cites it. Barcia was not able to find it, and it was considered as hopelessly lost. In 1860 its editor was informed that the manuscript had been found among the papers left by D. Bartolomé José Gallardo. Later it was purchased by D. José M. Andrade, and given to Icazbalceta, at whose expense it has been published (Boston Public Library Catalogue).

[1205] Carter-Brown, ii. 176; Sunderland, vol. v. no. 12,536. Some of the bibliographies give the date 1613, and the place Seville. Cf. further on Torquemada, Bancroft, Mexico, ii. 786; Early American Chroniclers, p. 23; Prescott, Mexico, i. 53.

[1206] Carter-Brown, iii. 339; Leclerc, no. 370; Field, no. 1,557; Court, no. 354. It is in three volumes. Kingsborough in his eighth volume gives some extracts from Torquemada.

[1207] Baptista published various devotional treatises in both Spanish and Mexican, some of which, like his Compassionario of 1599, are extremely rare. Cf. Leclerc, no. 2,306; Quaritch, The Ramirez Collection, 1880, nos. 25, 26.

[1208] Again in four volumes, Mexico, 1870-1871. Cf. Bancroft, Mexico, iii. 507.

[1209] Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,300.

[1210] Mexico, i. 187.

[1211] Spanish Literature, vol. iii. no. 196.

[1212] Cf., for accounts and estimates, Ticknor, Spanish Literature, vol. iii. no. 196; Prescott, Mexico, vol. iii. p. 208; Bancroft, Mexico, vol. i. pp. 186, 697; Early Chroniclers, p. 22. Editions of Solis became, in time, numerous in various languages. Most of them may be found noted in the following list:—

In Spanish. Barcelona, 1691, accompanied by a Life of Solis, by Don Juan de Goyeneche, Madrid, 1704, a good edition; Brussels, 1704, with numerous plates; Madrid, 1732, two columns, without plates; Brussels, 1741, with Goyeneche’s Life; Madrid, 1748, said to have been corrected by the author’s manuscript; Barcelona, 1756; Madrid, 1758; Madrid, 1763; Barcelona, 1771; Madrid, 1776; Madrid, 1780; Madrid, 1783-1784,—a beautiful edition, called by Stirling “the triumph of the press of Sancha” (cf. Ticknor Catalogue, p. 335; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,300); Barcelona, 1789; Madrid, 1791, 1798, 1819, 1822; Paris, 1827; Madrid, 1828, 1829, 1838; Barcelona, 1840; Paris, 1858, with notes. Sabin (vol. iv. nos. 16,944-16,945) gives abridged editions,—Barcelona, 1846, and Mexico, 1853. An edition, London, 1809, is “Corregida por Augustin Luis Josse,” and is included in the Biblioteca de autores españoles, in 1853.

In French. The earliest translation was made by Bon André de Citri et de la Guette, and appeared with two different imprints in Paris in 1691 in quarto (Carter-Brown, vol. ii. 1427-1428). Other editions followed,—La Haye, 1692, in 12mo; Paris, 1704, with folding map and engravings reduced from the Spanish editions; Paris, 1714, with plates; Paris, 1730, 1759, 1774, 1777, 1844, etc.; and a new version by Philippe de Toulza, with annotations, published in Paris in 1868.

In Italian. The early version was published at Florence in 1699, with portraits of Solis, Cortés, and Montezuma (Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,577). An edition at Venice in 1704 is without plates; but another, in 1715, is embellished. There was another at Venice in 1733.

In Danish. Copenhagen, 1747 (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 859).

In English. Thomas Townsend’s English version was published in London in 1724, and was reissued, revised by R. Hooke in 1753, both having a portrait of Cortés, by Vertue, copied “after a head by Titian,” with other folding plates based on those of the Spanish editions (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. nos. 350, 588; Field, Indian Bibliography, nos. 1,464, 1,465). There were later editions in 1753.

It was when he was twenty-eight years old, that Prescott took his first lesson in Spanish history in reading Solis, at Ticknor’s recommendation.

[1213] The story as the English had had it up to this time—except so far as they learned it in translations of Solis—may be found in Burke’s European Settlements in America, 1765, part i. pp. 1-166.

[1214] Sabin, vol. iv. no. 13,518. It was written in Spanish, but translated into Italian for publication. A Spanish version, Historia Antigua de Mégico, made by Joaquin de Mora, was printed in London in 1826, and reprinted in Mexico in 1844 (Leclerc, nos. 1,103, 1,104, 2,712). A German translation, Geschichte von Mexico, was issued at Leipsic in 1789-1790, with notes. This version is not made from the original Italian, but from an English translation printed in London in 1787 as The History of Mexico, translated by Charles Cullen. It was reprinted in London in 1807, and in Philadelphia in 1817 (Field, Indian Bibliography, p. 326).

[1215] Early American Chronicles, p. 24.

[1216] Bancroft, Mexico, i. 697; also Prescott, Mexico, i. 53.

[1217] Bancroft, Mexico, i. 700; Leclerc, no. 846.

[1218] Bibliotheca Historica, no. 377.

[1219] There is a portrait of Clavigero in Cumplido’s edition of Prescott’s Mexico (1846), vol. iii.

[1220] Voyageurs, iii. 422.

[1221] Mr. H. H. Bancroft (Mexico, vol. i, p. 7, note), however, charges his predecessor with parading his acquisition of this then unprinted material, and with neglecting the more trustworthy and more accessible chroniclers. He also speaks (Mexico, i. 701) of an amiable weakness in Prescott which sacrificed truth to effect, and to a style which he calls “magnificent,” and to a “philosophic flow of thought,”—the latter trait in Prescott being one of his weakest; nor is his style what rhetoricians would call “magnificent.”

[1222] Mr. R. A. Wilson makes more of it than is warranted, in affirming that “Prescott’s inability to make a personal research” deprives us of the advantage of his integrity and personal character (New Conquest of Mexico, p. 312).

[1223] Ticknor’s Prescott, quarto edition, pp. 167-172.

[1224] It was soon afterward reprinted in London and in Paris.

[1225] Cf. the collation of criticisms on the Mexico, given by Allibone in his Dictionary of Authors, and by Poole in his Index to Periodical Literature. Archbishop Spalding, in his Miscellanea, chapters xiii. and xiv., gives the Catholic view of his labors; and Ticknor, in his Life of Prescott, prints various letters from Hallam, Sismondi, and others, giving their prompt expressions regarding the book. In chapters xiii., xiv., and xv. of this book the reader may trace Prescott through the progress of the work, not so satisfactorily as one might wish however, for in his diaries and letters the historian failed often to give the engaging qualities of his own character. It is said that Carlyle, when applied to for letters of Prescott which might be used by Ticknor in his Life of the historian, somewhat rudely replied that he had never received any from Prescott worth preserving. Prescott’s library is, unfortunately, scattered. He gave some part of it to Harvard College, including such manuscripts as he had used in his Ferdinand and Isabella; and some years after his death a large part of it was sold at public auction. It was then found that, with a freedom which caused some observation, the marks of his ownership had been removed from his books. Many of his manuscripts and his noctograph were then sold, perhaps through inadvertence, for the family subsequently reclaimed what they could. The noctograph and some of the manuscripts are now in the cabinet of the Massachusetts Historical Society (cf. Proceedings, vol. xiii. p. 66), and other manuscripts are in the Boston Public Library (Bulletin of Boston Public Library, iv. 122). A long letter to Dr. George E. Ellis, written in 1857, and describing his use of the noctograph, is in the same volume (Proceedings, vol. xiii. p. 246). The estimate in which Prescott was held by his associates of that Society may be seen in the records of the meeting at which his death was commemorated, in 1859 (Proceedings, iv. 167, 266). There is a eulogy of Prescott by George Bancroft in the Historical Magazine, iii. 69. Cf. references in Poole’s Index, p. 1047.

[1226] Philadelphia and London, 1859.

[1227] This correspondence was civil, to say the least. Bancroft (Mexico, i. 205), with a rudeness of his own, calls Wilson “a fool and a knave.”

[1228] American Ethnological Society Transactions, vol. i.

[1229] Also in Boston Daily Courier, May 3, 1859. Cf. Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc. v. 101; Atlantic Monthly, April and May, 1859, by John Foster Kirk; Allibone’s Dictionary, vol. ii. p. 1669. L. A. Wilmer, in his Life of De Soto (1859) is another who accuses Prescott of accepting exaggerated statements. Cf. J. D. Washburn on the failure of Wilson’s arguments to convince, in Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., October 21, 1879, p. 18.

[1230] Edition of 1874, ii. 110.

[1231] Page 147.

[1232] Born about 1817, and knighted in 1872.

[1233] Indian Bibliography, no. 682.

[1234] Cf. H. H. Bancroft, Mexico, ii. 488.

[1235] Cf. Revue des deux mondes, 1845, vol. xi. p. 197. The book was later translated into English. He also published in 1863 and in 1864 Le Mexique ancien et moderne, which was also given in an English translation in London in 1864. Cf. British Quarterly Review, xl. 360.

[1236] Ruge, in his Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen, tells the story with the latest knowledge.

[1237] Both books command good prices, ranging from $25 to $50 each.

[1238] Mexico, i. 697; ii. 788,—where he speaks of N. de Zamacois’ Historia de Méjico, Barcelona, 1877-1880, in eleven volumes, as “blundering;” and Mora’s Méjico y sus Revoluciones, Paris, 1836, in three volumes, as “hasty.” Bancroft’s conclusion regarding what Mexico itself has contributed to the history of the Conquest is “that no complete account of real value has been written.” Andrés Cavo’s Tres siglos de México (Mexico, 1836-1838, in three volumes) is but scant on the period of the Conquest (Bancroft, Mexico, iii. 508). It was reprinted in 1852, with notes and additions by Bustamante, and as part of the Biblioteca Nacional y Extranjera, and again at Jalapa in 1860.

[1239] Vol. ii. chaps. xxi. and xxx., p. 648.

[1240] Mexico, ii. 455-456.

[1241] Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,350.

[1242] Rich, 1832, no. 422; Bancroft, Mexico, ii. 650. It was reprinted at Mérida in 1842, and again in 1867.

[1243] Leclerc, nos. 1,172, 2,289. Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., October, 1880, p. 85, where will be found Bandelier’s partial bibliography of Yucatan.

[1244] Cf. Field. 1605; Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., October, 1880, p. 89. The book is not so rare as it is sometimes claimed; Quaritch usually prices copies at from £2 to £5.

[1245] Field, p. 522.

[1246] The Registro Yucateco, a periodical devoted to local historical study, and published in Mérida, only lived for two years, 1845-1846.

[1247] Cf. Sabin, vol. ii. no. 6,834, and references. There is a copy of Boturini Benaduci in Harvard College Library. A portrait of him is given in Cumplido’s edition of Prescott’s Mexico, vol. iii.

[1248] It is rare. Quaritch in 1880 priced Ramirez’ copy at £12. It was printed, “Mexici in Ædibus Authoris.”

[1249] Trübner, Bibliographical Guide, p. xiii.

[1250] It contained nearly fourteen hundred entries about Mexico, or its press. Another collection, gathered by a gentleman attached to Maximilian’s court, was sold in Paris in 1868; and still another, partly the accumulation of Père Augustin Fischer, the confessor of Maximilian, was dispersed in London in 1869 as a Biblioteca Mejicana. Cf. Jackson’s Bibliographies Géographiques, p. 223.

[1251] Many of these afterwards appeared in B. Quaritch’s Rough List, no. 46, 1880. The principal part of a sale which included the libraries of Pinart and Brasseur de Bourbourg (January and February, 1884) also pertained to Mexico and the Spanish possessions.

[1252] Cf. for instance his Native Races, iv. 565; Central America, i. 195; Mexico, i. 694, ii. 487, 784; Early Chroniclers, p. 19, etc. It is understood that his habit has been to employ readers to excerpt and abstract from books, and make references. These slips are put in paper bags according to topic. Such of these memoranda as are not worked into the notes of the pertinent chapter are usually massed in a concluding note.

[1253] The general bibliographies of American history are examined in a separate section of the present work and elsewhere in the present chapter something has been said of the bibliographical side of various other phases of the Mexican theme. Mr. A. F. Bandelier has given a partial bibliography of Yucatan and Central America, touching Mexico, however, only incidentally, in the Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., October, 1880. Harrisse, in his Bibl. Amer. Vet., p. 212, has given a partial list of the poems and plays founded upon the Conquest. Others will be found in the Chronological List of Historical Fiction published by the Boston Public Library. Among the poems are Gabriel Lasso de la Vega’s Cortés Valeroso, 1588, republished as Mexicana in 1594 (Maisonneuve, no. 2,825—200 francs); Saavedra Guzman’s El Peregrino indiano, Madrid, 1599 (Rich, 1832, no. 86, £4 4s.); Balbuena’s El Bernardo, a conglomerate heroic poem (Madrid, 1624), which gives one book to the Conquest by Cortés (Leclerc, no. 48—100 francs); Boesnier’s Le Mexique Conquis, Paris, 1752; Escoiquiz, México Conquistada, 1798; Roux de Rochelle, Ferdinand Cortez; P. du Roure, La Conquête du Mexique.

Among the plays,—Dryden’s Indian Emperor (Cortés and Montezuma); Lope de Vega’s Marquez del Valle; Fernand de Zarate’s Conquista de México; Canizares, El Pleyto de Fernan Cortes; F. del Rey, Hernand Cortez en Tabasco; Piron, Cortes; Malcolm MacDonald, Guatemozin (Philadelphia, 1878), etc.

[1254] Dr. Kohl’s studies on the course of geographical discovery along the Pacific coast were never published. He printed an abstract in the United States Coast Survey Report, 1855, pp. 374, 375. A manuscript memoir by him on the subject is in the library of the American Antiquarian Society (Proceedings, 23 Apr. 1872, pp. 7, 26) at Worcester. So great advances in this field have since been made that it probably never will be printed. There is a chronological statement of explorations up the Pacific coast in Duflot de Mofras’ Exploration du territoire de l’Orégon (Paris, 1844), vol. i. chap. iv.; but H. H. Bancroft’s Pacific States, particularly his Northwest Coast, vol. i., embodies the fullest information on this subject. In the enumeration of maps in the present paper, many omissions are made purposely, and some doubtless from want of knowledge. It is intended only to give a sufficient number to mark the varying progress of geographical ideas.

[1255] See ante, pp. 106, 115.

[1256] Cf. maps ante, on pp. 108, 112, 114, 127.

[1257] This map is preserved in the Royal Library at Munich, and is portrayed in Kunstmann’s Atlas, pl. iv., and in Stevens’s Notes, pl. v. Cf. Kohl, Discovery of Maine (for a part), no. 10; and Harrisse’s Cabots, p. 167.

[1258] Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 131.

[1259] A sketch of the map is given by Lelewel, pl. xlvi.

[1260] The Novus Orbis (Paris) has sometimes another map; but Harrisse says the Finæus one is the proper one. Bibl. Amer. Vet., nos. 172, 173.

