On Horseback Through Asia Minor, Volume 2 (of 2)

by Unknown

CHAPTER XXXVII.

The journey is over—Declaration of war—Her Majesty's Government—An iniquitous and unnecessary step on the part of the Tzar—The Treaty of Paris—Its infringement—Impossible to foresee the consequences of such an act—Russia's contempt for England—England allied with Turkey—Applying the rod—A Conference might be held at St. Petersburg—The solemn assurances of the Emperor—Samarcand—Khiva—The Black Sea Convention—Let the Russians go to Constantinople—People who believe in Russian promises—A non-military power like England—England ought to join Turkey.

My journey was over. A few weeks after my return to London, war was declared by Russia against Turkey. In the opinion of her Majesty's Government, this was a most iniquitous and unnecessary step on the part of the Tzar. Her Majesty's Government did not conceal its views about the matter. The Earl of Derby, in a despatch to Lord A. Loftus, dated May 1st, 1877, made use of the following expressions:—

"They (i.e. her Majesty's Government) have not concealed their feeling that the presence of large Russian forces on the frontiers of Turkey, menacing its safety, rendering disarmament impossible, and exciting a feeling of apprehension and fanaticism among the Mussulman population, constituted a material obstacle to internal pacification and reform. They cannot believe that the entrance of these armies on Turkish soil will alleviate the difficulty, or improve the condition of the Christian population throughout the Sultan's dominions. But the course on which the Russian Government has entered involves graver and more serious considerations. It is in contravention of the stipulations of the Treaty of Paris of March 30, 1856, by which Russia and the other signatory Powers engaged, each on its own part, to respect the independence and the territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire. In the Conferences of London of 1871, at the close of which the above stipulation, with others, was again confirmed, the Russian Plenipotentiary, in common with those of the other Powers, signed a declaration affirming it to be an essential principle of the law of nations, that no Power can liberate itself from the engagements of a Treaty, nor modify the stipulations thereof, unless with the consent of the contracting parties by means of an amicable arrangement. In taking action against Turkey on his own part, and having recourse to arms without further consultation with his allies, the Emperor of Russia has separated himself from the European concert hitherto maintained, and has at the same time departed from the rule to which he himself had solemnly recorded his consent. It is impossible to foresee the consequences of such an act. Her Majesty's Government would willingly have refrained from making any observations in regard to it; but Prince Gortschakoff seems to assume, in a declaration addressed to all the Governments of Europe, that Russia is acting in the interest of Great Britain and that of the other Powers; they feel bound to state, in a manner equally formal and public, that the decision of the Russian Government is not one which can have their concurrence or approval."

It is very clear, from this despatch, what the opinion of her Majesty's Government was about the matter. However, neither Prince Gortschakoff nor his august master are easily affected by verbal remonstrances.

They had shown how little they cared for treaties by their conduct after the battle of Sedan.

"France is beaten, and who cares for England?" thought Prince Gortschakoff: he tore up the Black Sea Convention.

His august master, animated of course with the most peaceful intentions, wishes to destroy the Turkish Empire. Verbal remonstrances are of no use if applied to a semi-barbarous nation. Some people can be appealed to through their sense of right and wrong, others only through their skins. The Russian nation has a peculiarly thick skin; for this reason the rod ought to be a heavy one. England, allied with Turkey, and before the latter power is crippled, could easily apply it. The Tzar might be compelled to fulfil his solemn assurance about Khiva; Russia could be driven out of Central Asia, and forced to relinquish her hold on the Caucasus.

A Conference might then be held at St. Petersburg to arrange about the conditions of peace, and to inquire into the treatment of the United Greek Christians. Lord Salisbury could inform Prince Gortschakoff that some of the British nation do not approve of the Russian authorities ordering soldiers to flog Christian women and children,[26] by way of making them change their religion; and that others object to the Tzar's troops killing Circassian women in the family-way.[27]

We have been told that these last-mentioned individuals were Mohammedans, and that Prince Gortschakoff's master would have liked to Christianize and civilize them; but at the same time, and in spite of the assertion of a member of the late Liberal Government, that Russia is the protector of the unprotected, our plenipotentiary might be instructed to tell the Tzar that his soldiers should have shown their amiable qualities in some other manner. The subject of the Teke Turkomans, and how they were massacred—men, women, and children—during the Khivan campaign, could also afford our representative an opportunity for remonstrating with the Imperial Chancellor.

The latter should finally be distinctly given to understand that Englishmen do not look upon the establishment of a Constitution and a Parliament by the Turkish Government as an insult and defiance to Russia, whatever the Russians may do.[28]

In the mean time, and while I pen these lines, the Tzar's armies have crossed the Danube. They are quartered on Turkish soil. The Treaty of Paris has been once more broken by the Russian Government. The solemn assurances made by the Emperor have been cast to the four winds. A climax has been put to the breaches of good faith; displayed first of all about Samarcand; secondly, Khiva; thirdly, the Black Sea Convention and immediately after the battle of Sedan. England has not declared war with Russia. There are still some people amongst us who place credence in the Russian Emperor's statement that he has no intention to interfere with British interests. "Let the Russians go to Constantinople," is the remark, "they will not stop there. The Tzar will dictate terms of peace in the Sultan's capital. The Muscovite armies will return to their own country. If the worst comes to the worst, England with her fleet could drive out the invader." Men who argue like this do not care to remember that Russia has broken faith with England four times in the last ten years. Should the Sultan be forced to succumb to his foe, and the Emperor's troops be once established in Constantinople, it would be almost impossible for a non-military power like England to dislodge them from the position. Whatever we might be able to do by sea would be counter-balanced by our inability to follow up the advantage by land. It must not be forgotten that Turkey is fighting not only for herself, but also for the security of our Indian Empire.[29] A few millions sterling would enable the Turkish Government to supply its soldiers with the munitions of war.

