Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. 4 (of 8) / French Explorations and Settlements in North America and Those of the Portuguese, Dutch, and Swedes 1500-1700

by Unknown

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Egypt may perhaps afford an exception; but it is probable that the germs of its civilization came from Asia. All its relations are essentially Asiatic.

[2] It is likely that some part of the Aryan folk found their way to the Pacific shore in Corea and elsewhere; but the Aryan migrations setting to the East must have been uncommon, and the chance of Caucasian blood reaching America by this route small.

[3] I have elsewhere (Introduction to the Memorial History of Boston) noticed the fact that this difficulty in clearing the glaciated soils led the early settlers of New England to use the poorer soils first. Along the shore and the rivers there is a strip of sandy terrace deposits, the soils of which are rather lean, but which are free from boulders, so that the labor of clearing was relatively small. All, or nearly all, the first settlements in the glaciated districts were made on this class of soils.

[4] The slow progress of our agricultural exports during the first two hundred years of the history of this country, is in good part to be explained by the stubborn character of the soil which was then in use. The only easily subdued soils in use before 1800 were those of Virginia and Maryland. The sudden advance of the export trade in grain during the last fifty years marks the change which brought the great areas of non-glaciated soils of the Mississippi Valley and the South under cultivation.

[5] It is an interesting fact that while America has given but one domesticated animal to Europe, in the turkey, it has furnished a number of the most important vegetables, among them maize, tobacco, and the potato. The absence of strong domesticable animals in America doubtless affected the development of civilization among its indigenous people. The buffalo is apparently not domesticable. The horse, which seems to have been developed on North American soil, and to have spread thence to Europe and Asia, seems to have disappeared in America before the coming of man to its shores. The only beast which could profitably be subjugated was the weak vicuna, which could only be used for carrying light burdens. But for the help given them by the sheep, the bull, and the horse, we may well doubt if the Old-World races would have won their way much more effectively than those of America had done.

[6] See for special information on these points the Investigations in the Military and Anthropological Statistics of American Soldiers. By Benjamin Apthorp Gould, Cambridge, 1869, p. 655. It is impossible to give here any sufficient extracts from this voluminous report. The reader is especially referred to chapters viii., ix., and x., for confirmation of the general statements made above.

The following table, compiled from Dr. Gould’s report, is extracted from the “General Account of Kentucky” in my Reports of Progress of Kentucky Geological Survey, new series, Frankfort, Kentucky, 1877, vol. ii. p. 387:—

TABLE OF MEASUREMENTS OF AMERICAN WHITE MEN COMPILED FROM REPORT OF THE SANITARY COMMISSION, MADE FROM MEASUREMENTS OF THE UNITED STATES VOLUNTEERS DURING THE CIVIL WAR. BY B. A. GOULD.

Key to table;
A - Mean weight in pounds.
B - Mean circumference around forehead and occipit.
C - Proportion of tall men in each 100,000.

Mean Height.			A	Mean Circumference of Chest.		B	C
Nativity.	No. of men.	Height in Inches.		Full inspiration. Inches.	After each inspiration.
New England	152,370	67.834	139.39	36.71	34.11	22.02	295
N. Y., N. J., Penn.	273,026	67.529	140.83	37.06	34.38	22.10	237
Ohio, Indiana	220,796	68.169	145.37	37.53	34.95	22.11	486
Mich., Mo., Illinois	71,196	67.822	141.78	37.29	34.04	22.19	466
Seaboard Slave States	...	...	140.99	36.64	34.23	21.93	(*)600
Kentucky, Tenn.	50,334	68.605	149.85	37.83	35.30	22.32	848
Free States west of Miss. R.	3,811	67.419	...	37.53	34.84	21.97	184
British Maritime Provinces	6,320	67.510	143.59	37.13	34.81	22.13	237
Canada	31,698	67.086	141.35	37.14	34.35	22.11	177
England	30,037	66.741	137.61	36.91	34.30	22.16	103
Scotland	7,313	67.258	137.85	37.57	34.69	22.23	178
Ireland	83,128	66.951	139.18	37.54	35.27	...	84
Germany	89,021	66.660	140.37	37.20	34.74	22.09	106
Scandinavia	6,782	67.337	148.14	38.39	35.37	22.37	221

* Slave States, not including Kentucky and Tennessee.

[7] The following statement concerning the history of this brigade during the campaign of 1864 was given me by my friend, General Fayette Hewett, who was adjutant of the command:—

“On the 7th of May, 1864, the Kentucky Brigade marched out of Dalton 1140 strong. The hospital reports show, that, up to September 1, 1,850 wounds were taken by the command. This includes the killed; but many were struck several times in one engagement, in which case the wounds were counted as one. In two battles over 51 per cent of all engaged were killed or wounded. During the whole campaign there were not more than ten desertions. The campaign ended with 240 men able to do duty; less than 50 were without wounds.”

[8] It is worth while to notice that this Dutch colony never had the energetic life of the English settlements, which may be in part attributed to the effort to fix the Continental seigniorial relations upon the land. It failed here as it failed in Canada, but it kept both colonies without the breath of hopeful, eager life which better land-laws gave to the English settlements. Nothing shows so well the perfect unfitness of all seigniorial land-systems to the best development of a country as the entire failure which met all efforts to fix it in American colonies.

[9] [See Vol. III. chap. i.—Ed.]

[10] [See Vol. II. chap. i.—Ed.]

[11] [We have no record of the results from this expedition, if it ever took place. Navarrete, Viages, iii. 42. Charlevoix says, “It is constantly admitted in our history that our kings paid no attention to America before 1523 [1524],” when Francis I. authorized the expedition of Verrazano. Shea’s Charlevoix, i. 107.—Ed.

[12] [Cattle, which many years later were found on Sable Island, were supposed to be descendants of some which Léry landed there. Lescarbot, Nouvelle France, 1618, p. 21, is said to be the only authority for this expedition. Cf. Shea’s Charlevoix, i. 107; Kohl, Discovery of Maine, p. 203; D’Avezac in Nouvelles Annales des Voyages, 1864, vol. iii. p. 83; Harper’s Monthly, xxxiv. 4.—Ed.]

[13] [See Vol. II. for accounts of the predatory excursions against the Spaniards.—Ed.]

[14] [Some, however, have thought it to be Martha’s Vineyard. Cf. Brodhead’s New York, i. 57; Hist. Mag., ii. 99; Mag. of Amer. Hist., February, 1883, p. 91.—Ed.]

[15] [It is accepted by Asher, in his introduction to his Henry Hudson. An ancient cannon found in the St. Lawrence has even been connected with a shipwreck experienced by Verrazano there. Cf. Amable Berthelot, Dissertation sur le Canon de Bronze trouvé en 1826 sur un banc de Sable dans le Fleuve Saint Laurent. Quebec, 1827.—Ed.]

[16] Lok’s translation, fol. 317.

[17] See Vol. II.

[18] Paesi nouamente retrouati, et nouo Mondo da Alberico Vesputio Florentino intitulato. The volume has often been catalogued under the name of Vespucius (the only name that appears upon its titlepage). It has been ascribed to Zorzi on the authority of a note by Humboldt in his Examen critique, iv. 79. Harrisse, in describing the book (Bibliotheca Americana vetustissima, no. 48, pp. 96^d-99), accepted this statement; but in the Appendix to the volume, at p. 469, he says that M. d’Avezac has pointed out that Zorzi collected only some additional manuscript matter in a copy in the Magliabechian Library. Harrisse, therefore, in the Additions to his Bibliotheca, published in 1872, reinserts the title (no. 26, pp. 34-38), and credits the volume to Montalboddo. There is a copy in Harvard College Library, dated Nov. 17, 1508, which is supposed to be of the second edition. The work was translated into French, German, Dutch, and Latin. There is a bibliography of the book in the papers on “Ptolemy’s Geography,” sub anno 1511, in the Bulletin of Harvard University, 1882-1883. [Cf. Vol. II. Index, and Bib. Am. Vet. Add. nos. 48, 71.—Ed.]

[19] Jean et Sébastian Cabot, pp. 256-266.

[20] Primera y segunda parte de la historia general de las Indias, con todo el descubrimiento y cosas notables que han acaecido dende que se ganaron ata el año de 1551. Folio. [See Vol. III. p. 27.—Ed.]

[21] Chap. xxxvii. fol. 43, ed. of Antwerp, 1554.

[22] Historia general de los hechos de los Castellanos en las islas y tierra firme del Mar Oceano. 4 vols. folio. Madrid, 1601-1615.

[23] Delle navigationi et viaggi, raccolte da M. Gio. Battista Ramusio. 3 vols. folio. Venice, 1550-1559.

[24] Tratado que compôs o nobre & notauel capitão Antonio Galuão, dos diuersos & desuayrados caminhos, por onde nos tempos passados a pimenta & especearia veyo da India as nossas partes, & assi de todos os descobrimentos antigos & modernos, que sũo feitos ate a era de mil & quinhentos & cincoenta. Com os nomes particulares das pessoas que os fizeram: & em que tempos & as suas alturas, obre certo muy notauel & copiosa. There is no date on the titlepage, but the colophon says that the book was “printed in the house of John Barreira, printer to the King our Lord, the 15th of December, 1563.”

[25] The Discoveries of the World, from their first originall unto the year of our Lord 1555. 4to, London, 1601.

[26] [Cf. Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. i. no. 241; vol. ii. no. 1; vol. iii. no. 469; Sabin, Dictionary, vol. vii. p. 143.—Ed.]

[27] Chronica do felecissimo Rey D. Manoel, dividada en 4 partes, folio. Lisbon, 1565-1567.

[28] Discoveries of the World (Hakluyt Society’s ed.), pp. 182, 183. The amended translation reads: “He traversed the greater part of Europe by his own free will; a thing worthy of praise and remembrance, since he enlightened his country with many things unknown to her.”

[See Vol. II. on the bibliography of Galvano—Ed.]

[29] I cite from the third edition, published at Lisbon in 1749, apparently an exact reprint of an earlier one. Its title reads: Chronica de serenissimo senhor Rei D. Manoel, escritas por Damião de Goes. A copy is in the Boston Public Library.

[30] De rebus Emmanuelis, regis Lusitaniæ virtute et auspiciis gestis ... libri duodecim. Folio. Cologne, 1571. There were several editions of this work (1581, 1597, etc.), and it was translated into French quite early; into Dutch in 1661-1663; into English by James Gibbs in 1752, and into Portuguese in 1804. Harvard College Library has a copy of the edition of Cologne, 1586, which contains, in addition to the History, a long Preface and Commentary by Metellus Sequanus about the discoveries and navigations of the Spanish and Portuguese.

[31] [Peschel, who did conspicuous service in this field, was born in 1826, and died in 1875. Georg Ebers delivered a “Denkrede” at his death, which is printed, accompanied by a portrait, in the Jahresbericht des Vereins für Erdkunde in Leipzig, 1875.—Ed.]

[32] Die Entdeckung Amerikas, note 115, p. 93. [See Vol. III. p. 217.—Ed.]

[33] Ibid., notes 119, 120, p. 93.

[34] [Cf. also Lafitau, Histoire des découvertes ... des Portugais dans le Nouveau Monde. Paris, 1733. 2 vols. 4to.—Ed.]

[35] Compte rendu of the Congress, i. 232-324 and 469-480.

[36] [There is a sketch of this chart on a later page.—Ed.]

[37] Discovery of Maine, p. 181. [See Vol. III. p. 56.—Ed.]

[38] Navigationi, iii. 423-433.

[39] Recherches sur les voyages et découvertes des navigateurs Normands. 8vo, Paris, 1832. M. Estancelin gives (pp. 216-240) a translation of the Italian version of the great captain’s discourse. He thinks that it may have been written by Pierre Mauclerc, the astronomer of the “Sacre,” one of Parmentier’s vessels; but MM. d’Avezac and Margry attribute it to Pierre Crignon, who was also of Parmentier’s company. See Introduction to the Bref Récit of Jacques Cartier, p. vii; and Margry’s Les Navigations Françaises, pp. 130, 199. The Journal of the Sumatra voyage was found by M. Estancelin among the papers of a M. Tarbé at Sens, who inherited it from his brother, a merchant at Rouen; see Recherches, pp. 191, 192. M. Harrisse (Jean et Sébastien Cabot, pp. 301-303) describes two other manuscripts relating to Parmentier’s voyage, the more important of which will be published in the series of Voyages of which the Cabot is the first volume. Cf. Murphy, Verrazzano, p. 85; Hakluyt, Westerne Planting, p. 197.

[40] Eusebii Chronicon, Paris, 1512, fol. 172; cf. Murphy’s Verrazzano, p. 62. Stephanus was the printer of this Chronicon, and 1511 is found in some copies, or in what is, perhaps, another edition. Cf. Harrisse, Bib. Am. Vet. no. 71; Additions, nos. 43, 54; Muller (1872), no. 571.

[41] Margry, Les Navigations Françaises, appendix, ii. 371 et seq.

[42] Shea’s Charlevoix, i. 106. See the Editorial Note at the end of this chapter.

[43] Navigationi, iii. 420-423.

[44] Collections, 2d ser., i. 37-68.

[45] Divers Voyages (Hakluyt Society’s ed.), pp. 55-90; Principal Navigations, iii. 295-300; again in the 1809 edition. Hakluyt omits this narrative in his single volume of Navigations, published in 1589. [On the Hakluyt publications, see Vol. III., Index.—Ed.]

[46] Pages 197-228. It is also reprinted by Murphy in his Verrazzano, and by Conway Robinson in his Discoveries. The Italian was given in 1853 in the Archivio Storico Italiano, v. ix, Appendix, with an essay on Verrazano by Arcangeli.

[47] Lescarbot, Charlevoix, and others speak of it. The earliest French mention in print is said to be that of Belleforest, in his Histoire universelle du monde, 1570. It was repeated in his 1575 edition; and more at length in his Cosmographie universelle de tout le monde. Ribault, whose expedition took place in 1562, and Laudonnière (1564-1565) both speak of it. But the work of the latter was not printed until 1586, and it has been supposed that the editio princeps of Ribault is the English translation published in 1563. Hakluyt’s statement, in his Discourse concerning Westerne Planting (Maine Historical Society, 2d ser., ii. 20), that Ribault’s narrative was “extant in printe bothe in Frenche and Englishe,” makes it quite possible, however, that the mention in Belleforest is not the earliest printed one. Cf. Shea’s Charlevoix, i. 107.

Among the English authors Hakluyt should be particularly mentioned. He speaks in the Dedication of his Divers Voyages (Hakluyt Society’s ed., p. 11) of Verrazano having been “thrise on that coast” [the American], and of an “olde excellent mappe which he gaue to king Henrie the eight;” giving also a representation of Lok’s map, made “according to Verazanus plat.” In his Discourse on Westerne Planting, first published by the Maine Historical Society in 1877, he says (pp. 113, 114): “There is a mightie large olde mappe in parchemente, made, as yt shoulde seme, by Verarsanus ... nowe in the custodie of Mr. Michael Locke;” and again, of “an olde excellent globe in the Queenes privie gallory at Westminster, which also semeth to be of Verarsanus makinge.”

Herrera condenses the account of the voyage from the letter published by Ramusio; De Barcia (Ensayo chronologico para la historia general de la Florida, 1723) also gives it. This latter identifies Verrazano with the corsair, Juan Florin. Dr. Kohl gives an interesting account of Verrazano’s voyage, with a valuable Appendix on maps, in the eighth chapter of his Discovery of Maine.

[48] [See accounts of Mr. Smith in the N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1873, p. 89, and the American Antiquarian Society’s Proceedings, April, 1871. There has been some discussion of the controversy in the same publication by Charles Deane and J. D. Washburn, April and October, 1876. Cf. Duyckinck, Cyc. of Amer. Lit. Supplement, pp. 7, 157.—Ed.]

[49] See Judge Daly’s letter in the Journal of the American Geographical Society, vol. iii. p. 80.

[50] [Harrisse has enumerated the sources in his Cabots, p. 279. De Costa’s bibliography first appeared in the Magazine of American History, January, 1881.—Ed.]

[51] Third series, vol. xxvi. pp. 48-68; cf. also his note to M. Gravier in the Compte rendu of the “Américanistes,” 1877, p. 536.

[52] This Appendix is printed in the Atti, xv. 355-378.

[53] [It is worthy of note that Ortelius in 1570, aiming to enumerate all available maps for his purpose, makes no mention of any map by either of the Verrazanos.—Ed.]

[54] Fifth series, xxxv. 269-272. The communication runs through four numbers of the Annales, beginning with that of October, 1852; its title is Les papes géographes et la cartographie du Vatican. These papers were published separately the same year under the same title.

[55] Verrazano the Navigator, pp. 124, 125.

[56] The article was reprinted as a chapter of the author’s Verrazano the Explorer.

[57] Vol. vi. pp. 203, 204. Mr. Murphy reproduces this map in his Voyage of Verrazzano, p. 114.

[58] This paper forms a chapter of Verrazano the Navigator, pp. 64-82. [An extract from this globe is given on a later page.—Ed.]

[59] Discovery of Maine, pp. 290-299; Verrazano the Navigator, pp. 140-142; Verrazano the Explorer, pp. 50-56.

[60] The Voyage of Verrazzano, pp. 8, 9.

[61] Ibid., p. 10.

[62] Ibid., p. 14. Cf. De Costa, p. 21, n. 3.

[63] Ibid., pp. 25, 26.

[64] Mr. Major has deciphered the following legend on this map, which settles its date: “Faictes à Arques par Pierre Desceliers, presb^re 1546.” See Harrisse’s Jean et Sébastien Cabot, p. 216, and also a sketch of the map on a later page.

[65] Voyage of Verrazzano., p. 69.

[66] Ibid., pp. 76-79.

[67] Ibid., pp. 126-133.

[68] Voyage of Verrazzano, p. 145.

[69] [He calls it “A Chapter in the Early History of Maritime Discovery in America.” Scholars regret that his death, Dec. 2, 1882, prevented the completion of such a comprehensive work, which was to be the crowning labor of his literary life. There are accounts of Mr. Murphy (with portraits) in Stiles’s Brooklyn, ii. 266; New York Genealogical and Biographical Record, January, 1883; Democratic Review, xxi. 78; xl. 193. His library was particularly rich in editions of Ptolemy and other early works of geography and exploration. Cf. Duyckinck, Cyc. of Amer. Lit. Supplement, 154.—Ed.]

[70] Major, in Geographical Magazine, iii. 188.

[71] Voyage of Verrazzano, pp. 139, 163.

[72] Revue critique, January, 1876.

[73] M. Desimoni also prints these documents; Atti, xv. 176.

[74] Verrazano the Explorer, preface.

[75] See Hakluyt’s Discourse on Westerne Planting, printed by the Maine Historical Society and also Mr. Deane’s note at p. 216 of that volume.

[76] Verrazano the Explorer, pp. 14-19, 21, n. 3.

[77] Ibid., pp. 9-12.

[78] Atti, xv. 124, 146, 147.

[79] Geographical Magazine, iii. 187.

[80] Geographical Magazine, iii. 187.

[81] Discovery of Maine, p. 253; and cf. also Desimoni in Atti, xv. 120.

[82] Verrazano the Explorer, p. 35.

[83] Discovery of Maine, p. 269.

[84] See post, p. 29.

[85] Vol. x. 1866, p. 229.

[86] Jean et Sébastien Cabot, pp. 284-287; Harrisse cites the passages about Gomez.

[87] Geographical Magazine, iii. 187.

[88] Dr. De Costa considers this question of the deduction of the letter from the Ribero map, and gives on one sheet a sketch of the coast from the Verrazano map, and the same coast according to Ribero. See Verrazano the Explorer, pp. 22-25. M. Desimoni devotes a section of his paper to the same question. Atti, xv. 126-130.

[89] Martyr, Opus epistolarum, ed. 1530, fol. cxciiii.

[90] Verrazano the Explorer, p. 44.

[91] [There is an interesting memoir on the history of the successive French flags in the Revue des questions historiques, x. 148, 404; xvii. 506.—Ed.]

[92] For Mr. Brevoort’s account and description of this map, see his Verrazano the Navigator, pp. 122-139.

[93] [The Editor has traced the cartographical history of the Western Sea in a Note following this chapter.—Ed.]

[94] Verrazano the Explorer, pp. 43-63.

[95] Atti, xv. 169-176. In a “revised extract from the Verrazano map, 1881,” prepared after the publication of his book, Dr. De Costa accepts all, or very nearly all, of M. Desimoni’s corrections, which are, however, not of much moment.

[96] [These legends are shown on the fac-simile of Desimoni’s reproduction, given on a later page.—Ed.]

[97] M. Desimoni’s paper is printed in the Atti of the Genoese Society, xv. 355-378. Mr. Brevoort was the first in this country to call attention to this Maggiolo map, in the Magazine of American History for February, 1882. He furnished a second article on the subject in the number of the following July. This map is given on a later page.

[98] Oviedo de la natural hystoria de las Indias. Con preuilegio de la S. C. C. M. On the verso of the titlepage, Sumario de la natural y general istoria de las Indias, que escriuio Gōçalo Fernādez de Oviedo, alias de Valdes, natura de la villa de Madrid, vezino y regidor de la cibdad de santa Maria del antigua del Darien, etc. The colophon states that the book was printed, at the author’s cost, by “Remō de Petras,” at Toledo, and finished Feb. 15, 1526. There is a copy in Harvard College Library.

[99] The Decades of the newe Worlde, or west India, ... wrytten in the Latine tounge by Peter Martyr of Angleria, and translated into Englysshe by Rycharde Eden. 4to, London, 1555. This volume contains Martyr’s first three decades, a translation of Oviedo’s Sumario, and parts of Gomara, Ramusio, Pigafetta, Americus Vespucius, Münster, and others. My citation is from fols. 213, 214.

[100] De orbe nouo Petri Martyris ab Angleria Mediolanensis Protonotarii Cæsaris Senatoris decades. Folio, Complutum (Alcala), 1530.

[101] Opus episcolarū Petri Martyris ... nūc pmū et natū & mediocri cura excusum. Folio. Copies of both books are in Harvard College Library.

[102] Dec. vi. c. 10, fol. xc. The translation is from Lok’s De orbe novo. 4to, London, 1612, fol. 246.

[103] Dec. viii. c. 10, fol. cxvii; Lok’s translation, fol. 317.

[104] Opus epistolarum, book xxxvii. fol. 199.

[105] Hist. gen. de las Indias, Antwerp, 1554, c. xl. fol. 44.

[106] Hechos de las Castellanos, Madrid, 1730; Dec. iii. p. 241.

[107] Galvano (Hak, Soc. ed.), p. 167.

[108] See ante, p. 24.

[109] Chap. viii. There are other modern examinations of these accounts, more or less minute, in Biddle’s Cabot, book ii. chap. 8; in Asher’s Introduction to his Henry Hudson, p. lxxxvii; in Buckingham Smith’s paper, 1866, before the New York Historical Society, epitomized in Hist. Mag., x. 229, and p. 368 for authorities; in Murphy’s Verrazzano, p. 117; and in Brevoort’s Verrazano, p. 80. Harrisse, in his Cabot, p. 282, gives the authorities.

[110] See Harrisse, Bib. Amer. vetus., nos. 134, 192, 215, and p. 249. The whole voyage was published in French at Paris, l’an ix. (1801). Gomez’ desertion is told at p. 43 of this edition. An English translation of Pigafetta is in Pinkerton’s Collection of Voyages, London, 1808-1814, vol. xi. p. 288 et seq. [Cf. the chapter on Magellan in Vol. II.—Ed.]

[111] Coleccion de los viages y descubrimientos que hicieron por mar los Españoles. 5 vols., Madrid, 1825-1837. See on this point his Noticia historica to the Viages menores in vol. iii.

[112] Navarrete, iii. 77.

[113] Ibid., pp. 122-127.

[114] Ibid., pp. 153-160.

[115] Ibid., p. 179.

[116] Coleccion de documentos ineditos relativos al descubrimiento, conquista y organizacion de las antiguas posessiones españolas de America y Oceania. 22 vols., 8vo, Madrid, 1864-1874. This Agreement is in the last volume, pp. 74-78.

[117] New York and London, 1843, pp. 417-419.

[118] [See Vol. III. p. 16; and the present volume, chap. viii.—Ed.]

[119] Discovery of Maine, p. 302.

[120] Discovery of Maine, pp. 307-315. [Cf. the Editorial Note on the maps, 1535-1600, following the succeeding chapter.—Ed.]

[121] Les singularitez de la France antarctique, autrement nommée Amerique; & de plusieurs terres & isles découvertes de nostre temps. Par F. André Thevet, natif d’Angoulesme. 4to. Paris, 1558. [Copies are worth between three and four hundred francs,—Maisonneuve in 1881 pricing it at 400 francs. Quaritch held a copy in 1883 at so high a price as £60. The cuts are well done, and Gaffarel thinks them the work of Jean Cousin.—Ed.] La cosmographie vniverselle d’André Thevet, cosmographe dv roy. Illustrée de diuerses figures des choses plus remarquables vevës par l’auteur, et incogneües de noz anciens & modernes. 2 vols., folio, Paris, 1575. It has 204 pages on America; cf. Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. i. no. 599. Mr. Brevoort says that he has a copy of the Singularitez with the date 1557; see his Verrazano, p. 112. [Another copy of this date (1557) is shown in the Huth Catalogue, vol. iv. p. 1464, which says that its collation agrees with Brunet’s collation of the copies dated 1558. A copy of the 1557 date brought $17 in Boston in 1844. Both books are in the Astor Library.—Ed.]

[122] [Published at Anvers, 1558. The cuts are but poor copies of those in the Paris edition; cf. Bernard’s Geofroy Tory, Paris, 1865, p. 320. Leclerc thinks it rarer than the Paris edition of the same year, because Ternaux does not mention it. (Brinley Catalogue, vol. i. no. 150.) Harvard College Library has this edition, which Quaritch prices at £7 7s.—Ed.]

[123] Historia dell’ India America detta altramente Francea antartica, Venice, 1561. There were other editions in 1567 and 1584. [This edition is worth about £5. Cf. Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. i. no. 236; Muller (1877), no. 3,194; Stevens, Historical Collections, vol. i. no. 995. The Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. i. no. 359, says the 1584 is the 1561 edition with a new title. There is a copy in the Astor Library.—Ed.]

[124] The New found Worlde, or Antarctike, London, 1568. [There is a copy in Harvard College Library. Field (Indian Bibliography, no. 1,547) says it has sold for ten guineas. It is in Gothic letter, and has a portrait of Thevet. Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. i. no. 272.—Ed.]

[125] De Thou, Histoire de France, liv. xvi.

[126] At pages 415-420. Wytfliet had also adopted it.

[127] Northmen in Maine, pp. 63-79; cf. J. H. Trumbull in Historical Magazine, April, 1870, p. 239, confirming De Costa.

[128] Vol. III. p. 197.

[129] See Vol. III. p. 209.

[130] Verrazano, p. 29.

[131] For 1855, p. 374; and for 1856, pp. 17, 18, 319-324.

[132] He later published in the Zeitschrift für allgemeine Erdkunde, neue Folge, vol. xv., an account of discovery in the Gulf of Mexico, 1492-1543.

[133] This was earlier in the possession of Professor Henry, of the Smithsonian Institution, in whose Report for 1856 Dr. Kohl printed a plan for a Cartographical Depot, in connection with the Government. Cf. also American Antiquarian Society’s Proceedings, October, 1867; April, 1869; April, 1872.

[134] He had already, in 1861, published a Geschichte der Entdeckungs Amerikas,—a popular account which was translated by R. R. Noel as a Popular History of the Discovery of America, and published in London in 1862.

[135] Vol. III. p. 8.

[136] The Waldseemüller (Ptolemy) map of 1513, called sometimes “The Admiral’s map,” and known to have been engraved several years earlier, is believed to have been on sale in 1507 (Lelewel, ii. 143), and to have been really drawn in 1501-1504. La Cosa is said to have complained of Portuguese explorations in that neighborhood in 1503. [This new Cantino map has since been described in Vol. II.]

[137] Cf. also Harrisse’s Cabots, pp. 141, 162; Kohl, Discovery of Maine, p. 177; J. A. Schmeller’s “Ueber einige ältere handschriftliche Seekarten” in the Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften, iv. 247.

[138] Vol. II.

[139] Vol. III. p. 212.

[140] Ibid. p. 13.

[141] Now pronounced the work of another. See The Literary Works of Leonardo da Vinci, compiled and edited from the original manuscripts by Jean Paul Richter, London, 1883, where (vol. ii. p. 224) it is said that the Marchese Girolamo d’Adda has brought proof to this end.

[142] Vol. III. p. 214.

[143] Ibid.

[144] Ibid. p. 201.

[145] This chart is given in the atlas (no. iv.) to Kunstmann’s Entdeckung Amerikas; in Stevens’s Notes, etc., pl. v.; in H. H. Bancroft’s Central America, vol. i. 133 (erroneously); and in part in Kohl’s Discovery of Maine, pl. x. A portion of it is sketched in Vol. III. p. 56. Harrisse (Cabots, p. 167) puts it after Balboa’s visit to Panama in 1516-1517, and before 1520, because it shows no trace of Magellan’s Straits. A map of Laurentius Frisius, 1525 (Kohl Collection, no. 102), represents the southern part of what appears to be Greenland, with an island marked “Terra laboratoris” lying west of its extreme point, while the edge of “Terra nova contemti” (Corterealis) is seen further west.

[146] In Kohl’s Die beiden ältesten General-Karten von Amerika, with a section in his Discovery of Maine. Harrisse ascribes it to Nuño Garcia de Toreno. A full consideration of this and of the Ribero map belongs to Vol. II.

[147] Magazine of American History, 1883, p. 477. For Maiollo’s cartographical skill, see Heinrich Wüttke’s “Geschichte der Erdkunde” in the Jahresbericht des Vereins für Erdkunde in Dresden, 1870, p. 61. There are other notes of Maiollo’s work in the Giornale Ligustico, 1875; in D’Avezac’s Atlas hydrographique de 1511, p. 8; in Uzielli’s Elenco, etc.; and in Harrisse’s Cabots, p. 166.

[148] Vol. III. p. 218. Harrisse, Cabots, p. 188, gives a considerable essay on Agnese’s maps. Agnese lived and worked at Venice from 1536 to 1564.

[149] Verrazzano, p. 103.

[150] See Vol. III. pp. 199, 201; cf. also the Münster map of 1544, as given by Lelewel, Géographie du Moyen-Âge, pl. 46.

[151] See the preceding text, and Vol. III., p. 214.

[152] Cf. also Lelewel, p. 170; Peschel, Geschichte der Erdkunde, p. 371; H. H. Bancroft, Central America, i. 148.

[153] Géographie du Moyen-Âge, Epilogue, p. 219.

[154] Les Papes géographes, pp. 26, 65; cf. Lelewel, ii. 170.

[155] Mr. Brevoort has given an account of this collection in his Verrazano, p. 122.

[156] But compare Morton (New English Canaan, Adams’s edition, p. 126), who says, “What part of this mane continent may be thought to border upon the Country of the Tartars, it is yet unknowne.” This was in 1636-37.

[157] Vol. III. pp. 39, 40. Perfect copies of the Divers Voyages are very rare, and its two maps are often wanting. The two British Museum copies have them, but the Bodleian copy has only the Lok map, and the Carter-Brown copy is in the same condition; other copies are in Harvard College Library (map in fac-simile), in the Murphy Collection, and in Charles Deane’s. The Lok map is given in fac-simile, somewhat reduced, in the Carter-Brown Catalogue, i. 288; and (full-size) in the reprint of the Divers Voyages by the Hakluyt Society. A sketch of it is given in Kohl’s Discovery of Maine, p. 290, and in Fox Bourne’s English Seamen. It of course mixes with Verrazano’s plot much other and later information.

[158] Vol. III. p. 123.

[159] See also what is called “The Jomard map of 155-(?)” delineated on a later page.

[160] Lelewel, pl. 46; H. H. Bancroft’s Central America, i. 144. An engraved map by Bordone, in 1534, represents what seems to be North America, calling the vaguely rendered northeastern coast “Terra delavoratore,” while a passage to the west separates a part of South America.

[161] See Vol. III. p. 214.

[162] Lelewel, pl. 46.

[163] See Vol. III. p. 17.

[164] Kohl, in a marginal note, thinks this may refer to Verrazano; he dates the map about 1530.

[165] There is a copy in the Kohl Collection.

[166] Cabots, p. 185.

[167] Paris, 1867, p. 20.

[168] Dr. Kohl (p. 326) says that Alezay was an island near the present Prince Edward, and that the latter was called Brion, having one of its capes named “Orleans,” still found on old maps. But Orleans is also found on the mainland of New Brunswick. Prince Edward Island appears on the Henri II., or the Dauphin’s map (1546), as “Alezay.” The “Cabot” map (1544) calls Prince Edward Island “y^a de S. Juan.” Allefonsce (1542), in maps and Relations, calls it “Saint Jehan.” At this point the student should consult Hakluyt, iii. 205.

[169] Thevet, in his Singularitez de la France antarctique, Anvers, 1558 (f. 147), says that the people found here were almost contrary to the first, as well in language as in manner of life (“tant en langue que maniere de viure”). See Shea’s Charlevoix, i. 113. Thevet had consulted the Discours du voyage at p. 53.

[170] See Vol. III. pp. 185, 186.

[171] Hakluyt says that the Indian name of the island (vol. iii. p. 214) was Natiscotec; while Jean Allefonsce invariably makes the mistake of calling it Ascension Island.

[172] In 1642 the Sieur Maissonneuve selected the site for Montreal; see Champlain’s Œuvres, 1870 (Des Savvages), ii. 39. On Norumbega, see the present work, Vol. III. p. 169. On Hochelaga, also, see Professor Dawson’s Fossil Men and their Modern Representatives: an Attempt to Illustrate the Characters and Conditions of Prehistoric Men in Europe by those of the American Race. London, Hodder & Stoughton, 1880, chaps. ii. and iii. By his excavations, Dr. Dawson has brought to light relics of the Hochelagans, whose ethnic relations he has studied, finding evidence which convinces him that they were representatives of a decaying nation to which the Eries and others belonged, and that originally they were connected with the Mound-Builders. He uses their history in combating some views entertained respecting the antiquity of the Stone Age.

[173] Professor Dawson, speaking of the account in the narrative, which says “that the most precious thing that they have in all the world they call esurguy, which is white, and which they take in the said river in cornifats,” explains that esurguy is “probably a vulgar local name for some shell supposed to resemble that of which these Indians made their wampum. I would suggest that it may be derived from cornet, which is used by old French writers as a name for the shells of the genus Voluta, and is also a technical term in conchology. In this case it is likely that the esurguy was made of the shells of some species of Melania or Paludina, just as the Indians on the coast used for beads and ornaments the shells of Purpura lapillus and of Dentalium, etc. It is just possible that Cartier may have misunderstood the mode of procuring these shells, and that the [his] statement may refer to some practice of making criminals and prisoners dive for them in the deeper parts of the river.”—Fossil Men, etc., p. 32, n.

[174] When Champlain was at Quebec he thought that he identified the site of Cartier’s fort, where he found hewn timber decayed and several cannon balls near the St. Charles and the Lairet. Œuvres, iii. 155. [Lescarbot and Sagard also mention the remains. Faillon (Histoire de la Colonie Française, i. 496) discusses the site of Cartier’s wintering-place. Lemoine (Picturesque Quebec, p. 484) speaks of the remains of one of Cartier’s vessels being discovered in 1843, some parts of which were carried to St. Malo.—Ed.]

[175] The Voyage of Verrazzano, p. 163, and Verrazano the Explorer, p. 25.

[176] Buckingham Smith’s Coleccion de varios documentos, Londres, 1851, p. 107; also Harrisse, Jean et Sébastien Cabot, p. 146.

[177] Possibly he had only three; see Coleccion, etc., p. 107. That he had five is the statement of Hakluyt. The Spaniards understood that Cartier had thirteen ships, Smith’s Coleccion, p. 107. Hakluyt is perhaps in error where he asserts that it was agreed to build five ships. Two of the ships actually sailing with this Expedition were the “Great Hermina” and the “Emerilon.”

[178] [In the Archives of St. Malo (1538) is a record of the baptism of three savages brought there by Cartier. Massachusetts Archives, Documents collected in France, i. 367. Faillon (Histoire de la Colonie Française, i. 524) believes that the Indians found on the St. Lawrence were Iroquois, who were succeeded in Champlain’s time by Algonquins. Bonnetty in the Annales de philosophie Chrétienne, September, 1869, has discussed the question: “Quels étaient les sauvages que rencontra Cartier sur les rives du Saint-Laurent.” Captain J. Carleill, in his undated tract (of about 1583) called Discourse upon the Entended Voyage to ... America (Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. i. no. 350), refers to Cartier’s abduction of the Indians as putting “the whole countrey people into such dislike with the Frenche, as neuer since they would admit any conversation or familiaritie with them, until of late yeares.”—Ed.]

[179] It might indeed be supposed that Roberval, instead of reaching Canada in the autumn of 1541, wintered on the Atlantic coast, and thus met Cartier at Newfoundland in 1542. Indeed, Sir William Alexander says, in his Encouragement to Colonies (p. 15), that Roberval lived “one winter at Cape Breton;” but for the statement he gives no authority, while his style is loose, and by Cape Breton he probably meant Canada, since Roberval would have sailed direct from Cape Breton to the St. Lawrence, instead of circumnavigating Newfoundland.

[180] Hakluyt, in his translation of Allefonsce (iii. 242), reads: “Fort of France Roy, built in August and September, 1542.” The manuscript of Allefonsce, however, does not give the year, though the fact is stated. Hakluyt may have put in the date.

[181] Premier établissement de la foy dans la Nouvelle France. Paris, 1691, i. 12, 13.

[182] Murphy’s Voyage of Verrazzano, p. 39, n. On the sense of the terms discoperto and decouverte, see Verrazano the Explorer, pp. 39, 40.