[1261] Vol. III. p. 11. This reduction, there made from Stevens’s Notes, pl. iv., is copied on a reduced scale in Bancroft’s Central America, vol. i. p. 149. Stevens also gives a fac-simile of the original, and a greatly reduced reproduction is given in Daly’s Early Cartography. Its names, as Harrisse has pointed out (Cabots, p. 182), are similar to the two Weimar charts of 1527 and 1529. The bibliography of this Paris Grynæus is examined elsewhere.

[1262] Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions, no. 127.

[1263] Brit. Mus. Cat. of Maps, 1844, p. 22.

[1264] Vol. for 1877, p. 359. Cf. the present History, Vol. I. p. 214; IV. 81.

[1265] See Vol. III. p. 18.

[1266] Epilogue, p. 219.

[1267] This edition was in small octavo, with sixty maps, engraved on metal, of which there are seven of interest to students of American cartography. They are of South America (no. 54), New Spain (no. 55), “Terra nova Bacalaos” or Florida to Labrador (no. 56), Cuba (no. 57), and Hispaniola (no. 58). The copies in America which have fallen under the Editor’s observation are those in the Library of Congress, in the Astor and Carter-Brown libraries, and in the collections of Mr. Barlow and Mr. Kalbfleisch in New York, and of Prof. Jules Marcou in Cambridge. There was one in the Murphy Collection, no. 2,067. It is worth from $15 to $25. Cf. on Gastaldi’s maps, Zurla’s Marco Polo ii. 368; the Notizie di Jacopo Gastaldi, Torino, 1881; Castellani’s Catalogo delle più rare opere geografiche, Rome, 1876, and other references in Winsor’s Bibliography of Ptolemy, sub anno 1548; and Vol. IV. p. 40 of the present History.

[1268] This edition is in small quarto and contains six American maps:

no. 1, “Orbis Descriptio;”

no. 2, “Carta Marina;”

no. 3, a reproduction of the Zeni map;

no. 4, “Schonlandia” (Greenland region, etc.);

no. 5, South America;

no. 6, New Spain;

no. 7, “Tierra nueva,” or eastern coast of North America;

no. 8, Brazil;

no. 9, Cuba;

no. 10, Hispaniola.

These maps were repeated in the 1562, 1564, and 1574 editions of Ptolemy. The copies in America of these editions known to the Editor are in the following libraries: Library of Congress, 1561, 1562, 1574; Boston Public Library, 1561; Harvard College Library, 1562; Carter-Brown Library, 1561, 1562, 1564, 1574; Philadelphia Library, 1574; Astor Library, 1574; S. L. M. Barlow’s, 1562, 1564; James Carson Brevoort’s, 1562; J. Hammond Trumbull’s, 1561; Trinity College (Hartford), 1574; C. C. Baldwin’s (Cleveland) 1561; Murphy Catalogue, 1561, 1562, 1574,—the last two bought by President A. D. White of Cornell University. These editions of Ptolemy’s Geographica are described, and their American maps compared with the works of other contemporary cartographers, in Winsor’s Bibliog. of Ptolemy’s Geography (1884).

[1269] Jahresbericht des Vereins für Erdkunde in Dresden, 1870, pages 62; plates vi., vii., ix.

[1270] These and other maps of the Palazzo are noted in Studi biografici e bibliografici della società geografica italiana, Rome, 1882, ii. 169, 172.

[1271] Carter-Brown Catalogue, i. 209; Leclerc, Bibliotheca Americana, no. 240; Murphy Catalogue, no. 1,047. The map is very rare. Henry Stevens published a fac-simile made by Harris. This and a fac-simile of the title of the book are annexed. Cf. Orozco y Berra, Cartografia Mexicana, 37.

[1272] Sabin, Dictionary of books relating to America, vii. 27,504; Stevens, Historical Collections, i. 2,413 (books sold in London, July, 1881). The Harvard College copy lacks the map. Mr. Brevoort’s copy has the map, and that gentleman thinks it belongs to this edition as well as to the other.

[1273] The Catalogue of the British Museum puts under 1562 a map by Furlani called Univerales Descrittione di tutta la Terra cognosciuta da Paulo di Forlani. A “carta nautica” of the same cartographer, now in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, is figured in Santarem’s Atlas. (Cf. Bulletin de la Société de Géographie, 1839; and Studi biografici e bibliografici, ii. p. 142). Thomassy in his Papes géographes, p. 118, mentions a Furlani (engraved) map of 1565, published at Venice, and says it closely resembles the Gastaldi type. Another, of 1570, is contained in Lafreri’s Tavole moderne di geografia, Rome and Venice, 1554-1572 (cf. Manno and Promis, Notizie di Gastaldi, 1881, p. 19; Harrisse, Cabots, p. 237). Furlani, in 1574, as we shall see, had dissevered America and Asia. As to Diego Hermano, cf. Willes’ History of Trauvayle (London, 1577) fol. 232, verso.

[1274] There are copies in the Library of Congress and in the Carter-Brown Library. Dufossé recently priced it at 25 francs.

[1275] Morton’s New English Canaan, Adams’s edition, p. 126.

[1276] See ante, p. 104.

[1277] Magellan and his companions seem to have given the latter name, according to Pigafetta, and Galvano and others soon adopted the name. (Cf. Bancroft, Central America, vol. i. pp. 135, 136, 373; and the present volume, ante, p. 196).

[1278] Brevoort (Verrazano, p. 80) suspects that the Vopellio map of 1556 represents the geographical views of Cortés at this time. Mr. Brevoort has a copy of this rare map. See ante, p. 436, for fac-simile.

[1279] Cf. collation of references in Bancroft, No. Mexican States, i. 18; Northwest Coast, i. 13.

[1280] Pacheco, Coleccion de documentos inéditos, xxiii. 366.

[1281] Bancroft, Mexico, ii. 258.

[1282] These are given in Navarrete, v. 442. Cf. other references in Bancroft, Mexico, ii. 258, where his statements are at variance with those in his Central America, i. 143.

[1283] Documentos inéditos, xiv. 65, where a report describes this preliminary expedition.

[1284] In 1524 Francisco Cortés in his expedition to the Jalisco coast heard from the natives of a wooden house stranded there many years earlier, which may possibly refer to an early Portuguese voyage. H. H. Bancroft, North Mexican States, i. 15.

[1285] Prescott, Ferdinand and Isabella, ii. 180, and references.

[1286] Cf. Bancroft, North Mexican States, vol. i. chap. iii., on this voyage, with full references.

[1287] Cf. Bancroft, North Mexican States, vol. i. chap. ii., with references; p. 29, on Guzman’s expedition, and a map of it, p. 31.

[1288] The Rev. Edward E. Hale procured a copy of this when in Spain in 1883, and from his copy the annexed woodcut is made. Cf. Gomara, folio 117; Herrera, Decade viii. lib. viii. cap. ix. and x. Bancroft (Central America, i. 150) writes without knowledge of this map.

[1289] The Spanish is printed in Navarrete, iv. 190.

[1290] This expedition of Cortés is not without difficulties in reconciling authorities and tracing the fate of the colonists which he sought to plant at Santa Cruz. Bancroft has examined the various accounts (North Mexican States, i. 52, etc.).

[1291] Cortés had called California an island as early as 1524, in a report to the Emperor, deducing his belief from native reports. De Laet in 1633 mentions having seen early Spanish maps showing it of insular shape.

[1292] Cf. Prescott’s Mexico, iii. 322; Bancroft’s Mexico, ii. 425; Central America, i. 152, and North Mexican States, i. 79, with references. The accounts are not wholly reconcilable. It would seem probable that Ulloa’s own ship was never heard from. Ramusio gives a full account (vol. iii. p. 340) by one of the companions of Ulloa, on another ship.

[1293] At least so says Herrera (Stevens’s edition, vi. 305). Castañeda defers the naming till Alarcon’s expedition. Cabrillo in 1542 used the name as of well-known application. The origin of the name has been a cause of dispute. Professor Jules Marcou is in error in stating that the name was first applied by Bernal Diaz to a bay on the coast, and so was made to include the whole region. He claims that it was simply a designation used by Cortés to distinguish a land which we now know to be the hottest in the two Americas,—Tierra California, derived from “calida fornax,” fiery furnace. (Cf. Annual Report of the Survey west of the hundredth Parallel, by George M. Wheeler, 1876, p. 386; and Annual Report of the Chief of Engineers, U.S.A., 1878, appendix, also printed separately as Notes upon the First Discoveries of California and the Origin of its Name, by Jules Marcou, Washington, 1878.) Bancroft (California, i. 65, 66) points out a variety of equivalent derivations which have been suggested. The name was first traced in 1862, by Edward E. Hale, to a romance published, it is supposed, in 1510,—Las Sergas de Esplandian, by Garcia Ordoñez de Montalvo, which might easily enough have been a popular book with the Spanish followers of Cortés. There were later editions in 1519, 1521, 1525, and 1526. In this romance Esplandian, emperor of the Greeks, the imaginary son of the imaginary Amadis, defends Constantinople against the infidels of the East. A pagan queen of Amazons brings an army of Amazons to the succor of the infidels. This imaginary queen is named Calafia, and her kingdom is called “California,”—a name possibly derived from “Calif,” which, to the readers of such a book, would be associated with the East. California in the romance is represented as an island rich with gold and diamonds and pearls. The language of the writer is this:—

“Know that on the right hand of the Indies there is an island called California, very close to the side of the Terrestrial Paradise; and it was peopled by black women, without any man among them, for they lived in the fashion of Amazons. They were of strong and hardy bodies, of ardent courage and great force. Their island was the strongest in all the world, with its steep cliffs and rocky shores. Their arms were all of gold, and so was the harness of the wild beasts which they tamed to ride; for in the whole island there was no metal but gold. They lived in caves wrought out of the rock with much labor. They had many ships, with which they sailed out to other countries to obtain booty.”

That this name, as an omen of wealth, struck the fancy of Cortés is the theory of Dr. Hale, who adds “that as a western pioneer now gives the name of ‘Eden’ to his new home, so Cortés called his new discovery ‘California.’” (Cf. Hale in Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., April 30, 1862; in Historical Magazine, vi. 312, Oct. 1862; in His Level Best, p. 234; and in Atlantic Monthly, xiii. 265; J. Archibald in Overland Monthly, ii. 437, Prof. J. D. Whitney in article “California” in Encyclopædia Britannica.) Bancroft (North Mexican States, vol. i. p. 82; and California, vol. i. p. 64) points out how the earliest use of the name known to us was in Preciado’s narrative (Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 343) of Ulloa’s voyage; and that there is no evidence of its use by Cortés himself. It was applied then to the bay or its neighborhood, which had been called Santa Cruz or La Paz.

[1294] Kohl, Maps in Hakluyt, p. 58.

[1295] Cf. post, chap. vii.

[1296] Notes, etc., p. 4.

[1297] We have Alarcon’s narrative in Ramusio, iii. 363; Herrera, Dec. vi. p. 208; Hakluyt, iii. 425, 505; Ternaux-Compans’ Voyages, etc., ix. 299. Bancroft (North Mexican States, vol. i. p. 93) gives various references. An intended second expedition under Alarcon, with a co-operating fleet to follow the outer coast of the peninsula, failed of execution. The instructions given in 1541 to Alarcon for his voyage on the California coast, by order of Mendoza, are given in B. Smith’s Coleccion, p. 1.

[1298] These are the ship’s figures; but it is thought their reckoning was one or two degrees too high.

[1299] Attempts have been made. Cf. Bancroft, California, i. 70; Northwest Coast, i. 38.

[1300] The source of our information for this voyage is a Relacion (June 27, 1542, to April 14, 1543) printed in Pacheco’s Coleccion de documentos inéditos, xiv. 165; and very little is added from other sources, given in Bancroft, North Mexican States, i. 133. Buckingham Smith gave the Relacion earlier in his Coleccion de varios Documentos para la historia de la Florida y Tierras adyacentes (Madrid, 1857, vol. i. p. 173). A translation is contained in Wheeler’s United States Geological Survey, vol. vii., with notes, and an earlier English version by Alexander S. Taylor was published in San Francisco in 1853, as The First Voyage to the Coast of California. Cf. also Bancroft’s California, i. 69; Northwest Coast, i. 137. It is thought that Juan Paez was the author of the original, which is preserved among the Simancas papers at Seville. Herrera seems to have used it, omitting much and adding somewhat, thus making the narrative which, till the original was printed, supplied the staple source to most writers on the subject. In 1802 Navarrete summarized the story from this Relacion in vol. xv. of his Documentos inéditos. Bancroft (vol. i. p. 81) cites numerous unimportant references.

[1301] Nouvelle Espagne (i. 330), where, as well as in other of the later writers, it is said the name “Anian” came from one of Cortereal’s companions. But see H. H. Bancroft, Northwest Coast, vol. i. pp. 36, 55, 56, where he conjectures that the name is a confused reminiscence at a later day of the name of Anus Cortereal, mentioned by Hakluyt in 1582.

[1302] There was at one time a current belief in the story of a Dutch vessel being driven through such a strait to the Pacific, passing the great city of Quivira, which had been founded by the Aztecs after they had been driven from Mexico by the Spaniards. Then there are similar stories told by Menendez (1554) and associated with Urdaneta’s name (cf. Bancroft, Northwest Coast, vol. i. p. 51); and at a later day other like stories often prevailed. The early maps place the “Regnum Anian” and “Quivira” on our northwestern coast. Bancroft (Northwest Coast, vol. i. pp. 45, 49) thinks Gomara responsible for transferring Quivira from the plains to the coast. See Editorial Note at the end of chap. vii.

It is sometimes said (see Bancroft, Northwest Coast, vol. i. p. 55) that the belief in the Straits of Anian sprang from a misinterpretation of a passage in Marco Polo; but Bancroft (p. 53) cannot trace the name back of 1574, as he finds it in one of the French (Antwerp) editions of Ortelius of that year. Ortelius had used the name, however, in his edition of 1570, but only as a copier, in this as in other respects, of Mercator, in his great map of 1569, as Bancroft seems to suspect. Porcacchi (1572), Furlani or Forlani (1574), and others put the name on the Asian side of the strait, where it is probable that it originally appeared. Bancroft (p. 81) is in error in saying that the name “Anian” was “for the first time” applied to the north and south passage between America and Asia, as distinct from the east and west passage across the continent, in the “Mercator Atlas of 1595;” for such an application is apparent in the map of Zalterius (1566), Mercator (1569), Porcacchi (1572), Forlani (1574), Best’s Frobisher (1578),—not to name others.

[1303] Sketched in this History, Vol. IV. p. 46.

[1304] Harrisse (Cabots, p. 193) places it about 1542.

[1305] It is described by Malte Brun in the Bulletin de la Société de Géographie, 1876, p. 625; and an edition of a hundred copies of a photographic reproduction, edited by Frédéric Spitzer, was issued in Paris in 1875. There is a copy of the last in Harvard College Library. A similar peninsula is shown in plate xiv. of the same atlas.