[183] Allefonsce says: “Ces terres tiennent à la Tartarie, et pense que ce se soit le bout de l’Asie selon la rondeur du monde.” The commission of Francis I. to Cartier reads: “Des terres de Canada et Ochelaga, faisant un bout de l’Azie du costé de l’Occident.” Ramé’s Documents inédits, p. 13.

[184] The entire manuscript, so far as it relates to America, was copied for the writer, with all the maps, by a competent person, under the supervision of the late M. d’Avezac. This copy was used in Mr. Henry C. Murphy’s Voyage of Verrazzano, published in New York in 1875.

[185] Garneau, in his Histoire du Canada, heads one of his chapters, “Abandon temporaire du Canada, 1543-1603.”

[186] Cf. Édits, ordonnances royaux, etc., du Conseil de l’État du Roi (1540-1578) concernant le Canada. 2 vols. 1803-1806. Quebec; revised edition, 1854, 1855.

[187] See page 13 of Documents authentiques et inédits pour servir a l’histoire de la marine Normande et du commerce Rouennais, pendant les xvi^e et xvii^e siècles. Par E. Gosselin, Greffier Archiviste de Palais de Justice de Rouen. Rouen, Imprimerie de Henry Boissel, 1876. 8vo, pp. xv, 173. Also his Nouvelles glanes historiques. Rouen, 1873, p. 7.

[188] Documents, p. 13.

[189] Ibid.

[190] Ibid., p. 14: “5 Louchets à 12 solz pièce; 50 houseaux à 10 solz pièce; 25 manes à 16 solz pièce; 25 haches à faire bois à 12 solz pièce; 50 serpes à couper bois à 6 solz pièce,—le tout pour porter en la Nouvelle France, ou le Roy envoie presentment pour son service.”

[191] Documents, p. 14.

[192] See Inventio Fortunata, B. F. De Costa, p. 12.

[193] See Hakluyt’s Discourse of Westerne Planting, p. 26; and Cabo de Baxos, p. 6; also, a note on the Cardinal, by M. Gravier, in the Magazine of American History, ix. 214.

[194] Lescarbot’s Nouvelle France, pp. 422-426.

[195] Discourse, etc., p. 26.

[196] Principal Navigations, iii. 236.

[197] Hakluyt in his third volume gives accounts of several English voyages to the St. Lawrence, 1593-1597.

[198] Navarrete, Bibliotheca maritima, i. 396.

[199] [There is a view of this manor in the Relation originale, Paris, 1867. In the Massachusetts Archives, Documents collected in France, i. 263, is a paper on the genealogy of Cartier, by M. Cunat, of St. Malo, communicated to Mr. Poore by M. d’Avezac. This and various other copies of papers (many of which have of late years been printed) relating to Cartier are preserved in the office of the Régistraire de la Province de Québec. In 1883 the Chambre of the Province ordered a list made of the documents relating to Canadian history in that office, which was in March furnished by the secretary, J. Blanchet, and printed as no. 62 of the legislative documents. It shows about one thousand documents from the time of Cartier to the American Revolution.—Ed.]

[200] See Transactions of the Quebec Literary and Historical Society, 1862, which contains valuable articles (p. 141).

[201] Edition of 1728; dec. iii. l. x. cap. 9.

[202] Vol. iii. p. 809.

[203] Herrera (Historia general, Madrid, 1601, dec. ii. l. v. c. 3, seemingly under the year 1519) reports “fifty ships, Spanish, French, and Portuguese, fishing;” but the true date is 1527. Oviedo indicates the date in his Historia general de las Indias (Madrid, 1851), 611. See Brevoort’s Verrazano the Navigator, pp. 147, 148, and the Northmen in Maine, on Rut’s voyage, p. 55.

[204] Nouvelle France, 1612, p. 22.

[205] Cf. J. B. Gilpin, Lecture on Sable Island, Halifax, 1858, 24 pages.

[206] Vol. iii. fol. 369.

[207] [Cf. Harrisse, Notes, etc., no. 5. There are copies of this in the Carter-Brown Library (Catalogue, vol. i. no. 331); in the Huth Collection (Catalogue, vol. i. p. 267); and in the Grenville Collection, British Museum. This narrative was followed by Pinkerton and Churchill in their Voyages.—Ed.]

[208] Vol. iii. p. 201.

[209] The following is the title: Discours dv voyage fait par le Capitaine Iaqves Cartier aux Terres-neufues de Canadas, Norembergue, Hochelage, Labrador, et pays adiacens, dite nouuelle France, auec particulieres mœurs, langage, et ceremonies des habitans d’icelle.—A Roven, de l’imprimerie de Raphæl du Petit Val, Libraire et Imprimeur à l’Ange Raphæl, M.D.XCVIII., avec permission du Roy. This has been reprinted at Quebec in the Voyages de découverte au Canada, 1534-1552, published under the direction of the Literary and Historical Society, Cowan, 1843, and at Paris by Tross, 1865. It is followed in Ternaux-Compans (Archives des voyages, Paris, 1840), and is used in Lescarbot’s Histoire de la Nouvelle France, livre iii. chaps. 2-5; and of this last text Harrisse (p. 2) says, “Ce n’est qu’une médiocre reproduction de celui de Petit-Val,” a publisher of Rouen.

[210] See Harrisse’s Notes pour servir, etc., Paris, 1872, p. 11. Harrisse found copies in the National and Sainte-Geneviève libraries of Paris, and says it follows a text not now known; and that Hakluyt in his Principall Navigations followed still another text.

[211] Relation originale du voyage de Jacques Cartier au Canada en 1534: Documents inédits sur Jacques Cartier et le Canada (nouvelle série), publiés par H. Michelant et A. Ramé, accompagnés de deux portraits de Cartier, et de deux vues de son manoir. Paris, Tross, 1867. The original manuscript bears the erroneous date of 1544.

[212] Ante, p. 49.

[213] In neither of these narratives do we find any reference to those who preceded Cartier in the New Land; nor even, except in two cases, is there a passing allusion to contemporary voyages; yet both Normans and Bretons were active. Again, there is no mention of any map or chart.

The Normans and Bretons probably sailed to the banks of Newfoundland before Cabot made Prima Vista. An early mention of their voyages is that of the Gran Capitano Francese of 1539, found in Ramusio (Raccolta, 1556, iii. 359), where they are spoken of as frequenting the northern parts thirty-five years before, and giving a well-known headland its present name of Cape Breton. [This “gran capitano” is held by Estancelin in his Navigateurs Normands to be Jean Parmentier of Dieppe, and Pierre Crignon is named as the writer of the somewhat confused routier and narrative given in Ramusio. Cf. Shea’s Charlevoix, i. 132; Major’s Early Voyages to Terra Australis, Introduction; and Murphy’s Verrazzano, p. 85. Harrisse (Cabots, p. 249) also discusses the question of the Capitano’s identity.—Ed.] Ramusio also (iii. 359) refers to Jean Denys and the pilot Gamort, of Rouen, who sailed to Newfoundland in a ship of Honfleur about the year 1506. Ramusio (iii. 359) also mentions that Thomas Aubert of Dieppe voyaged thither in the “Pensée” in 1508.

Gosselin shows that in 1508 other ships sailed to Newfoundland, and that they were generally of a tonnage from sixty to ninety tons. “I cite, among others,” he says, “‘Bonne-Aventure,’ Captain Jacques de Rufosse; the ‘Sibille’ and the ‘Michel,’ belonging to Jehan Blondel; and then the ‘Marie de Bonnes Nouvelles,’ equipped by Guillaume Dagyncourt, Nicolas Duport, and Loys Luce, associated citizens, the command of the ship being given to Captain Jean Dieulois” (Documents, etc., p. 13). In view of those cases, which appear to be a few of many, how poor is the appearance of that scepticism which has so long led writers to look askance at the statements of Ramusio concerning Aubert and the “Pensée”! The records of Normandy and Brittany are doubtless rich in facts relating to obscure points of American history.

[There is in Mr. Parkman’s Collection (vol, i. p. 89), among the copies made for him in France by Mr. Poore, a map of the St. Lawrence Gulf, with the route of Cartier in 1534 pricked out. The map is signed N. B.; and I suppose it to have been made by Bellin, the map-maker who supplied Charlevoix with his maps. Faillon (Histoire de la Colonie Francaise, i. 523) argues that all three of the Relations as we have them were the work of Cartier himself. Ramé gives a copy of an ancient register at St. Malo, said to be in Cartier’s hand, which preserves the names of his companions.—Ed.]

[214] “Brief Recit & succincte narration de la nauigation faicte es ysles de Canada, Hochelage, & Saguenay, & autres, auec particulieres meurs, langaige, & cerimonies des habitans a’icelles; fort delectable à veoir [vignette]. Avec priuilege. On les uend a Paris au second pillier en la grand salle du Palais, & en la rue neufue Nostredame a l’enseigne de lescu de frāce, par Ponce Roffet dict Faucheur, & Anthoine le Clerc, frères, 1545.” Reprinted at Paris by Tross in 1863, with a collation of the three manuscripts in the Bibliothèque Nationale, which are described in an “Introduction historique par M. d’Avezac,” substantially reprinted in Malte Brun’s Annales des voyages, July, 1864. These manuscripts are numbered, according to Harrisse (Cabots, p. 79), “Fonds Moreau, 841,” and “Fonds français, 5,589, 5,644, 5,553.” The Tross reprint is also accompanied by a fac-simile of a plan of Hochelaga, taken from the version of Ramusio, and a map of “Nova Francia” (given on another page), used by the Italian editor to illustrate an accompanying piece, the “Discorso d’vn gran Capitano” (iii. 352) shown in Verrazano the Explorer (p. 54) to have been modelled in part from the map of Verrazano. There appears to be but one copy of the Brief recit, 1545, known at present. This is in the Grenville Collection in the British Museum. A second copy was found by Tross, and was lost in the ship on its way to America. Muller at one time advertised a copy at $125. See Sabin, Dictionary, vol. iii. no. 11,138; Harrisse, Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, no. 267. It is reprinted in Kerr’s (vol. vi.) and Pinkerton’s (vol. xii.) Voyages.

[215] In vol. iii.

[216] Page 3.

[217] Vol. iii. p. 212.

[218] Hakluyt speaks of “the Frenche originall which I sawe in the King’s Library at Paris, in the Abbay of St. Martine,” and says that Donnaconna had been in “his barke” to that “contrie where cynamon and cloves are had.” See Hakluyt’s Westerne Planting, p. 112.

[219] Vol. iii. p. 232.

[220] Vol. iii. p. 240.

[221] Page 412.

[222] Edition of 1883, vol. i. p. 17.

[223] “The division of authority between Cartier and Roberval defeated the undertaking. Roberval was ambitious of power, and Cartier desired the exclusive honor of discovery. They neither embarked in company nor acted in concert. In May, 1541, Cartier sailed from St. Malo. Arrived at the scene of his former adventures, near the site of Quebec, he built a fort; but no considerable advances in geographical knowledge appear to have been made. The winter passed in sullenness and gloom. In June, 1542, he and his ships returned to France, just before Roberval arrived with a considerable reinforcement. Unsustained by Cartier, Roberval accomplished no more than a verification of previous discoveries. Remaining about a year in America, he abandoned his immense vice-royalty.”

There is, however, no good proof of these charges. At the time when Roberval is represented as contending with Cartier, the former must have been in Canada. We have no proof of any conflict of authority. Facts recited in the present chapter do not appear to have been known to Mr. Bancroft. Kohl (Discovery of Maine, p. 343) appears to have known nothing beyond what is found in Hakluyt with reference to the meeting at St. John’s. Parkman (Pioneers of France, p. 202, edition of 1882) says that Roberval sailed for Canada in April, 1542, and that, soon after reaching St. John’s, “he descried three other sail rounding the entrance to the haven, and with wrath and amazement recognized the ships of Cartier.... The Viceroy ordered him to return; but Cartier escaped with his vessels under cover of night, and made sail for France.” See also Gay’s Popular History of the United States, i. 188; and, on these voyages, Biographie des Malouins célèbres, Paris, 1824; St. Malo illustré par ses marines, by Cunat, Paris, 1857; Biographie Bretonne, by Livot, Vannes, 1858. Also, D’Avezac’s edition of the voyage of 1545, Paris, 1863, f. xiii. This author does not appear to have known that Roberval sailed in 1541, instead of 1542. Hatton, in his Newfoundland, London, 1883, p. 14, also goes very wide of the mark.

[224] Harrisse, Notes, pp. 243-253.

[225] Ibid.

[226] Ibid., pp. 259-264.

[227] Ibid., pp. 254-258.

[228] Ibid., pp. 268-271.

[229] Ramé, Documents inédits, p. 12; and the Transactions of the Quebec Literary and Historical Society, 1862, p. 116.

[230] Documents inédits, p. 12; Transactions, etc., p. 120.

[231] Gosselin’s Nouvelles glanes historiques Normandes (Rouen, 1873), p. 4; forming a limited edition of Documents inédits.

[232] Harrisse, Jean et Sébastien Cabot, p. 212.

[233] Hakluyt, iii. 232.

[234] Nouvelles glanes, p. 6.

[235] Ibid., p. 6.

[236] Ibid., p. 6.

[237] Ibid., p. 6, and Hakluyt, iii. 240.

[238] Hakluyt, iii. 241.

[239] Harrisse, Notes, p. 272.

[240] Cosmographie of Allefonsce; Hakluyt, iii. 241.

[241] Ibid., p. 240.

[242] Transactions, 1862, p. 93.

[243] Ibid., p. 241.

[244] Transactions, p. 90.

[245] “Jacques Cartier, après avoir réclamé 4,500 livres pour L’Hermine et L’Emerillon, ajoute: ‘Et on ce qui est du tiers navise, mettre pour 17 mois qu’il a été au dit voyage du dit Cartier, et pour huit mois qu’il a été à retourner quérir le dit Robertval au dit Canada, au péril de nauleige, ce seront 2,500 livres, et pour les deux autres qui fuerint au dit voyage, six mois à cent livres le mois, sont douze cent livres.’” (Transactions, etc., 1862, p. 93.) See also Documents inédits, p. 28.

[246] Transactions, p. 93. Harrisse (Jean et Sébastien Cabot, p. 215) suggests that Cartier brought Roberval home in the month of June, 1544. This, however, was not so, as Cartier had actually returned prior to April 3, 1544.

[247] Transactions, p. 94.

[248] Cf. A. Walker on “A Forgotten Hero” in Fraser’s Magazine, 1880, p. 775.

[249] Shea’s Charlevoix, i. 131; also, Le Clercq, Établissement de la foy, i. 14.

[250] An episode in the voyage of Roberval, not alluded to by Hakluyt, is preserved in Thevet’s Cosmographie universelle, Paris, 1575. Thevet drew his accounts of New France partly from the navigators and partly from his imagination, deliberately inventing facts where he deemed it necessary, being upon the whole a mendacious character. Nevertheless he was well acquainted with Roberval and Cartier, and is said to have lived six months with the latter at St. Malo. [The Northmen in Maine, by Dr. De Costa, p. 63, and Biographie universelle, 1826-1827, vol. xxv.; also, vol. xlix. on Villegagnon.] This episode covers the case of Roberval’s niece, who in 1541 went on the voyage with him, becoming the victim of a young man who followed her from France. As punishment, she was put ashore with her old nurse on an island called the Isle of Demons, which figures prominently in the map found in the Ptolemy of Ruscelli, her lover being allowed to join them. On this island both of her companions died. After more than two years she was rescued by a fishing-vessel, and carried to France. Her story was first told in the Heptameron of Marguerite, published at Paris in 1559, forming number lxvii: “Extrême amour et austérité de femme en terre étrange.” Thevet, in his Cosmographie (ii. 1019), recasts the story, and says that he had the account from the princess herself, who, in a little village of Périgord, met the young woman, who had sought an asylum there from the wrath of her uncle Roberval. In his Grand insulaire, a manuscript preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris (Harrisse, Notes, p. 278), which antedates his Cosmographie, Thevet also has a version of the story. In the latter work it is given in connection with the fabulous account of a Nestorian bishop. It is illustrated by a picture of the woman on the Isle of Demons shooting wild beasts.

[251] Vol. iii. p. 232.

[252] [There have been various theories regarding the origin of the name Canada, for which see Faillon, Histoire de la Colonie Française, i. 14; Warburton’s Conquest of Canada (New York edition), i. 54; Historical Magazine, i. 153, 188, 217, 315, 349, and ii. 23; B. Davis in Canadian Naturalist, 1861; Magazine of American History, 1883, p. 161; and Canniff’s Upper Canada, p. 3. There seems to have been a belief in New England, at a later day, that “Canada” was derived from William and Emery de Caen (Cane, as the English spelled it), who were in New France in 1621, and later. Cf. Morton’s New English Canaan, Adams’s edition, p. 235, and Josselyn’s Rarities, p. 5; also, J. Reade in his history of geographical names in Canada, printed in New Dominion Monthly, xi. 344.—Ed.]

[253] Pages 87, 88, 105.

[254] This began with Charlevoix, who (Shea’s edition, i. 129) says: “The King, by letters-patent inserted in the Etat ordinaire des guerres, in the Chambre des Comptes at Paris, dated Jan. 15, 1540, declares him Lord of Norimbequa, Saguenay, Newfoundland, Belleisle, Carpon, Labrador, Great Bay, and Baccalas, giving him all these places with his own royal power and authority.” This is questioned by Parkman (Pioneers of France, p. 197); and in his note to Charlevoix’s statement, Dr. Shea says that Parkman “confounds his commission and patent,” referring to Lescarbot’s edition of 1618, which, however, does not bear out the statement, recalled later. Allefonsce says (Hakluyt, iii. 239), “The extension of all these lands upon just occasion is called New France. For it is as good and temperate as France, and in the same latitude.”

[The appellation of New France, according to Parkman (Pioneers of New France, p. 184), was earliest applied, just succeeding the voyage of Verrazano; and the Dutch geographers, he says, are especially free in the use of it, out of spite to the Spaniards. Faillon, in his Histoire de la Colonie Française, i. 511, errs in tracing its earliest use to Cartier’s second Relation, where, writing in the third person, he says, “aux terres neuves, par lui [nous?] appellées Nouvelle France.” Shea, in his Charlevoix, ii. 20, finds the “Nova Gallia” of the globe of Euphrosynus Ulpius (1542) as early a use as any of those which he records. Charlevoix himself had not traced it back of Lescarbot (1609).—Ed.

[255] See chap. xii. of La historia general de las Indias y nueuo mundo, con mas la conquista del Peru y de Mexico: agora nueuamente añadida y emendada por el mismo autor, con una tabla muy cumplida de los capitulos, y muchas figuras que en otras impressiones no lleva. Venden se en Caragoça en casa de Miguel de Çapila mercader de’ libros. Año de 1555.

[256] 1857, vol. ii. p. 317.

[257] Harrisse, in his Jean et Sébastien Cabot (Paris, 1882, p. 206), quotes from La grande insulaire of Thevet a manuscript in the Bibliothèque Nationale, showing that he was detained a prisoner at Poitiers by Francis I.; while in his Cosmographie universelle, folio 1021, he says it was “pour la prinse de quelques naviere d’Espaigne.” Allefonsce was a privateer, or “corsair,” and was so zealous in his work, that, to propitiate Spain, the King was obliged to put him in prison. He probably gave too much offence to the king’s enemies.

[258] Vol. iii. p. 240.

[259] It might appear that Allefonsce was dead at the time; his Cosmographie was finished in 1545, as the finishing touch was given by Paulin Secalart. The lines referred to are as follows:

“La mort aussi n’a point craint son effroy,
Ses gros canons, ses darts, son feu, sa fouldre,
Mais l’assaillant l’a mis en tel desroy,
Que rien de luy ne reste plus que poudre.”

[260] See also Harrisse, in Jean et Sébastien Cabot, p. 203, on Allefonsce.

[261] The Northmen in Maine, p. 131; and Lescarbot, Nouvelle France, p. 46. Bergeron, in his Voyages faits principalments en Asie, dans les XII., XIII., XIV., et XV. Siècles, a La Haye, 1735, part ii. p. 5, criticises the misprints of proper names in this volume.

[262] This work is preserved in the Manuscript Department of the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, no. 676, under Secalart. It is a stout paper folio, 9 × 13 inches, written on both sides. This rude specimen of penmanship was originally designed for Francis I., like the book of John Rotz now in the British Museum. It contains 194 leaves; the titlepage is wanting. On what now forms the second leaf of the third page is found the following: “Jehan allafonsce—:—Paulin secalert,” with the motto: “Pouvre et Loil.”

It is signed “Nous Jehan allefonsce et Paulin Secalert.” Underneath is the date. “Paulin” might, perhaps, be read “Raulin.” The first line of every page is in red, the initials forming grotesque human faces. The work abounds in flourishing capitals, and the text is difficult to decipher. The maps are rude sketches, intercalated to illustrate the text, and washed with yellowish, reddish, and greenish tints. The islands are chiefly in gold, though some are red and green. At the end of the volume is a map of France with the royal arms. On a map of England is a rude representation of London. There are also four pages of plans and diagrams, relating chiefly to London and Bordeaux. The legends on the maps are written in a brown tint, much faded, though upon the whole the volume is in a good state of preservation. Cf. “L’hydrographie d’un découvreur du Canada,” in Margry’s Navigations Françaises.

[263] It will be remembered (Hakluyt, iii. 6) that Cabot’s Prima Vista was near “the Island of St. John.” On the map is the fabulous island of St. John out at sea, and the real St. John, now Prince Edward, is in the Gulf of St. Lawrence. On this subject Hakluyt appears to have been confused. In his Principal Navigations (iii. 625) he speaks of “the isle of Iohn Luis or John Alverez in 41;” and in a marginal note says, “This is a very commodious Isle for us on our way to Virginia.” On page 627 he defines the position further, saying: “From Bermuda to the Isle of St. Iohn Luis or John Alverez 320 [leagues]. From the Isle of Iohn Luis or Alverez to Flores 320.” This appears to have been one of the flying islands. See Magazine of American History, viii. 510; The Northmen in Maine, p. 139. See also Harrisse’s Cabots, p. 275.

[264] Mr. Murphy, in his Voyage of Verrazzano, p. 38, mistranslated the text, reading ung as cinq, and making the latitude 45° instead of 41°. The original manuscript reads, “Le dict cap est par le quarente et ung degrez,” and overturns Mr. Murphy’s hastily formed theory. See also Verrazano: a Motion for a Stay of Judgment. New York, 1876, p. 10.

[265] In his narrative as given by Hakluyt (iii. 239): “I doubt not but Norumbega [River] entreth into the Riuer of Canada, and vnto the Sea of Saguenay.” Again, “from the entrance of Norumbega [at the Penobscot] vnto Florida are 300 leagues.”

[266] This may have been done by those Portuguese who disputed the title, and whose quarrels with the French were composed at Newfoundland by Roberval. Ante, p. 57; and Hakluyt, iii. 240.

[267] Voyages avantureux, Poitiers, 1559.

[268] “Premier livre de la description de tous les ports de mer de lunivers. Avec summaire mention des conditions differentes des peoples et addresse pour le rang de ventz propres a naviguer.” By Jehan Maillord, Mallert, or Mallard, preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, and quoted by Harrisse, Jean et Sébastien Cabot, pp. 223-227.

[269] Hakluyt, vol. iii.; see Vol. III. of the present work, pp. 171, 187.

[270] Here, indeed, it may prove of interest to give their respective descriptions of the same region. Vumenot writes: “La terre n’est pas fort haute, elle est bien labouree, et est garnie de ville et Chasteaux, ilz adorent le Soliel et la lune. D’icy tourne la coste au sud-sudoest et au sud, jusque un cap qui est haute terre, et ha une grand isle de terre basse, et trois ou quatre petits isles.”

This is a description of Cape Cod and the neighboring coasts, which, in the verse of Maillard, appear in the same way:—

“Ils ont chasteaux et villes quilz decorent
Et le Soliel et la lune ilz adorent
En ce pays leur terre est labouree
Non terroy hault mais assez temperee
Dicy la coste ainsy comme jai sceu
Au susseroest elle tourne aussy au su
Plus de cent lieux et jusque au cap va terre
Qui se congnoist en une haulte terre
Qui a vne isle en terre basse grande
Et troys ou quatre isleaux a sa demande
Et de ce cap a lisle se dit.”

Harrisse says that Maillard based his description upon the manuscript of Allefonsce, and not on the printed work, saying that the former was “begun in 1544 and finished in 1546;” whereas the manuscript itself shows that it was “finished the 24th day of November, 1545.” It is also said that Francis I., for whom Maillard wrote, died March 31, 1547, while the Voyages avantureux did not appear until 1559, which seems to have been the case; yet the verses agree with the printed work instead of the manuscript of Allefonsce, and bear no relation to the manuscript other than that borne by the book. We speak here, of course, only of that part of Maillard’s performance given in Jean et Sébastien Cabot. In several cases Maillard makes a point not in the book; as, for instance, where (line 131) he says of the Norumbega peltry,—

“De maint marchant bien cherement requise;”

but this statement is not found in the manuscript of Allefonsce itself. That Maillard wrote these verses describing our coast after the corresponding portion of Voyages avantureux had been composed, might seem to be indicated by the fact that the substance of a line omitted after line 28 is found in the prose version of 1559, as follows: “Tous le gens ceste terre ont queue,” which is an allusion to the old story told in the manuscript of Allefonsce, who says that towards the north, “in some of these regions are people with pig’s tails and faces,”—a statement which the printed work reduces so as to read, “All the people of this land have queue.” This was overlooked by the poet or transcriber.

The connection between Maillard’s work and the printed narrative is curious, for the two pieces show a common origin, while two different writers, independently of one another, could not have produced two versions so much alike; though it should be noted that at line 138 Maillard spoils the sense by writing “vne isle,” instead of “une grand ville,” as in the printed book,—unless, indeed, he intended to discredit the story of the “great city” of Norumbega, which Allefonsce in his manuscript simply styles “une ville.” There is no necessity for supposing that Maillard ever saw the manuscript of Allefonsce. He may have used the manuscript of the printed volume of 1559, if it was in existence in the time of Francis. It certainly was written March 7, 1557, when the printing was authorized. It is a curious fact that in 1578 one Thomas Mallard, or Maillard, published an edition of Allefonsce at Rouen: Les voyages avantvreux dv Capitaine Iean Alfonce, Sainctongeais: Contenant les Reigles & enseignmens necessaires a la bonne & seure Nauigation. Plus le moyen de se gouuerner, tart enuers les Barbares, qu’autres nations d’vne chacune contrée, les sortes de marchandises qui se trouuent abondamment à icelles: Ensemble, ce qu’on doit porter de petit prix pour trocquer avec iceux, afin d’en tirer grand profit. A Rouen, chez Thomas Mallard, libraire: pre le Palais deuant l’hostel de ville, 1578. Evidently Jehan Maillard, the poet, had some unexplained connection with the volume that appeared in 1559.

[271] Vol. iii. p. 237.

[272] “Les terres allant vers Hochelaga sont de beaucoup meilleures et plus chauldes que celles de Canada, et tient terre de Hochelaga au Figuier et au Perou, en laquelle abonde or et argent.”

[273] One thing must strike the student in going through these topics; namely, the indifference shown by the respective navigators and explorers to their predecessors. Cartier makes no reference to Verrazano, and Allefonsce pays no attention to Cartier. So far as the writings of Allefonsce go, it would hardly appear that any such person as Cartier ever existed. Of Roberval himself, the pilot of Saintonge makes but a single mention in passing, while Maillard speaks of Cartier only in a dedication.

[274] [There is a paper on the map literature of Canada, by H. Scaddin, in the Canadian Journal, new series, xv. 23. A large Carte de la Nouvelle France, pour servir à l’étude de l’ histoire du Canada depuis sa découverte jusqu’en 1760, par Genest, was published a few years since.—Ed.]

[275] Ramé’s Documents inédits, p. 3.

[276] Kohl (Discovery of Maine, p. 350) speaks of it as open on the map of Ribero. Maps iv. and vii. of Kunstmann’s Atlas show the straits open. [Some of these maps are sketched in the Editorial Note following the preceding chapter.—Ed.]

[277] “I can write nothing else vnto you of any thing I can recouer of the writings of Captaine Iaques Cartier, my uncle diceased, although I haue made search in all places that I could possibly in this towne, sauing of a certaine booke made in maner of a sea chart, which was drawne by my said vncle, which is in the possession of Master Cremeur,—which booke is passing well marked and drawne for all the Riuer of Canada, whereof I am well assured, because I my self haue knowledge thereof as far as the Saults, where I haue beene: The height of which Saults is in 44 degrees. I found in the said chart beyond the place where the Riuer is diuided in twaine, in the midest of both the branches of said riuer, somewhat neerest that arm which runneth toward the northwest, these words following written in the hand of Iaques Cartier:—

“‘By the people of Canada and Hockeloga it was said, That here is the land of Saguenay, which is rich and wealthy in precious stones.’”—Hakluyt, iii. 236.

[278] See for these maps, ante, pp. 26, 39.

[279] Discovery of Maine, p. 296.

[280] [This map is sketched ante, p. 40.—Ed.]

[281] Historia, etc. (Madrid, 1852), ii. 148. [See post, p. 81.—Ed.]

[282] Ibid., p. 149.

[283] Kohl’s Discovery of Maine, p. 292. [See the map, ante, p. 38.—Ed.]

[284] The writer knows of but one copy of this map,—that in possession of Mr. J. Carson Brevoort. It is described in the Bulletin of the American Geographical Society, 1878, p. 195.

[285] The contents of this globe have not been published. Though Cartier is not recognized, we read, “Terra Francesca;” and on the northern border of Labrador, “TERRA PER BRITANOS INVENTA.” Another Spanish globe—say of 1540—gives no trace of Cartier. It seems to be a fact that Spaniards were sent to search the Gulf of St. Lawrence after Cartier’s voyages; while Le Blanc, Les voyages fameux, etc. (Paris, 1649, part iii. p. 63), referred to by Charlevoix, tells us that the St. Lawrence was visited by Velasco the Spaniard in 1506.

[286] In a sketch which the late M. d’Avezac made for the writer before the latter had personally examined the original manuscript, which bears the folio mark 184 instead of 187, “Laboureur” reads, as it should, “Norumbega.” We have sketches bearing the two numbers showing this difference, while also no. 184 does not show “Isla de Saint-Jean.”

[287] The Cosmographie says: “Passing about twenty leagues west-northwest along the coast, you will find an island, called St. Jean, in the centre of the district, and nearer to the Breton region than to Terra Nova. This entry to the Bretons is twelve leagues wide, and in 47° 30′ north. From St. Jean’s Island to Ascension [Assumption] Island, in the Canadian Sea, it is forty leagues across, northwest-by-west. St. Jean and Bryon and Bird Island are 47° north.” A little farther on he says: “Southeast of Cape Ratz [Race] there are two lost islands, which are called Isle St. Jean, D’Estevan,—lost because they consisted of sand.” He also mentions the Isle of St. Brandon, and “a large island called the Seven Cities, forming one large island, and there are many persons who have seen it as well as myself, and can testify; but I do not know how things look in the interior, for I did not land upon it. It is in 28° 30′ north latitude.”

[288] See on this globe, Verrazano the Explorer, p. 64; and the engraving of it, ante, p. 42.

[289] On the Nancy globe; see the Magazine of American History, vi. 183; and the sketch, ante, p. 81.

[290] Map in the British Museum, 25 × 15 inches. See post, p. 83.

[291] See sketch, post, p. 87.

[292] See post, p. 84.

[293] See a sketch of it, post, p. 85.

[294] The relation of the map to the Verrazano map, 1529, is shown in Verrazano the Explorer, p. 43, and on the composition map, p. 48. A fac-simile of Gastaldi’s map is given, post, p. 91.

[295] The atlas is about 12 × 18 inches, the maps, which are strongly Portuguese, being delicately drawn and washed with green, and elegantly colored. The title is Cosmographie universelle selon les navigateurs. Many of the names which we have examined appear to be very corrupt.

[296] A copy of the photograph was obtained in Venice by the writer.

[297] See Verrazano the Navigator, p. 55. [See a sketch and fac-simile of the map on pp. 94 and 373.—ED.]

[298] [See post, p. 92. These are reproductions of the maps of the 1561 and 1562 editions.—Ed.]

[299] [See post, p. 95; first appeared in 1570.—Ed.]

[300] A sketch of the North American portion of the map, in the possession of the writer, was made for him by M. Eugene Beauvois, who has suggested that the map might belong to the period of De Monts, as near the region of Nova Scotia we read “C. de Môt.” This name, however, appears on the map of the Dauphin and various other maps. The map is found in Premieres Œuvres de Jacques de Vaulx, pilote pour le Roy en la marine française de Grace l’an 1584, preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale, fond française, no. 9,175, folios 29-30.

[301] [See post, p. 96. This map originally appeared in 1572.—Ed.]

[302] [See post, p. 99.—Ed.]

[303] [See post, p. 100.—Ed.]

[304] On Labrador is the following significant legend: “This land was discouered by Iohn [and?] Sebastian Cabot for Kinge Henry y^e 7. 1497.” This map shows Prince Edward Island in its proper place in the gulf, without a name, and “I. S. John” outside of Cape Breton in the sea, where it is so often found on the old maps.

[305] [See post, p. 377.—Ed.]

[306] Harrisse, Cabots, p. 173.

[307] Ibid., p. 232; and in his Bib. Amer. Vet., no. 149, he refers to Sacrobusto’s Sphera del mundo, translated from the Latin into Spanish by Hieronymus Chaves, and published at Seville in 1545, as showing a small map in a diagram, thought to be the work of Alonzo de Chaves.

[308] This is dated 1550, but is very much behind its date.

[309] Part ii. vol. i. p. 143, for the description.

[310] Ante, p. 40.

[311] Lelewel, pl. 46, from Apianus’ Cosmographia of that year.

[312] Ante, p. 41.

[313] Ante, p. 37.

[314] Raemdonck’s Les sphères de Mercator.

[315] Catalogue of Manuscripts, vol. i. p. 23.

[316] Cabots, pp. 77, 147, 201, 204; cf. Malte-Brun, Histoire de la géographie, i. 631.

[317] Kohl, Maps in Hakluyt, p. 32.

[318] Another of the Rotz maps (no. 104 in the Kohl Collection) is similar to the eastern part of the map here given as “Western Hemisphere;” but the passage to the west, south of Labrador (Greenland?), is not so distinctly closed. There is a strong resemblance to this map in a French manuscript map in the British Museum, marked Livre de la marine du Pilote Pastoret [perhaps Pasterot or Pralut], l’an 1587, which is also in the Kohl Collection, no. 110.

[319] Kohl, Discovery of Maine, pl. xviii.³; Harrisse, Cabots, p. 189.

[320] In the Huth Collection.

[321] This has “Stegen Comes” inscribed on North America, which is supposed to commemorate the Estevan Gomez explorations; cf. Baldelli, Storia del milione, vol. i. p. lxv; Zurla, Di Marco Polo, ii. 369; Desimoni in Giornale Ligustico, p. 57.

[322] A copy of this is in the Kohl Collection.

[323] Kohl, Description of Maine, p. 294.

[324] Harrisse’s Notes, etc., nos. 188, 189; Cabots, p. 189, and references there cited.

[325] A full account of this map will be found in Vol. III. chap. i. Since that chapter was written, Harrisse has stated (Cabots, p. 153) that the French Government paid M. de Hennin in 1844 four hundred francs for this map (cf. Essai sur la Bibliothèque du Roi, Paris, 1856, p. 285). It has also within a year been photographed full size, with the legends, and copies of the photographs have been placed in nine American libraries (cf. Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xix. 387, and xx. 39 Charles Deane, in Science, vol. i.).

[326] See ante, p. 74 etc.

[327] Jomard owned it, and it is in his Catalogue, Paris, 1864, no. 121; it is now owned by the Earl of Crawford and Balcarres. See Harrisse’s Cabots, pp. 210, 216, for an account of Desceliers.

[328] Bulletin de l’Académie des Inscriptions, 30 Août, 1867.

[329] Discovery of Maine, p. 351, with a reproduction; he puts it “about 1548” in his copy of it in the State Department Collection.

[330] Cf. Murphy’s Verrazano, p. 42, where, for the region south of Cape Breton, it is claimed that the map-maker translated the Spanish names of Ribero.

[331] Harrisse’s Cabots, p. 197; Malte-Brun, Histoire de la géographie (1831), i. 630; British Museum Catalogue of Manuscript Maps (1844), i. 22; Additional Manuscripts, no. 5,413.

[332] Barbie du Bocage, in Magasin encyclopédique (1807), iv. 107; Major, Early Voyages to Australia, pp. xxvii, xxxv; Kohl, Discovery of Maine, p. 354, and Maps in Hakluyt, p. 38; Harrisse, Cabots, p. 219.

[333] Cabots, p. 245.

[334] Verrazano, p. 143.

[335] Catalogue of Manuscripts, no. 24,065.

[336] Cabots, p. 230.

[337] David Asseline’s Les antiquités de la ville de Dieppe, 1874, ii. 325; Harrisse, Cabots, p. 217; Desmarquet’s Mémoires chronologiques pour servir à l’histoire de Dieppe et à celle de la navigation Française, 1875, ii. 1.

[338] Cabots, p. 194.

[339] In the Jahresbericht des Vereins für Erdkunde in Dresden, 1870.

[340] Called “The Jomard Map.”

[341] Cabots, p. 238

[342] See chapter on “Cortes” in Vol. II.

[343] In Harvard College Library.

[344] Cabots, p. 242.

[345] Pages 425, 447.

[346] Cf. Harrisse, nos. 292, 293; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 195. This volume of Ramusio is said to have been prepared in 1553.

[347] It will be remembered that another map (1550) of this maker is supposed to preserve something of the lost map of Chaves.

[348] Catalogue of Manuscripts, no. 25,442; Harrisse, Cabots, pp. 189, 193.

[349] Les Papes géographes, p. 118.

[350] Cf. Manno and Promis, Notizie di Jacopo Gastaldi (1881), p. 19; Harrisse, Cabots, p. 237.