[1306] Repeated in 1545.

[1307] See Vol. IV. p. 41.

[1308] See ante, p. 177.

[1309] This edition, issued at Basle, had twenty modern maps designed by Münster, two of which have American interest:—

a. Typus universalis,—an elliptical map, showing America on the left, but with a part of Mexico (Temistitan) carried to the right of the map, with a strait—“per hoc fretū iter patet ad molucas”—separating America from India superior on the northwest.

b. Novæ insulæ,—the map reproduced in Vol. IV. p. 41.

There are copies of this 1540 edition of Ptolemy in the Astor Library, in the collections of Mr. Barlow, Mr. Deane, and President White of Cornell, while one is noted in the Murphy Catalogue, no. 2,058, which is now in the library of the American Geographical Society. This edition was issued the next year with the date changed to 1541. Cf. Winsor’s Bibliography of Ptolemy. The same maps were also used in the Basle edition of 1542, with borders surrounding them, some of which were designs, perhaps, of Holbein. There are copies of this edition in the Astor Library, and in the collections of Brevoort, Barlow, and J. H. Trumbull, of Hartford. The Murphy Catalogue shows another, no. 2,066.

[1310] The “Typus universalis” of this edition, much the same as in the edition of 1540, was re-engraved for the Basle edition of 1552, with a few changes of names: “Islandia,” for instance, which is on the isthmus connecting “Bacalhos” with Norway, is left out, and so is “Thyle” on Iceland, which is now called “Island.” This last engraving was repeated in Münster’s Cosmographia in 1554.

There are copies of the Ptolemy of 1545 in the libraries of Congress and of Harvard College, and in the Carter-Brown Collection. One is also owned by J. R. Webster, of East Milton, Mass., and another is shown in the Murphy Catalogue, no. 2,078.

Copies of the 1552 edition are in the libraries of Congress, of New York State, and of Cornell University. The Sobolewski copy is now in the collection of Prof. J. D. Whitney, Cambridge, Mass. Dr. O’Callaghan’s copy was sold in New York, in December, 1882; the Murphy copy is no. 2,065 of the Murphy Catalogue.

The maps were again reproduced in the Ptolemy of 1555.

[1311] Ante, p. 435.

[1312] Plates vi., vii., ix., as shown in the Jahrbuch des Vereins für Erdkunde in Dresden, 1870.

[1313] Bancroft, North Mexican States, i. 137.

[1314] See ante, p. 436.

[1315] See ante, p. 228.

[1316] This map of Homem is given on another page. His delineation of the gulf seems to be like Castillo’s, and is carried two degrees too far north as in that draft; but Castillo’s names are wanting in Homem, who lays down the peninsula better, following, as Kohl conjectures, Ulloa’s charts. He marks the coast above 33° as unknown, showing that he had no intelligence of Cabrillo’s voyage.

[1317] See ante, p. 438.

[1318] See post, p. 451.

[1319] See Vol. IV. p. 92. The 1568 map is a part of an Atlante maritimo, of which a full-size colored fac-simile of the part showing the Moluccas is given in Ruge’s Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen. It is a parchment collection of twenty-seven maps showing the Portuguese possessions in the two Indies. Cf. Katalog der Handschriften der Kais. Off. Bibl. zu Dresden, 1882, vol. i. p. 369.

[1320] See Vol. IV. p. 369; and the note, post, p. 470.

[1321] See p. 452.

[1322] There is a full-size fac-simile in Jomard’s Monuments de la Géographie, pl. xxi., but it omits the legends given in the tablets; in Lelewel, vol. i. pl. v.; also cf. vol. i. p. xcviii, and vol. ii. pp. 181, 225; and, much reduced from Jomard, in Daly’s Early Cartography, p. 38.

[1323] Cf. Vol III. p. 34; Vol. IV. p. 372; and the note, post, p. 471.

[1324] See the map, post, p. 453.

[1325] There are copies of this first edition in the Harvard College, Boston Public, Astor, and Carter-Brown libraries, and in the Brevoort Collection. It should have thirty small copperplate maps, inserted in the text. Cf. Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. i. no. 292; Stevens, Historical Collections, vol. i. no. 648; O’Callaghan Catalogue, no. 1,866 (now Harvard College copy); Court, no. 284; Rich, Catalogue (1832), nos. 51, 55, etc.

Two of its maps show America, but only one gives the western coast, while both have the exaggerated continental Tierra del Fuego. The map sketched in the text is given in fac-simile in Stevens’s Notes. Both maps were repeated in the 1576 edition (Venice, with 1575 in the colophon). This edition shows forty-seven maps; and pp. 157-184 (third book) treat of America. Besides a map of the world it has a “carta da navigar” (p. 198), maps of Cuba and other islands, and a plan of Mexico and its lake. There are copies in the Boston Public and Harvard College libraries, Mr. Deane’s Collection, etc. Cf. Stevens, Historical Collections, vol. i. no. 82; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 309; Muller (1872), no. 1,255.

Another edition was issued at Venice in 1590. Cf. Boston Public Library Catalogue, no. 6271.14, Carter-Brown, i. 393; Murphy, no. 2,010. Later editions were issued at Venice in 1604 (forty-eight maps); in 1605 (Carter-Brown, ii. 40); and in 1620 (Carter-Brown, ii. 241; Cooke, no. 2,858, now in Harvard College Library), which was published at Padua, and had maps of North America (p. 161), Spagnolla (p. 165), Cuba (p. 172), Jamaica (p. 175), Moluccas (p. 189), and a mappemonde (p. 193). The last edition we have noted was issued at Venice in 1686, with the maps on separate leaves, and not in the text as previously.

[1326] Plate vi. He describes it in vol. i. p. ci, and ii. p. 114. He says it was taken from Spain to Warsaw, and has disappeared.

[1327] It has two maps, varying somewhat, “Typus orbis terrarum” and “Americæ sive novi orbis nuova descriptio,”—the work of Hugo Favolius. Cf. Leclerc, no. 206; Muller (1877), no. 1,198. The text is in verse.

[1328] See p. 454.

[1329] Cf. the map, as given in Vol. III. p. 203. Bancroft (Northwest Coast, vol. i. p. 58) epitomizes Gilbert’s arguments for a passage. Willes gives reasons in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 24.

[1330] See fac-simile in Vol. III. p. 102.

[1331] Cf. the sketch of the California coast from this last in Vol. III. p. 80.

The question of the harbor in which Drake refitted his ship for his return voyage by Cape of Good Hope has been examined in another place (Vol. III. pp. 74, 80). Since that volume was printed, H. H. Bancroft has published vol. i. of his History of California; and after giving a variety of references on Drake’s voyage (p. 82) he proceeds to examine the question anew, expressing his own opinion decidedly against San Francisco, and believing it can never be settled whether Bodega or the harbor under Point Reyes (Drake’s Bay of the modern maps) was the harbor; though on another page (p. 158) he thinks the spot was Drake’s Bay, and in a volume previously issued (Central America, vol. ii. p. 419) he had given a decided opinion in favor of it. In his discussion of the question, he claims that Dr. Hale and most other investigators have not been aware that the harbor behind Point Reyes was discovered in 1595 by Cermeñon (p. 96), and then named San Francisco; and that it is this old San Francisco, visited by Viscaino in 1603, and sought by Portolá in 1769, when this latter navigator stumbled on the Golden Gate, which is the San Francisco of the old geographers and cartographers, and not the magnificent harbor now known by that name (p. 157). He adds that the tradition among the Spaniards of the coast has been more in favor of Bodega than of Drake’s Bay; while the modern San Francisco has never been thought of by them. Beyond emphasizing the distinction between the old and new San Francisco, Mr. Bancroft has brought no new influence upon the solution of the question. He makes a point of a Pacific sea-manual of Admiral Cabrera Bueno, published at Manilla in 1734 as Navegacion Especulation, being used to set this point clear for the first time in English, when one of his assistants wrote a paper in the Overland Monthly in 1874. The book is not very scarce; Quaritch advertised a copy in 1879 for £4. Bancroft (p. 106) seems to use an edition of 1792, though he puts the 1734 edition in his list of authorities. Various documents from the Spanish Archives relating to Drake’s exploits in the Pacific have been published (since Vol. III. was printed) in Peralta’s Costa Rica, Nicaragua y Panamá en el siglo XVI, Madrid, 1883, p. 569, etc.

[1332] See the sketch in Vol. IV. p. 98.

[1333] Cf. Sabin, vol. x. p. 75; Court, 185, 186; Carter-Brown, vol. i. p. 292; Huth, iv. 1,169; Stevens’s Historical Collections, vol. i. no. 135, and Vol. III. of the present History, p. 37, for other mention of Popellinière’s Les Trois Mondes. The third world is the great Antarctic continent so common in maps of this time.

[1334] Lok’s map from Hakluyt’s Divers Voyages is given in fac-simile in Vol. III. p. 40 and Vol. IV. p. 44. There is a sketch of it in Bancroft, North Mexican States, vol. i. p. 151, and in his Northwest Coast, vol. i. p. 65.

[1335] The question of Fusang, which Kohl believes to be Japan, is discussed in Vol. I.

[1336] Peschel, Geschichte der Erdkunde, 1865, pp. 322, 395; J. C. Brevoort in Magazine of American History, vol. i. p. 250; Burney, Voyages, vol. i., and Bancroft, North Mexican States, vol. i. p. 139, where there are references and collections of authorities.

[1337] Gali’s letter is in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 526, copied from Linschoten. Cf. inscription on the Molineaux map of 1600 in this History, Vol. III. p. 80, and Bancroft, California, vol. i. p. 94. The map which Gali is thought to have made is not now known (Kohl, Maps in Hakluyt, 61). Bancroft says that Gali’s mention of Cape Mendocino is the earliest, but it is not definitely known by whom that prominent point was first named.

[1338] This map is sketched in Vol. III. p. 42.

[1339] It is claimed that Maldonado presented his memoir in 1609 to the Council of the Indies, and asked for a reward for the discovery; and there are two manuscripts purporting to be the original memoir. One, of which trace is found in 1672, 1738, 1775, 1781 (copied by Muñoz), and printed in 1788, was still existing, it is claimed, in 1789, and was reviewed in 1790 by the French geographer Buache, who endeavored to establish its authenticity; and it is translated, with maps, in Barrow’s Chronological History of Voyages, etc. Another manuscript was found in the Ambrosian library in 1811, and was published at Milan as Viaggio dal mare Atlantico al Pacifico, translated from a Spanish manuscript (Stevens, Bibliotheca geographica, no. 1,746), and again in French at Plaisance in 1812. The editor was Charles Amoretti, who added a discourse, expressing his belief in it, together with a circumpolar map marking Maldonado’s track. (Harvard College Library, no. 4331.2.) This book was reviewed by Barrow in the Quarterly Review, October, 1816. Cf. Burney’s Voyages, vol. v. p.167. A memoir by the Chevalier Lapie, with another map of the “Mer polaire,” is printed in the Nouvelles Annales des Voyages, vol. xi. (1821). Bancroft (Northwest Coast, i. 98) reproduces Lapie’s map. Navarrete searched the Spanish Archives for confirmation of this memoir,—a search not in vain, inasmuch as it led to the discovery of the documents with which he illustrated the history of Columbus; and he also gave his view of the question in vol. xv. of his Coleccion de documentos inéditos in the volume specially called Examen historico-critico de los Viages y Descubrimientos apócrifos del capitan Lorenzo Ferrer Maldonado, de Juan de Fuca y del almirante Bartolomé de Fonte: memoria comenzada por D. M. F. de Navarrete, y arreglada y concluida por D. Eustaquio Fernandez de Navarrete. Bancroft calls it an elaboration of the voyage of the Sutil y Méxicana. (Cf. Arcana, Bibliographia de obras anonimas, 1882, no. 408.) Goldson in his Memoir on the Straits of Anian places confidence in the Maldonado memoir. Cf. Bancroft (Northwest Coast, vol. i. p. 92), who recapitulates the story and cites the examiners of it, pro and con, and gives (p. 96) Maldonado’s map of the strait.

[1340] Vol. iii. p. 849.

[1341] On Cavendish’s Pacific Explorations. See Vol. III., chap. ii.

[1342] Greenhow in his Oregon contends for a certain basis of truth in De Fuca’s story. Cf. Navarrete in the Coleccion de documentos inéditos, vol. xv., and Bancroft (North Mexican States, vol. i. p. 146, and Northwest Coast, vol. i. pp. 71-80), who pronounces it pure fiction, and in a long note gives the writers pro and con.

[1343] In his Speculum Orbis Terræ. Cf. Muller, (1872), no. 1,437, and Vol. IV. p. 97 of this History. This map of 1593 gives to the lake which empties into the Arctic Ocean the name “Conibas,”—an application of the name that Bancroft (Northwest Coast, vol. i. p. 84) finds no earlier instance of than that in Wytfliet in 1597.

[1344] Mapoteca Colombiana of Uricoechea, nos. 16, 17, and 18.

[1345] Copy in Harvard College Library. Cf. Mapoteca Colombiana, no. 19.

[1346] The map of Plancius was first drafted—according to Blundeville—in 1592, and is dated 1594 in the Dutch Linschoten of 1596, where it was republished. It was re-engraved, but not credited to Plancius, in the Latin Linschoten of 1599. The English Linschoten of 1598 has a map, re-engraved from Ortelius, which is given in the Hakluyt of 1589.

[1347] Mapoteca Colombiana, nos. 20 and 21. Cf. this History, Vol. IV. p. 99[internal link-vol 4].

[1348] Cf. nos. 2, 28, 29, 32, 34, 35. This 1597 edition of Ptolemy was issued at Cologne, under the editing of Jean Antonio Magini, a Paduan, born in 1556. (Cf. Lelewel, Epilogue, 219.) The maps showing America are,—

No. 2. A folding map of the two spheres, drawn by Hieronymus Porro from the map which Rumoldus Mercator based on his father’s work.

Nos. 28 and 32. Asia, showing the opposite American shores.

Nos. 34-35. America, of the Mercator type, but less accurate than Ortelius. There are copies of this edition in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society, and in Mr. Brevoort’s collection. (Walckenaer, no. 2,257; Stevens, Nuggets, no. 2,259; Graesse, vol. v. p. 502.)

This same edition is sometimes found with the imprint of Arnheim, and copies of this are in the Library of Congress and in the Carter-Brown Collection. (Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 514; Graesse, v. 502.)

An edition in Italian, 1598 (with 1597 in the colophon), embodying the works of Magini and Porro, was published at Venice; and there are copies of this in the Library of Congress and in the Philadelphia Library; also in the collections of J. Carson Brevoort, President White of Cornell University, and C. C. Baldwin, of Cleveland.

The text of Ruscelli, edited by Rosaccio, was printed at Venice in 1599, giving three maps of the world and nine special American maps. There is a copy of this edition in the Carter-Brown Library, and one was sold in the Murphy sale (no. 2,077). The Magini text was again printed at Cologne in 1608, and of this there are copies in the Harvard College and Carter-Brown libraries.