[351] Mr. J. Carson Brevoort, who has a copy, has furnished me a tracing of it. The late Henry C. Murphy had a copy without the date. A sketch of the western portion is given in Vol. III. p. 67. Cf. Catalogue of Maps in the King’s Library, British Museum, i. 24, and Kohl’s Maps in Hakluyt, p. 29. The annexed sketch follows the copy in the Kohl (Washington) Collection.

[352] Kohl gives it “Stadawna.”

[353] See chapter i.

[354] Discovery of Maine, p. 393.

[355] A copy belonging to Professor Jules Marcou has been used. All editions are in Harvard College Library. Lelewel reproduces the American map. Further accounts of Ortelius will be found in Vol. III. p. 34, and on a later page in the present volume in an editorial note on the Atlases and Charts of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries.

[356] Leclerc (Bibliotheca Americana, no. 2,652) gives a map of Thevet’s “Le nouveau monde descouvert et illustre de nostre temps, Paris, 1581,” which Harrisse (Cabots, p. 252) calls another production.

[357] Vol. i. pl. vii.

[358] British Museum Manuscripts, Catalogue, i. 29; and (1844) vol. i. p. 31, no. 22,018.

[359] There is in the Kohl Collection (no. 107) a copy of a manuscript Portuguese map in the British Museum, which Kohl puts at about 1575. A legend on it says: “On the 20th November, 1580, a Portuguese, Fernando Simon, lent this map to John Dee in Mortlake, and a servant of Dee copied it for him.” It shows the coast from Cape Breton to Hudson’s Straits, giving the St. Lawrence gulf (with the Newfoundland group of islands), but not the river. Dee does not seem to have followed it.

[360] See Vol. III. p. 203.

[361] Given in Vol. III. p. 102.

[362] Given ante, p. 44.

[363] Given in Vol. III. pp. 41, 42.

[364] There are copies in the Library of Congress and in the Carter-Brown Collection; chapters 20 and 21 are on America. The Preface is dated 1587.

[365] Given in Vol. III. p. 213.

[366] Given in Vol. III. p. 216, and in this volume on a later page.

[367] The map is given in Vol. III. p. 101. It also appeared in later editions (1638, 1644, etc.) of Linschoten. I have used the Harvard College copy of Wolfe’s edition, and Mr. Deane’s copies of the Dutch and Latin editions.

Blundeville in his Exercises (p. 431) gives a description of Mercator’s globes and of that “lately set forth by M. Molinaxe; and [p. 515] of Sir Francis Drake his first voyage into the Indies.” He also describes various universal maps and cards of his day, noting their cartographical peculiarities, like those of Vopellio (p. 754), Gemma Frisius (p. 755), Mercator (p. 756), etc.

[368] See Vol. III. p. 100.

[369] See Vol. III. chap. iv.

[370] Cf. the map of New France published at this time at Cologne in the Beschreibung von America,—a translation of Acosta. See Vol. II. for the bibliography of Acosta.

[371] [Cf. chap. ii.—Ed.]

[372] [Cf. Professor Shaler on the different aims of the English and French in colonization, in the Introduction, pp. xxii, xxiii.—Ed.]

[373] [See chapter iv.—Ed.]

[374] The Port Royal of De Monts was on the site of Lower Granby, while that of Poutrincourt was on that of Annapolis.

[375] [Champlain’s explorations along the coast of Maine are given by himself in his 1613 edition, and are specially set forth in Mr. Slafter’s memoir in Voyages, vol. i., and by General John M. Brown in his “Coasting Voyages in the Gulf of Maine, 1604-1606,” in the Maine Historical Collections, vol. vii.,—a paper which was also issued separately. Champlain’s account of Norumbega is also translated in the Mag. of Amer. Hist., i. 321, 332.—Ed.]

[376] [De Costa, Coast of Maine (1869), p. 182, claims that in one of these expeditions Champlain discovered the Isle of Shoals, antedating John Smith’s discovery. See also Champlain’s Voyages, Prince Society’s ed., ii. 69, 70, and notes 142 and 144.—Ed.]

[377] [See Vol. III. chap. vi.—Ed.]

[378] [See chaps. i. and ii. of the present volume.—Ed.]

[379] [For the various theories regarding the origin of the name Quebec,—whether it is derived from a Norman title, as Hawkins maintained; or from an exclamation of the first beholders of the promontory, “Quel bec!” or from the Algonquin,—see Hawkins, Picture of Quebec; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Histoire du Canada; Ferland, Histoire du Canada; Garneau’s Canada, 4th ed., i. 57; Bell’s translation of Garneau’s Canada, i. 61; Warburton’s Conquest of Canada, i. 62; Shea’s edition of Charlevoix, i. 260.—Ed.]

[380] [Charlevoix gives a map of Lake Champlain, illustrating Champlain’s campaign of this year against the Iroquois. Cf. Brodhead’s New York, i. 18, and P. S. Palmer’s History of Lake Champlain (1866).—Ed.]

[381] [It was while crossing one of these portages, “suffering more from the mosquitoes than their burdens,” that Champlain is supposed to have lost his astrolabe; and his Journal shows that his subsequent records of latitude in the journey failed of the general accuracy which characterized his earlier entries. At least an astrolabe, with an inscription of its Paris make, 1603, was dug up on this route in August, 1867. Cf. O. H. Marshall, in Magazine of American History (March, 1879), iii. 179, and Alexander J. Russell’s On Champlain’s Astrolabe, Montreal, 1879; also Slafter’s edition of Champlain’s Voyages, iii. 64-66.—Ed.]

[382] [The cellar of the Château St. Louis, the structure originally built by Champlain, still remains. The subsequent history of the pile is traced in Parkman’s Old Régime, p. 419. Cf. Le Moine’s Picturesque Quebec (1882). Shea, in his Le Clercq, p. 115, has a note on Louis Hebert, the earliest settler of Quebec with a family, who died in 1627. An account is given of some bronze cannon, relics of Champlain’s time, in the Quebec Literary and Historical Society’s Transactions, ii. 198.—Ed.]

[383] [The Treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye, March 29, 1632, by which restorations were made to the French, will be found in Recueil de Traités de Paix, Leonard, Paris, 1692, vol. v. The contemporary quarto print of the treaty, printed at St. Germain, is of such rarity that Leclerc, Bibliotheca Americana, no. 794, prices a copy at five hundred francs. See Harrisse, no. 47, who refers for the causes of the long delay in making this restitution, to Le Clercq, Établissement de la Foy, i. 419; Faillon, Hist. de la Col. Française, i. 256. Compare also the notes in Shea’s Charlevoix, vol. ii. For the occupancy, see Harrisse, no. 48; also Mr. Slafter’s memoir in Champlain’s Voyages, i. 176, 177; and Sir William Alexander and American Colonization, Prince Society edition, pp. 66-72.

There are papers relating to the English claim to Canada urged at this time (1630-1632) among the Egerton manuscripts,—see British Museum Catalogue, no. 2,395, folios 20-26.—Ed.]

[384] Cf. Mass. Archives; Doc. Coll. in France, i. 591.

[385] Vide Champlain’s Voyages, Prince Society’s edition, i. 189-193.

[386] [There has been some controversy of late years over the site of the “sépulcre particulier” in which Champlain was buried. Cf. Le Moine, Quebec Past and Present, 1876, p. 41, and references; Découverte du Tombeau de Champlain, par MM. les Abbés Laverdière et Casgrain, Quebec, 1866; Le journal de Québec et le Tombeau de Champlain, par Stanilas Drapeau, Quebec, 1867; Delayant, Notice sur Champlain, Niort, 1867; John Gilmary Shea, in Historical Magazine, xi. 64, 100, and in his Charlevoix, ii. 283.—Ed.] For the latest view of the subject, see Documents Inédits Relatifs au Tombeau de Champlain, par l’Abbé H. R. Casgrain, L’Opinion Publique, Montreal, 4 Nov., 1875; also, note 116 in Mr. Slafter’s Memoir of Champlain, in vol. i. of the Prince Society edition of Champlain’s Voyages, pp. 185, 186.

[387] [The book is extremely rare. Field says a collector may pass a lifetime without seeing it. In 1870, when the Quebec edition of Champlain was issued, the editors got their text from a copy in the Bibliothèque Impériale at Paris, which they believed to be unique. There are, however, copies in Harvard College Library (lacking signature G) and in the Carter-Brown Library (Catalogue, vol. ii. no. 25). The Lenox Library has a copy without date, which seems to be from different type, and shows some typographical changes. Cf. Harrisse, nos. 10 and 11; Brunet, Supplément, p. 241; Sabin, vol. iii. no. 11,834; Leclerc, Bibliotheca Americana (1878, no. 694) showed a copy priced at 1,500 francs.

There is a translation of this 1604 book in Purchas’s Pilgrimes, part iv. A synopsis, “Navigation des François en la Nouvelle France dite Canada,” is given in the preface of the Mercure François, 1609, by Victor Palma Cayet (Harrisse, no. 395), which is found separately, with the title Chronologie septenaire de l’Histoire de la Paix entre les Rois de France et d’Espagne, 1598-1604, and of various dates,—1605, 1607, 1609, 1612 (Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. ii. no. 32; Stevens, Bibliotheca Historica, 1870, no. 2,456).

A letter of Champlain to the King on the discovery of New France, and other documents, are included in L. Andiat’s Brouage et Champlain (1578-1667), Documents inédits, Paris, 1879. It is an “Extrait des Archives historiques de la Saintonge et de l’Aunis, t. vi. (1879); “seventy-five copies were printed.—Ed.]

[388] [The text is more ample than was subsequently retained in the 1632 edition, while what appears in that edition after page 211 is not found in this 1613 edition. Some leaves, separately paged, contain Quatriesme Voyage du Sr. de Champlain, fait en l’année 1613. There are copies in the Harvard College, Carter-Brown (vol. ii. no. 147), Lenox, Cornell University (Sparks Catalogue, no. 498), New York State, New York Historical Society, and Massachusetts Historical Society libraries. Rich, in 1832, priced a copy at £1 12s.; Dufossé of late years has held a copy, with the map in fac-simile, at 400 francs; cf. Harrisse, no. 27; Sabin, vol. iii. no. 11,835. Neither Brunet nor Harrisse recognize the edition of 1615 mentioned by Faribault.—Ed.]

[389] [This map is further considered in its relation to the cartography of the period in the Editorial Note on the “Maps of the XVIIth Century,” which follows chapter vii.—Ed.]

[390] [The 1619 title is as follows: Voyages et descouvertures faites en la Nouvelle France depuis l’année 1615; jusques à la fin de l’année 1618; ... où sont descrits les mœurs, coustumes, habits, façons de guerroyer, chasses, dances, festins, et enterrements de divers peuples sauvages, et de plusieurs choses remarquables qui luy sont arrivées au dit païs, avec une description de la beauté, fertilité, et temperature d’iceluy. Paris, 1619. A few copies of this date (1619) are known (Sunderland, no. 2,688; Leclerc, no. 2,696, priced at 1,500 francs); but most copies are dated 1620, with the engraved title sometimes retaining the 1619 date (Dufossé, no. 3,145, at 900 francs, and no. 8,235, at 600 francs; O’Callaghan, no. 571, at $55; Ellis and White, 1878, at £35; Brunet, Supplément, no. 242; Huth Catalogue, vol. i. p. 292; Sabin, vol. iii. nos. 11,836, 11,837). The text is mostly retained in the 1632 edition, though the voyage of 1618 and some other parts are omitted (Harrisse, nos. 32, 33, 40).

There are copies of the 1619 date in the Lenox and Massachusetts Historical Society libraries, and of the 1620 date in the Carter-Brown and Lenox libraries, and in the Library of Congress.

The same engraved title and the text belong to the edition of 1627, which has a new printed title, and the Epistle and Preface reset. Copies of this date are in Harvard College, Carter-Brown, and Lenox libraries, and one was sold in the Brinley sale (no. 75). See the Jesuit Relations printed by the Lenox Library, p. 4; Sabin, vol. iii. no. 11,838. Stevens’s Nuggets prices a copy at £4 4s.—Ed.]

[391] [The publisher’s name varies in different copies. The Boston Public Library copy (with the map in fac-simile) has “chez Pierre Le Mur dans le grand Salle du Palais.” The Library of Congress copy reads “Lovis Sevestre pres la porte St. Victor.” One of the Harvard College copies has “chez Clavde Collet;” the other is a Le Mur copy. Other copies are in the Boston Athenæum (lacking the map), the New York Historical Society, and the State Library at Albany. Two copies have been lately sold in America, one in the Brinley Catalogue (no. 76), and the other in the O’Callaghan Catalogue (no. 572, $130), both with the map, which was supplied in fac-simile in a second O’Callaghan copy (no. 573), now in the Boston Public Library. The Sunderland copy (no. 2,687) had the map, which is often wanting. Dufossé (no. 8,236) held a copy with the genuine map at 650 francs, and other copies (nos. 5,551 and 8,961) with the map in fac-simile, at 450 and 550 francs. Leclerc priced one (no. 695) with a fac-simile map at 750 francs, and (no. 2,697) with “l’avis au lecteur” lacking, at 1,000 francs. Quaritch advertised one with a fac-simile map at £36. Cf. Sabin, vol. iii. no. 11,839; Brunet, Supplément, p. 242.

Some of the copies known have a passage at the end of the first paragraph on page 27, which was held to be a reflection on Richelieu, in saying that statesmen or princes might not understand the sailing of a ship, and this led to the cancelling of sheets Dij and Diij (Stevens’s Nuggets, vol. i. no. 511; Field, Indian Bibliography, no. 268). One of these copies is in the Lenox Library; and one with, and another without, the passage are in the Carter-Brown Library (vol. ii. nos. 382 and 383).

Harrisse (nos. 50, 51) says that Champlain was at the date of this publication in Canada, that the book was doubtless made up by a compiler, and that the record of 1631 was furnished from another source than Champlain. Whoever arranged it abridged, omitted, and extended with an author’s license. Mr. O. H. Marshall believes that the book and the map never passed under Champlain’s supervision (Mag. of Amer. Hist., i. 5, 6).

This issue of 1632 was reissued in 1640, with a new title, and of this date there are copies in the Lenox and Carter-Brown libraries. Sabin says that Mr. Lenox suggests that this 1640 edition probably consists of rejected copies of the 1632 edition, since the cancelled, and not the substituted, leaves are in it, and these bear the marks of having been cut through with a sharp instrument (Sabin, vol. iii. no. 11,840, who says that Mr. Lenox contributed most of his data on the Champlain bibliography). Leclerc in 1878 advertised a set of the four dates (1604, 1613, 1620, and 1632), bound uniformly, for 6,000 francs.—Ed.]

[392] [It bears the title, Voyages du Sieur de Champlain; ou, Journal ès Découvertes de la Nouvelle France, in two octavo volumes. The edition (two hundred and fifty copies) was mostly distributed among public libraries. The text, says Brunet, is not carefully followed, and the plates are omitted.—Ed.]

[393] [This “seconde édition” is explained by the fact that about 1865 the printing of a complete edition of Champlain’s works was begun in Quebec; but just as the volumes were ready for publication, they were totally destroyed by fire. The work was begun afresh. Dr. Shea, who gives me this information, has a portion of the proofs of this first edition, of which no entire copy is known to be preserved.—Ed.]

[394] [The original manuscript is described and priced in Leclerc’s Bibliotheca Americana (1878, no. 693) in these words:—

Champlain (Samuel). Brief discours des choses plus remarquables que Samuel Champlain de brouage a reconnues aux Indes Occidentales Au voiage qu’il en a faict en Icelles en Lannee mil v^ciiij^xx xix. et en Lannee mil vj^cj. comme ensuit. (1599-1601). In-4, mar. violet. 15,000 francs. Manuscrit original et autographe orné de 6z dessins en couleur.

Faillon, Histoire de la Colonie Française, i. 78, spoke of it as being then (1865) at Dieppe (in the cabinet of M. Féret, “ancien maire de Dieppe”) and unpublished; but in 1859 the Hakluyt Society had printed an English translation of it, as noted in the text, with fac-similes of the drawings (Field, no. 269). There were accounts of the manuscript published in the Hist. Magazine, vii. 269; and in the Transactions of the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec, in 1863. It is now in the Carter-Brown library.—Ed.]

[395] [It reproduced the drawings of the West-India manuscript, and also the plates of the early printed editions; but as lithographs of copper-plates they are not very successful. It is now worth about $25 in paper. Field, Indian Bibliography, p. 66; cf. Revue des Questions historiques, 1^er Juillet, 1873.—Ed.]

[396] [Abstracts of Champlain’s Canadian voyages will be found in Harris’s Collection of Voyages, vol. i. etc., and there is a narrative in the Mercure François, xix. 803, which in Parkman’s opinion was “perhaps written by Champlain.”

One of the best accounts for the English reader of Champlain and his associates will be found in Parkman’s Pioneers of France in the New World. Summaries are given in Guerin’s Navigateurs Français, p. 249; Ferland’s Histoire du Canada, book ii.; Miles’s Canada, chaps. 5-10; Warburton’s Conquest of Canada, etc.—Ed.]

[397] [Cf. Shea’s Charlevoix, i. 76.—Ed.]

[398] [See the note on “The Jesuit Relations,” sub anno 1627.—Ed.]

[399] The Historiæ Canadensis of Creuxius contains a list of the members of this Company under the title, Nomina Centenum, qui primi Societatem Nouae Franciae conflauerunt. Cf. Massachusetts Archives: Documents collected in France, i. 527, and references in Harrisse, nos. 43, 54, 430, 432, 433, 434, 438, 441, 455, 476, 532, 533; and cf. Ferland, Cours d’Histoire du Canada, p. 259, Shea’s Charlevoix, ii. 39, and notes.

[400] The letters-patent to Roberval copied from the original parchment, dated Fontainbleau, Jan. 15, 1540, is in Massachusetts Archives; Documents Collected in France, i. 373.

[401] Cf. Hakluyt’s Westerne Planting, pp. 26, 101, 197, 198. A copy of his commission is in Massachusetts Archives; Documents Collected in France, i. 431.

[402] The patent granted to De Monts, with other documents confirming his claims, was printed at the time in a small volume, copies of which are in the library of Mr. Charles Deane and in the Carter-Brown Library (Catalogue, vol. ii. no. 33).

It may also be seen in Lescarbot’s Histoire de la Nouvelle France, and an English translation is in Williamson’s History of Maine, i. 651-654, and Harris’s Voyages (1705), i. 813; cf. Harrisse, Notes sur la Nouvelle France, nos. 14, 15, 27. In the Massachusetts Archives; Documents Collected in France, i. (p. 435), is a copy of De Monts’s proposition to the King, Henry IV., dated Nov. 6, 1603, with the King’s remarks (p. 445), and the “Lettres Patentes expediées en faveur de M. de Monts,” signed by the King at Paris, Dec. 18, 1603. These letters-patent made him lieutenant-general of Acadia (40° to 46° N. lat.) for ten years; and by an ordinance (p. 451) all persons were prohibited to trade within his government; and (p. 453) the King orders all duties to be remitted on merchandise sent home by De Monts. Cf. Faillon, Colonie Française, au Canada, i.; and Guerin, Les Navigations françaises.

[403] [This island, now known as Douchet Island, is a few miles within the mouth of the St. Croix River, which empties into Passamaquoddy Bay. In the latter part of the last century, when the commissioners of Great Britain and the United States were endeavoring to define the St. Croix River, which by treaty had been fixed as the eastern bound of the new nation, this island played an important part. The maps were not conclusive respecting the historic St. Croix, some of them, like that of Bellin in Charlevoix’s History (1744), rather indicating the Magaguadavic River, on the eastern side of the bay; but the discovery in 1797 of the foundation-stones of De Monts’s houses on this island, with large trees growing above them, settled the question. The island bears evidence of having considerably wasted by the wash of the river, and its few acres are at present hardly large enough for the purpose it served in 1604. It is known that then the colonists resorted to the main shore for their planting. The island now has a cottage upon it, which bears aloft a small light, to aid river navigation, and is maintained by the United States Government, the deepest water being on the easterly side. The Editor examined the island in 1882, but could not find that any traces of De Monts’s colony now remained, though fragments of “French brick” were found there by William Willis twenty years ago. Cf. Hannay’s Acadia, p. 74; Parkman’s Pioneers of France, p. 227; Williamson’s Maine, i. 190; ii. 578; Holmes’s Annals, i. 149. In a survey of 1798 the island is called Bone Island; and it has sometimes been called, because of its position, Neutral Island. A plan of the buildings is given on the opposite page.—Ed.]

[404] [For this exploration, see ch. iii.—Ed.]

[405] [There is an essay on Pontgravé in the Mélanges of Benjamin Sulte, Ottawa, 1876, p. 31.—Ed.]

[406] [The question of early Dutch sojourns or settlements on the coast is examined in J. W. De Peyster’s The Dutch at the North Pole, and the Dutch in Maine, 1857, and his Proofs considered of the Early Settlement of Acadia by the Dutch, 1858; and traces of remains at Pemaquid have been assigned to the Dutch; but see Johnston in the Popham Memorial, and in History of Bristol and Bremen; Sewall’s Ancient Dominions of Maine. The early settlements of this region are also tracked in B. F. De Costa’s Coasts of Maine. Cf. New England Historical and Genealogical Register, 1853, p. 213; 1877, p. 337.—Ed.]

[407] [According to Parkman, the elaborate notices of Madame de Guercheville in the French biographical dictionaries of Hoefer and Michaud are drawn from the Mémoires de l’Abbé de Choisy.—Ed.]

[408] According to a careful census taken in 1686, the whole population of Acadia was 915, including 30 soldiers; and there were in the whole colony 986 horned cattle, 759 sheep, and 608 swine. (Murdoch’s History of Nova Scotia, i. 166, 167.) In 1689 the census gave the whole population as 803. (Ibid., p. 177.) Commenting on the almost stationary condition of the colony for nearly a century, Murdoch justly remarks: “It is a subject of grave reflection, that after eighty-four years had elapsed from the founding of Port Royal in 1605, and notwithstanding the expense of money and all the exertions of De Monts, Poutrincourt, La Tour, Denis, and others, men highly qualified for the task of colonization, the results should be so trifling. Many of the settlements were now desolate and abandoned, and none of them prosperous. Nearly forty years before, D’Aulnay had besieged St. John with a flotilla and five hundred men, and the defenders had been probably numerous. The contests and discords of ambitious leaders contributed, doubtless, to this unfavorable state of things; but the incessant interferences and invasions which the English at Boston carried on, must be considered as the chief causes of retarding the progress of French settlement in Acadia.”

[409] [See Vol. III. chap. ix.—Ed.]

[410] The grant from Sir William Alexander, dated in 1630, was recorded at Boston in the Suffolk Registry of Deeds (liber iii. folio 276) in 1659. This was to secure an English registry, as the region, since Sedgwick’s expedition in 1654, had become subject to England, and seemed likely to continue so.

[411] [The contract, March 27, 1632, between Richelieu and De Razilly for the reoccupation of Port Royal is in Massachusetts Archives; Documents Collected in France (i. 545); and (p. 584) his commission to take possession and drive away British subjects, with (p. 586) his acceptance.—Ed.]

[412] Bradford, History of Plymouth Plantation, pp. 292, 332.

[413] Winthrop, History of New England, i. 109.

[414] The agreement for these vessels, dated June 30, 1643, between La Tour and Edward Gibbons, is in the Suffolk Deeds, i. 7, 8 (printed by order of the Board of Aldermen in 1880); and a mortgage of La Tour’s fort or plantation to Gibbons, dated May 13, 1645, as security for the payment of two thousand and eighty-four pounds, with interest, is recorded on folio 10. Neither instrument was recorded until 1652.

[415] A copy of the agreement is in the Plymouth Colony Records, ix. 59, 60, and the Latin translation is in Hutchinson’s Collection of Original Papers, pp. 146, 147.

[416] The marriage contract between La Tour and Madame d’Aulnay, which is dated Feb. 24, 1653, was printed in the original French, for the first time, in the Transactions of the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec, iii. 236-241. An English translation is in Murdoch’s History of Nova Scotia, i. 120-123.

[417] [Among those whom the treaty of Breda released from military service at Quebec, was the colonel of a regiment, Jean Vincent, Baron de St. Castine, who now took to life among the Indians, and became the son-in-law of Madockawando, or Matakando, the chief sachem of the Eastern Indians. He afterward lived on the peninsula still bearing his name, near the head of Penobscot Bay, at Fort Pentagöet,—a defence which the French had built as early probably as 1626, on the site possibly of an earlier fort, which may date to the time of the Guercheville expedition in 1613. Some traces of Fort Pentagöet still remain, representing probably the magazine and well. The English surrendered it to the French in 1670.In 1674 a pirate ship from Boston captured the post and took De Chambly and others prisoners. (Frontenac, Quebec, Nov. 14, 1674, to the minister, in Massachusetts Archives; Documents Collected in France, ii. 287, 291.) A Dutch frigate captured the fort in 1676. Castine in later years made Pentagöet the base of many warlike movements, in league with his Indian friends, against the English, till his return to France in 1708, when he left the “younger Castine,” a half-breed, behind, who is also a character of frequent prominence in later days. Cf. Wheeler’s History of Castine; Williamson’s Maine, i. 471, etc. (with references); Maine Hist. Coll. iii. 124, vi. 110, and vii., by J. E. Godfrey, who also has a paper on the younger Castine in the Historical Magazine, 1873. Cf. Maine Hist. Coll., vol. viii.; Mag. Am. Hist. 1883, p. 365.—Ed.]

[418] [For the relations of this expedition to the general events of the harrowing war of that year, see chapter vii. of the present volume.—Ed.]

[419] [Kohl (Discovery of Maine, p. 234) thinks that the name Larcadia appeared first in Ruscelli’s map of 1561. The origin of the name Acadie usually given is a derivation from the Indian Aquoddiauke, the place of the pollock (Historical Magazine, i. 84), or a Gallicized rendering of the quoddy of our day, as preserved in Passamaquoddy and the like. Cf. Principal Dawson on the name, in the Canadian Antiquarian, October, 1876, and Maine Hist. Soc. Coll. i. 27. The word Acadie is said to be first used as the name of the country in the letters-patent of the Sieur de Monts.—Ed.]

[420] Histoire de la Nouvelle France, contenant les navigations, découvertes, et habitations faits par les Francois és Indes Occidentales & Nouvelle France souz l’avoeu & l’authorité de noz Rois Tres Chrétiens, et les diverses fortunes d’iceux en l’execution de ces choses, depuis cent ans jusques à hui. En quoy est comprise l’Histoire Morale, Naturelle & Geographique de la dite province. Avec les Tables & Figures a’icelle. Par Marc Lescarbot, Avocat en Parlement, Temoin oculaire d’vne partie des choses ici recitées. A Paris, chez Jean Milot, tenant sa boutique sur les degrez de la grand’ salle du Palais. 1609. 8vo. pp. 888.

[Lescarbot was in the country with De Monts, and again with Poutrincourt in 1606-7. Charlevoix calls his narrative “sincere, well-informed, sensible, and impartial.” The third book covers Cartier’s voyage; the fourth and fifth cover those of De Monts, Poutrincourt, Champlain, etc.; while the sixth is given to the natives. The first edition (1609) is very rare. Rich in 1832 priced it at £1 1s. Recent sales much exceed that sum: Bolton Corney, in 1871, £27; Leclerc, no. 749, 1,200 francs, and no. 2,836, 450 francs; Quaritch, £40; another London Catalogue, in 1878, £45. Cf. Harrisse, Notes sur la Nouvelle France, nos. 16 and 17; Sabin’s Dictionary, no. 40,169; Ternaux-Compans, Bibl. Amér. no. 321; Faribault, pp. 86-87. There are copies in the Carter-Brown (Catalogue, ii. 87) and Murphy collections.

This edition, as well as the later ones, usually has bound with it a collection of Lescarbot’s verses, Les Muses de la Nouvelle France, and among them a commemorative poem on a battle between Membertou, a chief of the neighborhood, and the “Sauvages Armor-chiquois.”

The later editions of the history were successively enlarged; that of 1618 much extended, and of a different arrangement. The edition of 1611 is priced by Dufossé, 580 francs. There are copies in the Library of Congress, and in the Murphy and Carter-Brown (Catalogue, ii. 117) collections; cf. Harrisse, no. 23.

The edition of 1612 was the one selected by Tross, of Paris, in 1866, to reprint. There are copies in the Astor and Harvard College Libraries; cf. Harrisse, no. 25; Field’s Indian Bibliography, no. 917; Brinley Catalogue, no. 103. It seems to be the same as the 1611 edition, with the errata corrected.

The edition of 1618 contains, additionally, the second voyage of Poutrincourt; and entering into his dispute with the Jesuits, Lescarbot takes sides against the latter. This edition is severally priced by Leclerc, no. 2,837, at 850 francs; by Dufossé, at 950 francs. Rich had priced it in 1832 at £1 10s. There are copies in the Library of Congress and in the Carter-Brown (Catalogue, ii. 201) Collection; cf. Harrisse, no. 31; Field’s Indian Bibliography, no. 915. Some authorities report copy or copies with 1617 for the date.

It is somewhat doubtful if more maps than the general one and another appeared in the original 1609 edition; Sabin and the Huth Catalogue give three. In the 1611 edition there is reference in the text to three maps; but another map (Port Royal) is often found in it, and the 1618 edition has usually the four maps. The Huth Catalogue says that no map belonged to the English edition; the map found in the Grenville copy, as in the Massachusetts Historical Society copy, belonging to the French original. Sabin, however, gives it a map. The general map is reproduced in Tross’s reprint, in Faillon’s Colonie Française au Canada, and in the Popham Memorial; and a part of it in the Memorial History of Boston, i. 49. The Catalogue of the Library of Parliament (Canadian), 1858, p. 1614, shows two maps of the St. Lawrence River and gulf, copied from originals by Lescarbot in the Paris archives.

Among the other productions of Lescarbot is the La Conversion des Sauvages qui ont été baptistes dans la Nouvelle France cette anne 1610, avec un recit du Voyage du Sieur de Poutrincourt, which Sabin calls “probably the rarest of Lescarbot’s books;” cf. Harrisse, no. 21. Another tract, published in Paris in 1612—Relation derniere de ce qui c’est passe au voyage du Sieur de Poutrincourt en la Nouvelle France depuis vingt mois en ça, supplementing his larger work—has been reprinted in the Archives curieuses de l’Histoire de France, vol. xv. In 1618 he printed a tract—Le Bout de l’an, sur le repos de la France, par le Franc Gaulois—addressed to Louis XIII., urging him to the conquest of the savages of the west; Sunderland Catalogue, no. 4,933, £10, 10s. It is translated in Poor’s Gorges in the Popham Memorial, p. 140.

Another nearly contemporary account of the De Monts expedition is found in Cayet’s Chronologie Septenaire 1609 (Sabin’s Dictionary, vol. iii. no. 11,627) a precursor of the Mercure Française, which for a long while chronicled the yearly events. Cf. an English version from the Mercure in Magazine of American History, ii. 49.

Lescarbot’s account of the natives may be supplemented by that in Biard’s Relation. Hannay (chap. ii.) and the other historians of Acadia treat this subject, and Father Vetromile, S. J., at one time a missionary among the present remnants of the western tribes of Acadia, prepared an account of their history, which was printed in the Maine Hist. Coll., vol. vii.; and in 1866 he issued the Abnakis and their History. He died in 1881, and his manuscript Dictionary of the Abenaki Dialects is now in the archives of the Department of the Interior at Washington; Proceedings of the Numismatic Society of Philadelphia, 1881, p. 33; cf. also Maurault, Histoire des Abênaquis. Williamson, History of Maine, vol. i. ch. xvii., etc., enlarges on the tribal varieties of the Indians of the western part of Acadia, and (p. 469) on the Etechemins, or those east of the Penobscot; and later (p. 478), on the Micmacs or Souriquois, who were farther east. Williamson’s references are useful.

Shea, in his notes to Charlevoix, i. 276, says: “Champlain says the Kennebec Indians were Etechemins. Their language differed from the Micmac. The name Abenaki seems to have applied to all between the Sokokis and the St. John; the language of these tribes, the Abenakis or Kennebec Indians, the Indians on the Penobscot and Passamaquoddy, being almost the same.”—Ed.]

[421] Nova Francia; or the Description of that Part of New France which is one continent with Virginia. Described in the three late Voyages and Plantation made by Monsieur de Monts, Monsieur de Pont-Gravé, and Monsieur de Poutrincourt, into the countries called by the Frenchmen La Cadie, lying to the Southwest of Cape Breton. Together with an excellent severall Treatie of all the commodities of the said countries, and maners of the naturall inhabitants of the same. Translated out of French into English by P. E. London: Printed for Andrew Hebb, and are to be sold at the signe of the Bell in Paul’s Church-yard, [1609.] 4to. pp. 307.

This volume is a translation of books iv. and vi. of Lescarbot’s larger work; but it has been noted as a curious circumstance that the author’s name does not appear on the titlepage, and is nowhere mentioned in the volume. There are two copies in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society: one in the general library contains Lescarbot’s map, and has manuscript notes by the late Rev. Dr. Alexander Young; the other copy, in the Dowse Library, formerly belonged to Henri Ternaux-Compans. It is without the map, but contains the Preface and Table of Contents, which are not in the copy first mentioned. It is from the same type, but has a slightly different titlepage and imprint; the Dowse copy purporting to be published at London by George Bishop, and bearing the date 1609. It was a common practice of the printers of that time to sell copies of the same work with different titlepages, each containing the name of the bookseller who bought the printed sheets.

[This version was made at the instance of Hakluyt, and published with the express intention of showing, by contrast, the greater fitness of Virginia for colonization. Cf. Bibliotheca Grenvilliana; Huth Catalogue, iii. 839; Sabin, x. 40,175; Crowninshield Catalogue, no. 398; Griswold Catalogue, no. 436; Field’s Indian Bibliography, no. 916; Harrisse, no. 19. Rich priced it in 1832 at £2 2s.; a copy in the Bolton Corney sale, in 1871, brought £37. There are other copies in the libraries of Congress, New York Historical Society, Harvard College, and in the Carter-Brown Collection (Catalogue, ii. 102); cf. Churchill’s Voyages, 1745, vol. ii. Erondelle’s version is also given in Purchas, vol. iv. A German version, abridged from the 1609 original, appeared at Augsburg in 1613, called Gründliche Historey von Nova Francia. There is a copy in the Library of Congress, and in the Carter-Brown Collection (Catalogue, vol. ii. no. 154). Cf. Harrisse, no. 29; O’Callaghan Catalogue, no. 1,374; Brinley Catalogue, no. 105; Sabin’s Dictionary, x. 40,177. Koehler, of Leipsic, priced this German edition in 1883 at 120 marks.—Ed.]

[422] [The visits of the Jesuits to Acadia and Penobscot in 1611 are recounted in Jouvency’s Historiæ Societatis Jesu pars quinta, Rome, 1710, drawn largely from the Relations.—Ed.]

[423] [There are, of course, illustrative materials in Lescarbot and Champlain, and on the English side in Purchas, Smith, and Gorges among the older writers; cf. George Folsom’s paper in the N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., 2d series, vol. i. Champlain’s language has led some to suppose Argall had ten vessels with him besides his own; cf. Holmes, Annals; Parkman, Pioneers; De Costa, in Vol. III. chap. vi. of this History.—Ed.]

[424] Description Geographique et Historique des Costes de l’Amerique Septentrionale. Avec l’Histoire naturelle du Païs. Par Monsieur Denys, Gouverneur Lieutenant General pour le Roy, & proprietaire de toutes les Terres & Isles qui sont depuis le Cap du Campseaux jusque au Cap des Roziers. Tome I. A Paris, chez Loüis Billaine, au second pillier de la grand’ Salle du Palais, à la Palme & au grand Cesar. 1672. 16mo. pp. 267.

[Some copies have the imprint, “Chez Claude Barbin,” as in the Harvard College copy. There are other copies in the Library of Congress and in the Carter-Brown Collection (Catalogue, ii. 1,078). Sabin (vol. v. no. 19,615) says it should have a map; but Harrisse (nos. 136, 137) says he has found none in eight copies examined. Cf. Stevens’s Bibliotheca Historica (1870), no. 562; O’Callaghan Catalogue, no. 767, both without the map; cf. Harrisse, no. 102. Charlevoix says of Denys, “he tells nothing but what he saw himself.” There is a copy of a Dutch version (1688) in Harvard College Library.—Ed.]

[425] [Mr. Smith, the writer of the present chapter, has given a succinct account of the relations of the rival claimants with the Massachusetts people in the Memorial History of Boston, vol. i. chap. vii., with references, p. 302. The general historians, from Denys and Charlevoix, all tell the story; cf. Historical Magazine, iii. 315; iv. 281, and various papers in the Massachusetts Archives; Documents Collected in France, i. 599; ii. 1, 7, 9, 19, 25, 91. The Rival Chiefs, a novel, by Mrs. Cheney, is based on the events. See Rameau, Une Colonie féodale, p. xxxiii; Murdoch’s Nova Scotia, i. 120.—Ed.]

[426] Memorials of the English and French Commissaries concerning the Limits of Nova Scotia or Acadia. London: Printed in the Year 1755. 8vo. pp. 771.

[This volume is said to have been drawn up by Charles Townshend (Bancroft, original ed., iv. 100), and is fuller than the corresponding work previously issued in Paris under the title, Mémoires des Commissaires du Roi et de Ceux de sa Majesté Britannique sur les Possessions et les droits respectifs des deux Couronnes en Amerique. 4 vols. 4to. Paris, 1755. Another edition of this last appeared the next year in 8 vols. 12mo, and again in three thick but small volumes at Copenhagen in 1755 (Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. iii. no. 1074, etc.). The English edition above named contains the English case (both in English and French), signed W. Shirley and W. Mildmay, and dated at Paris, Sept. 21, 1750; and the French, signed by La Galissonière and De Silhouette, and dated the same day. Then follows the English memorial of Jan. 11, 1751, with the French reply (Oct. 4, 1751), and the English rejoinder (Jan. 23, 1753). In these papers the maps cited and examined are the English maps of Purchas, Berry, Morden, Thornton, Halley, Popple, and Salmon, the Dutch maps of De Laet and Visscher, and the French maps of Lescarbot, Champlain, Hennepin, De Lisle, Bellin and Danville, De Fer (1705) and Gendreville (1719). The rest of the volume is made of “Pièces Justificatives” brought forward by each side. There were maps accompanying these respective editions, setting forth the limits as claimed by the two sides, and marking by lines and shadings the extent of the successive patents of jurisdiction which follow down the region’s history. Jefferys and Le Rouge were the engravers on the opposing sides. John Green was the writer of the Explanation accompanying the Jefferys map. There was another edition in English of the case, printed at the Hague in 1756, under the title, All the Memorials of Great Britain and France since the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle.

The contemporary literature of the controversy is extensive, and it all goes over the historical evidence in a way to throw much light, when separated from partisanship, on the history of Acadia. It may be said to have begun with a work mentioned by Obadiah Rich, A Geographical History of Nova Scotia, London, 1749 (Sabin, Dictionary of Books Relating to America, vol. xiii. no. 56,135), of which a French translation was published also in London (Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. iii. no. 1,064), and a German one the next year.

Jefferys printed in 1754, The Conduct of the French with regard to Nova Scotia, from its First Settlement to the Present Time; and this appeared in a French version in London (Conduite des François) in the same year, with notes said to be written by Butel-Dumont.

The next year, Dr. William Clarke, of Boston, also reviewed the historical claims from the discovery of Cabot, in his Observations ... with regard to the [French] Encroachments, Boston, 1755,—a tract also reprinted in London. There may be likewise noted Pidansat de Mairobert’s Discussion summaire sur les anciennes limites de l’Acadie, printed at Basel, 1755 (Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. iii. no. 1,035); Moreau’s Mémoire, Paris, 1756; and Jefferys’ Remarks on the French Memorials, London, 1756. The last has two maps, setting forth respectively the French and English ideas and claims of the various occupancies and settlements under grant and charter; the French map is reduced from the original of the commissioners, and it may also be found in the Atlas Ameriquain published at this time. At a later period, when the identity of De Monts’ St. Croix became an international question, the folio Correspondence relating to the Boundary between the British Possessions in North America and the United States of America, under the Treaty of 1783, was presented to Parliament July, 1840, and included an historical examination of the question, with maps and drafts from Lescarbot’s, Delisle’s, and Coronelli’s maps. Cf. in this connection Nathan Hale’s review of the history in the North American Review, vol. xxvi. In Shea’s edition of Charlevoix, i. 248, there is a note on the various limits assigned by early writers to Acadia.—Ed.

[427] Sir William Alexander and American Colonization. Including three Royal Charters; a Tract on Colonization; a Patent of the County of Canada and of Long Island; and the Roll of the Knights-Baronets of New Scotland. With Annotations and a Memoir. By the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M. Boston: Published by the Prince Society. 1873. 4to. pp. vii and 283.

[Mr. Slafter devotes a section of his monograph to the bibliography of his subject. Alexander’s tract, Encouragement to Colonies, which was printed in London in 1624 (some copies in 1625), and of which the unsold copies were reissued in 1630 as The Mapp and Description of New England, is printed entire by Slafter. The book is rare. Stevens, Nuggets, no. 59, prices it at £21; cf. Sabin’s Dictionary, nos. 739, 740. The map which accompanied both editions is given by Slafter, and in part in Vol. III. of the present work, and has been reproduced elsewhere, as Slafter (p. 124) explains. Hazard, Collections, i. 134, 206, prints some of the documentary evidence, and the British Museum Catalogue of Manuscripts shows that the Egerton Manuscripts, 2,395, fol. 20-26, also touch the subject. In further elucidation, see Thomas C. Banks, Statement of the Case of Alexander Earl of Stirling, London, 1832, and his Baronia Anglia Concentrata, 1844, and the various expositions of the claims to the earldom in the several works referred to by Slafter, p. 115; and also Rogers, Memorials of the Earls of Stirling and House of Alexander, i. chaps. iv. and v. Mr. Slafter subsequently enlarged his statement regarding the Copper Coinage of the Earl of Stirling, and issued it as a tract with this title in 1874. Mr. C. W. Tuttle reviewed Mr. Slafter’s labors in N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1874, p. 106.—Ed.]

[428] A Geographical View of the District of Maine, with Particular Reference to its Internal Resources, including the History of Acadia, Penobscot River and Bay; with Statistical Tables showing the Comparative Progress of Maine with each State in the Union, a List of the Towns, their Incorporation, Census, Polls, Valuation, Counties, and Distances from Boston. By Joseph Whipple. Bangor: Printed by Peter Edes. 1816. 8vo. pp. 102.

[429] An Historical and Statistical Account of Nova Scotia, in two Volumes. Illustrated by a Map of the Province and Several Engravings. By Thomas C. Haliburton, Esq., Barrister-at-Law, and Member of the House of Assembly of Nova Scotia. Halifax: Printed and published by Joseph Howe. 1829. 8vo. pp. 340 and viii, 433 and iii.

[430] [Hannay, however, who followed Murdoch, freely acknowledges the great value of Winthrop, in that “without his aid it would have been impossible to give an accurate statement of the singular story of La Tour.”—Ed.]

[431] A History of Nova Scotia, or Acadie. By Beamish Murdoch, Esq., Q.C. Halifax, N. S.: James Barnes. 1865-1867. 3 vols. 8vo. pp. xv and 543, xiv and 624, xxiii and 613.

[Some later works deserve a word. Moreau’s L’Acadie Françoise covers the interval, 1598-1755, and draws upon the Paris archives.

Rameau’s Une Colonie féodale en Amérique: L’Acadie, 1604-1710, published at Paris in 1877, is called by Parkman (Boston Athenæum Bulletin, where his comments appear far too seldom) “a rather indifferent book, carelessly written; containing, however, some facts not elsewhere to be found about certain small settlements.” In the New York Nation, nos. 652, 666, is a review, with Rameau’s rejoinder.

James Hannay’s History of Acadia, St. John, N. B., 1879, is a well-compacted piece of work, somewhat unsatisfactory to the student, however, through the absence of authorities. In his preface he pays a tribute to the annals of Murdoch, and says he has attempted “to weave into a consistent narrative the facts which Murdoch had treated in a more fragmentary way.”—Ed.]

[432] Cours d’Histoire du Canada. Par J. B. A. Ferland, Prêtre, Professeur d’Histoire à l’Uni versité-Laval. Première Partie. 1534-1663. Québec: Augustin Coté. 1861. 8vo. pp. xi and 522.

[433] Histoire du Canada, depuis sa Découverte jusqu’à nos Jours. Par F.-X. Garneau. Seconde Édition, corrigée et augmentée. Québec: John Lovell. 1852. 3 vols. 8vo. pp. xxii and 377, 454, 410.

[434] History of Canada, from the Time of its Discovery till the Union Year (1840-1841). Translated from L’Histoire du Canada of F.-X. Garneau, Esq., and accompanied with illustrative notes, etc. By Andrew Bell. Montreal: John Lovell. 1860. 3 vols. 8vo. pp. xxii and 382, 404, 442.

[435] The First English Conquest of Canada: with Some Account of the Earliest Settlements in Nova Scotia and Newfoundland. By Henry Kirke, M.A., B.C.L., Oxon. London: Bemrose & Sons. 1871. 8vo. pp. xi and 227.

[436] Pioneers of France in the New World. By Francis Parkman. Boston: Little, Brown, & Co. 1865. 8vo. pp. xxii and 420. [Mme. de Clermont-Tonnere has translated this and other of Mr. Parkman’s works, but with liberties prompted no doubt by disagreements in matters of religious faith. The Pioneers was the earliest, chronologically, in the series of France and England in North America,—a general title under which Mr. Parkman has already told a large part of the story of the French colonization in North America; but a later subject, the struggle of the Indians under Pontiac after the final English conquest, had before this engaged his pen. The characterization of later volumes of this series belongs to other chapters, in which will also be found further estimates of the other general historians here particularized. The Abbé Casgrain published at Quebec in 1872 an essay on Francis Parkman, pp. 89, with a lithographic portrait. Cf. a review by the Comte Circourt in the Revue des Questions Historiques, xix, 616; and references in Poole’s Index to Periodical Literature. The Editor would take this occasion to express his constant obligations to Mr. Parkman in the preparation of the present volume.—Ed.]

[437] Count Frontenac, and New France under Louis XIV. By Francis Parkman. Boston: Little, Brown, & Co. 1877. 8vo. pp. xvi and 463.

[438] Purchas, His Pilgrimage, London, 1614, p. 751.

[439] Named Ste. Claire, or St. Clare, after a Franciscan nun, but now spelled St. Clair.

[440] Ontario, or Skanadario, native name for beautiful lake.

[441] Purchas, His Pilgrimage, London, 1614, p. 747. [Cf. Professor Shaler’s Introduction to the present volume.—Ed.]

[442] [See the note on the Jesuit Relations, following the succeeding chapter, and L. H. Morgan on the Geographical Distribution of the Indians, in the North American Review, vol. cx. p. 33.—Ed.]

[443] See chapter ii.; also, a paper on the discovery of copper relics near Brockville, in the Canadian Journal, 1856, pp. 329, 334.

[444] Colonial State Papers.

[445] Chapter iii.

[446] [Cf. Parkman’s references on the fur-trade, given in his Old Régime in Canada, p. 309.—Ed.]

[447] Sagard, Histoire du Canada, Paris edition, 1865, pp. 589, 781; Champlain, Paris edition, 1634, p. 220.

[448] Parkman, Pioneers of France, pp. 377, 378.

[449] Sagard, Canada, Paris edition, 1865, p. 717.

[450] Champlain, edition of 1632.

[451] Hubbard’s New England. [See vol. iii. chap. ix.—Ed.]

[452] Fleet’s Journal, in Neill’s Founders of Maryland. Munsell, Albany, 1876. [See vol. iii. chap. xiii.—Ed.]

[453] See chapter iii.

[454] Rymer’s Fœdera, vol. xix.

[455] [This lake is shown in De Laet’s map of 1630, of which a fac-simile is given in chapter ix.—Ed.]

[456] Young’s “Voyage,” in 4 Mass. Hist. Coll., ix. 115, 116.

[457] Le Jeune to Vimont, in the Relation of 1640, writes: “Some Frenchmen call them the ‘Nation of Stinkers,’ because the Algonquin word Ouinipeg signifies ‘stinking water.’ They thus call the water of the sea. Therefore these people call themselves ‘Ouinipegous,’ because they come from the shores of a sea of which we have no knowledge; and we must not call them the Nation of Stinkers, but the ‘Nation of the Sea.’”

In the Jesuit Relations of 1647-48 is the following: “On its shores [Green Bay] dwell a different people of an unknown language,—that is to say, a language neither Algonquin nor Huron. These people are called the Puants, not on account of any unpleasant odor that is peculiar to them, but because they say they came from the shores of a sea far distant toward the west, the waters of which being salt, they call themselves the ‘people of the stinking water.’”

[458] Relation of 1643. [See note on the Jesuit Relations.—Ed.]

[459] Outaouacs, or Ottawas, was a name applied to all the upper Indians who came to Montreal or Quebec to trade. The Relation of 1671 gives the origin of the name: “We have given the name of Outaouacs to all the savages of these countries, although of different nations, because the first who have appeared among the French have been Outaouacs.” Francis Assikinach, an Indian, published in 1858-60, various papers on the Odahwah legends and languages in the Canadian Journal.

[460] Groseilliers—sometimes written Grozelliers and Groselliers—was born in 1621, and in early life was a pilot. He married his second wife on August 24, 1653, and had a large family by her,—Jean Baptiste, born at Three Rivers, July 25, 1654; Marie Anne, August 7, 1657; Marguerite, April 15, 1659; Marie Antoinette, June 7, 1661.

The Sieur Radisson was the son of Sebastien and Madeleine Hayet Radisson. The St. Croix River of Minnesota is so called because as La Sueur says a Frenchman of that name was drowned in the stream. Before the year 1700 it is on the maps marked Madeleine, perhaps in compliment to Radisson’s mother.

[461] Relation of 1660: “Firent heureusement rencontre d’une belle rivière, grande, large, profonde, et comparable, disent ils, à nostre grande fleuve le Saint Laurent.”

[462] Duchesneau, Intendant of Canada, describes the Ottawas in these words: “The Outawas Indians, who are divided into several tribes, and are nearest to us, are those of the greatest use, because through them we obtain beaver; and although they do not hunt generally, and have but a small portion of peltry in their country, they go in search of it to the most distant places, and exchange it for our merchandise. They are the Themistamens [Temiscamings], Nepisseriens [Nipissings], Missisakis, Amicouës, Sauteurs [Ojibways], Kiskakons, and Thionontatorons [Petun Hurons].”—N. Y. Coll. Doc. ix. 160.

[463] Tailhan’s Perrot, p. 92.

[464] [See note on Jesuit Relations sub anno 1662-1663.—Ed.]

[465] [Given on a later page.—Ed.]

[466] [Given on a later page.—Ed.]

[467] [See note on the Jesuit Relations.—Ed.]

[468] Franquelin’s map calls the stream at the extremity of Lake Superior, which now forms a portion of the northern boundary of Minnesota, Groseilliers.

[469] [There is a portrait of Talon in the Hotel Dieu at Quebec. It is engraved in Shea’s Charlevoix, iii., and Le Clercq, ii. 61. His instructions are dated March 27, 1665. His eagerness was not altogether satisfactory to Colbert, who warns him, April 5, 1666, that the “King would never depopulate his kingdom to people Canada.” Talon in return (Mass. Archives: Docs. Coll. in France, ii. 189, 195), advocated the purchase of New Netherland, so as to confine the English to New England; but the English were about settling that question their own way.

A mémoire (1667) sur l’état présent du Canada, probably by Talon, is in Faribault’s Collection de Mémoires sur l’histoire ancienne du Canada, Quebec, 1840. Faillon (vol iii. part iii.) enlarges upon the zeal of Louis XIV. for the colony. The Bishop of Quebec meanwhile had his apprehensions. He warns the home government against allowing Protestants to come out. “Quebec is not very far from Boston,” he says, “and to multiply the Protestants is to invite revolution.” Massachusetts Archives: Documents Collected in France, ii. 233.—Ed.]

[470] This may be the Péré, or Perray, whose name is given on Franquelin’s map of 1688 to the Moose River of Hudson’s Bay. Bellin says that it was named after a Frenchman who discovered it. In 1677 the Sieur Péré was with La Salle at Fort Frontenac. Frontenac, in November, 1679, writes to the King that Governor Andros of New York “has retained there, and even well treated, a man named Péré, and others who have been alienated from Sieur de la Salle, with the design to employ and send them among the Outawas, to open a trade with them.” The Intendant, Duchesneau, writes more fully to Seignelay, “that the man named Péré, having resolved to range the woods, went to Orange to confer with the English, and to carry his beavers there, in order to obtain some wampum beads to return and trade with the Outawacs; that he was arrested by the Governor of that place, and sent to Major Andros, Governor-General, whose residence is at Manatte; that his plan was to propose to bring to him all the coureurs de bois with their peltries.” After this he seems to have been “a close prisoner at London for eighteen months” (N. Y. Col. Doc., iii. 479). Governor Dongan, on Sept. 8, 1687, sends Mons. La Parre to Canada “with an answer to the French Governor’s angry letter.” Nicholas Perrot in the old documents is sometimes called Peré, and this has led to confusion.

[471] Father Allouez, the first Jesuit to visit Green Bay, writes: “We set out from Saut [Ste. Marie] the 3d of November [1669], according to my dates; two canoes of Ponteouatamis wishing to take me to their country, not that I might instruct them, they having no disposition to receive the faith, but to soften some young Frenchmen who were among them, for the purpose of trading, and who threatened and ill-treated them.”

[472] Bancroft, giving reins to the imagination, wrote in his early editions of “brilliantly clad officers from the veteran armies of France” being present (Hist. of the United States, iii. 154).

[473] The “Procès Verbal” of Talon, as given by Margry and Tailhan, mentions fourteen nations; among others: 1. Achipoés [Ojibways or Chippeways]; 2. Malamechs; 3. Noquets; 4. Banabeoueks [Ouinipegouek, or Winnebagoes?]; 5. Makomiteks; 6. Poulteattemis [Pottowattamies]; 7. Oumalominis [Menomonees]; 8. Sassassaouacottons [Osaukees or Sauks?]; 9. Illinois; 10. Mascouttins. The Hurons and Ottawas, at a later period, conferred with the French and assented to the treaty; and this would account for Talon’s assertion, as given in his report quoted in the text, that there were seventeen tribes.

[474] Margry, i. 367.

[475] Margry, i. 322. La Salle writes in August, 1682: “The brother Louis le Bohesme, Jesuit, who works for the Indians in the capacity of gunsmith at Sault Ste. Marie, advised him

[476] [Cf. Courcelles au lac Ontario, in Margry’s Découvertes et établissements des Français dans l’Amérique septentrionale, part i. p. 169; and Relation du Voyage de M. de Courcelles au lac Ontario, in Brodhead’s New York Colonial Documents, vol. ix. p. 75.—Ed.]

[477] Letter to Frontenac.

[478] [Given on a later page.—Ed.]

[479] Shea, Charlevoix, iii. 177; Parkman, Discovery of the Great West, p. 154.

[480] Mount Joliet is about sixty feet in height. The summit is two hundred and twenty-five feet wide, and thirteen hundred long. It is forty miles southwest of Chicago, in the vicinity of the city of Joliet, Illinois.

[481] Joliet, in his letter written on the map prepared for Frontenac, speaks of passing the years 1673 and 1674 in explorations of the Mississippi valley. [See this letter in fac-simile on a later page.—Ed.]

At the conclusion of his note to Frontenac, he alludes to the disaster which happened a quarter of an hour before his arrival at the point from which, in September, 1672, he had departed, in these words: “I had avoided perils from savages, I had passed forty-two rapids, and was about to land, with full joy at the success of so long and difficult an enterprise, when, after these dangers, my canoe upset. I lost two men and my box (cassette) in sight of, at the door of, the first French settlements which I had left almost two years before.”

Marquette conveys the impression that Joliet returned with him to Green Bay in September, 1673; but when, in a few weeks, he went back to the Illinois country between Chicago and Lake Peoria, he found several Frenchmen trading with the Indians, and among others mentions La Taupine, or Pierre Moreau, who in 1671 was with Joliet at Sault Ste. Marie. Near one of the upper tributaries of the Illinois on Joliet’s map appears Mont Joliet. May Joliet not have traded in this vicinity during the winter of 1673-1674, and may not Taupine and others have been his associates?

[482] [Cf. narrative in chapter vii. A plan of this fort is given on a later page.—Ed.]

[483] Margry, i. 329.

[484] Ibid., i. 277.

[485] Du Lhut and Hennepin.

[486] Margry, i. 283.

[487] Ibid., i. 287.

[488] Ibid., i. 334.

[489] Margry, i. 333.

[490] Ibid., i. 337.

[491] N. Y. Col. Docs., ix. 104.

[492] Margry, ii. 252.

[493] La Salle and Hennepin both write Du Luth.

[494] N. Y. Col. Docs., ix. 795.

[495] Du Lhut’s letter to Seignelay, in Harrisse, speaks of the Izatys. The Issati or Isanti—Knife Indians—was the name of an eastern division of the Sioux that dwelt near Knife River, and perhaps made and traded stone knives.

[496] N. Y. Col. Docs., ix. 132.

[497] Du Lhut’s letter, in Harrisse.

[498] Margry, ii. 252.

[499] Margry, ii. 251.

[500] Perhaps intended for Meshdeke Wakpa, River of the Foxes.

[501] Chapa Wakpa in the Sioux language is Beaver River.

[502] La Salle writes: “Michel Accault qui estoit le conducteur leur fit présenter le calumet.” Margry, ii. 255.

[503] La Salle, who probably received his information from the leader, Accault, gives a different version. [See the note on Hennepin on a later page.—Ed.]

[504] Harrisse makes the date of the letter 1685, at which time its writer was near Lake Superior; Shea, in its translation appended to his edition of Hennepin, retains the same date.

[505] He probably established the post near the Sioux at the portage of the St. Croix River, which upon Franquelin’s map of 1688 is called Fort St. Croix. The hostility of the Indians at the Bay may have led him to seek the point by way of Lake Superior.

[506] Louis XIV. confusedly writes on July 31, 1684: “It also appears to me that one of the principal causes of this war proceeds from the man named Du Lhut having two Iroquois killed who assassinated two Frenchmen on Lake Superior.”

[507] Tonty in Margry, i. 614.

[508] Margry, ii. 343.

[509] Bellin, in Remarques sur la Carte de l’Amérique Septentrionale, Paris, 1755, writes: “In the eastern part of Lake Nepigon there is a river by which one may ascend to the head of Hudson’s Bay. It is said this was discovered by a Canadian named Perray, who was the first to travel this route, and gave his name to the river.”

[510] Son of Groseilliers.

[511] Fort La Tourette. See Franquelin’s map of 1688 on a later page.

[512] Greyselon de la Tourette.

[513] De la Barre, Oct. 1, 1684; N. Y. Col. Docs., ix. 243.

[514] N. Y. Col. Docs., ix. 231.

[515] La Potherie.

[516] La Potherie, chap. xv. 165.

[517] Franquelin, in his map of 1688, as will be seen, marks the hill where the French wintered as a few miles above the Black River, probably montagne qui trempe l’eau. Major Long, in 1817, writes of “high bluff-lands at this point towering into precipices and peaks, completely insulated from the main bluffs by a broad flat prairie.”

[518] Franquelin’s map of 1688.

[519] Denonville, Nov. 12, 1685, N. Y. Col. Docs., ix. 263.

[520] The history of this soleil has been given by Professor J. D. Butler, of Madison, in Wisconsin Historical Society’s Collections. In 1686 it was presented to the Jesuit mission at Depere, Wisconsin. In 1687 the mission-house was burned; in 1802 the soleil was ploughed up, and is now in the vault of the Bishop of the Church of Rome at Green Bay. See Shea’s History of Catholic Missions, p. 372.

[521] Nicholas Perrot married Marie Madeleine Raclot. His child Francois was born at Three Rivers, Aug. 8, 1672; Nicolas was born in 1674; Clemence in 1676; Michel, in 1677; Marie, in 1679; Marie Anne, on July 25, 1681; Claude, ——; Jean Baptiste in 1688; Jean, Aug. 15, 1690. In his old age he resided at the seigniory, Becancour, not far from Three Rivers, on the St. Lawrence. About the year 1718 he died.

[522] Tonty had been ordered to raise a party of Illinois and attack in the rear, while Denonville was charging in front; but he could not find enough men, and therefore joined Du Lhut, his cousin.

[523] [See chap. vii.—Ed.]

[524] Denonville, Aug. 25, 1687. N. Y. Col. Docs. ix.

[525] La Hontan writes: “I am to go along with M. Dulhut, a Lyons gentleman, and a person of great merit, who has done his King and his country very considerable service. M. de Tonti makes another of our company.” Joutel in his Journal mentions that Tonty reached his post in the Illinois country October 27, 1687.

[526] The post at Wisconsin River was called Fort St. Nicholas, suggested by Perrot’s baptismal name. In August, 1683, Engelran wrote to Governor de la Barre from Mackinaw: “M. de Boisguillot fulfils faithfully the duties of the position which has been assigned him during the absence of those who are under your command.” Le Sueur says St. Croix River was called from a Frenchman, and it is thought the River St. Pierre was named in compliment to Pierre Le Sueur.

[527] Sir Edmund Andros, the successor of Dongan as governor of New York, and subsequently governor also of New England.

[528] [See chap. iii.—Ed.]

[529] [See chap. vi.—Ed.]

[530] [Cf. also Benjamin Sulte’s papers, Mélanges, published at Ottawa, in 1876, and the Note on the Jesuit Relations, sub anno 1640 and 1642-1643.—Ed.]

[531] [See the Note on the Jesuit Relations, sub anno 1645-1646.—ED.]

[532] [For an account of these general sources, see the Note following chap. vii., and the statements regarding Margry’s labors on a subsequent page.—Ed.]

[533] [Cf. Shea’s Charlevoix, iii. 165, Historical Magazine, ix. 205; and the Note on the Jesuit Relations.—Ed.]

[534] [See the Note on the Jesuit Relations.—Ed.]

[535] In Margry’s Découvertes, etc.

[536] In his Notes pour servir à l’Histoire, etc., de la Nouvelle France.

[537] The bibliography of Hennepin is examined in a later note.

[538] There have been papers on the ancient mining on Lake Superior, by Daniel Wilson, in The Canadian Journal, New Series, i. 125, and by A. D. Hager, in the Atlantic Monthly, xv. 308.

[539] The North American Missions of the Catholics, particularly those of the West among the Hurons, etc., have been followed by A. J. Thébaud in The Month, xxxiii. 480; xxxv. 352; xxxvi. 168, 524; xxxvii. 228; xl. 379; xli. 60; xlii. 379; xliii. 337; and they of course make an important part of Dr. Shea’s History of the Catholic Missions among the Indian Tribes of the United States. See the Note elsewhere in the present volume on “The Jesuit Relations.”

[540] Cf. “Early Notices of the Beaver in Europe and America,” by D. Wilson, in The Canadian Journal, 1859, p. 359; “French Commerce in the Mississippi Valley, 1620-1720,” in the American Presbyterian Review, iv. 620; v. 110.

[541] Cf. “Early French Forts in the Mississippi Valley,” in the United States Service Magazine, i. 356.

[542] Field, no. 1,081, who calls it the best of the books on Western history; Thomson’s Ohio Bibliography, no. 842.

[543] Mr. Perkins also published a paper on “French Discovery in the Mississippi Valley” in The Hesperian (Columbus, Ohio), iii. 295; cf. papers by R. Greenhow, in De Bow’s Review, vii. 319.

[544] Made mainly about 1856, by P. L. Morin.

[545] There is a memoir of Colonel Thorndike in Hunt’s Merchants’ Magazine, ii. 508.

[546] An excellent bibliographical summary of the sources of the history of these early Western explorations, by Mr. A. P. C. Griffin, appeared in the Magazine of American History, 1883, also separately. The account of the sources of La Salle’s discoveries given in Edouard Frère’s Manuel du Bibliographe Normand is scant. Mr. John Langton’s paper on “The Early Discoveries of the French in North America,” printed in The Canadian Journal, 1857, p. 393, enumerates some of the early maps. Dr. George E. Ellis’s “French Explorations in the West,” in the North American Review, cx. 260, is a review of Parkman; and J. H. Greene’s “Early French Travellers in the West,” in Ibid., xlviii. 63, is a review of Sparks’s Life of Marquette, which is one of the volumes of his American Biography.

[547] Margry, i. 81.

[548] La Salle, p. 450.

[549] Histoire de la Colonie Française, iii. 305.

[550] Notes, etc., no. 200.

[551] Catalogue, 1858, p. 1615.

[552] Histoire de la Colonie Française, vol. iii. p. 284.

[553] N. Y. Col. Docs., ix. 66. Margry (i. 73) gives various papers indicating the views of Talon on western exploration.

[554] Vol. i. p. 112.

[555] He edited it for the Historical Society of Montreal in 1875. An English translation of part of it is given in Mr. O. H. Marshall’s First Visit of La Salle to the Senecas in 1669, which was privately printed in 1874.

[556] A heliotype of it is given in the note on “The Jesuit Relations,” following chapter iv., sub anno 1670, 1671. There is in the Kohl Collection (Department of State) what Kohl calls the “Jesuits’ map of Lac Supérieur;” but he gives it a somewhat later date, and says it is found in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris. In the same Collection are maps of the Mississippi, dated 1670, and credited to “Thornton and Moll.”

[557] Parkman, La Salle, p. 452.

[558] Découvertes, etc., i. 376; cf. also p. 101.

[559] Cf. also Colonel Charles Whittlesey’s paper on “The Discovery of the Ohio River by La Salle, 1669-1670,” in no. 38, Western Reserve and Northern Ohio Historical Society’s Tracts. Dr. Shea thinks the legend “pour aller,” etc., was placed on the map by others.

[560] Découvertes, etc., ii. 285. The literature of this controversy is reviewed on a later page. Parkman thinks that La Salle crossed the Chicago portage and struck the upper waters of the Illinois, but did not descend that river, and suggests that the map called in a later sketch “The Basin of the Great Lakes” is indicative of this extent of La Salle’s exploration in the mere beginning of the Illinois River which it gives. Others reject the “Histoire” altogether, as Hurlbut does in his Chicago Antiquities, p. 250, not accepting Parkman’s view that La Salle was at Chicago in 1669 and 1670. Dr. Shea holds it was the St. Joseph’s River which La Salle entered.

[561] Shea (Mississippi Valley, p. lxxix) and Margry have done much to make known Joliet’s personal history. Margry has papers concerning him in the Journal général de l’instruction publique, and in the Revue Canadienne, December, 1871; January and March, 1872. Cf. Ferland, Notes sur les registres de Notre Dame de Québec, 2d ed., Quebec, 1863; Faillon, Histoire de la Colonie Française; Parkman, La Salle, pp. 49, 66.

[562] There has been a controversy over the point of Marquette’s being at Chicago. Cf. Dr. Duffield’s oration at Mackinaw, Aug. 15, 1878; H. H. Hurlbut on Father Marquette at Mackinaw and Chicago,—a paper read before the Chicago Historical Society, Oct. 15, 1878; A. D. Hager’s Was Father Marquette ever in Chicago? which is replied to by Hurlbut in his Chicago Antiquities, p. 384; also see Historical Magazine, v. 99.

[563] Notes, etc., p. 322.

[564] In the N. Y. Col. Docs. (ix. 116), and in Margry, i. 257. See also Shea’s Mississippi Valley, p. xxxiii; Tailhan’s Perrot, p. 382.

[565] Vol. i. p. 259.

[566] This has appeared in the Mémoires du Congrès des Américanistes, 1879; and in the Revue de Géographie, February, 1880. The original manuscript of the map is priced in Leclerc, Bibliotheca Americana, no 2,808, at 1,500 francs. Gravier gave a colored fac-simile of it in connection with his essay, and the same fac-simile is also given in the Magazine of American History, 1883. This fac-simile is of a reduced size; but some copies were also reproduced of the size of the original.

[567] The Jesuit Relations call it the “Grande Rivière” and the Messi-sipi; Marquette calls it “Conception;” and in 1674 it was called after Colbert. See an essay on the varying application of names to the Western lakes and rivers in Hurlbut’s Chicago Antiquities.

[568] The Relation of 1666, and other of the early writers, record the reports from the Indians of a great salt-water lying west, where now we know the Pacific flows. A collation of some of these references has been given in Andrew McF. Davis’s elaborate paper on “The Journey of Moncacht-Apé,” in the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, new series, ii. 335.

[569] Cf. Parkman, La Salle, p. 25.

[570] Parkman, La Salle, pp. 25, 450. A sketch of it is given herewith as “The Basin of the Great Lakes.”

[571] No. 214.

[572] Vol. i. pp. 259-270.

[573] This is printed in the Mission du Canada, i. 193, and translated in the Historical Magazine, v 237.

[574] Pages 231-257.

[575] He repeated this fac-simile later in his edition of the Relation of 1673-1679. The engraving of this map given in Douniol’s Mission du Canada has a small sketch of an Indian cabin on it which does not belong to it. Cf. Harrisse’s Notes sur la Nouvelle France, pp. 142, 610; Shea’s edition of Charlevoix’s New France, iii. 180; and Parkman’s La Salle, p. 451. There are other reproductions of this map in Blanchard’s History of the Northwest; Hurlbut’s Chicago Antiquities; and in the Annual Report of the United States Chief of Engineers, 1876, vol. iii. A sketch is given herewith. Kohl credits four maps, dated 1673, to Marquette, as given in the Collection in the State Department at Washington, of which use has also been made in the present essay.

[576] Again in 1861 in Douniol’s Mission du Canada, ii. 241, edited by Martin.

[577] See the note on the Jesuit Relations, sub annis 1673-1675.

[578] There are copies in Harvard College, Lenox, and Carter-Brown Libraries. Copies of Thevenot vary much in the making up. See O’Callaghan Catalogue, no. 2,245; Stevens, Bibliotheca Historica, no. 2,068; Brinley Catalogue, no. 4,522; Sparks Catalogue, no. 2,592. Some copies have the date 1682; and the Sunderland Catalogue, no. 12,409, shows one with “Paris, I. Moette, 1689,” pasted over a 1682 imprint. A distinction must be kept in mind between this octavo Recueil de voyages, and Thevenot’s folio Relations des divers voyages curieux. The Sobolewski Catalogue (nos. 4,112-4,113) compares Brunet’s collation.

[579] Of Thevenot’s text a defective translation was published in London in 1698, as a supplement to an English version of Hennepin. Later and better renderings are in the Historical Magazine, August, 1861, and in part ii. p. 277, etc., of French’s Historical Collections of Louisiana, accompanied by a fac-simile of a map by Delisle showing the routes of the early explorers. This section of Thevenot was reprinted (125 copies) in fac-simile, with the map, in Paris in 1845, for Obadiah Rich. There is a copy of this reprint in the Sumner collection in Harvard College Library, and in the Carter-Brown and Lenox libraries, and the latter library has devoted no. iii. of its Contributions to a Catalogue (1879) to the “Voyages of Thevenot.” The MSS. de la Bibliothèque impériale, viii. 2d part, p. 11, note 1, shows a notice of the life of Thevenot. Harrisse, Notes, p. 140, compares the claims of several manuscripts of this narrative of Marquette.

[580] Notes, no. 202.

[581] La Salle, p. 452. From this Parkman copy the annexed sketch, to which the title, “Mississippi Valley, 1672-1673,” is given, has been taken. Another copy is given in the Catalogue of the Library of Parliament, 1858, p. 1615, no. 16.

[582] Sparks Catalogue, p. 175. Shea (Mississippi Valley, p. lxxv) thinks that the routes of going and returning were inserted by an editor. This Thevenot-Marquette map is rare. Dufossé has variously priced copies of the Recueil with the map at 150, 180, and 200 francs. Leclerc (no. 566) priced one at 325 francs.

[583] The contemporary account of Marquette’s death is given in the Relation of that year, and in the “Récit de la mort du P. Marquette,” as published in the Mission du Canada. Cf. Shea’s Charlevoix, iii. 182, note; but Charlevoix’ account varies, and Parkman says it is a traditionary one, and that traces of the tradition were not long since current (La Salle, p. 72). Cf. “Romance and Reality of the Death of Marquette, and the Recent Discovery of his Remains,” by Shea, in the Catholic World, xxvi. 267, and “Father Marquette’s Bones” in the Canadian Antiquarian, January, 1878. In 1877 some human bones were found on the supposed site of the mission chapel at St. Ignace. Of Marquette’s successors in the Illinois mission, see Shea’s Catholic Missions, App., and Wisconsin Historical Society’s Collections, iii. 110.

[584] The claim was reinforced by Judge John Law in a paper on “The Jesuit Missionaries in the Northwest,” printed in the Wisconsin Historical Collections, vol. iii., with replies and rejoinders; Dr. Shea taking issue with him in a paper called “Justice to Marquette,” which originally appeared in the Catholic Telegraph, March 10, 1855. Parkman credits Shea also with a refutation in the New York Weekly Herald, April 21, 1855. The Jesuits alleged to have been on the affluents of the Mississippi thus early were Dequerre, Drocoux, and Pinet.

[585] Wisconsin Historical Collections, vii. 111.

[586] Printed in New York in 1879.

[587] 200e anniversaire de la découverte du Mississipi par Jolliet et le P. Marquette. Soirée littéraire et musicale à l’Université Laval, 17 juin, 1873. Québec, 1873. One of the latest studies on the subject is by the Père Brucher, Jacques Marquette et la découverte de la vallée du Mississipi, Lyons, 1880,—which had originally appeared in the Études réligieuses. Cf. also R. H. Clarke in the Catholic World, xvi. 688; Knickerbocker Magazine, xxxix. 1; etc.

[588] But the King, May 17, 1674, was warning Frontenac not to foster discoveries. Mass. Archives: Documents collected in France, ii. 283.

[589] Shea, in his Le Clercq, ii. 199, says: “La Salle has been exalted into a hero on the very slightest foundation of personal qualities or great deeds accomplished;” and in his Peñalosa, p. 22, he finds it not easy to conceive how intelligent writers have exalted a man of such utter incapacity.

[590] Cf. E. Jacker, in “La Salle and the Jesuits,” in American Catholic Quarterly, iii. 404.

[591] Margry (i. 271) gives various papers on La Salle’s first visit to Paris, when he got the seigniory of Fort Frontenac, together with La Salle’s “Proposition” and the subsequent “Arrest,” his “Lettres Patentes,” and “Lettres de Noblesse.”

[592] Margry (i. 301) gives Frontenac’s letter to Colbert, 1677, relating to La Salle and his undertakings.

[593] Margry (i. 329) gives La Salle’s petition for further discovery, and the royal permission (p. 337).

[594] Margry (i. 421) gives the papers of La Salle’s financial management from 1678 to 1683; and further (ii. 7) gives various papers relating to La Salle’s movements in 1679.

[595] The exact position of this extemporized ship-yard is in dispute. Parkman puts it at Cayuga Creek, on the east side of the river, and gives his reasons. La Salle, p. 132.

[596] Historical Magazine, viii. 367.

[597] Parkman, La Salle, p. 169. This first vessel of the lakes has been the subject of some study. Hennepin gives a view of her building in his Voyage curieux, 1711 edition, etc., p. 100. Mr. O. H. Marshall has published, as no. 1 of the publications of the Buffalo Historical Society, a tract of thirty-six pages, called The Building and Voyage of the “Griffin,” printed in 1879, giving in it a map of Niagara and its vicinity in 1688. Margry prints (i. 435) a “Relation des découvertes et des voyages du Sieur de la Salle, 1679-1681,” which he calls the Official Report of the transactions of this period made to the minister of the marine, and thinks it drawn up from La Salle’s letter by Bernou, and that Hennepin used it. Shea considers the question an open one, and that the Report may perhaps have been borrowed from Hennepin. A note on Hennepin and his contributions to the historical material of this period is on a later page.