[1349] Cf. Vol. IV. p. 369.[internal link-vol 4]

[1350] This and the other maps were repeated in the six Dutch editions, in the second and third French, and in the original Latin edition. The third Dutch edition, in three parts, is the rarest of the editions in that language; the first part being without date, while the second and third are dated respectively 1604 and 1605. The fourth Dutch edition is dated 1614, the fifth 1623 (a reprint of the 1614), the sixth 1644 (a reprint of the 1623). Cf. Tiele, Bibliographie sur les journaux des navigateurs, nos. 80, 82, 86, 88, 90; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 503, vol. ii. no. 547; Stevens, Bibliotheca historica, no. 1,148; Muller, Books on America, 1872, nos. 2,185, 2,188, 2,190; and 1877, nos. 1,880, 1,882, 1,883, 1,884.

The English translation by Wolfe (1598) is mentioned in Vol. III. p. 206. It was so rare in 1832 that Rich priced it at £8 8s.; and yet Crowninshield bought his copy in 1844 at a Boston auction for $10.50. The Roxburgh copy had brought £10 15s., and the Jadis copy the same. Smith, the London dealer, in 1874 advertised one for £7 15s. 6d. The Menzies copy (no. 1,254) brought $104. There was a copy sold in the Beckford sale, 1883, no. 1,813, and another in the Murphy sale, no. 1,498.

The first Latin edition, Navigatio ac Itinerarium, was printed in 1599, its first part being translated, with some omissions, from the Dutch, and the description of America being omitted from the second part. It was reissued with a new title in 1614,—an edition very rare; but there are copies in the Lenox and Carter-Brown libraries. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 542, vol. ii. no. 167; Leclerc, no. 360—150 francs; Murphy, no. 1,499; Tiele, no. 81; Muller, 1872, no. 2,196; 1877, nos. 1,890, 1,891; and Rosenthal (Munich, 1883)—100 marks.

The earliest French edition, Histoire de la Navigation, etc., bears two different imprints of Amsterdam, 1610, though it is thought to have been printed by De Bry at Frankfort. A second is dated Amsterdam, 1619 (part i. being after the French edition of 1610, and parts ii. and iii. being translated from the Dutch). It has usually appended to it a Description de l’Amérique (Amsterdam, 1619), pp. 88 and map. America is also described in the Beschryvinge van verscheyde landen (Amsterdam, 1619), included in the Saegman Collection (Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,024). A third French edition, “augmentée,” but a reprint of the 1619 edition, appeared at Amsterdam in 1638. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. nos. 104, 105, 214, 454; Leclerc, 362 (1610 edition)—130 francs; Trömel, no. 58; Tiele, nos. 83, 87, 89; Muller (1872), no. 2,193 (1877), nos. 1,887, 1,888, 1,889; Field, Indian Bibliography, no. 941; Leclerc, no. 2,845 (1638 edition)—250 francs; Rich, 1832 (1638 edition), no. 219—£1 10s.; Murphy, nos. 2,977, 2,978; Quaritch (1638 edition)—£8 10s.

There are copies of the editions of 1596, 1598, and 1599 in Mr. Deane’s collection. The Dutch editions are rarely in good condition; this is said to be on account of the general use made of them as sea-manuals. The Latin and German texts in De Bry are not much prized. (Camus, p. 189; Tiele, p. 90.) Sabin (Dictionary, vol. x. p. 375) gives the bibliography of Linschoten. His life is portrayed in Van Kampen’s Levens van beroemde Nederlanders, Haarlem, 1838-1840. He was with Barentz on his first and second Arctic voyages. Cf. Voyagie ofte Schipvaert by Noorden, 1601; again, 1624; Tiele, no. 155; Murphy, no. 1,497; Muller, 1872, no. 2,064, and 1877, no. 1,893. His voyages are included in Verscheyde Oost-Indische Voyagien, Amsterdam, circa 1663.

[1351] Sabin, xii. 48,170.

[1352] Vol. III. p. 80.

[1353] This Herrera map was reproduced in the 1622 edition, and so late as 1723 in Torquemada, with a few changes. The Herrera of 1601 has the following American maps:—

Page 2. The two Americas.

Page 7. The West India Islands.

Page 21. The Audiencia of New Spain.

Page 33. The Audiencia of Guatemala.

Page 38. South America.

Page 47. Audiencia of Quito.

Page 63. The Chile coast.

Jefferys, in his Northwest Passage, gives a fac-simile of the American hemisphere.

The Quadus map of 1600, showing the California peninsula, is sketched in Vol. IV. p. 101.

The Japanese map, showing the west coast, which Kaempfer gave to Hans Sloane, and which figures so much in the controversy of the last century over the “mer de l’ouest,” is supposed to have been drawn between 1580 and 1600.

[1354] Biscayer he is sometimes called.

[1355] Greenhow, Oregon and California, 89; Bancroft doubts Viscaino’s presence (North Mexican States, i. 148).

[1356] Torquemada gives the chief information on this voyage. Bancroft (North Mexican States, i. 151) cites other writers.

[1357] Our knowledge of this expedition comes largely from the account of a Carmelite priest, Antonio de la Ascension, who accompanied it, and whose report, presented in the Biblioteca Nacional at Madrid, is printed in Pacheco’s Coleccion de documentos, viii. 539. Torquemada used it, and so did Venegas in his Noticia de la California (Madrid, 1757; English edition, London, 1759; French edition, Paris, 1767; German, 1769). Cf. on Venegas, Carter-Brown, vol. iii. nos. 1,172, 1,239, 1,601, 1,710; field, Indian Bibliography, nos. 1,599, 1,600; Bancroft, North Mexican States, i. 281. An abridged narrative from Lorenzana is given in the Boletin of the Mexican Geographical Society, vol. v., 1857. Navarrete adds some other documents in his Coleccion, xv. Bancroft (North Mexican States, i. 154-155, and California, i. 98) enumerates other sources; as does J. C. Brevoort in the Magazine of American History, i. 124.

[1358] Bancroft does not believe that he went beyond the Oregon line (42°), and considers his Cape Blanco to be the modern St. George (History of California, i. 104; Northwest Coast, i. 84).

[1359] Bancroft, Mexico, iii. 3; California, ii. 97; North Mexican States, i. 153. A sketch of Viscaino’s map from Cape Mendocino south is given in this History, Vol. III. p. 75. The map was published, as reduced from the thirty-six original sheets by Navarrete, in the Atlas para el viage de las goletas Sutil y Méxicana al reconocimiento del Estrecho de Juan de Fuca (1802). Cf. Navarrete, xv.; Greenhow’s Northwest Coast (1840), p. 131; Burney’s South Sea Voyages (1806), vol. ii. (with the map); and Bancroft, North Mexican States, i. 156; California, i. 97, and Northwest Coast, i. 101, 146.

[1360] This is reproduced in Charton’s Voyageurs, iv. 184, 185.

[1361] There is a draught of it in the Kohl Collection. Cf. Catalogue of Manuscript Maps in the British Museum (1844), i. 33.

[1362] Bancroft (Northwest Coast, i. 101) refers to the suspicions of Father Ascension in 1603, of Oñate in 1604, and of Nicolas de Cardona in or about 1617, that California was an island; but there was on their part no cartographical expression of the idea.

[1363] In Purchas’s Pilgrims, iii. 853, in 1625. This map is sketched in Bancroft’s North Mexican States, i. 169.

[1364] This Spanish chart here referred to is not identified, though Delisle credits it—according to Bancroft (Northwest Coast, i. 103)—to Jannson’s Monde Maritime. If by this is meant Jannson’s Orbis Maritimus, it was not till 1657 that Jannson added this volume to his edition of the Mercator-Hondius Atlas. Carpenter’s Geography (Oxford, 1625) repeats Purchas’s story, and many have followed it since. In Heylin and Ogilby, the story goes that some people on the coast in 1620 were carried in by the current, and found themselves in the gulf. The Spanish chart may have been the source of the map in the Amsterdam Herrera of 1622.

[1365] Bancroft (Northwest Coast, i. 104) sketches a similar map which appeared in 1624 at Amsterdam in Inga’s West Indische Spieghel. Muller, Books on America, 1872, no. 805; 1877, no. 1,561.

[1366] It was repeated in later editions. Bancroft uses no earlier edition than that of 1633. The edition of 1625 did not contain the map of 1630.

[1367] In 1636 a report was made by the Spanish on the probable inter-oceanic communication by way of the Gulf of California. Cf. Documentos inéditos, xv. 215; Bancroft, Northwest Coast, i. 107.

[1368] Paris, 1637, five volumes, folio. Bancroft gives his map in his Northwest Coast, i. 107.

[1369] Arthur Dobbs reprinted it in his Countries adjoining to Hudson’s Bay, in 1744,—according to Bancroft.

[1370] He is particular to describe this ship as owned by Major Gibbons, who was on board, and as commanded by one Shapley. Major Edward Gibbons was a well-known merchant of Boston at this time, and the story seems first to have attracted the notice of the local antiquaries of that city, when Dr. Franklin brought it to the attention of Thomas Prince; and upon Prince reporting to him evidence favorable to the existence of such persons at that time, Franklin addressed a letter to Dr. Pringle, in which he considers the story “an abridgment and a translation, and bad in both respects;” and he adds, “If a fiction, it is plainly not an English one; but it has none of the features of fiction.” (Cf. Sabin’s American Bibliopolist, February, 1870, p. 65.) Dr. Snow examined it in his History of Boston (p. 89), and expressed his disbelief in it. Caleb Cushing in the North American Review (January, 1839) expressed the opinion that the account was worthy of investigation; which induced Mr. James Savage to examine it in detail, who in the same periodical (April, 1839, p. 559) set it at rest by at least negative proof, as well as by establishing an alibi for Gibbons at the date assigned. It may be remarked that among the English there was no general belief in a practicable western passage at this time, and the directors of the East India Company had given up the hope of it after Baffin’s return in 1616.

[1371] It was very easy for the credulous to identify the Archipelago of St. Lazarus with the Charlotte Islands. The map of Delisle and Buache, published in Paris in 1752 in Nouvelles Cartes des Découvertes de l’Amiral de Fonte, endeavors to reconcile the voyages of De Fuca and De Fonte. The map is reproduced in Bancroft’s Northwest Coast, i. 128. Under 45° there are two straits entering a huge inland “mer de l’ouest,” the southerly of which is supposed to be the one found by Aguilar in 1603, and the northerly that of De Fuca in 1592. Under 60° is the St. Lazarus Archipelago, and thridding the adjacent main are the bays, straits, lakes, and rivers which connect the Pacific with Hudson’s Bay. The next year (1753) Vaugondy, in some Observations critiques, opposed Delisle’s theory; and the opposing memoirs were printed in Spanish, with a refutation of Delisle by Buriel, in Venegas’ California, in 1757. Some years later the English geographer Jefferys attacked the problem in maps appended to Dragg’s Great Probability of a Northwest Passage, which was printed in London in 1768. Jefferys made the connection with Baffin’s Bay, and bounded an island—in which he revived the old Chinese legend by calling it Fusang—by De Fuca’s Straits on the south and De Fonte’s Archipelago on the north. Foster, in 1786, and Clavigero, in 1798, repudiated the story; but it appealed sufficiently to Burney to induce him to include it in his Chronological History of Voyages to the South Seas, vol. iii. (1813). William Goldson, in his Passage between the Atlantic and Pacific, in two Memoirs on the Straits of Anian and the Discoveries of De Fonte (Portsmouth, England, 1793), supposed that De Fonte got into the Great Slave Lake! Navarrete has examined the question in his Documentos inéditos, xv., as he had done at less length in his Sutil y Méxicana in 1802, expressing his disbelief; and so does Bancroft in his Northwest Coast, i. 115, who cites additionally (p. 119) La Harpe, Abrégé des Voyages (1816), vol. xvi., and Lapie, Nouvelles Annales des Voyages (1821), vol. xi., as believing the story. A “Chart for the better understanding of De Font’s letter” appeared in An Account of a Voyage for the Discovery of a Northwest Passage, by Theodore Swaine Drage (clerk of the “California”), London, 1749, vol. ii.

[1372] Recueil de Voyages au Nord, Amsterdam, 1732, vol. iv.; Coxe’s Discoveries of the Russians in the North Pacific, 1803.

[1373] Sanson adopted it, and it is laid down in Van Loon’s Zee Atlas of 1661, where, in the chart “Nova Granada en l’Eylandt California,” it is marked as the thither shore of the Straits of Anian, and called “Terra incognita,”—and Van Loon had the best reputation of the hydrographers of his day. The map published by Thevenot in 1663 also gives it.

Nicolas Sanson died in 1667, and two years later (1669), his son Guillaume reissued his father’s map, still with the island and the interjacent land, which in Blome’s map, published in his Description (1670), and professedly following Sanson, is marked “Conibas.” Later, in 1691, we have another Sanson map; but though the straits still bound easterly the “Terre de Jesso,” they are without name, and open easterly into a limitless “mer glaciale.” Hennepin at a later day put a special draught of it in the margin of his large map (1697), where it has something of continental proportions, stretching through forty degrees of longitude, north of the thirty-eighth parallel; and from Hennepin Campanius copied it (1702) in his Nya Swerige, p. 10, as shown herewith (p. 464).

TERRE DE IESSO.

It is also delineated in 1700 in the map of the Dutchman, Lugtenberg. The idea was not totally given up till Cook’s map of his explorations in 1777-1778 appeared, which was the first to give to the peninsula of Alaska and the Aleutian islands a delineation of approximate accuracy; and this was fifty years after Behring, in 1728, had mapped out the Asiatic shore of this region.

[1374] Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., October, 1873. and Memorial History of Boston, i. 59. Kohl’s Washington Collection has several draughts from the charts at Munich. An earlier edition (1630) of the Arcano del Mare is sometimes mentioned.

[1375] See Vols. III. and IV., index; George Adlard’s Amye Robsart and Leicester, 1870; Warwickshire Historical Collections; Dugdale’s Warwickshire, p. 166.

[1376] Vol. i. lib. ii. p. 19. The other maps are numbered xxxi., xxxii., and xxxiii. A second edition, “Corretta e accresciuta secondo l’originale des medesimo Duca, che si conserva nella libreria del Convento de Firenze della Pace,” appeared at Florence in 1661.

[1377] Sanson put it in his atlas made in 1667; Delisle rejected it in 1714; Bowen adhered to it in 1747.

[1378] It is worth while to note Virginia Farrer’s map of Virginia, given in Vol. III. p. 465, for the strange belief which with some people prevailed in England in 1651, that the Pacific coast was at the foot of the western slope of the Alleghanies,—a belief which was represented in 1625 by Master Briggs in Purchas (vol. iii. p. 852), where he speaks of the south sea “on the other side of the mountains beyond our falls, which openeth a free and fair passage to China.”

[1379] “Autore, N. I. Piscator.”

[1380] Born 1600; died 1667.