[598] The principal portages by which passage was early made by canoes from the basin of the lakes to that of the Mississippi were five in number:—

1. By Green Bay, Lake Winnebago, and the Fox River to the Wisconsin, thence to the Mississippi,—the route of Joliet.

2. By the Chicago River, at the southwest of Lake Michigan, to the Illinois, thence to the Mississippi. This appears in the earliest maps of Joliet and Marquette, and is displayed in the great 1684 map of Franquelin, of this part of which Parkman gives a drawing in his La Salle, which with various later ones is repeated in Hurlbut’s Chicago Antiquities.

3. By the St. Joseph River, at the southeast corner of Lake Michigan, to the Kankakee, and so to the Illinois. This was La Salle’s route.

4. By the St. Joseph’s River to the Wabash (Ouabache); thence to the Ohio and Mississippi.

5. By the Miami River from the west end of Lake Erie to the Wabash; thence to the Ohio and Mississippi.

A paper by R. S. Robertson in the American Antiquarian, ii. 123, aims to show that this last portage was known to Allouez as early as 1680, and had perhaps been indicated by Sanson in his map of Canada as early as 1657. It would seem to have been little frequented, however, because of the danger from the Iroquois parties, but was reopened in 1716. Regarding La Salle’s connection with this portage, see a letter by Mr. Parkman quoted by Baldwin in his Early Maps of Ohio, p. 7, and letters of La Salle in Margry’s Découvertes, etc. Cf. H. S. Knapp’s History of the Maumee Valley from 1680, Toledo, 1872 (P. Thomson’s Bibliography of Ohio, no. 681). The southern shore of Lake Erie was the latest known of all the borders of the great lakes.

Margry in his fifth volume has two papers on the routes of these early explorers,—“Postes de la route des Lacs au Mississipi (1683-1695),” and “Postes dans les Pays depuis le Lac Champlain jusqu’au Mississipi (1683-1695).” The series of the Great Lakes show the following heights above tide-level at New York: Ontario, 247 feet; Erie, 573 feet; Huron and Michigan, 582 feet; Superior, 602 feet. The Mississippi at St. Paul is 80 feet above Superior.

[599] Parkman examines the evidence in favor of this site in a long note in his La Salle, p. 223.

[600] There is some dispute about the origin of this name. Le Clercq says it was so designated “on account of many vexations experienced there;” others say it was a reminiscence by Tonty of the part he had taken in the siege of Crèvecœur in the Netherlands. Cf. Shea’s Hennepin, p. 175.

[601] He now addressed to Frontenac, Nov. 9, 1680, a “Relation sur la nécessité de poursuivre le découverte du Mississipi,” which is given in Thomassy’s Géologie pratique de la Louisiane, Paris, 1860, App. B. p. 199. It is translated in the Historical Magazine, v. 196 (July, 1861). Margry (ii. 32) gives a letter of La Salle, in which he describes his operations and the obstacles he encountered in the Illinois country in founding Fort Crèvecœur, etc.; and (p. 115) another letter on the expedition (Aug. 22, 1680, to the autumn of 1681).

[602] Margry (ii. 164) gives a fragmentary letter of La Salle describing the country as far as the mouth of the Missouri; and (p. 196) another detached fragment, in La Salle’s hand, describing the rivers and peoples of the new region.

[603] Margry, ii. 181.

[604] The “Procès verbal de prise de possession de la Louisiane, 9 Avril, 1682,” is in Margry, ii. 186; in Gravier’s La Salle, App. p. 386; and in Boimare’s Texte explicatif pour accompagner la première planche historique relative à la Louisiane, Paris, 1868. The English of it is given by Sparks and in French’s Hist. Coll. of Louisiana, vol. i. and vol. ii.

[605] Zénobe Membré’s letter, “de la Rivière de Mississipi, le 3 Juin, 1682,” is given in Margry (ii. 206); and also (ii. 212) the letter of La Salle, dated at Fort Frontenac, Aug. 22, 1682, detailing his experiences.

[606] Géologie pratique de la Louisiane, p. 9. Cf. Harrisse, Notes, etc., no. 698. It is translated in French’s Hist. Coll. of Louisiana and Florida, 2d ser., ii. 17. Thomassy also printed in 1859 a tract of twenty-four pages, De la Salle et ses relations inédites de la découverte du Mississipi, avec carte.

[607] Parkman’s La Salle, p. 276.

[608] Membré’s narrative is translated in Shea’s Discovery of the Mississippi, p. 165. Cf. Shea’s Charlevoix, vol. iii. There is also a separate letter of Membré in Hist. Coll. of Louisiana, ii. 206, and other documents. Cf. the annotations in Shea’s Charlevoix and Le Clercq; Falconer’s Discovery of the Mississippi, London, 1844; and the account from the Mercure gallant, May, 1684, in Margry, ii. 355; who also (i. 573) gives Tonty’s “Relation écrite de Québec, le 14 Novembre, 1684,” which Margry thinks was addressed to the Abbé Renaudot; it covers La Salle’s undertakings from 1678 to 1683.

[609] Margry, i. 547. See the account of the La Salle celebration in Magazine of American History, February, 1882, p. 139. Margry (ii. 263) groups together various contemporary estimates of La Salle’s discovery, including the accusations of Duchesneau (p. 265), and the defence of La Salle (p. 277) by a friend, addressed to Seignelay, and La Salle’s own estimates of the advantages to grow from it, in a letter dated at “Missilimakanak, Octobre, 1682.”

[610] Margry (ii. 302) prints some of De la Barre’s accusations against La Salle, and shows the effects of them on the King (p. 309); and gives also La Salle’s letters to De la Barre (p. 312), one of them (p. 317) from the “portage de Checagou, 4 Juin, 1683.” De la Barre, addressing the King (p. 348), defends himself (Nov. 13, 1684) against the complaints of La Salle.

[611] Parkman has given an abstract (La Salle p. 458) of the pretended discoveries of Mathieu Sagean, who represents that he started at this time with some Frenchmen from the fort on the Illinois on an expedition in which he ascended the Missouri to the country of a King Hagaren, a descendant of Montezuma, who ruled over a luxurious people. The narrative is considered a fabrication. Mr. E. G. Squier found the manuscript in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, and bringing home a copy, it was printed by Dr. Shea, with the title, Extrait de la relation des aventures et voyage de Mathieu Sâgean. Nouvelle York: à la Presse Cramoisy de J. M. Shea. 1863, 32 pages. Cf. Field, Indian Bibliog., no. 1,347; Lenox, Jesuit Relations, p. 17; and Historical Magazine, x. 65.

There are some papers by J. P. Jones on the earliest notices of the Missouri River in the Kansas City Review, 1882.

[612] Margry (ii. 353) groups various opinions on La Salle’s discovery incident to his return to France in 1684.

[613] Notes, etc., nos. 209, 213-218. Harrisse also cites no. 229, a Carte du Grand Fleuve St. Laurens dressee et dessignee sur les memoires et observations que le Sr. Jolliet a tres exactement faites en barq et en canot en 46 voyages pendant plusieurs années. It purports to be by Franquelin, and is dated 1685. See Library of Parliament Catalogue, 1858, p. 1615, no. 17.

[614] Parkman, La Salle, p. 455; this is Harrisse’s no. 219; cf. his no. 223.

[615] Notes, etc. (1872), no. 222.

[616] La Salle, pp. 295, 455, where is a fac-simile of the part showing La Salle’s colony on the Illinois; and Géologie pratique de la Louisiane, p. 227.

[617] Harrisse, no. 223.

[618] Harrisse, no. 234; Parkman, p. 457.

[619] This also, according to Harrisse, is now missing; but the Catalogue (1858, p. 1616) of the Library of Parliament (Ottawa) shows a copy as sent by Duchesneau to Colbert, and it has been engraved in part for the first time in Neill’s History of Minnesota, 4th ed., 1882. Another copy is in the Kohl Collection (Department of State) at Washington. A copy of Neill’s engraving is given herewith.

[620] Notes, etc., nos. 240, 248, 259.

[621] Ibid., no. 231.

[622] Ibid., no. 232. There is a copy in the Library of Parliament at Ottawa (Catalogue, 1858, p. 1616). Harrisse (nos. 248, 259) assigns other maps to 1692 and 1699.

[623] La Salle, p. 457.

[624] These two maps are in the Poore Collection in the State Archives of Mass. Cf. Harrisse, nos. 359, 361, 362; and Parkman (La Salle, p. 142), on the different names given to Lake Michigan.

[625] Parkman, La Salle, p. 454; Library of Parliament Catalogue, p. 1615, no. 18. Harrisse (nos. 236, 237) gives other maps by Raffeix. The Kohl Collection (Department of State) gives a map of the Mississippi of the same probable date (1688), from an original in the National Library at Paris. See the Calendar of the Kohl Collection printed in the Harvard University Bulletin, 1883-84.

[626] Harrisse, Notes, etc., no. 237.

[627] Parkman, La Salle, p. 454.

[628] Notes, etc., p. xxv and no. 241.

[629] See the third page following.

[630] Notes, no. 202.

[631] Margry, iii. 17, etc.

[632] Margry (ii. 359) gives La Salle’s Memoir of his plans against the mines of New Biscay, together with letters (p. 377) of Seignelay, etc., pertaining to it, and the Grants of the King (p. 378), and La Salle’s Commission (p. 382).

[633] Margry (ii. 387) prints various papers indicative of the vexatious delays in the departure of the expedition and of La Salle’s difficulties (pp. 421, 454, etc.), together with his final letters before sailing (p. 469). Various letters of Beaujeu written at Rochelle are in Margry (ii. 397, 421, etc.).

[634] Margry (ii. 485) gives letters of Beaujeu and others concerning the voyage. A fragmentary Journal of the voyage by the Abbé Jean Cavelier is also given in Margry (ii. 501), besides another Journal (p. 510) by the Abbé d’Esmanville.

[635] Margry (ii. 499) gives an account of this capture.

[636] Margry (ii. 521) gives some letters which passed between La Salle and Beaujeu after they reached the Gulf.

[637] Margry (ii. 555) prints an account of the loss of the “Aimable.”

[638] Margry (ii. 564, etc.) prints some letters which passed between La Salle and Beaujeu just before the latter sailed for France, and Beaujeu’s letter to Seignelay on his return (p. 577).

[639] This map is still preserved in the Archives Scientifiques de la Marine, and a sketch of it is in the text. Thomassy (p. 208) cites it as “Carte de la Louisiane avec l’embouchure de la Rivière du S^r de la Salle (Mai, 1685), par Minet,” and giving a sketch, calls it the complement of Franquelin. Shea thinks it was drawn up from La Salle’s and Peñalosa’s notes. Cf. Shea’s Peñalosa, p. 21; Harrisse, Notes, etc., nos. 225, 227, 228, 256-258, 260, 261, 263, who says he could not find on it the date, Mai, 1685, given by Parkman and Thomassy; Gravier, La Salle; and Delisle, in Journal des Savans, xix. 211. Margry (ii. 591) prints some observations of Minet on La Salle’s effort to find the mouth of the Mississippi.

[640] Dr. Shea puts the settlement on Espirito Bay, where Bahia now is.

[641] See his Relation of this voyage in Falconer’s Discovery of the Mississippi, etc.

[642] This is Parkman’s statement; but Shea questions it. Margry (i. 59) gives various notices concerning le Père Allouez, who was born in 1613, and died in 1689.

[643] See Brodhead’s History of New York, ii. 478, and references, and the text of the preceding chapter.

[644] Margry, iii. 553.

[645] Harrisse (no. 261) mentions a sketch of the Mississippi and its affluents, the work of Tonty at this time, which is preserved in the French Archives.

[646] Margry, iii. 567.

[647] Margry, ii. 359; iii. 17; translations in French, Historical Collections of Louisiana, i. 25; ii. 1; and in Falconer’s Discovery of the Mississippi, London, 1844.

[648] He refers to evidences in Margry, ii. 348, 515; iii. 44, 48, 63. Cf. Shea’s Peñalosa and his Le Clercq, ii. 202. In this last work Shea annotates the narrative of La Salle’s Gulf of Mexico experiences, and makes some identifications of localities different from those of other writers. Cf. also Historical Magazine, xiv. 308 (December, 1868).

[649] There is an English translation in Falconer’s Discovery of the Mississippi, and in French’s Historical Collections of Louisiana, i. 52.

[650] Margry, i. 571.

[651] Joutel says it had a map; but later authorities have not discovered any. Cf. Harrisse, Notes, etc., no. 174; Leclerc, no. 1,027 (130 francs); Dufossé (70 and 100 francs); Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,522. It was reprinted as “Relation de la Louisiane” in Bernard’s Recueil des voyages au Nord, Amsterdam, 1720, 1724, and 1734, also appearing separately. An English translation appeared in London, in 1698, called An Account of Monsieur de la Salle’s last Expedition and Discoveries in North America, with Adventures of Sieur de Montauban appended. (Harrisse, no 178; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,542; Brinley, no. 4,524.) This version was reprinted in the N. Y. Hist. Coll., ii. 217-341.

[652] La Salle, p. 129.

[653] See vol. iii. pp. 89-534, and p. 648, for an account of the document.

[654] La Salle, 397; cf. Shea’s Charlevoix, i. 88-90.

[655] Joutel, according to Lebreton (Revue de Rouen, 1852, p. 236), had served since he was seventeen in the army.

[656] Harrisse, no. 750. The book is rare; there are copies in the Boston Public, Lenox, Carter-Brown (vol. iii. no. 117), and Cornell University (Sparks’s Catalogue, no. 1,387) libraries. Cf. Sabin, vol. ix. p. 351; Brinley, no. 4,497; Leclerc, no. 925 (100 francs); Stevens, Bibliotheca Historica, 1870, no. 1,036; Dufossé, nos. 1,999, 3,300, and 9,171 (55 and 50 francs); O’Callaghan, no. 1,276.

The book should have a map entitled Carte nouvelle de la Louisiane et de la Rivière de Mississipi ... dressée par le Sieur Joutel, 1713. A section of this map is given in the Magazine of American History, 1882, p. 185, and in A. P. C. Griffin’s Discovery of the Mississippi, p. 20.

In 1714 an English translation appeared in Paris, as A Journal of the last Voyage perform’d by Monsr. de la Sale to the Gulph of Mexico, to find out the Mouth of the Mississipi River; his unfortunate Death, and the Travels of his Companions for the Space of Eight Hundred Leagues across that Inland Country of America, now call’d Louisania, translated from the Edition just publish’d at Paris. It also had a folding map showing the course of the Mississippi, with a view of Niagara engraved in the corner. Cf. Harrisse, no. 751; Lenox, in Historical Magazine, ii. 25; Field, Indian Bibliography, no. 808; Menzies, no. 1,110; Stevens, Historical Collections, vol. i. no. 1,462; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 55; Brinley, no. 4,498 (with date 1715). There are copies in the Boston Public, the Lenox, and Cornell University libraries. This 1714 translation was issued with a new title in 1719 (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 244; Field, no. 809), and was reprinted in French’s Historical Collections of Louisiana, part i. p. 85. A Spanish translation, Diario historico, was issued in New York in 1831. Dumont’s Mémoires historiques sur la Louisiane, Paris, 1753, with a map, was put forth by its author as a sort of continuation of the Journal published by Joutel in 1713.

Shea speaks of Hennepin’s Nouveau Voyage as “a made-up affair of no authority.” It is translated in French’s Historical Collections of Louisiana, part i. p. 214; in the Archæologia Americana; and of course in Shea’s Hennepin; cf. Western Magazine, i. 507.

[657] The Library of Parliament Catalogue, p. 1616, no. 30, gives a map, copied from the original in the French Archives, which shows the spot of La Salle’s assassination. La Salle’s route is traced on Delisle’s map, which is reproduced by Gravier.

[658] This portion of his Journal is translated in the Magazine of American History, ii. 753; and Parkman thinks it is marked by sense, intelligence, and candor.

[659] Translated into English in Shea’s Discovery of the Mississippi, p. 197, and in his edition of Le Clercq, where he compares it with Joutel. Parkman cannot resist the conclusion that Douay did not always write honestly, and told a different story at different times. La Salle, p. 409.

[660] Vol. iii. p. 601.

[661] La Salle, p. 436.

[662] Shea printed it from Parkman’s manuscript in 1858, and translated it, with notes, in his Early Voyages up and down the Mississippi. It is called Relation du voyage entrepris par feu M. Robert Cavelier, Sieur de la Salle....Par son frère, M. Cavelier, l’un des compagnons de voyage. Shea says of it in his Charlevoix, iv. 63, that “it is enfeebled by his acknowledged concealment, if not misrepresentation; and his statements generally are attacked by Joutel.” Cf. Margry, ii. 501.

[663] Cf. Joutel, Charlevoix, Michelet, Henri Martin, and Margry in his Les Normands dans les vallées de l’Ohio et du Mississipi. Parkman modified his judgment between the publication of his Great West and his La Salle.

[664] Page 294.

[665] Page 208.

[666] Vol. iii. p. 610.

[667] Page 25. Cf. French, Historical Collections of Louisiana, 2d series, p. 293.

A few miscellaneous references may be preserved regarding La Salle and the Western discoveries:—

The paper by Levot in the Nouvelle biographie générale; one by Xavier Eyma, in the Revue contemporaine, 1863, called “Légende du Meschacébé;” Th. Le Breton’s “Un navigateur Rouennais au xvii^e siècle,” in the Revue de Rouen et de Normandie, 1852, p. 231; a section of Guerin’s Les navigateurs Français, 1846, p. 369; the Letters of Nobility given to La Salle, printed by Gravier in his Appendix, p. 360; where is also his Will (p. 385), dated Aug. 11, 1681, which can also be found in Margry, and translated in Magazine of American History, September, 1878 (ii. 551), and in Falconer’s Discovery of the Mississippi; a picture of his 1684 expedition, by Th. Gudin, in the Versailles Gallery; a paper on the discoveries of La Salle as affecting the French claim to a western extension of Louisiana, in the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, xiii. 223; paper by R. H. Clarke in the Catholic World, xx. 690, 833; “La Salle and the Mississippi,” in De Bow’s Review, xxii. 13. Gravier has furnished an introduction (69 pages) on “Les Normands sur le Mississipi, 1682-1727,” to his fac-simile edition (1872) of the Relation du voyage des dames Ursulines de Rouen à la Nouvelle Orléans (100 copies) of Madeleine Hachard, following the original printed at Rouen in 1728 (Maisonneuve, Livres de fond, 1883, p. 30).

[668] He seems to have begun to make his copies in 1842, led to it by the work he had done when employed by General Cass.

[669] “Découverte de l’acte de naissance de Robert Cavelier de la Salle,” in the Revue de Rouen, 1847, pp. 708-711, and others mentioned elsewhere.

[670] Preface to eleventh edition of Parkman’s La Salle.

[671] From a copperplate by Van der Gucht in the London (1698) edition of Hennepin’s New Discovery. The Margry picture has unfortunately deceived not a few. It has been reproduced in the Carter-Brown Catalogue, and in Shea’s edition of Le Clercq’s Établissement de la Foi; and Mr. Baldwin speaks of the determination which its features showed the man to possess!

[672] The curious reader interested in M. Margry’s career among manuscripts may read R. H. Major’s Preface (pp. xxiv-li) to his Life of Prince Henry of Portugal, London, 1868. Mr. Major has clearly got no high idea of M. Margry’s acumen or honesty from the claim which this Frenchman has put forth, that the instigation of Columbus’s views came from France. Cf. Major’s Select Letters of Columbus, p. xlvii.

[673] Margry is not able to refer to the depository of this document, as it is not known to have been seen since Faillon used it. The copy of it made for Sparks is in Harvard College Library. See a translation of part in Magazine of American History, ii. 238.

[674] This method of supplying Canadian mothers is the subject of some inquiry in Parkman’s Old Régime, p. 220.

[675] Papers on Hennepin and Du Lhut are in the Minnesota Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. i. Du Lhut’s “Mémoire sur la Découverte du pays des Nadouecioux dans le Canada,” is in Harrisse, no. 177, and a translation is in Shea’s Hennepin.

[676] Shea (Le Clercq, ii. 123) notes a valuable series of articles on Hennepin by H. A. Rafferman, in the Deutsche Pionier, Aug.-Oct., 1880.

[677] [See chapter iv.—Ed.]

[678] This was not the only missionary labor in New France during the period already noticed. In 1619 some Recollect Fathers of the province of Aquitaine in France, at the instance of a fishing company which had establishments on the Acadian coast, came over to minister to the French and labor among the Indians. Their field of labor included Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Gaspé; but of the results of their attempts to instil an idea of Christianity into the minds of the Micmacs, we can give no details. One of their number, Father Sebastian, perished in the woods in 1623, while on his way from his post at Miscou to the chief mission station on St. John’s River. Three surviving Fathers joined the Recollects at Quebec in 1624 by order of their provincial in France, and took part in their ministry till Kirk arrived.

[679] [It was printed in 1833, in the Memoirs of the American Academy. His strong box, captured at the same time, was for a while (1845-1855) in the keeping of the Massachusetts Historical Society (Proceedings, ii. 322; iii. 40). Pickering, who edited the dictionary when printed, submitted to the same Society (Proceedings, i. 476) some original papers concerning Rale, preserved in the Massachusetts Archives, and these were used by Convers Francis in his Life of Ralle in Sparks’s American Biography. Cf. also 2 Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 2511 and Proceedings, iii. 324. An account of his monument is in the Historical Magazine, March, 1858, p. 84, and June, 1871, p. 399.—Ed.]

[680] The Abenaki missions on the St. Lawrence and in Maine were continued, however; and a remnant of the tribe still adhere to the Catholic faith at Indian Old Town, on the Penobscot, as they did in the days of Rale and of Orono, their chief, who led them to fight beside the Continentals in the Revolution. They are now known as the Penobscots and Passamaquoddies, but are dwindling away.

[681] [Harrisse, Notes sur la Nouvelle France, no. 62, says the book is hard reading, which explains the little use made of it by historians. Chevalier, in his introduction to the Paris reprint by Tross, in 1864-66, arraigns Charlevoix for his harsh judgment of Sagard. The original is now rare and costly. Tross, before securing a copy to print from, kept for years a standing offer of 1,200 francs. There are copies in the Harvard College and Carter-Brown (vol. ii. no. 437) libraries. Rich, in 1832, priced it at £1 16s.; Quaritch, in 1880, prices it at £63; and Le Clerc (no. 2,947), with the Huron music in fac-simile, gives 1,200 francs. Dufossé (Americana, 1876 and 1877-78) prices copies at 1,200 and 1,500 francs; cf. Crowninshield, no. 948, and Field’s Indian Bibliography, no. 1,344.

Of the Grand Voyage of 1632, there are copies in Harvard College and Carter-Brown libraries, and in the Library of Congress. Other copies were in the Crowninshield (no. 949), Brinley (no. 143), and O’Callaghan (no. 2,046) sales. Harrisse (Notes, etc., no. 53) says that after the Solar sale, where it brought 320 francs, it became an object for collectors; and Dufossé, in 1877, priced it at 550 francs; Ellis & White, the same year, at £42; Quaritch, at £36; Rich, fifty years ago, said copies had brought £15. Cf. Field, no. 1,341. This book was also reprinted by Tross in 1865.—Ed.]

[682] [This translation, of which only 250 copies were printed, was made by Dr. Shea. He introduces it with “A Sketch of Father Christian Le Clercq,” which includes a bibliographical account of his works. The book supplements in a measure Sagard’s Histoire du Canada, since that had given the earlier labors as this portrays the later works of the Recollects, or at least more minutely than Sagard. The Recollects had been recalled to Canada to thwart the Jesuits, and Le Clercq reached Quebec in 1673, and was assigned in 1675 to the vicinity of the Bay of Gaspé as a missionary field; and it is of his labors in this region that we learn in his Nouvelle relation de la Gaspésie, which was printed in Paris in 1691 (cf. Harrisse, Notes, 170; Field, Indian Bibliography, 902; Ternaux, 176; Faribault, 82; Lenox, in Historical Magazine, ii. 25; Dufossé, Americana, 1878, 75 and 100 francs; Sabin, vol. x. p. 159; Stevens, Bibliotheca Historica, 1870, no. 1,113; Brinley Catalogue, 102; Le Clercq, Bibl. Amer., 746, 140 francs; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,415; O’Callaghan, no. 1,360), and Le Clercq refers his readers to the present work for a continuation of the story, but it does not contain it, that portion being suppressed, as Dr. Shea thinks. The Jesuits are bitterly satirized by Le Clercq in the concluding part of the first volume, and in the second of the Établissement. Shea’s collation of the Nouvelle Relation does not correspond with the Harvard College copy, which has 28 instead of 26 preliminary leaves. See also Sabin’s Dictionary, vol. x. no. 39,649; Field’s Indian Bibliography, no. 903; Harrisse, Notes sur la Nouvelle France, no. 170; Boucher de la Richarderie, vi. 21; Faribault, p. 82.

The original edition of the Établissement had two varieties of title, one bearing the author’s name in full, and the other concealing it by initials. It is very rare with either title, but copies can be found in the Carter-Brown Library (see Catalogue, no. 1,413), and in the Sparks Collection at Cornell University (see Sparks Catalogue, no. 1,482). Dr. Shea notes other copies in Baron James Rothschild’s library at Paris, and in the Abbé H. Verreau’s collection at Montreal. Mr. Stewart tells me there are copies in the libraries of Laval University, of the Quebec Government, Of the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec, and of Parliament, at Ottawa. The Leno Library has a copy of what seems the same edition, with the title changed to Histoire des colonies françoises, Paris and Lyons, 1692. Mr. Lenox (Historical Magazine, January, 1858), following Sparks and others, claimed that the 1691 edition was suppressed; but Harrisse (Notes, etc. p. 159) disputes this in a long notice of the book, in which he cites Œuvres de Messire Antoine Arnould, Paris, 1780, xxxiv. 720, to the contrary. Le Clercq’s book should have a map, “Carte generalle de la Nouvelle France,” which is given in fac-simile in vol. ii. of this translation. It includes all North America, except the Arctic regions, but, singularly, omits Lake Champlain.

President Sparks wrote in his copy: “An extremely rare book.... It is peculiarly valuable as containing the first original account of the discoveries of La Salle by two [Recollect] missionaries who accompanied him. From this book, also, Hennepin drew the account of his pretended discovery of the Mississippi River.” See the bibliographical notice in Shea’s Discovery and Explorations of the Mississippi Valley, p. 78. Sparks, in his Life of La Salle, first pointed out how Hennepin had plagiarized from the journal of Father Membré, contained in Le Clercq. See further in Shea’s Mississippi Valley, p. 83 et seq., where Membré’s journal in Shea’s translation from Le Clercq was printed for the first time, and the note on Hennepin, following chap. viii. of the present volume. Harrisse, Notes, etc., p. 160, points out what we owe to this work for a knowledge of La Salle’s explorations. Cf. Parkman’s La Salle; Field’s Indian Bibliography, no. 903, with a note touching the authorship; Brunet, Supplement, i. 810, noting copies sold,—Maisonneuve, 250 francs; Sóbolewski, 150 thalers; Tross (1873), 410 francs; Dufossé, 600 francs; Le Clercq, no. 2,833, 1,500 francs.

The bibliographers are agreed that others than Le Clercq were engaged in the Établissement, and that the part concerning Frontenac was clearly not by Le Clercq. Charlevoix says Frontenac himself assisted in it; and it is Shea’s opinion that extraneous matter was attached to Le Clercq’s account of the Recollect missions, to convert the book into an attack in large part on the Jesuits.—Ed.

[683] Champlain’s Voyages, Prince ed. iii. 104 et seq.

[684] Establishment of the Faith, i. 200, 346.

[685] [See a note on the bibliography of Hennepin, following chap. viii. of the present volume.—Ed.]

[686] [S. Lesage, in the Revue Canadienne, iv. 303 (1867), gives a good summary of the Recollect missions.—Ed.]

[687] [An annotated bibliography of the Relations follows this chapter.—Ed.]

[688] Harrisse, no. 122. The book has been priced by Leclerc at 500 francs, and by Quaritch at £16 16s. Field does not mention it in his Indian Bibliography.

[689] See chap. v.; and cf. Historical Magazine, ix. 205, and Shea’s Charlevoix, iii. 165. Also later Sub 1655-56.

[690] Cf. Wilson on Mines in Canadian Journal, May, 1856.

[691] See Mgr. de St. Valier et L’Hôpital Général de Quebec. Quebec, 1882.

[692] This son, François Louis, entered the army, and was killed while in the service of King Louis, in Germany.

[693] A plan of this fort was sent by M. Denonville to France, on the 13th November, 1685. A copy may be seen in Faillon’s Histoire de la Colonie Française, iii. 467, entitled “Fort de Frontenac ou Katarakourg, construit par le Sieur de la Salle.” A sketch after Faillon is given on another page, in the editorial note on La Salle appended to chapter v.

[694] [Dr. Hawley says, in a note in his Early Chapters of Cayuga History, page 15, that this name is derived from onnonte, a mountain, and was given by the Hurons and Iroquois to Montmagny, governor of Canada, 1636-1648, as a translation of his name (mons magnus), and was applied to his successors, while the King of France was called Grand Onontio.—Ed.]

[695] [See narrative in chap. vi. Margry (i. 195) gives the “Voyage du Comte de Frontenac au lac Ontario, en 1673,” with letters appertaining. Cf. N. Y. Col. Doc., ix. 95.—Ed.]

[696] Abbé Salignac de Fénelon was a half brother of the author of Télémaque. Hildreth appears in doubt about him, and says: “Could this have been the Abbé and Saint Sulpitian priest of the same name, afterward so famous in the world of religion and letters? If so, his two years’ missionary residence in Canada seems to have been overlooked by his biographers. Yet he might have gathered there some hints for Telemachus.” See the “Note on the Jesuit Relations,” sub anno 1666-1667. Perrot’s character is drawn in Faillon (iii. 446) from the Sulpitian side.

[697] [Margry (i. 405) gives an account of the deliberations on the selling of liquor to the savages, which were held at Quebec Oct. 10, 1678.—Ed.]

[698] Auteuil’s house was situated about two leagues away from Quebec. Villeray went to the Isle of Orleans, and Tilly took up his quarters at the house of M. Juchereau, of St. Denis, near Quebec.

[699] [Duchesneau issued in 1681, at Quebec, a Memoir on the tribes from which peltries were derived. An English translation of this is in 2 Pennsylvania Archives, vi. 7.—Ed.]

[700] See chap. iv.

[701] [A Mémoire (Nov. 12, 1685) du Marquis de Denonville sur l’État du Canada, 12 Novembre, is in Brodhead, N. Y. Col. Docs., ix. 280; and an English translation is in 2 Pennsylvania Archives, vi. 24. Various other documents of this period are referred to in the Notes Historiques of Harrisse’s Notes, etc.—Ed.]

[702] [Cf. chap. vi. For this campaign against the Senecas, see Shea’s Charlevoix, iii. 286 (and his authorities); Parkman’s Frontenac (references p. 156); Denonville’s Journal, translated in N. Y. Col. Docs., vol. ix.; St. Vallier, État Présent; Belmont, Histoire du Canada; La Hontan; Tonty; Perrot; La Potherie; and the statements of the Senecas, in N. Y. Col. Docs., vol. iii. Squier’s Aboriginal Monuments of New York gives a plan of the Seneca fort; and O. H. Marshall identifies its site in 2 N. Y. Hist. Coll., vol. ii.—Ed.]

[703] [Margry (i. 37) gives a statement, made in 1712 by Vaudreuil and Bégon, collating the Relations from 1646 to 1687, to show the right of the French to the Iroquois country. Denonville’s Mémoire (1688), on the limits of the French claim, is translated in 2 Pennsylvania Archives, vi. 36. The Mémoire of the King, addressed to Denonville, explanatory of the claim, is translated in French’s Historical Collections, 2d series, i. 123. The Catalogue of the Canadian Parliament, 1858, p. 1617. no. 39, shows a large map of the French possessions, defining their boundaries by the English, copied from an original in the French archives. The claim was pressed of an extension to the Pacific. See Greenhow’s Oregon, p. 159.—Ed.]

[704] [There is in the Massachusetts Archives: Documents collected in France, iv. 7, a paper dated Versailles, 10 Mai, 1690, entitled “Projet d’une Expédition contre Manat et Baston,” which is accompanied by a map showing the coast from New York to the Merrimack, in its relation to Lakes Champlain and Ontario. The English towns are marked “bourg;” only “Baston” is put down by name. See Notes following chap. iv.—Ed.]

[705] [French armed vessels had also attacked Block Island, Historical Magazinevii. 324.—Ed.]

[706] The Editor is indebted to Francis Parkman, Esq., for the use of a fac-simile of the contemporary manuscript plan (preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris), of which the topographical part is shown, somewhat reduced, in the annexed fac-simile (Parkman’s Frontenac, p. 285). The rest of the sheet contains the following:—

“Plan de Québec, et de les environs, en la Nouvelle France, Assiegé par les Anglois, le 16 d’Octobre, 1690, jusqu’au 22 du dit mois qu’ils sen allerent, apprés avoir este bien battus, par M^r. Le Comte de Frontenac, gouverneur general du Pays.

“Les noms des habitans et des principaux Endroits de Quebec.

1. Maison Seigneurial de beauport.
2. pierre parent le Perre.
3. Jacque parent le fils.
4. aux R. P. Jesuistes.
5. pierre parent le fils.
6. la vefve de mathieu choset.
7. michel huppé.
8. M^r. de la Durantaye, Conseiller.
9. la vefve de paul chalifou.
10. M^r. de Vitray, Conceiller.
11. François retor.
12. M^r. denis.
13. Estienne lionnois.
14. M^r. Roussel.
15. Jean le normand.
16. Jean landron, ou est la briqueterie.
17. Joseph rancourt.
18. André coudray.
19. Jean le normand.
20. M^r. de St. Simeon.
21. le petit passage.
22. Le fort St. Louis, ou loge M^r. le comte de frontenac.
23. n^tre dame, et le Seminaire.
24. hospice des R. P. Recolletz.
25. les R. P. Jesuistes.
26. les Ursulines.
27. l’hospital.
28. les filles de la Congregation.
29. Mr. de Villeray, premier Conseiller.
30. batterie de huict pieces.
31. Le Cul de Sac, ou les barques, et petits vaisseaux hivernent.
32. platte forme ou est une batterie de 3 p.
33. Place ou est le buste du Roy, pozé sur un pied d’estal, en 1686, par Mr. de Champigny, Intendant.
34. M^r. de la Chesnays.
35. autre batterie de trois pieces.
36. autre batterie de trois pieces.
37. le Palais ou logent l’Intendant, le greffier du Conseil Souverain, et ou sont aussy les Prisons.
38. boulangerie a M^r. de la Chesnays.
39. la Maison blance a M^r. de la Chesnay.
40. moulin a M^r. de la Chesnays.
41. moulin au Roy.
42. moulins aux R. P. Jesuistes.
43. Maison a M^r. Talon, autrefois Intendant du Pays.
44. N^tre. dame des anges.
45. Vincent poirié.
46. L’Esuesché, a M^r. de St. Vallier.
47. Jardin de M^r. de frontenac.
48. Moulin a M^r. du Pont, ou est une batterie de trois pieces.
49. louis begin.
50. Jacque Sanson.
51. Pesche aux R. P. Jesuistes.
52. pierre Leyzeau.
53. Mathurin choüet, ou est un four a chaux.
54. batterie de trois pieces pour deffendre le passage
de la petitte R^re.
55. Canots, pour la decouverte pendant la nuit.

Par le s^r de Villeneuve ingénieur du Roy.”

Harrisse, Notes, etc., no. 243, cites this plan, and, no. 244, refers to a map of a little different title by Villeneuve, preserved in the Dépôt des Fortifications des Colonies at Paris. Leclerc, Bibliotheca Americana, no. 2,652, notes another early manuscript copy of this plan (Harrisse’s no. 243) in a collection of maps of the 18th century, which he prices at 800 francs. He calls the plan “tres belle carte manuscrite et inédite,” not aware of the reduced engraving of it issued by Van der Aa, of which there is a copy in a collection of maps (no. 50) formed by Frederick North, and now in Harvard College Library.

[707] Chapter iv.

[708] [Benjamin Wadsworth, of Boston, was sent by Massachusetts Bay to Albany in 1694 as one of the commissioners to treat with the Five Nations, and his Journal is in 4 Mass. Hist. Coll., i. 102-110.—Ed.]

[709] [These are particularly described in chap. ix. of the present volume.—Ed.]

[710] [See Note B, following this chapter.—Ed.]

[711] [Frontenac’s will is printed in the Magazine of American History, June, 1883, p. 465.—Ed.]

[712] Chapter viii.

[713] “M. Bacqueville de la Potherie a décrit le premier, d’une manière exacte, les établissemens des Français a Québec, à Montréal et aux Trois-Rivières: il a fait connaître surtout dans un grand détail, et en jetant, dans sa narration beaucoup d’intérêt, les mœurs, les usages, les maximes, la forme de gouvernement, la manière de faire la guerre et de contracter des alliances de la nation Iroquoise, si célèbre dans cette contrée de l’Amérique-Septentrionale. Ses observations se sont encore étendues à quelques autres peuplades, telle que la nation des Abénaquis, etc.”—Bib. des Voyages.

Charlevoix describes it as containing “undigested and ill-written material on a good portion of Canadian history.” Cf. Field, Indian Bibliography, no. 66; Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. iii. no. 319; Brinley Catalogue, no. 63; Sabin, Dictionary of Books relating to America, from its Discovery to the Present Time, vol. i. no. 2,692; Stevens, Historical Collections, vol. i. no. 1,313. It usually brings about $10; a later edition, Paris, 1753, four volumes, is worth a little less.