[1381] 1669, and later editions. Bancroft (Northwest Coast, i. 115) is led to believe that Heylin copied this map in 1701 from Hacke’s Collection of Voyages (1699), thirty years after he had published his own map in 1669.

[1382] It is copied in Bancroft, Northwest Coast, i. 110.

[1383] It is also an island in Coronelli’s globe of 1683. Cf. Marcou’s Notes, p. 5.

[1384] Marcou’s Notes, p. 5.

[1385] New Voyage round the World. The map is sketched in Bancroft’s North Mexican States, vol. i. p. 195; cf. his Northwest Coast, vol. i. pp. 112, 119, for other data.

[1386] It was re-engraved in Paris in 1754 by the geographer Buache, and later in the margin of a map of North America published by Sayer of London. It is given in fac-simile in Jules Marcou’s paper on the first discoverers of California, appended to the Annual Report of the Chief of Engineers, U. S. A., 1878, and is also sketched in Bancroft’s North Mexican States, vol. i. p. 499. Cf. his Northwest Coast, vol. i. pp. 113, 115, 120, where it is shown that Kino never convinced all his companions that the accepted island was in fact a peninsula. One of his associates, Luis Velarde (Documentos para la historia de México, ser. iv. vol. i. p. 344), opposed his views. The view is advanced by E. L. Berthoud in the Kansas City Review (June, 1883), that a large area between the head of the gulf and the ocean, now below the sea level, was at one time covered with water, and that the island theory was in some way connected with this condition, which is believed to have continued as recently as the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

[1387] This map is reproduced in Bancroft, Northwest Coast, vol. i. p. 114; as well as a map of Vander Aa (1707) on page 115.

[1388] Recueil des Voyages au Nord, vol. iii. p. 268.

[1389] Bancroft cites Travers Twiss (Oregon Question, 1846) as quoting a map of Delisle in 1722, making it a peninsula.

[1390] Cf. Saint-Martin, Histoire de la géographie p. 423.

[1391] Northwest Coast, vol. i. p. 123.

[1392] Cf. something of the sort in Dobbs’s map of 1744, given in Bancroft, Northw. Coast, i. 123.

[1393] Shelvocke says he accepted current views, unable to decide himself.

[1394] Reproduced in Bancroft, Northwest Coast, vol. i. p. 123.

[1395] It is in the Kohl Collection, and is sketched in Bancroft’s North Mexican States, vol. i. p. 463; Northwest Coast, vol. i. pp. 125, 126.

[1396] Bancroft (Northwest Coast, vol. i. pp. 126, 129) thinks his book more complete than any earlier one on the subject. As late as 1755 Hermann Moll, the English cartographer, kept the island in his map.

[1397] Bancroft (Northwest Coast, vol. i. pp. 127, 128) thinks that a theory, started in 1751 by Captain Salvador, and reasserted in 1774 by Captain Anza, that the Colorado sent off a branch which found its way to the sea above the peninsula, was the last flicker of the belief in the insularity of California.

[1398] Delisle was born in 1688 and died in 1747; Buache lived from 1700 to 1773. Other cartographical solutions of the same data are found in William Doyle’s Account of the British Dominions beyond the Atlantic (London, 1770), and in the Mémoires sur la situation des pays septentrionaux, by Samuel Éngel, published at Lausanne in 1765. Engel’s maps were repeated in a German translation of his book published in 1772, and in his Extraits raisonés des Voyages faits dans les parties septentrionales de l’Asie et de l’Amérique, also published at Lausanne in 1779.

[1399] Buache’s “Mer de l’ouest” was re-engraved in J. B. Laborde’s Mer du Sud (Paris, 1791), as well as a map of Maldonado’s explorations. Cf. Samuel Engel’s Extraits raisonés des Voyages faits dans les parties septentrionales (Lausanne, 1765 and 1779), and Dobbs’s Northwest Passage (1754).

[1400] Jefferys also published at this time (2d ed. in 1764) Voyages from Asia to America, for completing the discoveries of the Northwest Coast, with summary of voyages of the Russians in the Frozen sea, tr. from the high Dutch of S. Muller [should be G. F. Muller], with 3 maps: (1) Part of Japanese map [this is sketched in Bancroft, Northwest Coast, i. p. 130]. (2) Delisle and Buache’s fictitious map. (3) New Discoveries of Russians and French.

Muller’s book was also published in French at Amsterdam in 1766. Cf. also William Coxe’s Account of the Russian discoveries between Asia and America (2d ed. rev.), London, 1780, and later editions in 1787 and 1803; also, see Robertson’s America, note 43.

[1401] Sketched in Bancroft, Northwest Coast, Vol. i. p. 131.

[1402] Bancroft (Northwest Coast, vol. i. p. 124) gives a Russian map of 1741, which he says he copied from the original in the Russian archives.

[1403] There is in the department of State at Washington a volume of copies from manuscripts in the hydrographic office at Madrid, attested by Navarrete, and probably procured by Greenhow at the time of the Oregon question. It is called Viages de los Españoles a la costa norveste de la America en los años de 1774-1775-1779, 1788 y 1790. My attention was drawn to them by Theodore F. Dwight, Esq., of that department.

[1404] The details of this and subsequent explorations are given with references in Bancroft’s Northwest Coast, vol. i. p. 151 et seq. Such voyages will be only briefly indicated in the rest of the present paper.

[1405] Malaspina with a Spanish Commission in 1791, and later Galiano and Valdés, explored the coast, and their results were published in 1802. Cf. Navarrete, Sutil y Mexicana.

[1406] It is sketched by Bancroft, Northwest Coast, vol. i. p. 135.

[1407] Bancroft (Northwest Coast, vol. i. p. 169) reproduces a part of his map.

[1408] Bancroft (Northwest Coast, vol. i. p. 133) reproduces his map.

[1409] Bancroft (Ibid., i. 176) reproduces a part of his map.

[1410] Cf. Memorial History of Boston, vol. iv. p. 208; Historical Magazine, vol. xviii. p. 155; Harper’s Magazine, December, 1882; Bulfinch, Oregon and El Dorado, p. 3. The report on the claims of the heirs of Kendrick and Gray, for allowance for the rights established by them for the U. S. Government, is printed in the Historical Magazine, September, 1870. A medal struck on occasion of this voyage is engraved in Bulfinch. Cf. also American Journal of Numismatics, vi. 33, 63; vii. 7; Coin-Collectors Journal, vi. 46; Magazine of American History, v. 140. The fullest account yet given of this expedition is in Bancroft’s Northwest Coast, i. 185 et seq. He had the help of a journal kept on one of the ships.

[1411] Bancroft’s Northwest Coast, vol. i., must be consulted for these later and for subsequent exploring and trading voyages.

[1412] Relation de Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voyages, etc., ix. i.

[1413] Segunda relacion de Nuño de Guzman, in Icazbalceta, Coll. de Docs., ii. 303; Quarta relacion, in Ibid., p. 475; García de Lopez’ Relacion, in Pacheco’s Coll. Doc. Inéd., tom. xiv. pp. 455-460.

[1414] [See ante, p. 391.—Ed.]

[1415] Relacion de Cabeça de Vaca, translated by Buckingham Smith (chap. xxxi. p. 167).

[1416] [See ante, p. 243 in Dr. J. G. Shea’s chapter on “Ancient Florida.”—Ed.]

[1417] Ternaux-Compans, ix. 249.

[1418] A relation of the Rev. Frier Marco de Nica touching his discovery of the kingdom of Cevola or Cibola in Hakluyt’s Voyages, etc., iii. 438 (edition of 1810).

[1419] Castañeda, Relation, p. 9.

[1420] [See ante, p. 431, “Discoveries on the Pacific Coast of North America,” for the explorations up that coast by Cortés.—Ed.]

[1421] Mr. A. F. Bandelier puts this place “in southern Arizona, somewhat west from Tucson.” Historical Introduction to Studies among the Sedentary Indians of New Mexico, p. 8.

[1422] This word was borrowed by the Spaniards from the native languages, and applied by them to the Bison. [As early as 1542 Rotz drew pictures of this animal on his maps.—Ed.]

[1423] Castañeda, however, relates the circumstances of Stephen’s death somewhat differently, stating that the negro and his party, on their arrival at Cibola, were shut up in a house outside the city, while for three days the chiefs continued to question him about the object of his coming. When told that he was a messenger from two white men, who had been sent by a powerful prince to instruct them in heavenly things, they would not believe that a black man could possibly have come from a land of white men, and they suspected him of being the spy of some nation that wished to subjugate them. Moreover, the negro had the assurance to demand from them their property and their women; upon which they resolved to put him to death, without, however, harming any of those with him, all of whom, with the exception of a few boys, were sent back, to the number of sixty. (Relation, p. 12.) This latter statement, as well as that in relation to the libidinous practices of the negro, are confirmed by Coronado. Relation; Hakluyt’s Collection of Voyages (Principall Navigations), iii. 454.

[1424] Ternaux-Compans, ix. 283, 290.

[1425] Alarcon set sail on the 9th of May, 1540, and by penetrating to the upper extremity of the Gulf of California, proved that California was not an island, as had been supposed. He made two attempts to ascend the Colorado in boats, and planted a cross at the highest point he reached, burying at its foot a writing, which, as will be seen, was subsequently found by Melchior Diaz. His report of this voyage, containing valuable information in regard to the natives, can be found in Hakluyt, Voyages, iii. 505 (ed. 1810); translated from Ramusio, Navigationi, iii. 363 (ed. 1565). There is a French translation in Ternaux-Compans, ix. 299. This information about California is supplemented by the narrative of the voyage made two years later by Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo along the Pacific shore of the peninsula, and up the northwest coast probably as far as the southern border of Oregon. It was printed in Buckingham Smith’s Coleccion, p. 173; and subsequently in Pacheco’s Documentos inéditos, tom. xiv. p. 165. A translation by Mr. R. S. Evans, with valuable notes by Mr. H. W. Henshaw, is given in vol. vii. (Archæology) of United States Geological Survey west of the one hundredth Meridian. [See also the present volume, p. 443.—Ed.]

[1426] Extracts from a report sent back by Melchior Diaz while on this journey are given in a letter from Mendoza to the Emperor Charles V., dated April 17, 1540, in Ternaux-Compans, ix. 290.

[1427] Chichiltic-calli, or Red House, is generally supposed to be the ruined structure, called Casa Grande, in southern Arizona, near Florence, a little south of the river Gila, and not far from the Southern Pacific Railroad. But Mr. A. F. Bandelier, after a thorough topographical exploration of the regions, is inclined to place it considerably to the southeast of this point upon the river Arivaypa, in the vicinity of Fort Grant. [This question is further examined in Vol. I. of the present History.—Ed.]

[1428] Jaramillo has given a very full itinerary of this march, describing with great particularity the nature of the country and the streams crossed (Ternaux-Compans, ix. 365-369). When the results of the latest explorations of Mr. A. F. Bandelier in this region are published by the Archæological Institute of America, there is good reason to hope for an exact identification of most if not all these localities, which at present is impossible. There can be little doubt, however, that the Vermejo is the Colorado Chiquito.

[1429] In the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society for October, 1881, I have given in detail the reasons for identifying Cibola with the region of the present Zuñi pueblos. Mr. Frank H. Cushing has made the important discovery that this tribe has preserved the tradition of the coming of Fray Marcos, and of the killing of the negro Stephen, whom they call “the black Mexican,” at the ruined pueblo called Quaquima. They claim also to have a tradition of the visit of Coronado, and even of Cabeza de Vaca.

[1430] Coronado’s relation as given in English in Hakluyt, Collection of Voyages, etc., iii. 453 (reprint, London, 1810).

[1431] Tusayan can be clearly identified as the site of the present Moqui villages. Bandelier, Historical Introduction, p. 15.

[1432] It is plain that this river was the Colorado; the description of the Grand Cañon cannot fail to be recognized. Bandelier, Historical Introduction, p. 15. The name by which it was called was the Tizon, the Spanish word for “fire-brand,” which the natives dwelling upon its banks were reported to be in the habit of carrying upon their winter journeyings. Castañeda, p. 50.

[1433] Castañeda, Relation, p. 48; Ibid., p. 46, “Middle of October.”

[1434] Davis (Spanish Conquest, p. 160) suggests that he should have written “northwest.” The anonymous Relacion (Pacheco’s Documentos Inéditos, tom. xiv. p. 321) states that he travelled “westward.”

[1435] [See ante, p. 443, in the section of “Discoveries on the Pacific Coast.”—Ed.]

[1436] The identity of Acuco with the modern pueblo of Acoma is perfectly established. See the plates and description in Lieutenant Abert’s report, Senate Executive Documents, no. 41, 30th Congress, 1st Session, p. 470. Jaramillo is evidently wrong in naming this place Tutahaco, p. 370. Hernando d’Alvarado in his Report calls it Coco.

[1437] Davis (The Spanish Conquest of New Mexico, p. 185, note) places Tiguex on the banks of the Rio Puerco; and General Simpson (Coronado’s March, p. 335), on the Rio Grande, below the Puerco. But Mr. Bandelier (Historical Introduction, pp. 20-22), from documentary evidence, places it higher up the Rio Grande, in the vicinity of Bernalillo; corresponding perfectly with the “central point” which Castañeda declared it to be (p. 182).

[1438] Alvarado’s report of this expedition can be found in Buckingham Smith’s Coleccion de documentos, p. 65; Pacheco’s Documentos Inéditos, tom. iii. p. 511. He says, “Partimos de Granada veinte y nueve de Agosto de 40, la via de Coco.”

[1439] General J. H. Simpson, Coronado’s March, p. 335, has identified Cicuyé with Old Pecos. Additional arguments in support of this opinion may be found in Bandelier’s Visit to the Aboriginal Ruins in the Valley of Pecos, p. 113.

[1440] The turquoise mines of Cerillos, in the Sandia Mountains, are about twenty miles west of Pecos. Bandelier’s Visit, pp. 39, 115.

[1441] Bandelier (Historical Introduction, p. 22) places Tutahaco in the vicinity of Isleta, on the Rio Grande, in opposition to Davis’s opinion (Spanish Conquest, p. 180) that it was at Laguna. Coronado subsequently sent an officer southward to explore the country, who reached a place some eighty leagues distant, where the river disappeared in the earth, and on his way discovered four other villages. (Castañeda, p. 140.) These, Bandelier places near Socorro. (Ibid., p. 24.) General Simpson (Coronado’s March, p. 323, note) discusses the question of the disappearance of the river.

[1442] Castañeda (Relation, p. 101) says the siege terminated at the close of 1542; but it is clear, from the course of the narrative, that it must have been early in 1541.

[1443] All the authorities agree in identifying Chia with the modern pueblo of Cia, or Silla, and in placing Quirex in the Queres district of Cochití, Santo Domingo, etc.

[1444] Letter of Coronado to the Emperor Charles the Fifth; Ternaux-Compans, vol. ix. p. 356. Castañeda (Relation, p. 113) says it was on May 5.

[1445] General J. H. Simpson (Coronado’s March, p. 336) has given the reasons for regarding this river as the Gallinas, which is a tributary of the Pecos.