[714] [There were two editions in this year; one in three volumes quarto, and the other in six volumes of small size, with the plates folded. Cf. Sabin, Dictionary, vol. iii. p. 520; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. nos. 762, 763; Field, Indian Bibliography, no. 282, who says that “an almost endless variety exists in the editions and changes of the parts in Charlevoix’s three volumes.” Heriot published an abridged translation of Charlevoix in 1804; but the English reader and the student of Canadian history owes a great deal to the version and annotations of Dr. Shea, which this scholar printed in New York, in six sumptuous volumes, in 1866-1872. (Cf. J. R. G. Hassard in Catholic World, xvii. 721.) Charlevoix’s list of authorities with characterizations is the starting-point of the bibliography of New France. See Note C, at the end of this chapter.—Ed.]

[715] [See the note on the Jesuit Relations, following chap. vi., sub anno 1659.—Ed.]

[716] [Cf. H. J. Morgan’s Bibliotheca Canadensis, p. 65.—Ed.]

[717] [Parkman, Frontenac, p. 181, gives the authorities on the massacre. La Hontan’s Voyages; N. Y. Coll. Doc., vols. iii., ix.; Colden’s Five Nations, p. 115; Smith’s New York, p. 57; Belmont, Histoire du Canada in Faribault’s Collection de Mémoires, 1840; De la Potherie, Histoire de l’Amérique Septentrionale. Shea says (Charlevoix, iv. 31), “There is little doubt as to the complicity of the New Yorkers in the Lachine massacre.”—Ed.]

[718] Shea’s Charlevoix, i. 94.

[719] An abridged edition was printed at Quebec in 1864. There is a bibliographical sketch of Garneau in the Abbé Casgrain’s Œuvres, vol. ii., first issued separately in 1866. Cf. Morgan’s Bibliotheca Canadensis, p. 135. Chauveau’s discourse at his grave is in the Revue Canadienne, 1867.

[720] Mr. Alfred Garneau, who has also written a readable paper entitled “Les Seigneurs de Frontenac,” which was originally published in the Revue Canadienne, 1867, vol. iv. p. 136. The English reader is unfortunate if he derives his knowledge of the elder Garneau’s historical work from the English translation by Bell, who in a spirit of prejudice has taken unwarrantable liberties with his original.

[721] Shea gives a portrait of Ferland (b. 1805, d. 1864) in his Charlevoix, and it is repeated with a memoir in the Historical Magazine, July, 1865; cf. Morgan’s Bibliotheca Canadensis, p. 121. His strictures on Brasseur de Bourbourg’s Histoire du Canada were published in Paris, in 1853. [Cf. chap. iv. of the present volume.—Ed.]

[722] Old Régime, p. 61. An account of his studies in Canadian history appeared at Montreal in 1879, in a memorial volume, M. Faillon, Prêtre de St. Sulpice, sa Vie et ses Œuvres. [See the note on the Jesuit Relations, following chap. vi., sub anno 1642; and Morgan’s Bibliotheca Canadensis, p. 118.—Ed.]

[723] The aims of partisanship always incite the detraction of rivals, and a story which is current illustrates the passions of rivalry, if it does not record the truth. Faillon’s book is said to have given offence to the members of the Seminary at Quebec, and to have restored some of the old recriminating fervor which so long characterized the relations of the ecclesiastics of Montreal and Quebec. The priests of the Seminary are even credited with an appeal to the Pope to prevent the continuance of its publication. Whether this be true or not, historical scholarship is accounted a gainer in the antidote which the Quebec ecclesiastics applied, when they commissioned the Abbé Laverdière, since deceased, to publish his edition of Champlain.

[724] In the Preface to his Old Régime, and repeated in his Frontenac, Mr. Parkman, in referring to his conclusions, said: “Some of the results here reached are of a character which I regret, since they cannot be agreeable to persons for whom I have a very cordial regard. The conclusions drawn from the facts may be matter of opinion; but it will be remembered that the facts themselves can be overthrown only by overthrowing the evidence on which they rest, or bringing forward counter evidence of equal or greater strength.” The chief questioner of Parkman’s views has been the Abbé Casgrain, whose position is best understood from his Une Paroisse Canadienne au XVII^e siècle, Quebec, 1880. See Poole’s Index, p. 973, for reviews of Parkman’s books.

[725] Mr. Parkman also made it the subject of an article in the Atlantic Monthly, xxxviii. 719.

[726] Sabin, vol. ii. no. 5,000.

[727] See Vol. III. p. 34.

[728] Carter-Brown Catalogue, i. 516, 517.

[729] There are copies of the 1597 edition in the Carter-Brown and Harvard College libraries. They are worth from £3 to £4. Copies of the 1598 edition are in the Library of Congress, and in the Murphy, Barlow, and Carter-Brown Collections. It is usually priced at $8 or $10. This edition was reissued in 1603 with a new title, and the omissions of the leaf of “epigramma;” and copies of this date are in the Library of Congress, the Philadelphia Library, and in the Carter-Brown Collection. A French edition, including the same maps, appeared at Douay in 1607, with the text abridged in parts and added to in others. There is a copy in the Carter-Brown (Catalogue, ii. 59) Collection. The maps were also reproduced, with four others not American, in the 1611 edition of Douay, of which the Library of Congress, Harvard College, and the Carter-Brown Collections have copies. The America, sive novus orbis of Metellus, published at Cologne in 1600, has twenty maps, which are reduced copies with little change from Wytfliet. (Rich, 1832, no. 90; Sabin, Dictionary, xii. 48,170). Harvard College Library has a copy of Metellus.

[730] Part of this famous map is given on p. 373. See Raemdonck’s Mercator, pp. 114-138, 249. The same map was reproduced on a different projection by Rumold Mercator in 1587, and by Corneille de Jode in 1589; and Guillaume Jannsonius imitated it in 1606, and this in turn was imitated by Kaerius. Girolamo Poro reproduced it at Venice on a reduced scale in 1596.

German and English writers have disputed over the claim for the invention of what is known as Mercator’s projection. The facts seem to be that Mercator conceived the principle, but did not accurately work out the formula for parallelizing the meridians and for spreading the parallels of latitude. Mead, on The Construction of Maps (1717), charged Mercator with having stolen the idea from Edward Wright, who was the first to publish an engraved map on this system in his Certaine Errors of Navigation, London, 1599. It seems, however, clear that Wright perfected the formula, and only claimed to have improved, not to have invented, the projection. Raemdonck (p. 120) gives full references.

[731] Dr. J. van Raemdonck published Gérard Mercator, sa Vie et ses Œuvres, in 1869; a paper in the nature of a supplement by him, “Relations commerciales entre Gérard Mercator et Christophe Plautin à Anvers,” was published in the Bull. de la Soc. géog. d’Anvers, iv. 327. There is a succinct account of Mercator by Eliab F. Hall published in the Bulletin (1878, no. 4) of the American Geographical Society. Raemdonck (p. 312) has shown that the old belief in the Latinization of Koopman, or Kaufmann, as the original name of Mercator, is an error,—his family name having been Cremer, which in Flemish signified the German Kaufmann and the Latin Mercator. Raemdonck also shows that Mercator was born in the Pays de Waas, March 5, 1512.

[732] Leclerc, Bibl. Amer., no. 2,911 (45 francs).

[733] Cf. I. C. Iselin, in Historisch-Geographisches Lexicon, Basel, 1726, 2d part.

[734] Sabin, vol. xii. no. 47,882. Lelewel, Géog. du Moyen Age, despaired of setting right the order of the various editions of Hondius-Mercator; but Raemdonck, Mercator, p. 260, thinks he has determined their sequence; and upon Raemdonck we have in part depended in this account. Raemdonck mentions the copies in European libraries. The 1607 edition was translated into French by Popellinière, the author of Les trois Mondes; and other French editions were issued in 1613, 1619, 1628, 1630, 1633, 1635. Cf. Quetelet, Histoire des Sciences, mathématique et physique chez les Belges, p. 116.

[735] Known in his vernacular as Pierre van den Bergh. He had married the sister of Jodocus Hondius.

[736] This had 153 plates, but none touching New France, except the map of the world. The same, with German text, appeared in 1609. About twenty editions appeared in various languages; but that of 1627-1628 showed 140 newly engraved maps, of which there were later Dutch (1630) and Latin (1634) editions. In 1651, this Atlas minor was increased to two volumes, with 211 maps, having 71 (including five new maps of South American regions) additional maps to the 140 of the 1627-1628 edition. Cf. Raemdonck, Mercator; Carter-Brown Catalogue, vol. ii. no. 1,634; and Sabin, vol. xii. nos. 47,887 and 47,888.

[737] In 1633-39 it had the title, Atlas; ou, Représentation du Monde, in three volumes; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 47,884.

[738] The English editor was Wye Saltonstall. There are copies in Harvard College Library and in Mr. Deane’s, and the Carter-Brown Collection (Catalogue, ii. 430; cf. Sabin, Dictionary, vol. xii. no. 47,885). The second edition in some copies has Ralph Hall’s very rare map of Virginia.

[739] There is a fine copy in the Library of the Massachusetts Historical Society; cf. Sabin, vol. xii. no. 47,886.

[740] It is usually priced at from £7 to £10; cf. Sabin, vol. xii. no. 47,883. Raemdonck, Mercator, p. 268, says 313 maps, of which twenty are Mercator’s, and these last were latest used in the editions of 1640(?) and 1664.

[741] Lelewel, Epilogue, p. 222. Lelewel, a Pole, passed a long exile at Brussels, where he published, in 1852, his Géog. du Moyen Age. He died in Paris in 1862; and the people of Brussels commemorated him by an inscription on the house in which he lived.

[742] There is also a copy in Harvard College Library.

[743] Cf. Lelewel, Epilogue, p. 222. Covens and Mortier were the publishers of what is known as the Allard Atlases, published about the close of the century.

[744] A list of the royal geographers of France will often serve in fixing the dates of the many undated maps of this period. Such a list is given from 1560 in the Bulletin de la Soc. géog. d’Anvers, i. 477, and includes—

Nicolas Sanson, in office, 1647-1667.
P. Duval, 1664-1667.
Adrien Sanson, first son of Nicolas, 1667.
Guillaume Sanson, second son, 1667.
Jean B. d’Anville (b. 1697; d. 1782), 1718.
Guillaume Delisle (b. 1675; d. 1726), 1718.
Jean de Beaurain (b. 1696; d. 1771; publications, 1741-1756), 1721.
Le Rouge, 1722.
Philip Buache (publications, 1729-1760), d. 1773.
Roussel, 1730.
Hubert Jaillot, 1736.
Bernard Jaillot, 1736.
Robert de Vaugondy (b. 1688; d. 1766), 1760.

A Géographie universelle, avec Cartes, was published under Du Val’s name in Paris in 1682. Another French atlas, A. M. Mallet’s Description de l’Univers, Paris, 1683, in five volumes, contained 683 maps, of which 55 were American; and the century closed with what was still called Sanson’s Description de tout l’Univers en plusieurs Cartes, 1700, which had six maps on America.

[745] Copy in Boston Public Library (no. 2,311.68), 112 pp., quarto, without date. Cf. Uricoechea, Mapoteca Colombiana, no. 38; one of the Carter-Brown copies (Catalogue, ii. 828) is dated 1657 (as is the Harvard College copy), and the other, with twelve maps is dated 1662 (Catalogue, ii. no. 909). The entire atlas was called Cartes générales de toutes Parties du Monde, Paris, 1658 (Sunderland, vol. v. no. 11,069).

[746] Some copies are made up as covering the dates 1654 to 1669.

[747] Cf. Lelewel, Epilogue, p. 229. “The progress of geographical science long continued to be slow,” says Hallam in his Literature of Europe. “If we compare the map of the world in 1651, by Nicolas Sanson, esteemed on all sides the best geographer of his age, with one by his son in 1692, the variances will not appear perhaps so considerable as one might have expected.... The Sanson family did not take pains enough to improve what their father had executed, though they might have had material help from the astronomical observations which were now continually made in different parts of the world.” The Sanson plates continued to be used in Johannes Luyt’s Introductio ad Geographiam, 1692, and in the Atlas nouveau par le Sr. Sanson et H. Jaillot, published in Paris about the same year.

[748] A list of the American maps published in Holland is given on pp. 113-118 of Paullus’ Orbis terraqueus in Tabulis descriptus, published at Strasburg in 1673.

[749] Muller, Books on America, 1877, shows how copies of all these atlases are often extended by additional plates.

[750] Muller, Books on America, 1877, no. 89.

[751] Muller, Books on America, 1877, no. 701; Asher’s Essay, etc.; Sabin, Dictionary, vol. iv. no. 14,548.

[752] Cf. Muller, Books on America, 1877, nos. 957, etc., and Asher’s Essay.

[753] It is one of the rarest of these Zee-Atlases, and is worth £7 to £10; there is a copy in Harvard College Library.

[754] Muller, Books on America, 1877, no. 1,667, etc.

[755] There is a map of the world in this work which gives much the same delineation to America.

[756] Cf. the map on the title of the Beschryvinghe van Guiana, Amsterdam, 1605 (given in Muller’s Books on America, 1872). The map in Cespedes’ Regimiento de Navigacion, Madrid, 1606, is of interest as being one of the few early printed Spanish maps. This, like those in Medina, Gomara, and Herrera, is of a small scale. The map in so well-known a book as Herrera’s Descripcion de las Indias (1601, repeated in the 1622 edition) is very vaguely drawn for the northeastern part of America. The map in the Detectio freti Hudsoni, published at Amsterdam in 1613, showed as yet no signs of Champlain’s discoveries.

[757] It is reproduced as a whole in Tross’s edition of Lescarbot, Paris, 1866; in Faillon, Colonie Française en Canada, i. 85, and in the Popham Memorial.

[758] Harrisse, Notes, etc., nos. 306, 307.

[759] See chap. viii.

[760] Cf. Bibliographical Note in Vol. III. p. 47.

[761] See a bibliographical note in the present volume, chap. viii. Copies of the 1630 and 1633 editions are in Harvard College and the Boston Public Libraries, and in Mr. Deane’s collection.

[762] Notes, etc., no. 323. Harrisse also assigns to 1628 a map, “Novveau Monde,” by Nicolai du Dauphiné, which appeared in the French translation, 1628, of Medina’s L’Art de Naviguer. There is a mappemonde of Hondius bearing date 1630, and his America noviter delineata of 1631. Of about the same date is Den Groote Noord Zee ... beschreven door Jacob Aertz Colom, which appeared at Amsterdam, and shows the North American coast from Smith Sound to Florida. Muller, Books on America, 1877, no. 89, says it is “of the utmost rarity.”

[763] Harrisse, Notes, etc. nos. 270, 271.

[764] Harrisse, no. 327. Sanson had already published a map of North America in 1650 (Harrisse, no. 325). As contemporary maps, reference may be made to a map of Nicolosius (Harrisse, no. 268); and to one in Wright’s Certain Errors in Navigation. Harrisse (no. 336) refers to a later map of Sanson (1667), before his son published his revision in 1669.

[765] Similar delineations of these western lakes appear on various maps of about this time, including those credited to Valck and F. de Witt, and others marked “P. Schenk, ex.,” and “per Jacobum de Sandrart, Norimbergæ, B. Homann sculpsit.” Guillaume Sanson embodied the same representations in his Amérique septentrionale in 1669 (Harrisse, no. 338), and the next year (1670) they again appeared on the map attached to Blome’s Description of the World. Still later they are found in Jaillot’s Amérique septentrionale (1694); in the map in Campanius’ Nya Swerige (1702), and even so late as 1741 in Van der Aa’s Galerie agréable du Monde.

[766] There were various later editions,—1662, 1674, 1677 (with map dated 1663).

[767] Harrisse, Notes, etc., nos. 269, 272, 328; Uricoechea, Mapoteca Colombiana, no. 42, etc.

[768] See the Editorial Note on the Jesuit Relations.

[769] Harrisse (no. 197) refers to a manuscript map in the Paris Archives of 1665, showing the coast from Labrador to Mexico.

[770] Cf. Stevens’s Bibliotheca Geographica, no. 2,016.

[771] See chap. vi.

[772] Harrisse, nos. 336, 338, 344, 345, 347, 356, 363, 370; Stevens, Bibliotheca geographica, p. 236.

[773] Harrisse, no. 349.

[774] Harrisse, no. 350.

[775] Harrisse, no. 351.

[776] Harrisse, no. 354.

[777] Ibid., no. 367.

[778] Harrisse, nos. 371, 372.

[779] Harrisse, no. 374.

[780] I am inclined to consider this desire of finding a new and shorter passage to Cathay a flimsy excuse for premeditated descents upon the Spanish conquests, and shall give my reasons in the proper place.

[781] [See Vol. III., chaps. iv. and v.—Ed.]

[782] Wahlebocht, bay of the foreigners.

[783] [See Vol. III., chap. v.; also, later in the present chapter.—Ed.]

[784] [See this Vol., chap. ix.—Ed.]

[785] The schout-fiscal was a member of the Council, but had no vote. He attended the sessions of the Council to give his opinion upon any financial or judicial question; and, if required, acted as public prosecutor.

[786] [This was the origin of the New York Historical Society, which held its first organized meeting in January, 1805, and occupied its present building for the first time in 1857. (Historical Magazine, i. 23, 369; Public Libraries of the United States [1876], i. 924.) It was at this dedication that Dr. John W. Francis delivered his genial and anecdotal discourse on New York in the last Fifty Years.

Some good supplemental work has been done by the local historical societies, like the Long Island (Historical Magazine, viii. 187), Ulster County, and Buffalo societies.—Ed.]

[787] [Dr. O’Callaghan made the translations from the Dutch and French, and had the general superintendence. Brodhead prepared the Introduction, giving the history of the records. Brodhead made his first report on his work in 1845 (Senate Documents, no. 47, of 1845), after he had arranged and indexed his eighty volumes, also in an address before the New York Historical Society, 1844, printed in their Proceedings. This led to the arranging and binding of two hundred volumes of the domestic archives, which had been in disorder. The eighty volumes above named were divided thus:—

Sixteen, 1603-1678, obtained in Holland; forty-seven, 1614-1678, procured in England; seventeen, 1631-1763, secured in Paris. Brodhead’s New York, i. 759; Westminster Review, new series, iii. 607.

Asher, Essay, p. xlviii, says of Brodhead’s mission: “We must, however, regret that, tied down by his instructions, he took a somewhat narrow view of his search, and purposely omitted from his collection a vast store of documents bearing on the history of the West India Company.”

The documents as published were divided thus: Vol. i. Holland documents, 1603-1656. Vol. ii. Ibid., 1657-1678. Vol. iii. London documents, 1614-1692. Vol. iv. Ibid., 1693-1706. Vol. v. Ibid., 1707-1733. Vol. vi. Ibid., 1734-1755. Vol. vii. Ibid., 1756-1767. Vol. viii. Ibid., 1768-1782. Vol. ix. Paris documents, 1631-1744. Vol. x. Ibid., 1745-1774.

In the Introduction to vol. iii. Mr. Brodhead gives an account of the condition of the English State-Paper Office in 1843.—Ed.]

[788] [The discourse (1847) of C. F. Hoffman on “The Pioneers of New York,” institutes a comparison with the Pilgrims of Plymouth. Mr. Fernow’s paper in the Mag. of Amer. Hist., v. 214, discusses the claims of the Dutch to be considered as having educated people among them, and the various legislative acts indicating their tolerant spirit are enumerated in Historical Magazine, iii. 312.

See Dr. De Witt’s paper on the origin of the early settlers in N. Y. Hist. Soc. Proc., 1847, p. 72. Various notices of the early families are scattered through O’Callaghan’s notes to his New Netherland, and embodied in the local histories; but genealogy has never been so favorite a study in New York as in New England.—Ed.]

[789] N. Y. Coll. MSS., xxxv. 162.

[790] Governor Ingoldsby to Lords of Trade, July 5, 1709: “I am well informed that when the Dutch took this place from us, several books of records of patents and other things were lost.”—N. Y. Coll. Doc’s, v. 83.

[791] [Calendar of Historical MSS. in the Secretary of State’s Office (Dutch), 1630-1664, Albany, 1865; and Ibid. (English), 1664-1776, Albany, 1866. On p. ix of the last is given a list of the papers and volumes formerly in the offices of the Secretary of State and Comptroller, now in the State Library. There was also printed at Albany, in 1864, a Calendar of the New York Colonial MSS. and Land Papers, 1643-1803, in the Secretary of State’s office.—Ed.]

[792] See Hakluyt, i. 218.

[793] Hakluyt, Principall Navigations, etc., iii. 155, London, 1600.

[794] Kunstmann, Monumenta Sæcularia, iii. 2; Entdeckungsgeschichte Americas, Munich, 1859, Atlas, tab. iv.

[795] Peter Martyr, seventh decade, tenth chapter.

[796] Oviedo, Relacion sumaria de la Historia Natural de las Indias, edition of 1526, x. 16. “While sailing westward, much land adjoining that which is called the Baccalaos [Newfoundland], and situate under the fortieth and forty-first degrees.”

[797] Mappa Mundi of Diego Ribero, 1529, given by Lelewel, Géographie du Moyen Age; two undated maps by unknown makers, about 1532-1540, in the Munich collection, Kunstmann’s Atlas, tab. vi., vii.; the globe Regiones orbis terrarum, quas Euphr. Ulpius descripsit anno MDXLII.; the map in the Isolario, by Benedetto Bordone, Vinegia, 1547; a map by Baptista Agnese, made in 1554, mentioned by Abbate D. Placido Zurla in Sulle Antiche Mappe Idro geografiche lavorate in Venezia; map of Vaz Dourado, the original of which, made in 1571, is in the archives at Lisbon, and a copy made in 1580 at Munich (Kunstmann, Atlas, tab. x.); map in the Cosmographie of Seb. Munster, Basel, 1574; and others.

[798] François de Belle Forest, Comingeois, La Cosmographie Universelle de tout le Monde, Paris, 1575, ii. 2195.

[799] [The bibliography of the Ptolemies is examined in another part of this work.—Ed.]

[800] Kunstmann, Atlas, tab. xii. [A section of Hood’s map is given in Dr. De Costa’s chapter in Vol. III.—Ed.] See also Dudley’s Arcano del Mare, 15.²

[801] Orbis Terrarum Typus de Integro multis in locis emendatus, auctore Petro Plancio, 1594, reproduced in Linschoten’s Histoire de la Navigation, 1638 and 1644. Cf. Carter-Brown Catalogue, i. 312; Quaritch (1879), no. 12,186. See also Descriptionis Ptolemaicæ Augmentum, Cornelio Wytfliet auctore, Duaci (Douay), 1603, p. 99.

[802] Documents relating to the Colonial History of New York, i. 94.

[803] Documents relating to the Colonial History of New York, i. 51.

[804] [See on the first mention of Hudson River, Magazine of American History, July, 1882, p. 513. It had about twenty names in a century and a half. Ibid., iv. 404, June, 1880. De Costa, in Hudson’s Sailing Directions, elucidates the claims for the Spanish discovery.—Ed.]

[805] Documents relating to the Colonial History of New York, i. 139.

[806] [Verrazano’s discoveries are followed in chapter i. of the present volume.—Ed.]

[807] Documents relating to the Colonial History of New York, ii. 80.

[808] [It is often claimed that the map of Lok (see page 40 of Vol. III.) showing the Western Sea of Verrazano, and published in 1582, instigated Hudson to make search for it along the shore of New Netherland. Hudson’s voyage of 1609 is known as his third voyage. (Cf. a note to Mr Smith’s chapter in Vol. III. on “Explorations to the Northwest.”) The question of the impelling cause of this voyage is examined by Bancroft in his United States, vol. ii. chap. 15; by H. C. Murphy in his Henry Hudson in Holland, Hague, 1859; and by J. M. Read, in his Henry Hudson, his Friends, Relatives, and Early Life, Albany, 1866, which last work has an appendix of original sources.

The old narrative of Ivan Bardsen, which it is supposed was used by Hudson as a guide, is given in Rafn’s Antiquitates Americanæ, in Purchas’s Pilgrimes, in the appendix of Asher’s Hudson, and the English of it is given in De Costa’s Sailing Directions of Hudson (reviewed in the Historical Magazine, 1870, p. 204), which is accompanied by a dissertation on the discovery of Hudson River. Cf. also Major’s Introduction to the Zeni Voyages, published by the Hakluyt Society.

Moulton, in his New York, gives a running commentary on Hudson’s passage up the river. See also the conclusions of Gay in the Popular History of the United States, i. 355. We learn the most of this voyage from Purchas’s Pilgrimes (also N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., 1809, vol. i.), whose third volume contains the accounts by Hudson and his companions; and in the Pilgrimage there is a chapter on “Hudson’s Discoveries and Death,” which is mainly a summary of the documents in the Pilgrimes. This is reprinted by Asher in his Henry Hudson the Navigator (Hakluyt Society), where will also be found, page 45, what is known as Juet’s Journal, March-November, 1609 (also in Purchas, iii. 581; Munsell’s Annals of Albany, and in 2 N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., i. 317; also cf. ii. 367), with extracts from Lambrechtsen’s New Netherland, who used material not otherwise known, and from De Laet’s Nieuwe Wereld, and in the Appendix a bibliography of the voyage. De Laet used Hudson’s own journals (April 19, 1607-June 21, 1611), which are not now known and what De Laet gives of the third voyage is supposed to be Hudson’s own report. Asher, p. 167-172, claims that the matter given by Van der Donck and not found elsewhere was fabricated to support the Dutch claim. The controversial papers of Dawson and Whitehead, in the Historical Magazine, 1870, touch many of the points of Hudson’s explorations. Brodhead’s New York and O’Callaghan’s New Netherland give careful studies of this voyage. The latest developments, however, did not serve Biddle in his Cabot; nor Belknap in his American Biography; nor R. H. Cleveland in Sparks’s American Biography; nor Miller in the N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., 1810. The chief Dutch authority is Emanuel van Meteren, of whose work mention is made later in the text. (Cf. Asher’s Hudson, p. xxv; compare also a Collection of Voyages undertaken by the Dutch East India Company, London, 1703, p. 71.)—Ed.]

[809] See G. M. Asher’s Bibliographical and Historical Essay on the Dutch Books and Pamphlets relating to New Netherland, Amsterdam, 1854-67. The Vryheden of the West India Company, 1630, a sort of primary charter to the colonists of New Netherland, is given in English by Dr. O’Callaghan (New Netherland, p. 112), and in Dutch in Wassenaer, Hist. Verhael, xviii. 194. The Carter-Brown Catalogue, ii. 367, shows an original copy.

[810] Ibid.; also manuscript in the possession of Mr. J. Carson Brevoort, Advice to establish a new South Company, by William Usselinx, 1636, and West-Indische Spieghel by Athanasius Inga, of Peru, 1624, probably a work of Usselinx’s. One copy is in Mr. Brevoort’s library, one in New York State Library, and a third in the Carter-Brown Collection. See the Catalogue of the latter collection, ii. no. 296.

[811] [See the following chapter.—Ed.]

[812] [This work is now rare; but copies are in the Congressional, Harvard College, Carter-Brown, Murphy, and Lenox libraries. See Asher’s Essay, pp. 83, 93.—Ed.]

[813] Born at Antwerp in 1582; died at Amsterdam, 1649.

[814] Johan de Hulter, one of the earliest settlers of Kingston, N. Y. His widow married Jeronimus Ebbingh, of Kingston.

[815] Nieuwe Wereld ofte Beschrijvinghe van West Indien, uijt veelerhande Schriften ende Aenteekeningen bij een versamelt door Joannes de Laet, Leyden, 1625,—“The New World, or Description of West Indies, from several MSS and notes collected by J. de Laet.” A second edition in Dutch appeared, with slightly changed title, in 1630; a third in Latin,—Novus Orbis, seu Descriptionis Indiæ Occidentalis Libri xviii.,—was published in 1633; and a fourth in French, entitled Histoire du Nouveau Monde, ou Description des Indes Occidentales, in 1640. The State Library at Albany, N. Y., has copies of all except the first, and all are noted in the O’Callaghan and Carter-Brown Catalogues. [A copy of the 1625 edition was priced by Muller in 1872 at ten florins. There is a copy in Charles Deane’s library. The 1630 edition, called “verbetert, vermeerdert, met eenige nieuwe Caerten verciert,” has fourteen maps, engraved chiefly by Hessel Gerritsz, and good copies are worth about six to eight guineas. The 1633 edition was priced by Rich in 1832 at one pound ten shillings, but a good copy of it will now bring about five guineas. The 1640 edition has appreciated in the same time from one pound four shillings (Rich, in 1832) to two guineas. Translations of such parts as pertain to New Netherland are in the N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., new series, i. 281, and ii. 373. Brodhead, in 1841, tried in vain in Holland to find De Laet’s papers. De Laet’s library was sold April 27, 1650. There is a catalogue of it noted in the Huth Catalogue, ii. 414.—Ed.]

[816] Historie ofte Jaerlijck Verhael van de Verrichtingen van de Geoctroyeerde West-Indische Compagnie sedert haer Begin tot 1636,—“History or Yearly Account of the Proceedings of the West India Company, from its beginning to 1636,” anno 1644. Copy in State Library, Albany. Trömel, no. 198. [For the history of the Dutch West India Company, see O’Callaghan’s New Netherland, vol. i. (its charter is given, p. 399); and a valuable contribution to the subject is also contained in Asher’s Essay, in the sketch of the Company in his Introduction, p. xiv and in the section on the Company’s history, p. 40, and on the writings of Usselinx, p. 73. He says the best history of its fortunes is in Netscher’s Les Hollandais au Brésil. There is also much of importance in T. C. de Jonge’s Geschiedenis van het Nederlandsch Zeewesen, 1833-48, six volumes. The flag of the West India Company is depicted in Valentine’s New York City Manual, 1863, in connection with an abstract of a paper on “The Flags which have waved over New York City,” by Dr. A. K. Gardner.—Ed.]

[817] [The letter of Rasieres, printed in 2 N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., ii. 339, gives us a notice of the country in 1627.—Ed.]

[818] De Origine Gentium Americanarum, Paris, 1643.

[819] Bancroft, History of the United States, ii. 281: “The voyage of De Vries was the cradling of a state. That Delaware exists as a separate commonwealth is due to the colony of De Vries.” Cf. Proceedings of the Inaugural Meeting of the Historical Society of Delaware, May 31, 1864; J. W. Beekman in the N.Y. Hist. Soc. Proc., 1847, p. 86; Delaware Papers, p. 335 of Calendar of Historical MSS. in the State Library (Dutch) at Albany, edited by Dr. O’Callaghan, 1865, and N. Y. Col. Docs. vol. xii., 1877.—Ed.

[820] Korte Historiael ende Journaels Aenteyckeninge van verscheyden Voyagien in de vier Teelen des Wereldts Ronde, door David Pietersen de Vries, Alkmaar, 1655,—“Short History and Notes of a Journal kept during Several Voyages by D. P. de Vries.”

[This extremely rare book was first used by Brodhead (i. 381, note). It should have a portrait by Cornelius Visscher, which has been reproduced in Amsterdam by photolithography. Mr. Lenox paid $300 for the copy noted in Field’s Indian Bibliography, no. 1,615. There are also copies in the Carter-Brown (ii. 803) and Murphy collections, and one was sold in the Brinley sale, no. 2,717; cf. Asher, no. 336; Trömel, no. 279; Muller (1872), no. 1,109, and (1877) no. 3,414, 240 florins, not quite perfect; Huth, ii. 424; O’Callaghan, no. 778. Extracts from the book were translated in 2 N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., i. 243; and all the parts relating to America by H. C. Murphy, in Ibid., iii. 9; and this translation, with an Introduction, was privately reprinted by Mr. Lenox (250 copies), in 1853.]

[821] Title of the lowest grade of nobility in Holland.

[822] Hon. Jer. Johnson, in the preface to his translation of Van der Donck (N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., 1841), says “Van Rensselaer had arrived five years before Van der Donck.” This is an error. Kilian van Rensselaer, the first patroon, was never in America; and when by his death, 1646, the title to Rensselaerswyck devolved upon his infant son Johannes, the child’s paternal uncle, Johann Baptist van Rensselaer, undertook the personal management of the colony, but did not arrive in America as the first representative here of the family until 1651. O’Callaghan, in History of New Netherland, ii. 550, states that Van der Donck was not allowed to practise law in New Netherland, because “the directors could not see what advantage his pleadings before the courts would have, as there were already lawyers in New Netherland,” etc. This is also an error. See N. Y. Coll. MSS., xi. 86, where the application is refused “because they doubted whether there were any other lawyers who could act or plead against him.” Van der Donck was here from 1641 to 1655, when he died.

[823] Vertoogh van Nieu Nederland, whegens de Ghelegentheydt, Vruchtbaerheydt en Soberen Staet deszelfs, In’s Gravens Hage, 1650,—“Account of New Netherland, its situation, fertility, and the state thereof.”

[See O’Callaghan, ii. 90, 111; Brodhead, i. 506; Asher, no. 5; Brinley, ii. 2715; Huth, iii. 1031; Muller, 1877, p. 196, for 140 florins; Harrassowitz, cat. no. 61, book no. 87, for 125 marks; Carter-Brown Catalogue, ii. 698. Brodhead found in Holland the copy now in the New York Historical Society’s library. Mr. H. C. Murphy translated it for 2 N. Y. Hist. Coll., ii. 251, with an Introduction, and this, with Murphy’s translation of Breeden Raedt, was in 1854 privately reprinted, 125 copies, by Mr. Lenox, with a fac-simile of the map of the Hudson from the Zee-Atlas of Goos. See an extract from this map given on a later page.—Ed.]

[824] Documents relating to the Colonial History of New York, i. 430.

[825] Documents relating to the Colonial History of New York, i. 422.

[826] Beschrijvinge van Nieuw Nederlant, ghelijck het tegenwoordigh in staet is, etc., door Adrian van der Donck, beyder Rechten Doctoor, die tegenwoordigh noch in Nieuw Nederlant is, Amsterdam, 1655; second edition, 1656,—“Description of New Netherland as it now is, etc., by A. van der Donck, Doctor of Laws, who is still in New Netherland.”

[This work is perhaps the rarest and now the most costly of the early books on New York. Stevens (Historical Collection, nos. 200, 1,395) says, “Copies for the last forty years have usually sold for £12 to £21.” It is priced in Muller (1872 edition, nos. 1,079-81, 1877 edition, nos. 955, 956), 150 florins; in Leclerc (no. 866), 200 francs. Field (Indian Bibliography, no. 1,592) gives some reasons for supposing there was a third edition in 1656. (Cf. Asher, no. 7; Brinley, ii. 2,718; Carter-Brown, ii. 801, with supplement, no. 811; also no. 814; O’Callaghan, no. 2,315; Sabin, v. 482; Huth, v. 1514; Trömel, nos. 280, 281.) There is a view of New Amsterdam in the first edition which is not in the second. O’Callaghan, New Netherland, ii. 551, has a note on Van der Donck’s life and family. His book has been translated by General Jeremiah Johnson in the N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., 1841; see also second series, i. 125.—Ed.]

[827] Journal of a Voyage to New York and a Tour in several of the American Colonies in 1679-1680, by Jasper Dankers and P. Sluyter, published from MSS. in his possession by Hon. Henry C. Murphy, in Collections of Long Island Historical Society, vol. i., 1867. See further on the Dankers and Sluyter Journal, the notes appended to Mr. John Austin Stevens’s chapter on “The English in New York,” in Vol. III.

[828] The hill below Albany, N. Y., on which the fort was built in 1618, is called by the Indians Tawalsontha, Tawassgunshee, Tawajonshe, “a heap of dead men’s bones.” Tas de jonchets would be the French for the same expression. Another place near Albany was called Semegonce, the place to sow; still another, Negogance, the place to trade; while semer and négoce (negocio) are the corresponding French words.

[829] Een kort Ontwerp van de Mahakvase Indianen, haer landt, tale, statuere, dracht, godes-dienst ende magistrature. Aldus beschreven ende nu kortelijck den 26 Augusti 1644 opgezonden uijt Nieuw Nederlant, Alkmaar, no date. It was published in Holland without his consent in 1651. Translated in Hazard’s State-Papers, i. 517 et seq., and by J. R. Brodhead in N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., iii. 137. [Muller, Catalogue (1872), no. 1,089, says but one copy of this tract is known, which is among the Meulman pamphlets in the library of the university at Gand.—Ed.] For a biography of Megapolensis, see Manual of the Reformed Church in America, third edition, p. 378. Megapolensis says in one of his letters (Documents relating to the History of New York, xiii. 423), that in his youth he renounced popery; he could, therefore, hardly have been the son of a minister, as stated in the Manual.

[The general Indian Bibliography of T. W. Field must be held to indicate the sources of information regarding the condition of the natives at the time of the Dutch occupation. Bolton, in his West Chester County (1848), endeavors by a map to place the Indian tribes as they occupied the territory bordering the southern parts of the Hudson. Dunlap, New York, i. 20, gives a map showing the territory of the Five Nations. Dr. O’Callaghan translated in 1863 a paper in the State archives, entitled A Brief and True Narration of the Hostile Conduct of the Barbarous Natives towards the Dutch Nation, dated 1655, and gave the Indian treaty of 1645 in an appendix. Fifty copies only were printed (Field, no. 1,147). Judge Egbert Benson published in 1817, 1825, and in the N. Y. Hist. Coll., vol. vii., an essay on the Dutch and Indian names, of which a copy, with his manuscript additions, exists in Harvard College Library.

The most important of the works of the last century is Cadwallader Colden’s History of the Five Nations, originally printed at New York in 1727. The second and third editions were printed in London, and the English editors gave additions without distinguishing them. The best issue is the fourth, printed in New York in 1866, exactly following the 1727 one, and enriched with notes by John G. Shea, who gives also its bibliographical history. (Field, no. 341.) The first place among recent books on this confederacy must be assigned to Lewis H. Morgan’s League of the Iroquois. (Field, no. 1,091.) There is more or less illustrative of the early state of the Indians in Ketchum’s Buffalo (1864), for the Five Nations, as described in Field, no. 824; in Benton’s Herkimer County (1856), for the Upper Mohawk tribes. See also J. V. H. Clark’s Onondaga (1849), praised by Field, no. 323; A. W. Holden’s Queensbury (1874), for those of the northern parts; and in E. M. Ruttenber’s Indian Tribes of Hudson River (1872). Field, no. 1,334.—Ed.]

[830] [Published in English, with a biography of the writer, by Mr. J. Gilmary Shea in 2 N. Y. Hist. Coll., iii. 161, and separately, at Mr. Lenox’s expense, in 1862 as Novum Belgium, an Account of New Netherland in 1643-1644; and also in French, Description de Nieuw Netherland, et Notice sur René Goupil, etc.; cf. also Doc. Hist. of N. Y., iv. 15. Jogues was in New Netherland from August, 1642, to November, 1643. His Memoir is dated “Des 3 Riviéres en la nouvelle France, 3 Augusti, 1646,” and the original manuscript is preserved in the Hôtel Dieu at Quebec. Field’s Indian Bibliography, no. 781.

Mr. Shea speaks of this “as the only account by a foreigner of that time,” not then being aware of the letter written eighteen years earlier by the Rev. Jonas Michaelius, the first Reformed minister in New Netherland. This manuscript, dated Aug. 11, 1628, “from the island Manhattans,” was priced in Muller’s 1877 Catalogue, no. 2,121, at 375 florins. H. C. Murphy printed an English version of it privately at the Hague in 1858; also in O’Callaghan’s Doc. Hist. of N. Y., vol. ii. It had originally appeared in the Kerkhistorisch Archief, Amsterdam, 1858. Cf. Carter-Brown Catalogue, ii. 339. Muller issued a fac-simile of it in 1876, accompanied by the Dutch transcript and Murphy’s version, giving it a preface, and printing only a hundred copies. Muller, Books on America, 1877, no. 2,122, and 1872, no. 1,053, where the original is said to be in the library of Dr. Bodel Nyenhuis at Leyden, who had bought it at the historian Koning’s sale in 1833. “Mr. Koning probably found it in the archives.” The letter is addressed to Adr. Smoutius, minister in Amsterdam. Historical Magazine, ii. 191.—Ed.]

[831] Beschrijvinghe van Virginia, Nieuw Nederlant, Nieuw Englant, etc., Amsterdam, 1651,—“Description of Virginia, New Netherland, New England,” etc. With a map and engravings.

[The book, being cheap at the time, was widely circulated, and most copies have disappeared, as is usual with such books. (Brodhead, i. 527.) Muller, 1877, nos. 312 and 2,265, prices it at 225 florins. (Cf. Asher, no. 6; Brinley, ii. 2,716; Trömel, no. 258; O’Callaghan, ii. 90, 111; Carter-Brown Catalogue, ii. 721.).—Ed.]

[832] Verheerlickte Nederlant door d’ Herstelde Zee-Vaart; klaerlijck voorgestelt, ontdeckt en angewesen door manier van’tsamen-Sprekinge van een Boer, ofte Landt man, een Burger ofte Stee-man, een Schipper ofte Zeeman, etc., 1659,—“Netherland glorified by the Restoration of Commerce; clearly represented, discovered, and shown by Manner of a Dialogue, etc., 1659.”

[833] Mr. Asher, in his Bibliographical Essay, says that because the author alludes to Van der Donck as Verdonck, it is less probable that he had been in New Netherland. I do not see why a misspelling of a name should weaken an assertion made by Mr. Asher himself to the contrary,—if that can be called misspelling which is in reality an abbreviation in the old Dutch MS.

[834] Het waere Onderscheyt tusschen koude en warme Landen, aengewesen in de Nootsakelijckheden die daer vereyscht worden, etc., door O. K. In’s Graven Hage, 1659,—“The True Difference between Cold and Warm countries, demonstrated by the Requirements necessary,” etc. A German edition appeared at Leipzig in 1672, under the title “Otto Keyen’s kurtzen Entwurff von Neu Niederland und Guajana,” long considered an original work. A copy of this edition is in the State Library at Albany. Cf. Asher’s Essay, no. 12, and Carter-Brown, ii. 1,081.

[835] Kort Verhael van Nieuw Nederlants Gelegentheit, Deughden, Natuerlijcke Voorrechten en bijzondere bequaemheyt ter bevolkingh. Mitsgaders eenige Requesten, Vertooghen, etc., gepresenteert aen de E. E. Heeren Burgermeesters dezer Stede, 1662,—“Short Account of New Netherland’s Situation, Good Qualities, Natural Advantages, and Special Fitness for Populating, together with some Petitions, Representations, etc., submitted to the Noble, Worshipful Lord Mayors of this City, 1662.”

[The book is very scarce. “I have found only three copies in twenty years,” said Muller in 1872, “and sold my last at two hundred florins.” He also refers to the further development of the writer’s liberal and economical ideas in Vrije Politijke Stellingen, Amsterdam, 1665. Muller, Books on America, 1872, no. 1,111; Brodhead, New York, i. 699; Trömel, no. 312; Asher’s Essay, no. 13; Carter-Brown, ii. 926.—Ed.]

[836] These two parties were originally divided on theological questions; Gomar’s followers adhering to the religious doctrines of the Established Church and its principles of ecclesiastical polity, while Arminius (Harmansen), professor at Leyden, taught, among other doctrines then considered heretical, the supremacy of the civil authorities in clerical matters. Oldenbarnevelt, believing that the Prince of Orange intended to make himself King of Holland, although indifferent in religious matters, took the part of the Arminians, because he saw in them a powerful ally, and turned the theological controversy into a political question.

[837] O’Callaghan, History of New Netherland, ii. 547.

[838] Bibliographical Essay, p. 16.

[839] O’Callaghan, History of New Netherland, ii. 465.

[840] De Nieuwe en Onbekende Weereld; of Beschrijving van America en’t Zuyd Land, vervaetende d’ Oorsprong der Americaener en Zuidlanders, gedenkwaerdige togten derwaerts, etc., beschreeven door Arnoldus Montanus, Amsterdam, 1671,—“The New World, or Description of America and the South Land; containing the Origin of the Americans and South Landers, Remarkable Voyages thither,” etc. A German edition of 1673, Die Unbekante neue Welt, oder Beschreibung des Weltteils America und des Südlandes, etc., is ascribed by the translator to Dr. O. Dapper, who, however, only published it with other works of his collection. [See Asher’s Essay, nos. 14, 15, and the note to Mr. Stevens’s chapter in Vol. III.—Ed.]

[841] Edward Melton’s Zee en Land Reizen door verscheide Gewesten der Werelds. Edward Melton’s, Engelsch Edelmans, Zeldzame en Gedenkwaardige Zee en Land Reizen, etc., Amsterdam, 1681, reprinted in 1702,—“Edward Melton’s Travels by Sea and Land through Different Parts of the World.” “Edward Melton, an English Nobleman’s Curious and Memorable Travels by Sea and Land,” etc. A part of this book was further reprinted in 1705 as Aenmerkenswaardige en Zeldzame West-Indische Zee en Land Reizen, door een Voornam Engelsche Heer, E. M., en andere,—“Remarkable and Strange West Indian Travels by Sea and Land by a Noble Englishman, E. M., and Others.” [Asher, Essay, p. xliv and nos. 16, 17, 18, points out the clumsy, unoriginal character of Melton’s tardy information. The O’Callaghan copy (no. 1,522) had the rare Lolonois portrait. See the note to Mr. Stevens’s chapter in Vol. III.—Ed.]

[842] Beschrijvinghe van Oost en West Indien. Beschrijvinge van eenige voorname Kusten in Oost en West Indien als Zuerinam, Nieuw Nederlant, etc., door verscheidene Leefhebbers gedaen, Leeuwarden, 1716,—“Description of East and West India.” “Description of some Notable Coasts in East and West India, as Surinam, New Netherland, etc., by Several Amateurs.” The description of New Netherland is a reprint of three chapters in Melton.

Algemeene Wereldt Beschrijving door A. P. De la Croix, Amsterdam, 1705. Algemeene Weereld Beschrijving nae de rechte verdeeling der Landschappen, Plaetsen, etc., in ’t Fransch beschreeven door den Heer A. Pher. De la Croix, Aerdryks Beschrijver des Konings van Frankryk,—“General Description of the World,” by A. P. De la Croix. “General Description of the World according to the Correct Division of Countries, places, etc.,” written in French by A. Pher. De la Croix, Geographer to the King of France.

[843] Born at Antwerp, 1535; as grandson of Willem Ortels, of Augsburg, and first cousin of the historian Abraham Ortelius, his taste for historical studies seems to have been inherited.

[844] Originally published in Latin at Amsterdam, 1597. Van Meteren translated the work into Flemish, and published it in 1599; then continued it in the same language up to 1612, in which shape it was republished after his death at Arnhem in 1614. French editions of the work appeared in 1618 and 1670, and a German one at Frankfort in 1669.

[845] A native of Huisdem, in Holland, at one time teacher in the Latin School at Haarlem. After having studied medicine and been admitted to practice, he employed his leisure hours in collecting material for a historical work, which he published under the title, Historisch Verhael al der ghedenckweerdichste Geschiedenissen, die hier en daer in Europa, etc., voorgevallen syn,—“Historical Account of all the most Remarkable Events in Europe, etc.” Part of it appeared under the name of his friend, Dr. Barend Lampe, of Amsterdam.

[This work, covering the years 1621-1632, was first brought to light by Brodhead (New York, i. 46), who has given an abstract of it in 2 N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., ii. 355. (Cf. Doc. Hist. N. Y., iii. 27.) It contains the earliest reports on New Netherland printed at Amsterdam. It is described in Muller, Books on America, 1872, no. 1,745, and was first noticed by Asher, Essay, no. 330; Carter-Brown, ii. 276.—Ed.]

[846] He says: “Alsoo de Staeten van de Vereenigde Nederlandsche Provintien door de 12 jaerighe Trefves, die nu (1621) een eijndt nam, in West Indien te trafiqueeren uijtgeslooten waeren, soo ist, dat sij bevindende door het jus gentium, dat de Zeevaert een ijeder vrij staet, gedestineert hebben een Companie op te rechten om op de Landen te negotieeren, die de Coningh van Spaengien besit,”—“As the States of the United Provinces have been excluded from trading to the West Indies by the truce of twelve years now expiring, upon finding that by the law of nations the navigation is open to everybody, they have resolved to organize a company for trade to the countries owned by the King of Spain.”

[847] Lieuwe van Aitzema, son of the Burgomaster of Dockum, born 1600, and himself in high official position, died 1669. Michaud, Bibliographie Universelle, says: “Ce qui donne une si haute importance à l’ouvrage d’A. c’est cette foule d’actes originaux, ...dont il a fait usage et qu’il a su tirer des archives et des dépôts les plus secrets [not always by quite proper means].” Wiquefort, in his Ambassadeur, criticises Aitzema sharply: “Elle [l’histoire d’A.] peut servir comme d’inventaire à ceux qui n’ont point d’accès aux archives d’État, mais ce que l’auteur a ajouté ne vaut pas la gazette. Il n’a point de style, son langage est barbare, et tout l’ouvrage n’est qu’un chaos.” However, he deserves our gratitude for throwing light upon the events of his time, and for giving us trustworthy and abundant information.

[848] Affairs of State and War in and concerning the United Netherlands, 1621-1669; The Re-instated Lion, 1650. The first edition of Saken, etc., appeared during the years 1657 to 1671; a second edition, containing the Herstelde Leeuw, 1669-1672. The work was continued by Lambert Sylvius or Van den Bosch up to 1697.

[849] Broad [wholesome] Advice to the United Netherland Provinces ... composed and given from divers ... documents by J. A. G. W. C. [Its authorship is assigned to Cornelis Melyn by Brodhead, New York, 1. 509, and by Henry C. Murphy, who translates it in 2 N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll. iii. 237, and says it affords some facts not known from other sources. Extracts were reprinted in translation by F. W. Cowan at Amsterdam in 1850, and again in the Documentary History of New York, iv. 65. Brodhead censures this translation. Cf. Asher’s Essay, no. 334, who first gave it the prominence it deserves, and disbelieves in Melyn’s authorship, and goes into a long examination of the question. It is priced at from £20 to £40. Stevens’s Hist. Coll. i. 1,525; Sabin’s Dictionary, vii. 112; Carter-Brown Catalogue, ii. 664; Brinley, no. 2,714.—Ed.]

[850] N. Y. Coll. Doc. i. 16, and N. Y. Coll. MSS.

[851] N. Y. Coll. MSS.

[852] He was born 1709, and died 1773. Cf. Asher’s Bibliographical Essay.

[853] Vaderlandsche Historie, ix. 227. “Resolved, that by carrying the war over to America the Spaniards be attacked there, where their weakest point was, but whence they drew most of their revenues. That a great part of America reaching thence to both poles was unknown (not undiscovered).”

[854] The full title of the twelfth part is: Zwölfte Schiffart, oder kurze Beschreibung der Newen Schiffart gegen Nord-osten über die Amerikanischen Inseln, von einem Englander, Henry Hudson, erfunden. Oppenheim, 1627.

[855] West und Ost-Indischer Lustgart, Eygentliche Erzaehlung wann vnd von wem die Newe Welt erfunden, besaegelt vnd eingenomen worden, vnd was sich Denckwuerdiges darbey zugetragen. Koeln, 1618.

Newe vnd warhaffte Relation von deme was sich in den West vnd Ost Indien vonder Zeit an zugetragen, dass sich die Navigationes der Holleandischen vnd Engländischen Companien daselbsthin angefangen abzuscheiden. Muenchen, 1619 (by Nicolai Elend).

[856] Philippi Cluverii Introductio in Universam Geographiam. Leyden, 1629. The edition of 1697 was published with notes by Hekel, Reiske, and Bunon.

[857] The same Johann Ludwig Gottfriedt published in 1655 Newe Welt vnd Amerikanische Historien. A later German geographer of America was Hans Just Winckelmann, whose Der Amerikanischen neuen Welt Beschreibung, Oldenburg, 1664, I have not seen. Nor have I seen any works of French contemporary writers, as Pierre Davity, Description générale de l’Amérique, 3^me partie du monde, avec tous ses empires, royaumes, etc., Paris, 1643, 2d edition, 1660; M. C. Chaulmer, Le Nouveau Monde, ou l’Amérique chrétienne, Paris, 1659. [The last is in Harvard College Library; but without present interest.—Ed.]

[858] A Brief Relation of the Discovery and Plantation of New England, and of Sundry Accidents therein occurring, from the year 1607 to this present 1622.

[859] To Purchas: see 2 N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll. vol. i.

[860] N. Y. Coll. Doc. iii. 17.

[861] A Description of the Province of New Albion and a Direction for Adventurers with small Stock to get two for one and good Land freely; and for Gentlemen and all Servants, Laborers, and Artificers to live plentifully, etc. Printed in the year 1648 by Beauchamp Plantagenet, of Belvil in New-Albion. [Reprinted in Force’s Tracts, vol. ii. See documents in N. Y. Hist. Soc. Pub. Fund, ii. 213; and Professor G. B. Keen’s note on Plowden’s Grant in Vol. III.—Ed.]

[862] N. Y. Col. Doc. iii. 6 et seq.

[863] [Cf. on this alleged Argal incursion, Palfrey’s New England, i. 235, and George Folsom in 2 N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., i. 332. Brodhead, i. 140, 754, doubts it.—Ed.]

[864] See the patent in Hazard, State-Papers, i. 160. Doubts have been raised whether such a grant was ever made, or if made, whether it was ever acted upon by Sir Edmund; but the statement of Van der Donck in his Vertoogh van Nieuw Nederland should dispose of such doubts forever. When Sir Edmund came to New Netherland he was poor and in debt, without friends to help him; and seeing that the Dutch had a fort and soldiers, it was quite a matter of course that he returned to Virginia, saying he would not quarrel with the Dutch.—Ed.

[865] Vol. iv. part i.

[866] A Short Discovery of the Coast and Continent of America, from the Equinoctial Northward, by William Castle (Castell), Minister of the Gospel at Courtenhall, Northamptonshire, England, 1644; reprinted in Collection of Voyages and Travels, and compiled from the Library of the late Earl of Oxford, 1745. It states very oddly that, “Near the great North River the Dutch have built a castle ... for their more free trading with many of Florida, who usually come down the River Canada, and so by land to them,—a plain proof Canada is not far remote.” The mouth of Delaware Bay is according to Castle under 41° north latitude. [Extracts are printed in 2 N. Y. Hist. Coll., iii. 231. The book itself is in Harvard College Library; also in the O’Callaghan Catalogue, no. 561.—Ed.]

[867] Journal of the Transactions and Occurrences in Massachusetts and other N. E. Colonies from 1630-44. Edited by Noah Webster, Hartford, 1790; and History of New England, from the Original MSS. and Notes of John Winthrop; with Notes by James Savage, Boston, 1825. [These two titles represent the same book, the later edition being much the superior. See Vol. III. O’Callaghan (New Netherland, i. 274) says, “The statements of the New England writers in general on matters occurring in New Netherland, must be received, for obvious reasons, with extreme caution;” and he disputes the usual assertion of the New England writers, that Roger Williams was instrumental in preserving the peace between the Dutch and the Indians on Long Island. (New Netherland, i. 276.) For the diplomacy that passed between the New Plymouth people and the Dutch in 1627, see 2 New York Historical Collections, i. 355; cf. Bradford’s New Plymouth, pp. 223, 233.—Ed.]

[868] Cosmographie in Four Books, containing the Chorographie and Historie of the whole World, London, 1657, by Peter Heylin, D.D., Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford, Rector of Hemmingford and Houghton, and Prebendary of Westminster, “in his younger days an excellent poet, in his elder a better historian” (Athenæ Oxonienses). From the preface to the latter it appears that the Cosmographie was an amplification or enlarged edition of a Microcosmus, published in 1622, by the same author, who during his lifetime wrote and published about forty works of a theological, educational, or political character. (Sabin, Dictionary, viii. 260; O’Callaghan Catalogue, 1086-87.) There were other editions of various dates, for which see Bohn’s Lowndes, p. 1059.

[869] Account of two Voyages to New England, London, 1675, reprinted in 3 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., iii. John Josselyn was the son of Sir Thomas Josselyn and brother of Henry, one of the commissioners to organize the government of Maine under its first charter. Henry settled finally in Plymouth Colony. [See further on Josselyn and his books in Vol. III.—Ed.]

[870] Journal of a Voyage to New York and a Tour in several of the American Colonies in 1679-1680. [Cf. notes to Mr. Stevens’s chapter in Vol. III. The Labadist P. Schluter was in New Netherland in 1682, and his journal was printed from the original manuscript by Mr. H. C. Murphy, for the Bradford Club, in 1867.—Ed.]

[871] [Cf. “Indian traditions of the first arrival of the Dutch in New Netherland,” in 2 N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. i.—Ed.]

[872] John Thurloe, born 1616, died 1668, was the son of the Rev. Thomas Thurloe, Rector of Abbots Roding, Essex. Through the protection of Oliver St. John, solicitor-general under Charles I., he easily obtained appointments and promotions in the official circles. His collection of papers was published by Dr. Birch in 1742.

[873] Ferdinando Gorges, A briefe Narration of the original undertakings of the Advancement of Plantations in America, London, 1658; and America painted to the Life, London, 1658, 2d ed., 1659. Sir Ferdinando Gorges was the patentee of Maine. [See chap. ix. of Vol. III.—Ed.]

Samuel Clarke, A Geographical Description of all the Countries in the known World, London, 1657.

A Book of the Continuation of Foreign Passages; That is, the Peace between this Commonwealth and the Netherlands, 1654, London, 1656, printed by M. S. for Thomas Jenner.

Richard Blome, Isles and Territories belonging to his Majestie in America, 1673, and The present State of his Majesties Isles and Territories in America, 1687.

Daniel Denton, A Brief Description of New York, formerly New Netherland, London, 1670. [See the notes to chap. x. of Vol. III.—Ed.]

[874] William Smith, Jr. was born in New York city in June, 1728; he graduated at Yale College in 1745; was appointed clerk of the Court of Chancery in 1748, and admitted to the Bar in 1750. Through the influence of his father, then attorney-general of the province, the revision of the provincial laws was intrusted to him and his law partner, William Livingston. In 1757 he published his History of New York. The breaking out of the Revolution found him a member of the council and a faithful adherent of the Crown. After some tribulation, he was allowed to proceed to New York city, whence he finally went to England, and thence to Canada, where he died as chief-justice in 1793. [Cf. the estimate of Smith in Mr. Stevens’s chapter in Vol. III.—Ed.]

[875] Kort Beschrijving van de Ontdekking ende de navolgende Geschiedenis der Nieuwen Nederlande door N. C. Lambrechtsen op Ritthem, Chevalier, etc., Groot Pensionarius van Zealand, Middelburg, 1818,—“A Short Description of the Discovery and Subsequent History of New Netherland, a Colony in America of the Republic of the United Netherlands.” [There is a translation in 2 N. Y. Hist. Coll. i. 75. See Sabin, Dictionary, x. 38,745.—Ed.]

[876] History of the State of New York, including its Aboriginal and Colonial Annals, by John V. N. Yates, Secretary of State, and Jos. W. Moulton, New York, 1824. [This work is almost entirely Moulton’s. A second part was published in 1826, when the work was stopped for want of patronage. It covers 1609-1632. Field’s Indian Bibliography, nos. 1,104, 1,704.—Ed.] The Natural, Statistical, and Civil History of the State of New York, by James Macauley, 1829,—rather a chorography with copious topographical additions, a compilation of dry facts. The History of the State of New York, from the first Discovery to the Present Time, by F. S. Eastman, 1833, devotes only ten small octavo pages to the Dutch period. History of the New Netherlands, Province of New York, and State of New York, by Wm. Dunlap, 1839. [See Stevens’s chapter, in Vol. III.—Ed.]

[877] Dunlap, for instance, lets Schenectady be planted shortly after Fort Orange, in 1614, and considers the remnants of foundations found in Trinity Church-yard to indicate the location of the first Dutch fort on Manhattan Island, while they must have been the remnants of the city wall, running from the East River, along the present Wall Street, through Trinity Church-yard to the North River,—hence the name of Wall Street.

[878] Anniversary Discourse before New York Historical Society, 1828, in N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., second series, vol. i.

[879] Dr. Edmund Bailey O’Callaghan was born at Mallow, near Cork, Ireland, in 1797. After studying medicine in his native country and in Paris, he came to Canada in 1823, where he soon took an active part in politics on the patriots’ side. He was compelled to fly to the United States, and settled at Albany in 1837. Here he worked diligently in the field of American history, with results most gratifying to the student, until 1870, when he removed to New York, where he died in 1880.

[Dr. O’Callaghan’s New Netherland is divided thus: Book i., 1492-1621; ii., 1621-1638; iii., 1639-1647. He also printed a few copies of the Register of New Netherland, 1626-1674, giving the names of the pioneers. John G. Shea printed an account of O’Callaghan in the Magazine of American History, v. 77. The Catalogue of his library, sold in New York December, 1882, represents a collection rich in works in the fields of his special studies.—Ed.]

[880] [Cf. Mr. Stevens’s estimate of Brodhead in Vol. III.—Ed.]

[881] [One of the most interesting of such is The Anthology of New Netherland, by Henry C. Murphy, published (125 copies) by the Bradford Club in 1865, which includes, with enlargements, Mr. Murphy’s privately printed Jakob Steendam, a Memoir of the First Poet in New Netherland, The Hague, 1861. Steendam was the minister of the Protestant Church in New Amsterdam. Muller, Catalogue (1872), nos. 1,092 et seq.; (1877) nos. 3,063 et seq., notes several of Steendam’s publications. Cf. Carter-Brown Catalogue, ii. 862, 898.—Ed.]

[882] “Illa in terram suis lintribus, quas canoas vocant exuderunt,” says Peter Martyr.

[883] The Pompey Stone: a Paper read before the Oneida Historical Society, by Dr. H. A. Homes State Librarian, Albany, 1881.

[884] [It is no. 2,390 in the Catalogue.—Ed.]

[885] [Fac-similes of it are also given in Valentine’s Manual, 1858; in Pennsylvania Archives, second series, vol. v. Muller, Books on America, iii. 143, and Catalogue of 1877, no. 3,484, describe the only other copy known. It is a colored map, and extends from Panama to Labrador.—Ed.]

[886] [O’Callaghan, i. 433, gives a list of settlers in Rensselaerswyck, 1630-1646. (Cf. Munsell’s Albany, ii. 13, and the map of 1763 in Doc. Hist. N. Y., iii. 552, and Weise’s Troy, 1876.) In 1839 Mr. D. D. Barnard appended a sketch of the Manor of Rensselaerswyck to his discourse on the life of Stephen Van Rensselaer.

Much credit is due to Mr. Joel Munsell for his efforts to increase interest in the study of American affairs, and particularly for his labors upon the history of Albany and its neighborhood. He died in 1880. (Cf. Historical Magazine, x. 44; xv. 139, 270; N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1880, p. 239.) He gives an account of his method and results in issuing historical monographs in small editions, in Historical Magazine, February, 1869, p. 139. His Annals of Albany appeared in ten volumes, from 1850 to 1859 (pp. 27-36 of vol. i. were never printed); his Collections on the History of Albany, four volumes, 1865-1871. See N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg., 1868, p. 104. He published in 1869 J. Pearson’s Early Records of Albany and the Colony of Rensselaerswyck, 1656-1675, translated from the Dutch, with notes; and Wm. Barnes’s Early History of Albany, 1609-1686, was privately printed by him in 1864, with a map of Albany, 1695. On the early Dutch history of this region, see also General Egbert L. Viele’s “Knickerbockers of New York two centuries ago,” in Harper’s Monthly, December, 1876; a paper on the Van Rensselaers in Scribner’s Monthly, vi. 651; and some landmarks noticed in B. J. Lossing’s Hudson River, p. 124, etc.—Ed.]

[887] [It is given in fac-simile in the Lenox edition (1862) of Jogues’s Novum Belgium, edited by Shea, who also gave it in his edition, 1865, of the tract, The Commodities of the Iland called Manati ore long Ile. Cf. Asher’s List, no. 3; Armstrong’s Essay on Fort Nassau, p. 7. Copies more or less faithful of De Laet’s map appeared in Janssonius and Hondius’s Atlas of 1638, and in the Novus Atlas of Johannes Janssonius, Amsterdam, 1658; again in 1695, with the imprint of Valk and Schenk; and earlier, in 1651, reduced and not closely copied, but with some new details, in the Beschrijvinghe van Virginia, etc.; and of this last a photo-lithographic fac-simile was made at Amsterdam a few years ago.—Ed.]

[888] [This map belongs to Robert Dudley’s Della Arcano del Mare, Firenze, 1647, i. 57, of which there was a second edition, corrected and enlarged, in 1661. The 1647 edition is very rare, and the only copy known to me in America is in Harvard College Library. The author of the note on the map in the Documents relative to the Colonial History of New York, vol. i., where a fac-simile of it is given, did not seem to be aware of its origin. The Rev. E. E. Hale, in the Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., October, 1873, describes some of the original drawings for Dudley’s maps preserved in the Royal Library at Munich, and says the engraver has omitted some of the names given in the drawing. (Memorial History of Boston, i. 59.) The map of New Netherland differs from other maps of its time, and is not noticed by Asher. Lucini says that he was at work for twelve years on the plates, in an obscure village of Tuscany. The work is usually priced at £20 or £25. Quaritch’s Catalogue, 321, no. 11,971. Leclerc, Bibliotheca Americana, 2,747 (150 francs.)—Ed.]

[889] [Cf. the notes to Dr. De Costa’s chapter, in Vol. III.—Ed.]

[890] [It is not easy to discriminate between these editions, as copies are often made up of various dates; but I have observed these dates: 1642, 1645, 1647, 1649, 1650, 1655, 1658, etc. The Dutch inscriptions on these earlier maps of New Netherland are quite different from those on the Latin later ones.—Ed.]

[891] [Sabin’s Dictionary, ii. 5,714; Baudet’s Leven en Werken van W. J. Blaeu, Utrecht, 1871, pp. 76, 114.—Ed.]

[892] [Cf. a dissertation on his work in Clément’s Bibliothèque curieuse, iv. 287.—Ed.]

[893] [From 1659 to 1672 it was issued with Spanish text, ten volumes, but not including the American parts; in 1662 to 1665, with Latin text, eleven volumes, the last devoted to America, usually with twenty-three maps; in 1663, in French, twelve volumes; in 1664 to 1665 in Dutch, but somewhat abridged. (Cf. Asher’s List, Muller’s Catalogue, Armstrong’s Fort Nassau, p. 7, on the map of 1645 particularly.) Muller says of this final edition: “The part treating of America may be regarded as the first atlas of what is now the United States, in the same sense as Wytfliet may be called the first special atlas of America in general.” He afterwards added a Theatrum Urbium. The younger Blaeu also issued, in 1648, an immense map of the world in two hemispheres, twenty-one sheets. (Hallam’s Literature of the Middle Ages, iv, 48; Muller’s Catalogue, 1877, no. 346).—Ed.]

[894] [It was based on Mercator’s plates, which were bought in 1604 by his father-in-law, Iodocus Hondius, an engraver, who was born in 1546; worked in London, where he learned the Wright-Mercator projection, and later published maps in Amsterdam, including the new edition of Mercator, adding new plates, and died in 1611. But subsequent editions (1617-1635), etc., of the atlas were known as Mercator’s and Hondius’s. Sabin’s Dictionary, ii. 5014.—Ed.]

[895] Quaritch’s Catalogue, 259, nos. 19 and 20.

[896] [The same Jansson map of New Netherland is reproduced in his Atlas Contractus of 1666. Some editions of Jansson’s Novus Atlas have the same text as Blaeu’s, with the maps, of course, different from Blaeu’s.—Ed.]

[897] [This map is given in Vol. III.—Ed.]

[898] See New York Colonial Documents, xii. 183.

[899] [List of the Maps and Charts of New Netherland, Amsterdam, 1855, and usually bound with his Bibliographical Essay.—Ed.]

[900] [Cf. notes to Mr. Stevens’s chapter, in Vol. III.—Ed.]

[901] Cf. Brodhead, New York, i. 621. Muller priced a copy at forty florins. Catalogue (1877), no. 2,271.

[902] [See Mr Stevens’s chapter in Vol. III. The New Netherland map (of which a section is given herewith) is reproduced in Mr. Asher’s List, with a tabulated list of names as they appear on this and the other early maps. Van der Aa issued a map called “Nouvelle Hollande,” giving the coast from the Penobscot to the Chesapeake.—Ed.]

[903] [A phototype of it is herewith given. Other fac-similes of this map are in O’Callaghan’ New Netherland, ii. 312; Banquet of the Saint Nicholas Society, in 1852; Valentine’s Manual, 1852, and his City of New York; 2 N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. i.; Munsell’s Albany; Gay’s Popular History of the United States, ii. 249; Dunlap’s New York, i. 84; and Pennsylvania Archives (second series), v. 233.

Modern eclectic maps, showing the Dutch claims and possessions, may be seen in Brodhead’s New York (according to the charters of 1614 and 1621); in Bancroft’s United States, ii. 297; in Ridpath’s United States (showing the various European colonies in 1655); and in Lamb’s New York, i. 218 (the same).—Ed.]

[904] Mr. Muller pays a warm tribute to Asher and his Essay in his Catalogue (1872), no. 1,052. “I always believed this book,” he says, “to be a striking example of what intuition and discernment, combined with great zeal, can do.” (Cf. Harrisse, Bibl. Amer. Vet., p. xxxvi.) Asher’s book may be supplemented by P. A. Tiele’s Bibliotheek van Nederlandsche pamfletten, 1858-1861, based on Muller’s collection, which gives 9,668 Dutch pamphlets published 1482-1702, adding to Asher’s enumeration many others relating to America; and again the Dutch-American student will find further help from J. K. van der Wulf’s Catalogus van de Tractaten in de bibliotheek van Isaac Meulman, Amsterdam, 1866-1868, three vols.,—a privately printed book in a collection now in the library of the University of Gand. (Muller’s Catalogue [1872], nos. 108, 114; [1877] nos. 3,202, 3,566.) These two works show 19,077 pamphlets published in the United Provinces from 1500 to 1713.

[905] It consists of Part I. (1872), books, nos. 1-2,339. Part II. (1875), supplement of books, nos. 2,340-3,534. Part III. a. (1874) portraits, nos. 1-1,280; b. (1874) autographs, nos. 1-1,508; c. (1874) plates, nos. 1-1,855; d. (1875) atlases and maps, nos. 1-2,288. Many of the larger notes in this catalogue were not repeated in the consolidated Catalogue of Books and Pamphlets, Atlases, Maps, Plates, and Autographs relating to North and South America, nos. 1-3,695, which Mr. Muller issued in 1877. In the preface of his 1872 Catalogue Mr. Muller speaks of his American collection, which formed the basis of Mr. Asher’s Essay; this collection he sold in 1858 to Brockhaus, and another was sold in 1866 to Henry Stevens,—all of which, as well as later acquisitions, formed the foundation of his Catalogue. “Since I began my present business,” says Mr. Muller in 1872, “now more than thirty years ago, my firm conviction has been that the antiquarian bookseller can largely serve science, bibliography, or literary history especially, without forgetting his own profit.... An antiquarian bookseller who is not himself a student, or at least desirous of furthering science by the aid of his connections, will hardly be as successful as he might be in another less scientific calling. Experience has amply shown me that this opinion, merely a loose impression when I first started in business, was correct.” Mr. Muller was born in Amsterdam, July 22, 1817, and was early apprenticed to his uncle, a bookseller of that town, and in 1843 he became a bookseller on his own account, and identified himself thereafter with bibliography. His pupil and friend, Otto Harrassowitz, printed a memoir of Muller in the German Börsenblatt, no. 48; and there is also a sketch with an engraved portrait in Trübner’s Literary Record, new series, vol. ii. (1881) no. 1. He died Jan. 6, 1881.

[906] Of his tract on the Stadthuys and the views of that building, see Mr. Stevens’s chapter in Vol. III.

[907] See the preceding chapter.

[908] In a letter of the 27th of April, of that year, Gustavus also commended the project to the Swedish Lutheran bishops, “the rather,” says Geijer, “that the Company was to labor for the conversion of the heathen.” Some popular verses of the day are cited by the same historian, attributing the solicitation of the clergy to invest their funds in the venture to motives not so pious.

[909] Portraits of Gustavus Adolphus and Axel Oxenstjerna, copied from originals in Sweden, are owned by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.

[910] According to Campanius, the Swedish Government likewise obtained, through Johan Oxenstjerna, ambassador to King Charles I. of England, in 1634, the renunciation in their favor of all pretensions of the English to the territory afterward known as New Sweden, based on the right of first discovery,—a statement “confirmed by von Stiernman,” says Acrelius, “out of the official documents, the article of cession being preserved in the royal archives before the burning of the palace” of Stockholm in 1697. Sprinchorn recently searched the archives of Sweden for official testimony on the subject without avail, although he “met with the declaration of Campanius in more than one contemporaneous instrument.” The succeeding passage in Campanius, relating to the claims of the Hollanders, has been grossly mistranslated by Du Ponceau (misleading Reynolds, the translator of Acrelius), even to the mentioning of a treaty confirming the purchase of the Dutch title by the Swedes, regarding which nothing whatever appears in the original.

[911] See the preceding chapter.

[912] This letter is as follows:—

Whereas many kingdoms and countries prosper by means of navigation, and parts of the West Indies have gradually been occupied by the English, French, and Dutch, it seems to me that the Crown of Sweden ought not to forbear to make also its name known in foreign lands; and therefore I, the undersigned, desire to tender my services to the same, to undertake, on a small scale, what, by God’s grace, should in a short time result in something great.

In the first place, I have proposed to Mr. Peter Spiring to make a voyage to the Virginias, New Netherland, and other regions adjacent, certain places well known to me, with a very good climate, which might be named Nova Suedia.

For this expedition there would be required a ship of 60, 70, or 100 läster [120, 140, or 200 tons], armed with twelve guns, and sufficient ammunition.

For the cargo, 10,000 or 12,000 gulden would be needed, to be expended in hatchets, axes, kettles, blankets, and other merchandise.

A crew of twenty or twenty-five men would be wanted, with provisions for twelve months, which would cost about 3,400 gulden.

In case the Crown of Sweden would provide the ship with ammunition, with twelve soldiers, to garrison and hold the places, and likewise furnish a bark or yacht, for facilitating trade, the whole [additional] expense might come to about 1,600 gulden,—one half of which I myself will guarantee, Mr. Spiring assuming the other half, either on his own account or for the Crown, the same to be paid at once, in cash.

As to the time of sailing, the sooner we start the better; for, although trade does not begin till spring, by being on the spot in season, we can get on friendly terms with the savages, and induce them to collect as many furs as possible during the winter, and may hope to buy 4,500 or 6,000 beaver skins, thus acquiring a large capital from so small a commencement, and the ability to undertake more hereafter.

The Crown of Sweden might favor the beginners of this new enterprise with a charter, prohibiting all other persons from sailing from Sweden within the limits of Terra Nova and Florida for the space of twenty years, on pain of confiscation of ship and cargo. And as it often happens that French or Portuguese vessels are met with on the ocean, authority should likewise be granted to capture such ships, and bring them as lawful prizes to Sweden. Also, it should be conceded that all goods of the Company for the first ten years be free of duty both coming in and going out.

And, as the said land is suited for growing tobacco and various kinds of grain, it would be well to take along proper persons to cultivate these, who might at the same time be employed as garrison.

In addition, the advantages to be derived from the enterprise in course of time by the Crown of Sweden could be indicated orally by me, if I were called to Sweden to give a more detailed account of everything. However, that shall be as the gentlemen of the Government see fit.

This is designed briefly to serve your Excellency as a memorandum. I trust your Excellency will write an early answer from Sweden to my known friend [Blommaert?], whether the work will be undertaken, so that no time be lost, and others anticipate an enterprise which should bring so great profit to the Crown of Sweden.

Herewith wishing your Excellency bon voyage,
I remain
Your Excellency’s faithful servant,
Pieter Minuit.
Amsterdam, June 15, 1636.

[913] Compare documents printed by Sprinchorn with an examination of Mr. Lamberton by Governor Printz, at Fort Christina, July 10, 1643, in the Royal Archives at Stockholm. Acrelius, misinterpreting a statement in Lewis Evans’s Analysis of a General Map of the Middle British Colonies in America (Philadelphia, 1755), bounds New Sweden on the west by the Susquehanna River.