[1446] Jaramillo (Relation p. 374) says that this was “much nearer New Spain;” but Castañeda (Relation, p. 120) makes them to have passed by this very village.

[1447] In his Letter to Charles V. (p. 358), Coronado states that having marched forty-two days after parting from the main body of his force, he arrived at Quivira in about sixty-seven days (p. 359). This gives twenty-five days for accomplishing the distance to the point of separation, instead of thirty-seven, as stated by Castañeda (Relation, pp. 127, 134), who estimates that they had travelled two hundred and fifty leagues from Tiguex, marching six or seven leagues a day, as measured by counting their steps.

[1448] Letter to Charles V., p. 360. There is a great difference of opinion as to the situation of Quivira. The earlier writers, Gallatin, Squier, Kern, Abert, and even Davis, have fallen into the error of fixing it at Gran Quivira, about one hundred miles directly south of Santa Fé, where are to be seen the ruins of a Franciscan Mission founded subsequently to 1629. See Diary of an excursion to the ruins of Abo, Quarra, and Gran Quivira, in New Mexico, 1853, by Major J. H. Carleton (Smithsonian Report, 1854, p. 296). General Simpson, however, (Coronado’s March, p. 339) argues against this view, and maintains that Coronado “reached the fortieth degree of latitude, or what is now the boundary line between the States of Kansas and Nebraska, well on toward the Missouri River.” Judge Savage believes that he crossed the plains of Kansas and came out at a point much farther west, upon the Platte River. Proceedings of American Antiquarian Society, April, 1881, p. 240. Prince (History of New Mexico, p. 141) thinks that “Coronado traversed parts of the Indian Territory and Kansas, and finally stopped on the borders of the Missouri, somewhere between Kansas City and Council Bluffs.” Judge Prince, who is President of the Hist. Society of New Mexico, adds that it would be impossible from what Castañeda tells us, to determine the position of Quivira with certainty. Bandelier (Historical Introduction, p. 25) is not satisfied that he reached as far northeast as General Simpson states, and believes that he moved more in a circle.

[1449] Jaramillo (Relation, p. 377) says “it was about the middle of August;” but according to Castañeda (Relation, p. 141), Coronado got back to Tiguex in August.

[1450] Hemez evidently is the Jemez pueblos; and Yuque-Yunque has been identified as the Tehua pueblos, Santa Clara, San Ildefonso, etc., north of Santa Fé. Bandelier, Historical Introduction, p. 23.

[1451] General J. H. Simpson (Coronado’s March, p. 339) has identified Braba with the celebrated pueblo of Taos, where such a stubborn resistance was made to the American arms in 1847. Of this, Gregg, in his Commerce of the Prairies, had given a description corresponding perfectly with that of Castañeda’s Relation, p. 139.

[1452] Carta, April 23, 1584, Documentos inéditos, tom. xv. p. 180; Hakluyt, Voyages, etc. iii. 462 (edition of 1810).

[1453] Coronado’s March, p. 324.

[1454] [See ante, p. 397.—Ed.]

[1455] [See ante, p. 290.—Ed.]

[1456] [See ante, p. 397.—Ed.]

[1457] [See Introduction, ante, p. vii. The latest volumes read on the titlepage: Coleccion de documentos inéditos relativos al descubrimiento, conquista y organizacion de las antiguas posesiones españolas de América y Oceanía sacados de los Archivos del reino y muy especialmente del de Indias. Competentemente autorizada.—Ed.]

[1458] [See Introduction, ante, p. vi.—Ed.]

[1459] [For bibliography of this Relacion see ante, p. 286.—Ed.]

[1460] [See ante, p. 287.—Ed.]

[1461] Senate Executive Documents, No. 41, 30th Congress, 1st Session, 1848.

[1462] Senate Executive Documents, No. 64, 31st Congress, 1st Session, 1850.

[1463] Cf. also Journal of the American Geographical Society, vol. v. p. 194, and Geographical Magazine (1874), vol. i. p. 86.

[1464] This is his North Mexican States, vol. i. pp. 27, 71-76, 82-87, which is at present his chief treatment of the subject. He touches it incidentally in his Central America, vol. i. p. 153; Mexico, vol. ii. pp. 293, 465-470; California, vol. i. p. 8; Northwest Coast, vol. i. pp. 44-46; but he promises more detailed treatment in his volumes on New Mexico and Arizona, which are yet to be published.

[1465] See Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., October, 1857, and October, 1878.

[1466] No attempt is made to establish a theory in another recent compendium, Shipp’s De Soto and Florida ch. vii.

[1467] [Cf. Markham’s Royal Commentary of G. de la Vega, vol. i. chap. iv. Kohl says that the name “Peru” first occurs in Ribero’s map (1529), and that his delineations of the coast of Peru were made probably after Pizarro’s first reports.—Ed.]

[1468] Nombre de Dios was abandoned on account of its unhealthy situation, in the reign of Philip II., and Puerto Bello then became the chief port on the Atlantic side.

[1469] [Authorities do not agree on the date of his birth, placing it between the years 1470 and 1478. Prescott, i. 204. Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., p. 317.—Ed.]

[1470] [His followers probably numbered about a hundred. Herrera places them as low as eighty; Father Naharro, at one hundred and twenty-nine. Prescott, i. 211.—Ed.]

[1471] Helps translates them:—

“My good Lord Governor,
Have pity on our woes;
For here remains the butcher,
To Panamá the salesman goes.”

Prescott (Peru, vol. i. p. 257) has thus rendered them into English:—

“Look out, Señor Governor,
For the drover while he’s near;
Since he goes home to get the sheep
For the butcher, who stays here.”

[1472] (a) Bartolomé Ruiz, of Moguer, the pilot.

(b) Pedro de Candia, a Greek, who had charge of Pizarro’s artillery, consisting of two falconets; an able and experienced officer. After the death of Pizarro he joined the younger Almagro, who, suspecting him of treachery, ran him through at the battle of Chupas. He left a half-caste son, who was at school at Cusco with Garcilasso de la Vega.

(c) Cristóval de Peralta, a native of Baeza, in Andalusia. He was one of the first citizens of Lima when that city was founded,—in 1535.

(d) Alonzo Briceño, a native of Benavente. He was at the division of Atahualpa’s ransom, and received the share of a cavalry captain.

(e) Nicolas de Ribera, the treasurer, was one of the first citizens of Lima in 1535. He passed through all the stormy period of the civil wars in Peru. He deserted from Gonzalo Pizarro to the side of the president, Gasca, and was afterwards captain of the Guard of the Royal Seal. He is said to have founded the port of San Gallan, the modern Pisco. Ribera was born at Olvera, in Andalusia, of good family. He eventually settled near Cusco, and died, leaving children to inherit his estates.

(f) Juan de la Torre, a native of Benavente, in Old Castile. He was a stanch adherent of Gonzalo Pizarro, and was at the battle of Anaquito, where he showed ferocious enmity against the ill-fated viceroy, Blasco Nuñez de Vela. He married a daughter of an Indian chief near Puerto Viejo, and acquired great wealth. After the battle of Sacsahuana, in 1548, he was hanged by order of the president, Gasca. He was a citizen of Arequipa, and left descendants there.

(g) Francisco de Cuellar, a native of Cuellar; but nothing more is known of him.

(h) Alonzo de Molina, a native of Ubeda. He afterwards landed at Tumbez, where it was arranged that he should remain until Pizarro’s return; but he died in the interval.

(i) Domingo de Soria Luce, a native of the Basque Provinces, probably of Guipuzcoa; but nothing more is known of him.

(j) Pedro Alcon. He afterwards landed on the coast of Peru, fell in love with a Peruvian lady, and refused to come on board again. So the pilot Ruiz was obliged to knock him down with an oar, and he was put in irons on the lower deck. Nothing more is known of him.

(k) Garcia de Jerez (or Jaren). He appears to have made a statement on the subject of the heroism of Pizarro and his companions, Aug. 3, 1529, at Panamá. Documentos inéditos, tom. xxvi. p. 260, quoted by Helps, vol. iii. p. 446.

(l) Anton de Carrion. Nothing further is known of him.

(m) Martin de Paz. Nothing further is known of him.

(n) Diego de Truxillo (Alonzo, according to Zarate). He was afterwards personally known to Garcilasso at Cusco. He appears to have written an account of the discovery of Peru, which is still in manuscript. Antonio, ii. 645; also, Leon Pinelo.

(o) Alonzo Ribera (or Geronimo) was settled at Lima, where he had children.

(p) Francisco Rodriguez de Villa Fuerte was the first to cross the line drawn by Pizarro. He was afterwards a citizen of Cusco, having been present at the siege by the Ynca Manco, and at the battle of Salinas. Garcilasso knew him, and once rode with him from Cusco to Quispicanchi, when he recounted many reminiscences of his stirring life. He was still living at Cusco in 1560, a rich and influential citizen. [Mr. Markham has given the number as sixteen in his Reports on the Discovery of Peru, p. 8, together with his reasons for it, which do not commend themselves, however, to Kirk, the editor of Prescott (History of the Conquest of Peru, edition of 1879, i. 303). Helps dismisses the story of the line as the melodramatic effort of a second-rate imagination. Cf. also Markham’s Travels of Cieza de Leon, p. 419.—Ed.]

[1473] See the section on “El Dorado,” post.

[1474] [Accounts of the space to be filled differ. Cf. Prescott’s Peru, i. 422; Humboldt’s Views of Nature (Bohn’s ed.), 410, 430.—Ed.]

[1475] [Prescott (History of the Conquest of Peru, i. 453) enters into an explanation of his conversion of the money of Ferdinand and Isabella’s time into modern equivalents, and cites an essay on this point by Clemencin in vol vi. of the Memoirs of the Royal Academy of History at Madrid.—Ed.]

[1476] [Atahualpa was hurriedly tried on the charge of assassinating Huascar and conspiring against the Spaniards. Oviedo speaks of the “villany” of the transaction. Cf. Prescott, History of the Conquest of Peru, vol. i. p. 467. Pizarro’s secretary, Xeres, palliates the crime as being committed upon “the greatest butcher that the world ever saw.”

Prescott (Peru, ii. 473, 480) prints several of the contemporary accounts of the seizure and execution of Atahualpa. He says that Garcilasso de la Vega “has indulged in the romantic strain to an unpardonable extent in his account of the capture; ... yet his version has something in it so pleasing to the imagination, that it has ever found favor with the majority of readers. The English student might have met with a sufficient corrective in the criticism of the sagacious and sceptical Robertson.” There are the usual stories of a comet at the time of the death of the Ynca. Cf. Humboldt, Views of Nature, pp. 421, 429.—Ed.]

[1477] They are as follows:—

(a) Hernando de Soto, the explorer of Florida and discoverer of the Mississippi.

(b) Francisco de Chaves, a native of Truxillo. He was murdered at Lima, in 1541, in attempting to defend the staircase against the assassins of Pizarro. Zarate says that when he died he was the most important personage in Peru, next to Pizarro.

(c) Diego de Chaves, brother of Francisco, whose wife, Maria de Escobar, introduced the cultivation of wheat into Peru.

(d) Francisco de Fuentes, in the list of those who shared the ransom.

(e) Pedro de Ayala. Diego de Mora, afterwards settled at Truxillo on the coast of Peru. The president, Gasca made him a captain of cavalry, and he was subsequently corregidor of Lima.

(g) Francisco Moscoso.

(h) Hernando de Haro, taken prisoner by the Ynca Titu Atauchi, but treated kindly.

(i) Pedro de Mendoza, in the list of those who shared the ransom.

(j) Juan de Rada, a stanch follower of Almagro. He accompanied his chief on his expedition to Chili, and avenged his death by the assassination of Pizarro.

(k) Alonzo de Avila.

(l) Blas de Atienza was the second man who ever embarked on the Pacific, when he served under Vasco Nuñez de Balbóa in 1513. He settled at Truxillo; and his daughter Inez accompanied Pedro de Ursua in 1560 in his ill-fated expedition to discover El Dorado. His son Blas was a friar, who published a book called Relacion de los Religiosos, at Lima, in 1617.

[Cf. also note in Markham’s Reports on the Discovery of Peru, p. 104.—Ed.]

[1478] There is no record, however, that a special designation for the marquisate was ever granted to Pizarro. It is therefore an error to call him Marquis of Atabillos, as he is sometimes designated. He signed himself simply the Marquis Pizarro.

[1479] [A view of the house of Francisco Pizzaro, as it is now or was recently existing, is shown in Hutchinson’s Two Years in Peru, vol, i. p. 311.—Ed.]

[1480] [See chap. v.—Ed.]

[1481] For the writings of Cieza de Leon, see the “Critical Essay,” post.

[1482] [See Vol. III. p. 66—Ed.]

[1483] [A life of Santa Rosa, by Léonard de Hansen, was printed at Rome in 1664. A Spanish translation, La bienaventurada Rosa, etc., by Father Iacinto de Parra, was published at Madrid in 1668. It is enlarged upon the original from documents gathered to induce the Pope to canonize her. De Parra, in his Rosa Laureada (Madrid, 1670), gives an account of the movement to effect her canonization; and an account of the solemnities on the occasion of its consummation is printed in the Mercure de France (1671). A Spanish translation of Hansen, by Antonio de Lorea, was issued at Madrid in 1671; and a Portuguese version appeared at Lisbon in 1669 and 1674. Another Life, by Acuña, bishop of Caracas, was printed at Rome in 1665. A metrical Vida de Santa Rosa, by Oviedo y Herrera has the imprint of Madrid, 1711. (Cf. Leclerc, 1705, 1754-56, 1784, 1812-1813.)—Ed.]

[1484] [See Introduction (p. i) and p. 67.—Ed.]

[1485] [Cf. the chapter on Cortés.—Ed.]

[1486] [The bibliography of Oviedo is traced in a note following the chapter on Las Casas. Prescott has measured him as an authority in his Peru (Kirk’s edition, vol. ii. p. 305). Helps speaks of his history as a “mass of confusion and irrelevancy; but at the same time,” he adds, “it is a most valuable mine of facts.” A paper, appended to the combined edition of Peter Martyr and Oviedo published at Venice in 1534, seems to have been enlarged upon a tract La Conquista del Peru, published at Seville in 1534 (Bibl. Amer. Vet. p. 199), and is thought to bear some relation to the “Relatione d’un Capitano Spagnuolo” given in Ramusio, vol. iii. (Bibliotheca Grenvilliana, vol. ii. p. 536; Sabin, xvi, no. 61,097).—Ed.]

[1487] Coleccion de viages y descubrimientos, vol. iii. no. vii. p. 393.

[1488] [Narrative of the Proceedings of Pedrárias Davilla, and of the Discovery of the South Sea and Coasts of Peru, etc.—Ed.]

[1489] [Oviedo traces Andagoya’s career in vol. iv. p. 126. Cf. Bancroft’s Central America, vol. i. p. 503; Helps, vol. iii. p. 426; and the notice in Pacheco, Coleccion de documentos inéditos, vol. xxxix. p. 552.—Ed.]