[914] A portrait of Queen Christina is owned by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.

[915] Either this expedition or the preceding one under Minuit was accompanied by the Rev. Reorus Torkillus, a Swedish Lutheran clergyman, of Öster-Götland. Ten other companions of Minuit or Hollender are mentioned in a foot-note to the writer’s translation of Professor Odhner’s “Kolonien Nya Sveriges Grundläggning,” in the Pennsylvania Magazine of History, iii. 402, among whom Anders Svenson Bonde, Anders Larsson Daalbo, Peter Gunnarson Rambo, and Sven Gunnarson are the best known in the subsequent history of the colony.

[916] It is only spoken of once in documents still preserved to us,—namely, in the Instructions to Governor Printz, Aug. 15, 1642. Bogardt himself is also referred to as “one Bagot,” in Beauchamp Plantagenet’s Description of New Albion.

[917] The names of forty-two persons who took part in this expedition are given in a note of the writer in the Pennsylvania Magazine of History, iii. 462, et seq.,—the most conspicuous of these being Lieutenant Måns Kling, a Swedish Lutheran clergyman called “Herr Christopher,” Gustaf Strahl (a young nobleman), Carl Janson (for many years Printz’s book-keeper), Olof Person Stille, and Peter Larsson Cock (afterward civil officers under the Dutch and English).

[918] The name given on Lindström’s map to the Cape Cornelius of Visscher’s and other Dutch maps, which apply the name of Hinlopen to the “false cape,” twelve miles farther south, at the mouth of Rehoboth Bay. It corresponds with the present Cape Henlopen.

[919] Twenty-three of these are mentioned in a foot-note to the writer’s translation of Odhner’s work before referred to, Pennsylvania Magazine of History, iii. 409; the most prominent of whom are Sergeant Gregorius van Dyck, Elias Gyllengren, Jacob Svenson, and Jöran Kyn Snöhvit.

[920] That at the Schuylkill, or a stronghold which superseded it, is mentioned in a report of the Dutch Commissary Hudde as situated “on a very convenient island at the edge of the Kil,” identified by Dr. George Smith as Province or State Island, at the mouth of the Schuylkill, which river, says Hudde, “can be controlled by it.”

[921] [See Professor Keen’s paper on New Albion in Vol. III.—Ed.]

[922] It may be proper to note that the Governor himself does not seem at first to have been satisfied with the sincerity of the aborigines, and, in keeping with his former profession of arms, even appeals in his report of 1644 to the authorities in Sweden for a couple of hundred soldiers to drive the savages from the Delaware, arguing also that the Dutch and English would be more likely to respect rights acquired from the natives not merely by purchase, but also by the sword.

[923] This vessel alone is named in Printz’s reports of 1644 and 1647. In a communication, however, of Queen Christina to the Admiralty, of the 12th of August, 1645, and in her Majesty’s letter to Captain Berendt Hermanson, of the 8th of the preceding May, preserved in the registry of the Admiralty in the naval archives of Sweden, the “Kalmar Nyckel” is mentioned, with the “Fama,” as having made “the voyage to Virginia” under the commander named. On her return this ship met with detention in Holland similar to that incurred by the “Fama,” but finally arrived in Sweden with 53,100 pounds of tobacco. So large a cargo certainly was not raised in New Sweden (which place, probably, was not visited by the vessel), and may have been purchased in the English Virginia. For a comment on such practices see an extract from a letter from Directors of the Dutch West India Company in Holland to Director-General Stuyvesant, dated Jan. 27, 1649, a translation of which is printed in Documents relating to the Colonial History of the State of New York, xii. 47, 48.

[924] Only five male emigrants who came out on this expedition, beside Papegåja, were living in the colony March 1, 1648; namely, a barber-surgeon, a gunner, two common soldiers, and a young lad.

[925] Printed at Stockholm in 1696, under the title of Lutheri Catechismus, Öfwersatt på American-Virginiske Språket, followed by a Vocabularium Barbaro-Virgineorum, reproduced by the author’s grandson in his Kort Beskrifning om Nya Sverige. A copy of it is in the library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Concerning it, see particularly Acrelius’s Beskrifning, p. 423. [Cf. Brinley Catalogue, nos. 5,698-99; Sabin’s Dictionary, x. 42,726; O’Callaghan Catalogue, no. 1,427; Carter-Brown Catalogue, ii. no. 1,498; and Muller, Books on America (1872). no. 1,562, where errors of Brunet and Leclerc are pointed out.—Ed.]

[926] Campanius, to be sure, mentions “Korsholm” as a distinct fort, but he does so in terms which show that he is citing Lindström, who speaks of it as on territory granted to Sven Schute, embracing “Passajungh, Kinsessingh, Mockorhuttingh, and the land on both sides of the Schylekijl to the river” Delaware, and makes no reference to a “Fort Skörkil.” The statements with regard to the latter were probably drawn from the manuscripts of his grandfather. It did not occur to him, I suppose, that the places might be identical. “Gripsholm” is the name incorrectly given for “Korsholm” by N. J. Visscher and later Dutch cartographers.

[927] At “Chinsessingh” (the Indian name of the land west of the Schuylkill), says Campanius,—“the New Fort,” so called, which “was no fort, but a good log-house, built of strong hickory, two stories high, and affording sufficient protection against the Indians.” If the interpretation usually given to the dates of Hudde’s report already cited be correct, both Wasa and Mölndal were occupied by Printz before November, 1645. The latter post was at a “place called by the Indians Kakarikonck” or “Karakung,” near where the present road from Philadelphia to Darby crosses Cobb’s Creek.

[928] The expression used in Oxenstjerna’s reply to Printz’s Report referred to in the next sentence. Printzdorp, on the west side of the river Delaware, south of Upland, was doubtless granted to Printz in accordance with this petition.

[929] The only one residing in New Sweden March 1, 1648, was the Reverend Lars Carlson Lock. Sprinchorn also mentions another Swedish Lutheran clergyman, “Israel Fluviander,—Printz’s sister’s son,” who probably died or returned home in the spring.

[930] Corresponding, of course, to July 27, O. S. The materials of this narrative being almost entirely derived from Swedish sources, the dates have not been altered from the Julian calendar, which was still used in Sweden. The news referred to in the text was brought by Augustine Herman, who had dealings with Governor Printz upon the Delaware, and for some account of whom see the Pennsylvania Magazine of History, iv. 100 et seq.

[931] Something over two hundred tons.

[932] A certified copy of Amundson’s patent, with the Regis Regnique Cancellariæ Sigillum of the period attached to it, is in the library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. In view of conflicting interests of the West India Company, adverse claims of other colonists, and the opposition of an Indian proprietor of Passajung, Rising declined to sanction the occupation of these tracts without further orders from Sweden.

[933] So Governor Rising. According to a Dutchman who took part in the expedition, the “force consisted of three hundred and seventeen soldiers, besides a company of sailors.”

[934] Anders Bengtson is the only one whose name has been preserved to us.

[935] The dread expressed in letters from the Directors of the Dutch West India Company to Director-General Stuyvesant, dated Oct. 16 and 30, 1663 (Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y., xii. 445-46), lest an expedition, which had sailed from Sweden under Admiral Hendrick Gerritsen Zeehelm, was designed to subvert their dominion over the South River, is not justified, says Sprinchorn, by evidence of the existence of any plan to recover the colony, at that time, by force of arms.

[936] Manifest und Vertragbrieff, der Australischen Companey im Königreich Schweden auffgerichtet. Im Jahr MDCXXIV. 4to, 12 unnumbered pp. The only copy known to the writer is in the library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. The document itself is reproduced in the Auszführlicher Bericht über den Manifest. A fac-simile of the title is given herewith.

[937] Fullmagt för Wellam Usselinx at inrätta et Gen. Handels Comp. til Asien, Afr., Amer. och Terra Magell. Dat. Stockh. d. 21 Dec. 1624. Cited by Acrelius. It has been translated into English in Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. xii. pp. 1 and 2.

Sw. Rikes Gen. Handels Compagnies Contract, dirigerat til Asiam, Africam och Magellaniam, samt desz Conditiones, etc. Stockh. år 1625. Cited by Acrelius.—Der Reiche Schweden Genera. Compagnies Handlungs Contract, Dirigiret naher Asiam, Africam, Americam, vnd Magellanicam. Samt dessen Conditionen vnnd Wilköhren. Mit Kön. May. zu Schweden, vnsers Aller-gnedigsten Königs vnd Herrn gnediger Bewilligung, auch hierauff ertheilten Privilegien, in öffentlichen Druck publiciret. Stockholm, 1625. 4to, title, and 7 unnumbered pages. A copy is in the Carter-Brown Library. Translated into English in Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y., xii. 2 et seq.

Uthförligh Förklaring öfwer Handels Contractet angåendes thet Södre Compagniet uthi Konungarijket i Swerighe. Stält igenom Wilhelm Usselinx, Och nu aff thet Nederländske Språket uthsatt på Swenska, aff Erico Schrodero. Tryckt i Stockholm, aff Ignatio Meurer, Åhr 1626, 4to. —Auszführlicher Bericht über den Manifest; oder Vertrag-Brieff der Australischen oder Süder Compagney im Königreich Schweden. Durch Wilhelm Usselinx. Ausz dem Niederländischen in die Hochdeutsche Sprache übergesetzt. Stockholm, Gedruckt durch Christoffer Reusner. Anno MDCXXVI. 4to. The German version contains Usselinx’s interesting “voorrede” to the Netherlanders, dated at Stockholm, Oct. 17, 1625, in the original Dutch (not given in the Swedish edition), reprinted in the Dutch Octroy ofte Privilegie, and reproduced in the corrected Auszführlicher Bericht of the Argonautica Gustaviana. Cf. Muller’s Books on America (1872), no. 1,143, for a comparison of the Swedish edition and the Dutch Octroy ofte Privilegie. The only copies of these books known to the writer are in the Library of Congress.

Octroy eller Privilegier, som then Stormägtigste Högborne Furste och Herre, Herr Gustaf Adolph, Sweriges, Göthes och Wendes Konung, etc. Det Swenska nysz uprättade Södra Compagniet nädigst hafwer bebrefwat. Dat. Stockholm d. 14 Junii, 1626. Cited by Acrelius.—Octroy und Privilegium so der Allerdurchläuchtigste Groszmächtigste Fürst und Herr, Herr Gustavus Adolphus, der Schweden, Gothen und Wenden König, Grosz-Fürst in Finnland. Hertzog zu Ehesten und Carelen, Herr zu Ingermanland, etc. Der im Königreich Schweden jüngsthin auffgerichteten Süder-Compagnie allergnädigst gegeben und verliehen. Stockholm, gedruckt bey Ignatio Meurern. Im Jahr 1626. Reprinted in Johannes Marquardus’s Tractatus Politico-Juridicus de Jure Mercatorum et Commerciorum Singulari, vol. ii. pp. 545-52, Frankfort, 1662. An English translation is given in Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y., xii. 7 et seq.

Octroy ofte Privilegie soo by den alderdoorluchtigsten Grootmachtigen Vorst ende Heer Heer Gustaeff Adolph, der Sweden Gothen ende Wenden Koningh, Grootvorst in Finland, Hertogh tot Ehesten ende Carelen, Heer tot Ingermanland, etc., aen de nieuw opgerichte Zuyder Compagnie in’t Koningrijck Sweden onlangs genadigst gegeben ende verleend is, Mitsgaders een naerder Bericht over’t selve Octroy ende Verdragh-brief door Willem Usselincx. In’s Gravenhage, By Aert Meuris, Boeckverkooper in de Papestraat in den Bybel, anno 1627. 4to. Besides the Octroy it comprises a Dutch version of Usselinx’s Uthförligh Förklaring. Cf. Asher’s Essay, no. 41 and pp. 82, 83.

Kurtzer Extract der vornemsten Haupt-Puncten, so biszher weitläufftig und gründlich erwiesen, und nochmals, jedermänniglich, unwiedersprechlich für Augen gestellet sollen werden. In Sachen der neuen Süder-Compagnie. Gedruckt zu Heylbrunn bey Christoph Krausen, Anno 1633. Mens. Aprili. Reprinted in Marquard’s Tractatus, vol. ii. 541-42.

Instruction oder Anleitung: Welcher Gestalt die Einzeichnung zu der neuen Süder-Compagnie, durch Schweden und nunmehr auch Teutschland zubefördern, und an die Hand zunehmen; derselben auch mit ehestem ein Anfang zumachen. Gedruckt zu Heylbrunn bey Christoph Krausen. 1633. Mense Aprili. Reprinted in Marquard’s Tractatus, vol. ii. pp. 542-45.

Ampliatio oder Erweiterung des Privilegii so der Allerdurchläuchtigste Groszmächtigste Fürst und Herr, Herr Gustavus Adolphus, der Schweden, Gothen und Wenden König; Grosz-Fürst in Finnland, Hertzog zu Ehesten und Carelen, Herr zu Ingermannland, etc. Der neuen Australischen oder Süder-Compagnie durch Schweden und nunmehr auch Teutschland, allergnädigst ertheilet und verliehen. Gedruckt zu Heylbrunn, bey Christoph Krausen. Im Jahr 1633. Mense Aprili. Reprinted in Marquard’s Tractatus, vol. ii. pp. 552-55.

Argonautica Gustaviana, das ist: Nothwendige Nach-Richt von der Neuen Seefahrt und Kauffhandlung, so von dem Weilandt Allerdurchleuchtigsten Groszmächtigsten und Siegreichesten Fürsten unnd Herrn, Herrn Gustavo Adolpho Magno; ... durch anrichtung einer General Handel-Compagnie ... vor wenig Jahren zu stifften angefangen: anjetzo aber der Teutschen Evangelischen Nation ... zu unermesslichem Nutz und Frommen ... mitgetheilet worden.... Gedruckt zu Franckfurt am Mayn, bey Caspar Rödteln, im Jahr Christi 1633. Mense Junio. Folio. It comprises: a Patent oder öffentlich Auszschreiben wegen dieses Vorhabens, signed by Axel Oxenstjerna, June 26, 1633 (3 pp.); an Extract etlicher vornehmen Haubtpuncten (2 pp.); the Octroy und Privilegium of Gustavus Adolphus (8 pp.); the Ampliatio (4 pp.); Formular desz Manifest, reproducing with slight variations the Manifest, and Usselinx’s Auszführlicher Bericht, in Niderländischen Sprach gestellet, vor diesem bereit in eyl in Teutsch übergesetzt, anitzo aber nach dem Niderländischen mit allem fleisz übersehen, an vielen Orten nach Notturfft verbessert und mit Summarischen Marginalien bezeichnet (56 pp.); and, finally, Usselinx’s appeal to the Germans, entitled Mercurius Germaniæ, with the Instruction, and some Nothwendige Beylagen (51 pp.). It has been reprinted in Marquard’s Tractatus, vol. ii. pp. 373-540. Cf. Muller’s Books on America (1872), no. 1,136; (1877) no. 179; and a note in the preceding chapter.

Ampliation oder Erweiterung von dem Octroij und Privilegio, der newen Süyder-Handels Compagnia, durch Last und Befehl von die Deputirten der löblichen Confæderirten Herren Ständen, der vier Ober-Cräysen zu Franckfurth, anzustellen verordnet, den 12 December, Anno 1634. Gedruckt zu Hamburg, durch Heinrich Werner, im Jahr Christi 1635. A copy is bound with that of the Argonautica Gustaviana in the Harvard College Library.

[938] Printed in the Year 1648. For the full title and some particulars concerning this book see paper on “New Albion,” in Vol. III.

[939] Breeden-Raedt aende Vereenichde Nederlandsche Provintien, Gelreland, Holland, Zeeland, Wtrecht, Vriesland, Over-Yssel, Groeningen, Gemaeckt ende Gestalt uyt diverse ware en waerachtige memorien. Door I. A. G. W. C. Tot Antwerpen, ghedruct by Francoys van Duynen, Boeckverkooper by de Beurs in Erasmus, 1649. Translated into English by Henry C. Murphy in N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll.,[P3: missing. inserted] second series, vol. iii. part i. pp. 237 at seq. (New York, 1857). See preceding chapter.

[940] Vertoogh van Nieu Nederland, Weghens de Gheleghentheydt, Vruchtbaerheydt, en Soberen Staet deszelfs. In’s Graven-Hage. Ghedruckt by Michiel Stael, Bouckverkooper woonende op’t Buyten Hof, tegen-over de Gevange-Poort, 1650, 4to, 49 pp. A translation of it, with explanatory notes (one of which relates to the date of the arrival of the Swedes on the Delaware, citing Hawley’s letter to Windebanke, and correcting Arfwedson’s misapprehension of Biörck), by Henry C. Murphy, is given in N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., second series, vol. ii. pp. 251 et seq. (New York, 1849); and one of an authenticated copy of the original document appears in Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y., vol. i. pp. 271 et seq. Authors also frequently cite the Beschryvinghe van Virginia, Nieuw Nederlandt, etc. (’t Amsterdam, by Joost Hartgers, 1651, 4to), a compilation from the Vertoogh and other publications. See preceding chapter.

[941] Beschrijvinghe van Nieuvv-Nederlant ... Beschreven door Adriaen van der Donck.... ’t Amsteldam.... 1655, 4to. The same: Den tweeden Druck. Met een pertinent Kaertje van’t zelve Landt verciert en van veel druckfouten gesuyvert. ’t Aemsteldam.... 1656. 4to. A translation of the second edition, by the Hon. Jeremiah Johnson, is given in N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., second series, vol. i. pp. 125 et seq. (New York, 1841). See preceding chapter.

[942] Upsala, 1654 and 1662, 8vo. Frankfort and Leipsic, 1676, 4to.

[943] In his Korte historiael ende journaels aenteyckeninge van verscheyden voyagiens in de vier deelen des Wereldts-Ronde, ... t’ Hoorn.... 1655 (4to, 192 pp.). A translation of the voyages to America, by Henry C. Murphy, appears in N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., second series, vol. iii. pt. i. pp. 1 et seq. The version in N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., second series, vol. i. pp. 243 et seq., by Dr. G. Troost, from the Du Simitière MSS. in the Philadelphia Library, does not include the visit of De Vries to Printz, an imperfect account of which is given by the translator, which has been not less imperfectly followed by several later writers. See preceding chapter.

[944] Saken van Staat en Oorlogh, in, ende omtrent de Vereenigde Nederlanden, 1621-1669. The Hague, 1657-1671, 15 vols., 4to; 1669-1672, 7 vols., folio.

[945] Antwoordt van de Hog. Mo. Heeren Staten Generael deser vereenighde Nederlanden, Gegeven den 15 Augusti 1664, op twee distincte memorien, ende pretensien van de Heer Appelboom, Resident van den Konich van Sweden, De eene overgelevert aen haer Ho. Mo. voorsz. Tot Uytrecht, By Pieter Dercksz. Anno 1664. 4to.

[946] Kort Beskrifning om Provincien Nya Swerige uti America, som nu förtjden af the Engelske kallas Pensylvania. Af lärde och trowärdige Mäns skrifter och berättelser ihopaletad och sammanstrefwen, samt med åthskillige Figure utzirad af Thomas Campanius Holm. Stockholm, Tryckt uti Kongl. Boktr. hos Sal. Wankijfs Änkia med egen bekostnad, af J. H. Werner. Åhr MDCCII. 4to, xx + 192 pp. An ornamental titlepage bears the legend: Novæ Sveciæ seu Pensylvaniæ in America Descriptio. The work is dedicated to King Charles XII. of Sweden, and is divided into four books, the first of these treating of America in general, the second of New Sweden, and the third of the Indians in New Sweden, and the fourth consisting of a vocabulary and collection of phrases and some discourses in the dialect of the same savages, with Addenda concerning the Minquas and their language, and certain rare and remarkable things in America. It is embellished with numerous illustrations besides those mentioned in the text; among them being maps of America and of Virginia, New England, New Holland, and New Sweden, and one of New Sweden taken from Nicholas Visscher, the two latter being given in this chapter, and pictures of an Indian fort and Indian canoes. An extract from a translation of it is given in N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. ii. pp. 343 et seq. (New York, 1814). An annotated translation of the whole work, by Peter S. Du Ponceau, LL.D., reproducing Lindström’s and Visscher’s maps of New Sweden, and the representations of Trinity Fort, the siege of Christina Fort, and the Indian fort, above referred to, was published in Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, vol. iii. pt. i. pp. 1 et seq. (Philadelphia, 1834). The work is rare. Copies are to be found in the Philadelphia Library, in the libraries of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Harvard College and Congress, and in the Carter-Brown collection. It is priced in recent catalogues as high as £15 or £16. Cf. Brinley Catalogue, no. 3,043-44; Sabin’s Dictionary, iii. 10,202; Muller (1872), no. 1,138; (1875), no. 2,845; (1877), no. 570; 80 Dutch florins; Field, Indian Bibliography, no. 233; Menzies Catalogue, no. 327; O’Callaghan Catalogue, no. 467. Few copies have all the illustrations. Muller errs in making the author the son, instead of the grandson, of the Rev. Johan Campanius Holm.

[947] One of the most noteworthy of these is the assertion that the Swedes settled on the Delaware as early as 1631. This is reiterated by Cronholm and Sprengel, and in Smith’s New Jersey, Proud’s Pennsylvania, Holmes’s Annals, etc., and even in a note in loco of Du Ponceau himself.

[948] Dissertatio Gradualis de Svionum in America Colonia, quam, ex consensu Ampl. Senatus Philosoph. in Inclita Academia Upsaliensi, Præside viro amplissimo M. Petro Elvio, Mathem. Prof. Reg. et Ord., publice ventilandam subjicit Johannes Dan. Swedberg, Dalekarlus, in Audit. Gustav. Maj. ad diem xxiii. Junii Anni MDCCIX. Upsaliæ, ex officina Werneriana. Small 8vo, vi + 32 pp. A copy is in the library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Cf. Brinley Catalogue, no. 3,099; Muller’s Books on America (1872), no. 1,141; (1877), no. 3,137. A copy has been recently priced at 50 marks.

[949] Bishop Svedberg’s interest in the posterity of the old colonists of New Sweden is well evinced in his America Illuminata (Skara, 1732, small 8vo, 163 pp. + Indices), copies of which are in the libraries of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania and of Harvard College. Cf. Brinley Catalogue, ii. 3,100; Muller’s Books on America (1872), no. 1,140. Well-bound copies have been recently priced at £10. See also Vita Jesperi Swedberg, Episcopi Scarensis, an academical dissertation by Carolus Johannes Knos, vestrogothus (Upsala, 1787), a copy of which is in the library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, as well as a portrait of the bishop, signed “H. C. Fehlingk delin. Joh. Chr. Böcklin Aug. Vind. sc. Lipsiæ.”

[950] Brieven geschreven ende gewisselt tusschen der Herr Johan de Witt, Raedt-Pensionaris, etc., ende de Gevolmachtigden van den Staedt der Vereenigde Nederlanden, so in Vranckryck, Engelandt, Sweden, Danemarcken, Poolen, etc., 1652-1659. The Hague, 1723-1725, 6 vols., 4to.

[951] ﬣוֹﬣיּ ﬤשׁﬦ Dissertatio Gradualis, de Plantatione Ecclesiæ Svecanæ in America, quam, suffragrante Ampl. Senatu Philosoph. in Regio Upsal. Athenæo, Præside Viro Amplissimo atque Celeberrimo Mag. Andrea Brörwall, Eth. et Polit. Prof. Reg. et Ord., in Audit. Gust. Maj. d. 14 Jun. An. MDCCXXXI., examinandam modeste sistit Tobias E. Biörck, Americano-Dalekarlus. Upsaliæ, Literis Wernerianis. 4to, viii + 34 pp. Embellished with an original folding copperplate map, engraved by Jonas Silfverling, Upsala, 1731, entitled Delineatio Pennsilvaniæ et Cæesareæ Nov. Occident seu West N. Iersey in America, indicating many of the settlements of the descendants of the old colonists of New Sweden. A copy is in the library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Cf. Historical Magazine, art. iii., April, 1873, by J. R. Bartlett; Muller’s Books on America (1872), no. 1,137, where it is claimed that it is the first work on New Sweden written by a native, and published in Sweden. A copy has been recently priced at 50 marks.

[952] Author of Kort Berettelse om then Swenska Kyrkios närwarande Tilstånd i America, samt oförgripeliga tankar om thesz widare förkofring.... Tryckt i Norkiöping, Anno 1725 (4to, 24 pp.). The book contains no new information about the early history of the Swedish colony on the Delaware. A copy of it is in the library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.

[953] Publication passed August 11, 1742. A copy is in the library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.

[954] Ifrån år 1523 in til närvarande tid. Uppå Hans Kongl. Maj: ts nådigesta befallning gjord. Forsta del, Stockholm, 1747; andra del, ibid., 1750; tredje del, ibid., 1753; fjerde del, ibid., 1760; femte del, ibid., 1766; sjette del, ibid., 1775. In the same author’s Matrickel öfwer Sweriges Rikes Ridderskap och Adel, 1754, p. 350, occurs a notice of Johan Printz, stating that after his return from New Sweden he was made a General, and in 1658 Governor of Jönköping. It is added: “He was born in the parsonage of Bottneryd, and died in 1663, without sons, the family thus ending with him in the male line.” As to these points compare, however, Prof. Dr. Ernst Heinrich Kneschke’s Neues allgemeines Deutsches Adels-Lexicon, vii. pp. 253-54 (Leipsic, 1867), art. “Printz, Printz v. Buchan,” which speaks of Governor Printz as belonging to a Lutheran branch of an old Austrian noble family that emigrated to Holstein soon after the Reformation, and finally settled in East Prussia. According to this authority he had a son Johann Friedrich, who became a Major-General in the army of the Electorate of Brandenburg, and was ennobled in 1661 under the name of Printz von Buchan, whose descendants still live in Germany. In mitigation of the blame attached by Stiernman to Printz for the surrender of Chemnitz, see Puffendorf in loco.

[955] Ex Archivo Palmskiöldiano nunc primum in lucem edita. Præeside Olavo Celsio. Upsaliæ, MDCCL. (Academical dissertations.)

[956] Stockholm, 1753-1761, 3 vols., 8vo. In German, Göttingen, 1754-64; and in English, Warrington and London, 1770-1771, 2d ed. 1772. Cf. Sabin’s Dictionary, ix. 382. Kalm’s Tankar med Guds Wälsegnande Nåd och Wederbörandes Tilstånd om Nyttan som kunnat tilfalla wårt kjära Fädernesland af des Nybygge i America ferdom Nya Swerige kalladt (Aboæ, 1754, 4to) gives a short account of the fertility and the chief natural products of the territory on the Delaware, nearly the same as the fuller one in the author’s Resa.

[957] London, 1757. See Mr. Stevens’s chapter in Vol. III.

[958] Beskrifning om de Swenska Församlingars Forna och Närwarande Tilstånd, uti det så kallade Nya Swerige, sedan Nya Nederland, men nu för tiden Pensylvanien, samt nästliggande Orter wid Alfwen De la Ware, Wäst-Yersey och New-Castle County uti Norra America; Utgifwen af Israel Acrelius, För detta Probst öfwer de Swenska Församlingar i America och Kyrkoherde uti Christina, men nu Probst och Kyrkoherde uti Fellingsbro. Stockholm, Tryckt hos Harberg et Hesselberg, 1759. 4to, xx+ 534 pp. The work is dedicated to Queen Louisa Ulrica of Sweden. A translation of portions of the book, by the Rev. Nicholas Collin, D.D., is given in N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., second series, vol. i. pp. 401 et seq. A translation of the whole of it, by the Rev. William M. Reynolds, D.D., with numerous additional notes, was published in Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, vol. xi. (Philadelphia, 1874). The latter is accompanied by a portrait of the author, engraved from a copy in oils by Christian Schuessele (in the library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania) from a picture sent to this country by Acrelius, now the property of Trinity Church, Wilmington, Del.; as well as by a map of New Sweden, engraved from a copy (belonging to the same Historical Society) of the original of Engineer Lindström, still preserved in Sweden. There are copies in the libraries of Harvard College and the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, and in the Carter-Brown collection. (Cf. Sabin’s Dictionary, i. 133; Brinley Catalogue, ii. 3,030; Muller’s Books on America [1872], no. 1,134; also Catalogue of Paintings, etc., belonging to the Hist. Soc. of Penn., no. 59. Priced recently at £7 7s.) Acrelius died in 1800.

[959] In Svenska patriotiska Sällskapets Handlingar, Stockholm, 1770.

[960] London, 1772.

[961] The later edition of James Savage, under the title History of New England (Boston, 1825-1826), contains also the continuation of the Journal, with additional matter on the Swedes. See preceding chapter, and Vol. III.

[962] Very carefully reprinted in Records of the Colony of New Plymouth, vols. ix. and x. (Boston, 1859.)

[963] Hamburg, 1799. The author’s treatment of the subject in his histories of New Jersey and Pennsylvania in the same work, vols. iii. and vi. (Hamburg, 1796 and 1803), is not so full. Ebeling’s library, now in Harvard College Library, shows several of the rarest of the early books on New Sweden.

[964] In Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., second series, vols. v. and vi. (Boston, 1815). Reprinted in 1848. For an estimate of Hubbard see Vol. III.

[965] De Colonia Nova Svecia in Americam Borealem Deducta Historiola. Quam, venia ampl. Fac. Phil. Upsal., Præside Mag. Erico Gust. Geijer, Historiar. Prof Reg. et Ord.... P. P. Auctor Carolus David Arfwedson, Vestrogothus. In Audit. Gust. die xix. Nov. MDCCCXXV. H. A. M S. Upsaliæ. Excudebant Regiæ Academiæ Typographi. 4to, iv + 34 pp. Copies are in the libraries of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania and of Harvard College. Cf. Muller’s Books on America (1872), no. 1,135; Brinley, ii. 3,031.

[966] A translation of this, by the late Hon. George P. Marsh, is given in N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., second series, vol. i. pp. 443 et seq.

[967] A translation of it is inserted in Du Ponceau’s translation of Campanius, already mentioned, p. 109 et seq.

[968] In History of the State of New York, part ii., New York, 1826.

[969] Sketches of the Primitive Settlements on the River Delaware. A Discourse delivered before the Society for the Commemoration of the Landing of William Penn, on the 24th of October, 1827. By James N. Barker. Published by request of the Society. Philadelphia, 1827. 8vo, 62 pp. Extracts from it are given in Samuel Hazard’s Register of Pennsylvania, vol. i. p. 179 et seq. (Philadelphia, 1828.)

[970] Philadelphia, 1829 and 1830.

[971] Philadelphia, 1835, 12mo, 180 pp.; 2d ed. 1858, 12mo, 179 pp., omitting the charter of the Swedish churches.

[972] Örebro, 1832-1836.

[973] Vol. ii., Boston, 1837.

[974] Baltimore, 1837. Cf. Mr. Brantley’s chapter in Vol. III.

[975] Vol. i. p. 9. Dover, 1838.

[976] Page 428 et seq. New York, 1841.

[977] Paris, 8vo, 29 pp. A Swedish translation of it, bearing the title of Underrättelse om den Fordna Svenska Kolonien i Norra Amerika kallad Nya Sverige, “med Anmärkningar och Tillägg af Öfversättaren,” was printed at Stockholm in 1844 (8vo, title + 41 pp.). The author’s treatment of his theme so closely resembles Bancroft’s, that we infer that he followed the American historian without acknowledgment.

[978] Wilmington, 1846, 8vo, xii + 312 pp. Among its illustrations are a reproduction of the representation of the siege of Fort Christina in Du Ponceau’s Campanius, and an original “Map of the Original Settlements on the Delaware by the Dutch and Swedes.”

[979] New York, 1846-1848. It reproduces Van der Donck’s map of New Netherland. See the preceding chapter.

[980] Stockholm, 1848.

[981] Philadelphia, 1850.

[982] Albany, 1850. See the preceding chapter.

[983] Albany, 1851.

[984] Reappearing among “The Jogues Papers,” translated by John Gilmary Shea, in New York Historical Society Collections, second series, iii. 215, et seq. See the preceding chapter.

[985] Newark, N. J., 1853.

[986] On the date of the building of Fort Nassau, see O’Callaghan’s New Netherland, i. 100. On maps, see note on Lindström’s Map.

[987] Boston, 1853.

[988] Albany, 1853.

[989] New York, 1853-1871. See the preceding chapter; and Mr. Stevens’s, in Vol. III.

[990] Stockholm, 1855-1856.

[991] Albany, 1856-1858.

[992] Hartford, 1857-1858.

[993] Published at Amsterdam. A translation of the letters referred to, by the Hon. Henry C. Murphy, appears in the Historical Magazine, ii. 257 et seq. (New York, 1858).

[994] In Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, vol. vii., Philadelphia, 1860. The frontispiece consists of an engraving of a mural tablet in St. Paul’s Church, Chester, Pa., in memory of Ann Keen, daughter of Jöran Kyn, of Upland, and her husband James Sandelands, one of the provincial councillors of Pennsylvania appointed by Deputy-Governor William Markham in 1681,—the oldest tombstone extant on the Delaware.

[995] Philadelphia, 1862.

[996] Stockholm, 1865. The matter referred to in the text has been translated by the writer of this essay for the Pennsylvania Magazine of History, vol. vii.

[997] A Bibliographical and Historical Essay on the Dutch Books and Pamphlets relating to New Netherland, and to the Dutch West India Company and to its possessions in Brazil, Angola, etc., as also on the Maps, Charts, etc., of New Netherland, with fac-similes of the map of New Netherland by N. J. Visscher and of the three existing views of New Amsterdam. Compiled from the Dutch public and private libraries, and from the collection of Mr. Frederik Muller in Amsterdam, G. M. Asher, LL.D., Privat-Docent of Roman law in the University of Heidelberg. Amsterdam, Frederik Muller, 1854-1867. See the preceding chapter.

[998] With regard to Usselinx, Asher refers to Berg van Dussen Muilkerk’s work on New Netherland, written in 1851, Captain P. N. Netscher’s Les Hollandais au Brésil (La Haye, 1853), and the histories of Dutch political economy by Professor O. van Rees and Professor E. Laspeyres. The last of these books, entitled Geschichte der volkswirthschaftlichen Anschauungen der Niederländer, is also cited by Professor Odhner.

[999] Philadelphia, 1870.

[1000] Stockholm, 1857-1872.

[1001] Pages 42 et seq. Boston, 1874.

[1002] Printz’s letter is not in reply to this of Winthrop (as Mr. Kidder supposes), but to another (dated April 22, 1644) mentioned by Sprinchorn. It is written in Latin, a language necessarily used by the Swedish Governor in such correspondence, though he felt his incompetence for the task, saying in his report of the same month that “for the last twenty-seven years he had handled muskets and pistols oftener than Cicero and Tacitus.” He therefore desired his superiors to send him a Latin secretary, and, repeating his request in his Report of 1647, hopes that that person might render aid in administering justice and solving intricate problems of law, which occasionally arose, besides relieving him from the embarrassment of appearing in court in certain cases as both plaintiff and judge.

[1003] Harrisburg, 1876; 2d ed., 1880.

[1004] Stockholm, 1876. A few copies of the article were printed separately (8vo, 39 pp.) A translation of it, with notes, containing lists of colonists who emigrated to New Sweden in the first four Swedish expeditions, and other information, by the writer of this essay, is given in the Pennsylvania Magazine, vol. iii. p. 269 et seq., p. 395 et seq., and p. 462 et seq. (Philadelphia, 1879.) For further information concerning Peter Spiring (ennobled in 1636, under the name of Silfvercron till Norsholm), particularly mentioned by Odhner, see the latter’s Sveriges deltagande i Westfaliska fredskongressen, p. 46; and for additional references to Samuel Blommaert, also spoken of by the author, see Doc. Col. Hist. N.Y., vols. i. and xii.

[1005] Albany, 1877.

[1006] Harrisburg, 1877. The frontispiece consists of a portrait of Queen Christina of Sweden, from the same original as that which appears on the writer’s map of New Sweden, accompanying this chapter. It reproduces Van der Donck’s map of New Netherland.

[1007] Harrisburg, 1878.

[1008] Also printed separately, the titlepage describing it as Akademisk Afhandling, som med vederbörligt tillstånd för erhållande af Filosofisk Doktorsgrad vid Lunds Universitet till offentlig granskning framställes af Carl K. S. Sprinchorn, Filosofie Licentiat, Sk. (Stockholm, 1878, P. A. Norstedt & Söner, Kongl. Boktryckare. 8vo, 102 pp.) A translation of it has been made, by the writer of this essay, for publication by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.

[1009] Philadelphia, 1878, et seq. ann.

[1010] Philadelphia, 1880.

[1011] Published by the Historical Society of Delaware, Wilmington, 1881. (8vo, 27 pp.) The paper was read before that Society Dec. 10, 1874, and should be supplemented and corrected in some particulars from the essays afterward written by Professor Odhner and Doctor Sprinchorn. Concerning Minuit, see also a paper by Friedrich Kapp, entitled “Peter Minnewit aus Wesel,” in Von Sybel’s Historische Zeitschrift, xv. 225 et seq., and the preceding chapter.

[1012] Pages 55-78. Stockholm, 1882. The author, who is librarian of the Royal Library at Stockholm, gives a brief list of books referring to New Sweden, embracing, besides others spoken of in the text, Svenska Familj-Journalen, 1870 (reprinted by the writer, C. G. Starbäck, in Historiska Bilder, Stockholm, 1871), and Förr och Nu, 1871.

[1013] Philadelphia, 1882. The original of the second document mentioned is in the Library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.

[1014] Most of these are cited by Odhner and Sprinchorn, with indication of the places where they are now deposited.

[1015] Referred to in the Pennsylvania Magazine of History, vol. v. pp. 468-69.

[1016] For very kind aid the writer is especially indebted to Professor C. T. Odhner, of Lund.

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TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE:

—Obvious errors were corrected.

—The transcriber of this project created the book cover image using the title page of the original book. The image is placed in the public domain.