[1490] [Verdadera relacion de la Conquista del Peru. There is a copy in the Lenox Library. Cf. Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 198.—Ed.]

[1491] [There are copies in the Lenox and Carter-Brown libraries. Quaritch in 1873 priced it at £35; Cf. Bibl. Amer. Vet., p. 277; Ternaux, no. 54; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 146. It is sometimes bound with Oviedo’s Coronica, and F. S. Ellis (1882, no. 221) prices the combined edition at £105. The Huth Catalogue, vol. v. p. 1628, shows an edition, Conquista del Peru, black-letter, without place or date, which Harrisse thinks preceded this 1547 edition. The Huth copy is the only one known.—Ed.]

[1492] [This Italian version (Venetian dialect) was made by Domingo de Gazlelu, and appeared at Venice; and a fac-simile of the title is given here with showing the arms of the emperor. Rich (no. 11) in 1832 priced it at £1 4s.; Quaritch of late years has held it at £5 and £7; F. S. Ellis (1884) at £12, 12s.; and Leclerc (no. 2,998) at 750 francs. There are copies in the Lenox, Harvard College, and Carter-Brown (Catalogue, vol. i. no. 116) libraries. It was reprinted at Milan the same year in an inferior manner, and a copy of this edition is in the British Museum. Cf. Bibl. Amer. Vet., nos. 200, 201; Bibliotheca Grenvilliana, p. 818; Huth, p. 1628; Court, no. 376. What is said to be a translation of this Italian version into French, L’histoire de la terre neuve du Peru, Paris, 1545, signed I. G. (Jacques Gohory), purports to be an extract from Oviedo’s Historia, Cf. Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 264; Court Catalogue, no. 175.—Ed.]

[1493] [Vol. iii. p. 378.—Ed.]

[1494] [Voyages, etc., vol. iv. This edition is worth about eight francs. A German edition is recorded as made by Külb at Stuttgard in 1843.—Ed.]

[1495] [Prescott says (Peru, vol. i. p. 385) “Allowing for the partialities incident to a chief actor in the scenes he describes, no authority can rank higher.”—Ed.]

[1496] Chap. xv. lib. 43.

[1497] Paris, 1845, p. 180.

[1498] [Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions, no. 109, notes, but not de visu, a plaquette enumerating the treasure sent to Spain by Pizarro in 1534. F. S. Ellis (1884, no. 235) priced at £21 a second copy of the tract mentioned by Harrisse (no. 108) as known only in a copy in a private library in New York, entitled Copey etlicher brieff so auss Hispania Kummen seindt, 1535, which purports to be translated through the French from the Spanish. Ellis pronounces it a version of Harrisse’s no. 109, the only copy known of which was, as he says, lost in a binder’s shop. Cf. the Libro ultimo de le Indie occidentale intitulato nova Castiglia, e del Conquisto del Peru, published at Rome, May, 1535 (Sunderland, vol. i. no. 265). For the effect of Peruvian gold on prices in Europe, see Brevoort’s Verrazano, p. iii.—Ed.]

[1499] [It would seem to have been used by Herrera. Navarrete communicated a copy to Prescott, who characterizes it in his Conquest of Peru, ii. 72.—Ed.]

[1500] Papeles Manuscripts Originales y Ineditos, G. 127.

[1501] Lima, 1880.

[1502] [The author of the Varones was a grandson of the daughter of Francisco Pizarro (cf. Carter-Brown, ii. 465). H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 273.—Ed.]

[1503] [It was published at Madrid in 1807, 1830, 1833, and at Paris in 1845.—Ed.]

[1504] [Harrisse (Bibl. Am. Vet., 132) quotes from Asher’s Catalogue, 1865, a Lettere di Pietro Arias, 1525, without place, which he supposes to refer to the first expedition of Almagro, Pizarro, and Luque.—Ed.]

[1505] [Cf. the notice of Herrera with references, given in the Introduction.—Ed.]

[1506] [Prescott, ii. 494.—Ed.]

[1507] [There is a copy in the Carter-Brown Library (Catalogue, no. 207). Quaritch priced it in 1879 at £9.—Ed.]

[1508] [There is a copy in the Carter-Brown Collection (no. 316); and others were sold in the Brinley (no. 5,346) and Murphy (no. 2,808) sales, as well as in the Sunderland (no. 13,521) and the Old Admiral’s sales (no. 329) in England. Quaritch priced a copy at £16 10s. in 1883,—a rapid advance on earlier sales, but exceeded in 1884 by F. S. Ellis (£21). Leclerc (giving the date 1557) priced it in 1878 at 400 francs (no. 1,862).—Ed.]

[1509] [Zarate was early translated into other languages. An Italian version appeared at Venice in 1563, translated by Alfonzo Ulloa (Carter-Brown, i. 246; Leclerc, 1865—100 francs; Stevens—£3 3s.). Muller (Books on America (1872), nos. 1,231, etc.) enumerates five Dutch editions, the earliest edited by Willem Silvius, Antwerp, 1564 (the Carter-Brown copy is dated 1563, Catalogue, no. 245). In 1573 a new title and preface were put to the sheets of this edition. In 1596, 1598, and 1623 there were editions at Amsterdam. There were French versions published at Amsterdam in 1700, 1717, 1718, 1719, and at Paris in 1706, 1716, 1742, 1752-54, 1830. An English translation, made by T. Nicholas, was published at London in 1581 (Carter-Brown, vol. i. p. 285; Murphy, 2,213). Ellis priced a copy in 1884 at £28.—Ed.]

[1510] [For a detailed bibliography of the manuscripts and editions of Cieza de Leon, with various references, see the Editorial Note following this chapter.—Ed.]

[1511] [In his Proceso de Pedro de Valdivia i otros documentos inéditos concernientes a este conquistador, reunidos i anotados por Diego Barros Arana, Santiago de Chile (1873), 80 pp. 392.—Ed.]

[1512] [The Philadelphia edition, 1879, vol. ii. p. 406.—Ed.]

[1513] The historiographer Juan Bautista Muñoz intended to have written an exhaustive history of America, but he only completed one volume. He however made copies of documents from the Seville Archives in 1782 and 1783, which form one hundred and fifty volumes. They are now in various libraries, but the greater part belongs to the Real Academia de la historia de Madrid. [See the Introduction to the present volume, p. iii.—Ed.]

[1514] Prescott’s copy (in his Appendix, vol. ii. p. 471) unfortunately contains various inaccuracies.

[1515] Ubi supra.

[1516] [Helps speaks of these family papers as in the possession of the Counts of Cancelada, and he used copies which were procured for him by Gayangos. Spanish Conquest, New York edition, iv. 227.—Ed.]

[1517] [Rich (no. 48) priced this edition in 1832 at £5 5s.; Leclerc (no. 1,733) in 1878 at 800 francs. The Council of the Indies is said to have tried to check its circulation. A copy is in the Carter-Brown (i. 282) Collection; and another was sold in the Court sale recently (no. 128).—Ed.]

[1518] [A view of what is called the house of Garcilasso de la Vega is given in Squier’s Peru, Land of the Incas, p. 449.—Ed.]

[1519] [A detailed bibliographical note of Garcilasso de la Vega’s works on Peru is given in Note B, following the present chapter.—Ed.]

[1520] [Prescott, who had copies of both manuscripts, speaks of the opportunities which Montesinos enjoyed in his official visits to Peru, of having access to repositories, and of making an inspection of the country. He adds that a comparison of his narrative with other contemporary accounts leads one sometimes to distrust him. “His writings seem to me,” he says, “entitled to little praise, either for the accuracy of their statements or the sagacity of their reflections.”—Ed.]

[1521] [Cf. Rich, no. 226 £2 10s.; Sabin, vol. iii. no. 9,870; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 450; Dufossé, no. 11,818,—2,180 francs. A second part was printed at Lima in 1653 by Cordova y Salinas, the same who published a Life of Francisco Solano, the apostle of Peru, at Lima in 1630, which appeared, augmented by Alonzo de Mendieta, at Madrid in 1643 (Leclerc, nos. 1,714. 1,731).—Ed.]

[1522] Additional Manuscripts, 17, 585.

[1523] [These are dated 1561 and 1570. The originals are in the Escurial; copies are at Simancas. A copy, made for Kingsborough, became Prescott’s, who records his estimate of it (Peru, vol. i. p. 181). It is said that Herrera made use of Ondegardo’s manuscript.—Ed.]

[1524] Quarto on parchment, B. 135.

[1525] Additional Manuscripts, 5,469.

[1526] [Cf. notes to chap. on Las Casas.—Ed.]

[1527] [The first edition, of only fifteen cantos, was printed at Madrid in 1569. This was enlarged with a second part when issued at Antwerp in 1575; again at Madrid, in 1578; and at Lisbon, in 1581-88. A third part was printed at Madrid in 1589, and at Antwerp in 1597; and the three parts, with a general title, appeared at Madrid in 1590,—the first complete edition as Ercilla wrote it. Two parts were again issued at Antwerp in 1586; and other editions appeared at Barcelona in 1592, and at Perpignan in 1596. A fourth and a fifth part were added by Osorio after Ercilla’s death, and appeared at Salamanca, 1597, and at Barcelona, 1598. There were later complete editions at Madrid, 1633, 1776, 1828; at Lyons, 1821; and at Paris, 1824 and 1840. Cf. Sabin, vol. vi. no. 22,718; Ticknor, Spanish Literature, ii. 465; Hallam, Literature of Europe, ii. 284; Sismondi, Literature of South of Europe, ii. 271.—Ed.]

[1528] [“A military journal done into rhyme,” as Prescott calls it,—History of the Conquest of Peru, ii. 108.—Ed.]

[1529] [Published at Lima, 1596. Cf. Ticknor, Spanish Literature, ii. 469; Sabin, vol. xiv. no. 57,300; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 506.—Ed.]

[1530] [This was reissued in 1616. Rich, no. 143—£1 4s.—Ed.]

[1531] [The Descubrimiento i Conquista de Chile of Miguel Luis Amunátegui, published at Santiago de Chile in 1862, was a work presented to the University of Chili in 1861.—Ed.]

[1532] Cf. Rich, no. 24; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 176; Murphy, no. 462; Sunderland, vol. iii. no. 7,575; Sabin, vol. iv. no. 13,044.

[1533] Cf. Rich, nos. 26, 27—£1 1s. and £1 10s.; Sabin, 13,045-13,046; Cooke, no. 523; Carter-Brown vol. i. nos. 185, 186; Court, no. 63; Ternaux, no. 66; Brinley, no. 5,345; Leclerc, no. 1,706,—200 francs; Quaritch, £5 and £10; F. S. Ellis (1884) £7 10s. The latest Spanish edition, Crónica del Peru, constitutes vol. xxvi. of the Biblioteca de Autores Españoles, published at Madrid in 1852.

[1534] Sabin, no. 13,047; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 198.

[1535] There are copies in the Lenox and Carter-Brown (vol. i. no. 208) libraries. Cf. Sabin, nos. 13,048-13,049; Leclerc, no. 1,707; Tröwel, no. 19.

[1536] There are copies in the Boston Public, Lenox, and Carter-Brown (vol. i. nos. 231, 249, 254) libraries. A set is worth about $20. (Sabin, nos. 13,050-13,052; Field, 314, 315; Rich, no. 39—10s.; Court, no. 64; Leclerc, no. 1,708; Sobolewski, 3,744; Dufossé, no. 8,978.) Some copies are dated 1564, and dates between 1560 and 1564 are on the second and third volumes (Sabin, no. 13,053). These three parts were again reprinted at Venice in 1576 (Sabin, no. 13,054; Leclerc, no. 1,709; Cooke, no. 524).

[1537] Cf. Leclerc, nos. 2,503, 2,672; Coleccion de documentos inéditos (España) vol. lxviii.

[1538] Rich priced it in 1832 at £1 10s., and Leclerc in 1878 (no. 1,740) at 100 francs. There are copies in the Carter-Brown (vol. ii. no. 96), Boston Public, and Harvard College libraries; and others were sold in the Murphy (no. 2,589) and O’Callaghan (no. 963) collections. Cf. Sunderland, vol. ii. no. 5,358; vol. v. no. 12,814; Ticknor, Spanish Literature, vol. iii. p. 146.

[1539] There are copies in the Boston Public, Harvard College, and Carter-Brown (vol. ii. nos. 183, 197) libraries. Rich priced it in 1832 at £1 10s.; Leclerc (no. 1,741) in 1878 at 100 francs. Cf. Murphy, no. 2,590; Huth, vol. ii. p. 574.

[1540] Leclerc, no. 1,742; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. nos. 327-329; Field, 589.

[1541] Cf. Prescott’s Peru, vol. i. p. 294; Field, 592.

[1542] Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 405; Leclerc, no. 1,745.

[1543] Ibid., vol. ii. nos. 700, 842; Leclerc, no. 1,744.

[1544] Ibid., vol. iii. no. 82.

[1545] Ibid., vol. iii. no. 205.

[1546] Ibid., vol. iii. no. 561; Field, no. 591.

[1547] Leclerc, no. 1,746; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 768.

[1548] Ibid., no. 1,747.

[1549] Cf. Ticknor, Spanish Literature, vol. iii. p. 188.

[1550] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 102; Additions, no. 65.

[1551] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 193; Bibliotheca Grenvilliana, p. 537; Bibliotheca Heberiana, vol. i. no. 1,961.

[1552] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 195; Libri Catalogue (reserved part), no. 32. There is a copy in the Lenox Library.

[1553] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 196; Bibliotheca Grenvilliana, p. 537.

[1554] Spanish Literature, ii. 40.

[1555] Cf. Sabin, vol. xiii. no. 54,945.

[1556] Cf. Carter-Brown, i. nos. 111, 113; Bibl. Amer. Vet., nos. 191, 206; Leclerc, nos. 2,839, at 1,200 francs.

[1557] Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions, nos. 124, 153, 157.

[1558] Leclerc, no. 1,689.

[1559] Cf. Rich, no. 44—£1 4s.; Carter-Brown, i. 268; Quaritch, £3 3s.; Sunderland, vol. iv. no. 9,515; Sabin, vol. i. no. 1,761; Huth, i. 41; Cohn (1884), no. 113, at 75 marks. The Catalogue de M. A. Chaumette des Fossé’s, Paris, 1842, is mainly of books pertaining to Peru.

[1560] Field, Indian Bibliography, no. 67.

[1561] Leclerc, no. 1,808.

[1562] Rich, no. 253—£3 3s.; Sabin, vol. xiv. no. 57,971, 57,972; Carter-Brown, ii. 592; Quaritch, £6 6s.; Sunderland (1883), £5; Rosenthal (1884), 60 marks.

[1563] Leclerc, no. 3,029.

[1564] Leclerc, no. 2,928.

[1565] Boston Public Library Catalogue.

[1566] Bibliotheca Americana, no. 1,687.

[1567] Cf. Karl Klüpfel, in the Bibliothek des literarischen Vereins in Stuttgart, no. xlvii. (1859); Karl Klunzinger, Antheil der Deutschen an der Entdeckung von Südamerika, Stuttgart, 1857; and K. von Klöoen’s “Die Welser in Augsburg als besitzer von Venezuela,” in the Berliner Zeitschrift für allgemeine Erdkunde, v. 441.

[1568] Cf. Schomburgk’s Raleigh’s Discovery of Guiana, p. 17. Raleigh’s enumeration of the various searches for Eldorado in this book are annotated by Schomburgk.

[1569] An account of an earlier expedition by Federmann in this region, Indianische Historia, recounting experiences in 1529-1531, was printed in 1557 at Hagenaw. Ternaux, in the first volume of his Voyages, etc. (Paris, 1837), gave a translation of it, with an introduction. His route, as marked by Klunzinger in the book already cited, is not agreed to by Dr. Moritz Weinhold, in Uber Nicolaus Federmann’s Reise in Venezuela, 1529-1531, printed in the Dritter Jahresbericht des Vereins für Erdkunde zu Dresden, 1866, Anhang, p. 93; also in 1868.

[1570] Fac-simile of engraving in Herrera, iii. 213.

[1571] He is sometimes called Uten, Utre, Urra, etc.

[1572] Introduction of his Search for Eldorado.

[1573] Manuscript copies of these parts are in the Lenox Library.

[1574] Cf. Markham’s introduction to this volume; H. H. Bancroft’s Central America, ii. 61. The Expedition of Orsua and the Crime of Aguirre, by Robert Southey, was published at London in 1821. This was written for Southey’s History of Brazil, but was omitted as beyond its scope, and first published in the Edinburgh Annual Register, vol. iii. part 2, and then separately.

[1575] Ticknor, Spanish Literature, ii. 471. There are copies in the Boston Public, Harvard College, and Lenox libraries.

[1576] Printed at Amberes in 1688; Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,364. There are copies in Harvard College and Lenox libraries. Cf. H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 62. The book is worth £5 to £10. Only the Parte primera was printed; it comes down to 1563.

[1577] There are copies in the Lenox and Harvard College libraries.

[1578] Search for Eldorado, p. xliii.

[1579] Schomburgk, in his Raleigh’s Discovery of Guiana (p. lvi), enumerates the various references to the Amazon story among the early writers on South America. Cf. Van Heuvel, Eldorado, chaps. vii. and viii. Acuña’s account in 1641 is translated in Markham’s Expeditions into the Valley of the Amazons, sect. 71; and also p. 123, Note.

[1580] Vol. III. p. 117, etc. One of the latest accounts is contained in P. G. L. Borde’s Histoire de l’ile de la Trinidad sous le gouvernement espagnol, 1498, etc, (Paris, 1876-1883, vol. i.). Abraham Kendall, who had been on the coast with Robert Dudley, and is the maker of one of the portolanos in Dudley’s Arcano del mare, was with Raleigh and of use to him. Kohl (Collection, no. 374) gives us from the British Museum a map which he supposes to be Raleigh’s.

[1581] Personal Narrative, chap. 17.

[1582] Raleigh’s Discovery of Guiana, published by Hakluyt Society (1848), p. li.

[1583] Schomburgk says that Levinus Hulsius availed himself of this map in constructing his Americæ pars Australis, which accompanies the Vera Historia of Schmiedel, published at Nuremberg in 1599. Cf. Uricoechea, Mapoteca Colombiana, p. 90, no. 5.

[1584] He was in the boundary expedition of Solano. Humboldt calls this map the combination of two traced by Caulin in 1756.

[1585] This enumeration has by no means mentioned all the instances of similar acceptance of the delusion.

[1586] Cf. his Cosmos, Eng. tr., p. 159; Views of Nature, p. 188. He asks: “Can the little reed-covered lake of Amuca have given rise to this myth?... It was besides an ancient custom of dogmatizing geographers to make all considerable rivers originate in lakes.” Cf. also Humboldt’s Personal Narrative and Southey’s History of Brazil.

[1587] Markham’s Valley of the Amazons, p. xlv.

[1588] This book is rare. It was priced by Rich in 1832 (no. 234) at £8 8s. The unsatisfactory French translation by De Gomberville was printed at Paris in 1682. Dufossé recently priced this edition at 150 francs. The original Spanish is said to have been suppressed by Philip IV. but such stories are attached too easily to books become rare. There was a copy in the Cooke sale (1884, no. 10). The Carter-Brown Catalogue (vol. ii. no. 484) shows a copy.

[1589] It can be found in Stocklein’s Reise Beschreibungen, a collection of Jesuit letters from all parts of the World. Markham’s Valley of the Amazons, p. xxxiii.

[1590] On Faleiro’s contributions to the art of navigation, see Humboldt’s Cosmos, Eng. tr., ii. 672.

[1591] [It will be remembered that the original Bull of 1493 fixed the meridian 100 leagues (say 400 miles) west of the Azores or Cape De Verde Islands, supposing them to lie north and south of each other; whereas the limit in force after June 7, 1494, was 370 leagues (say 1,080 miles) west of the Azores, since Portugal, complaining of the first limit, had negotiated with Spain for a new limit, the Pope assenting; and this final limit was confirmed by a convention at Tordesillas at the date above given. Cf. Popellinière, Les trois mondes, Paris, 1582; Baronius, Annales (ed. by Brovius, Rome), vol. xix.; Solorzano, Politica Indiana.—Ed.]

[1592] [See note, Vol. II., p. 7.—Ed.]

[1593] But the word hamac is Haytian, not Brazilian. The hammock itself had been noticed by Columbus. Peter Martyr describes it, and Oviedo figures it in narrating the second voyage. [Cf. Schomburgk’s Raleigh’s Discovery of Guiana, pp. 40, 65.—Ed.]

[1594] [See p. 17 of Vol. II., for a contemporary drawing of a canoe.—Ed.]

[1595] Which they called boi, according to Pigafetta; but this name has not been traced since his time. The Brazilian name of house was oca. Of twelve “Brazilian” words given in Pigafetta, five found their way into European languages. But, oddly enough, three of these were not Brazilian, but were “ship-language,” and borrowed from the West Indies. These are cacich for “king,” hamac for “bed,” maiz for “millet;” perhaps canot is to be added. But Setebos, the name of their god or devil, is Pigafetta’s own. Shakspeare was struck by it, and gives it to Caliban’s divinity.

[1596] Jatropha manihot.

[1597] Sus dorso cistifero (Linnæus).

[1598] Anas rostro plano ad verticem dilatato (Linnæus).

[1599] O’Brien, the Irish giant, was eight feet four inches high. His skeleton is in the College of Surgeons in London.

[1600] [Cf. note on the alleged height of the Patagonians in Thevet’s La France antarctique, Gaffarel’s ed., p. 287. Schouten testifies to finding bones in a grave ten feet and more of stature; and Pernetty’s Voyage aux Isles Malonines (Paris, 1770) gives the testimony of an engraving to their large stature (Field, Indian Bibliography, no. 1,200). There is a cut of two enormous Patagonians standing beside a European in Don Casimiro de Ortega’s Resumen histórico del primer viage hecho al rededor del mundo, emprendido por Hernando de Magallanes (Madrid, 1769). Statements of their unusual height have been insisted upon even in our day by travellers. One of the most trustworthy of recent explorers (1869-1870) of Patagonia, Lieutenant G. C. Musters, says that the men average six feet, some reaching six feet four inches; while the average of the women is five feet four.—Ed.]

[1601] Herrera gives the observation in some detail; but M. Charton says it was not visible there.

[1602] [See the section on “The Historical Chorography of South America.”—Ed.]

[1603] [For Gomez’ subsequent career see Dr. Shea’s chapter on “Ancient Florida,” in Vol. II., and- chapter i. of Vol. IV.—Ed.]

[1604] Juan de Barros.

[1605] Apium dulce.

[1606] See Cook’s First Voyage, i. 70, 74.

[1607] Pigafetta has preserved the vocabulary of ninety words which in this way he made. The words, he says, are to be pronounced in the throat. A few of the words are these: Ears, sanc; eyes, ather; nose, or; breast, othey; eyelids, sechechiel; nostrils, oresche; mouth, piam; a chief, hez.

[1608] This might have been inferred from Pigafetta’s map of the strait, in which the western shore of Patagonia and Chili are well laid in; but that inference seems to have escaped the globe-makers.

[1609] Most observers forget, however, when they look upon a map of this ocean, that the name of an island or group upon the map may cover a hundred, not to say a thousand, times as much space on the paper as the island or group takes up on the surface of the world. Dr. Charles Darwin calls attention to such forgetfulness, in the Voyage of the Beagle.

[1610] The identification attempted on the map (taken from the Hakluyt Society’s volume on Magellan) is one of many conjectures.

[1611] He died in 1534. A brother-in-law of Magellan, Duarte Barbosa, who was killed at the same time with his chief, prepared a manuscript in 1516, which was printed by Ramusio in Italian as Sommario di tutti li regni dell’Indie orientali. This paper, describing from such sources as were available the eastern regions, had not a little influence on Magellan. The original Portuguese was printed by the Lisbon Academy in their Noticias Ultramarinhas, in 1813.

[1612] Bulletin de in Société de Géographie, September, 1843.

[1613] Pigafetta himself mentions a manuscript, Uno libro scripto de tutti le cose passate de giorno in giorno nel viaggio, written by his own hand, and presented by him to Charles the Fifth. Harrisse thinks it was written in French, and describes the manuscripts, Bibl. Amer. Vet. Add., pp. xxx-xxxiii.

[1614] This petition is given in Stanley’s Magellan, and in Harrisse’s Bibl. Amer. Vet. Add., p. xxviii.

[1615] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 134; Carter-Brown, no. 86; Brunet, iv. 650; Des Brosses, Navigations aux terres Australes, i. 121; Panzer, viii. 217; Antonio, Bibliotheca Hispana Nova, ii. 376.

[1616] On the strength of Livres Curieux, p. 29.

[1617] Bibl. Amer. Vet., no. 192.

[1618] Ramusio included it in his Viaggi in 1554, with annotations.

[1619] Bibl. Amer. Vet., 215; Bibliotheca Hebernana, ix. 3,129; Bibliotheca Grenvilliana, no. 548; Stevens, Nuggets, no. 2,753; Libri, 1861, no. 288; Carter-Brown, i. 118; Court, no. 372. There is also a copy in the Lenox Library. Wiley, of New York, priced a copy in 1883, at $145.

[1620] A French version of this text was issued at Paris in 1801; and the Italian text was again printed in 1805. Pigafetta’s story is given in English in Pinkerton’s Voyages, i. 188; in German in Sprengel’s Beyträgen, and in Kries’s Beschreibung von Magellan-Reise, Gotha, 1801. Cf. a bibliography of the manuscript and printed editions of Pigafetta in the Studi biografici e bibliografici, published by the Società Geografica Italiana (2d ed., 1882), i. 262.

[1621] The date in Navarrete is October 5.

[1622] All three of these editions are in the Lenox Library, and the first two are in the Carter-Brown. Cf. Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., nos. 122, 123, 124. Leclerc priced the Cologne edition at 500 francs, and the Rome (1523) at 350. Bibl. Amer. Vet. nos. 376, 377. Dufossé (nos. 11,003, 12,348) puts the Cologne edition at 500 francs, and again (no. 14,892) at 380. The Court Catalogue (Paris, 1884) shows the Cologne edition (no. 220) and the Rome (1524) edition (no. 221). Brunet is in error in calling the Roman edition the earliest. A Cologne copy in the Murphy sale (1884) brought $75; Catalogue, no. 2,519. One in F. S. Ellis’s Catalogue (1884), no. 188, is priced at £42. Cf. Sabin, xi. 47,038-47,042; Carter-Brown, no. 75; Graesse, iv. 451; Ternaux, no. 129. It was also inserted in Latin in the Novus Orbis of 1537 (p. 585), and of 1555 (p. 524), and in Johannes Bœmus’s Omnium gentium mores, etc., Antwerp, 1542; in Italian in Ramusio (i. 347); in Spanish, in Navarrete (iv. 249, dated October 5, and not 24). The narrative in Hulsius (no. xxvi.) is taken from Ortelius and Chauveton. Cf. Panzer, vol. vi., no. 375; Stevens, Nuggets, no. 1,868; Bibliotheca Grenvilliana, p. 454; Ternaux, nos. 29, 30; Graesse, iv. 451, 452; Bibliotheca Heberiana, i. 4,451; ii. 3,687; vi. 2,331; vii. 4,123; Leclerc, no. 69; Bibl. Amer. Vet. Add., no. 136.

[1623] Bibl. Amer. Vet., p. 229, where other missing accounts are mentioned.

[1624] Cf. Bibl. Amer. Vet., p. 229.

[1625] Cf. J. A. Schmeller’s Über einige älten handscriftliche Seekarten, Munich, 1844, which is an extract from the Abhandlungen d. Baier. Akad. d. Wissensch., iv. 1. It is announced (1884) that Harrisse is preparing an annotated edition of the letter.

[1626] Cf. Reclus, Ocean, bk. i., chap. ix. and Chart.

[1627] Cf. Bibl. Am. Vet., nos. 80, 81, 132, 133, 161; Carter-Brown, i. 212, 283, 336; ii. 221; Sabin, xii. p. 90; Ticknor, Catalogue, p. 226.

[1628] Among them may be mentioned, for instance, such books as Argensola’s Conquista de las islas Malucas, Madrid, 1609, which a hundred years later was made familiar to French and English readers by editions at Amsterdam in 1707, and by being included in Stevens’s Collection of Voyages in 1708, while the German version appeared at Frankfort in 1711 (cf. Carter-Brown, ii. 77; iii. 92, 104, 119, 147); Gotard Arthus’s India Orientalis, Cologne, 1608; Farya y Sousa’s Asia Portuguesa, Lisbon, 1666-1675. The final conquest of the Philippines was not accomplished till 1564, when by order of Philip II., Miguel Lopez de Legaspi led a fleet from Navidad in New Spain. For this and the subsequent history of the island see Antonio de Morga’s Philippine Islands (Mexico, 1609) as translated and annotated for the Hakluyt Society by H. E. J. Stanley, 1868. Cf. Pedro Chirino’s Relacion de las islas Filipinas, Rome, 1604 (Rich, Catalogue of Books (1832), no. 99; Sabin, Dictionary, iv. 12,836).

[1629] Cf. also a notice by Navarrete in his Op[usculo]s, i. 143, with (p. 203) an appendix of “Pruebas, ilustraciones y documentos.”

[1630] Sabin, iii. 9,208.

[1631] Wieser has also drawn attention in the Mittheilungen des Instituts für österreichische Geschichtsforschung, v. (heft iii.) to “ein Bericht des Gasparo Contarini über die Heimkehr der Victoria von der Magalhâes’schen Expedition,” with ample annotation.

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE:

—Obvious errors were corrected.

—The transcriber of this project created the book cover image using the title page of the original book. The image is placed in the public domain.