An English contingent force of fifty thousand men could defend Constantinople against all the Russian armies. It is to be hoped that the Ottoman troops will do more than hold their own. But this is doubtful. The Tzar has thrown down the gauntlet to England by taking action on his own part against the Sultan. We should accept the challenge, and draw our swords for Turkey.

A SKETCH
OF THE PROPOSED
DEFENCES OF CONSTANTINOPLE
ON THE EUROPEAN SIDE OF
THE BOSPHORUS
Stanford's Geogl Estabt, London.
London: Sampson Low, Marston, Searle & Rivington.

[View larger image]

APPENDIX A. (I.)
THE FLOGGERS OF WOMEN.

Lieutenant-Colonel Mansfield to Earl Granville.

Official (Received Feb. 16).

Warsaw, January 29, 1874.

My Lord,

It is with, regret that I have to report to your Lordship a renewal of disturbances in the districts inhabited by the United Greeks in the Governments of Siedlce and Lublin, resulting in bloodshed, loss of life, and the MOST BARBAROUS TREATMENT inflicted on the peasants.

* * * * *

Several months since various of the United Greek priests represented to M. Popiel, the Administrator of the Diocese of Chelm, that the measures of assimilation had been but partially carried out; and that those priests who had done so were exposed to the gravest difficulties, amounting almost to persecution, at the hands of the peasants.

M. Popiel applied to Count Tolstoi, who forwarded from St. Petersburg, within the last few weeks, a Circular, enjoining the strictest uniformity in the abolition of organs and benches, the disuse of the rosary, the bell at the mass, chants in Polish, and many other details, too numerous to be worth relation.

Such of the priests as had not, or were not prepared to execute the recommendations of the Circular, have been ejected from their cures. The number, however, is insignificant, as almost all had previously acquiesced in the views of the Government, and the Nonconformists had been eliminated.

As may be supposed, the peasants care nothing about the Synod of Zamosc, or about the purity and usages of the Primitive Church, Oriental or otherwise; but they have a deep-rooted veneration for the usages in which they and their fathers have been brought up.

The operation of Count Tolstoi's Circular has been most disastrous; in some few villages the peasants have entirely abstained from frequenting the churches; but in many the priests have been ill-treated, one having been stoned to death.

The aid of the police and military has been called in; in one parish three peasants were killed and many wounded. Isolated Cossacks are waylaid and murdered by the peasants. In some of the conflicts the military have been roughly handled, stoned, wounded by scythes, bones broken, and contusions, more especially among the officers.

In the district of Minciewicz, the peasants surrounded the church, and defied the military to introduce the priest. The former, with their wives and children, were finally mastered and surrounded, and were given the option of signing a declaration accepting the priest; on their refusal FIFTY BLOWS WITH THE "NAGAIKA"[30] (COSSACK WHIP) were given to every adult man, TWENTY-FIVE to EVERY WOMAN, AND TEN to EVERY CHILD, IRRESPECTIVE OF AGE OR SEX; ONE WOMAN more vehement than the rest, receiving as much as ONE HUNDRED.

* * * * *

I have, &c.,
(Signed) C. E. Mansfield.

APPENDIX A. (II.)
CHRISTIANITY AS UNDERSTOOD IN RUSSIA.

Lieutenant-Colonel Mansfield to the Earl of Derby.

(Received, February 22.)

Warsaw, January 29, 1875.

(Extract.)

I have the honour to report to your Lordship that 52,000 United Greeks in the Government of Siedlce have been received into the Russian National Church.

I need not recall to your Lordship's notice, the PERSECUTION of the UNITED GREEKS, which I have had to report for several years past, and which, within the last twelve months, has taken a more exaggerated form.

THE PASSING OVER OF THESE 50,000 UNITED GREEKS has been effected by various means, in which PHYSICAL MALTREATMENT has formed a not inconsiderable element.

In some parishes, THE MOST OBSTINATE having been sent to the interior of the Empire OR SIBERIA, THE REMAINDER, finding their substance being eaten up by the Cossacks, gave in to the pressure of the subordinate officials, and SIGNED THE PETITION DESIRING TO BE RECEIVED INTO THE RUSSIAN CHURCH.

In other districts money has been distributed, when it was seen that the resistance was less obdurate.

In others CORPORAL MALTREATMENT was resorted to, until the peasants gave in; but stating as they did so, that they yielded only on compulsion.

The details of the different degrees of compulsion in the various villages would take too much space to relate; but I cite as a specimen what I have heard, from a gentleman of whose veracity I have no reason to doubt, of what took place in a village on his property.

The peasants were assembled and beaten by the Cossacks, until the military surgeon stated that more would endanger life; THEY WERE THEN DRIVEN THROUGH A HALF-FROZEN RIVER UP TO THEIR WAISTS INTO THE PARISH CHURCH, through files of soldiers, where their names were entered in the petitions as above, and passed out at an opposite door, the peasants all the time crying out, "YOU MAY CALL US ORTHODOX, BUT WE REMAIN IN THE FAITH OF OUR FATHERS."

* * * * *

APPENDIX A. (III.)
RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION.

In an extract from the Monde, published in some correspondence laid before the Houses of Parliament, I find the following remarks:—

"Russia is anxious for a second Congress, and asks all Europe to agree to it, in order to settle certain rules of humanity to be observed during a war, and she aspires to appear in the eyes of the world as a civilized nation full of charity; how can we reconcile this with the fact that this Power should be so barbarous in time of peace as regards its peaceful subjects, whose only fault is that of remaining faithful to the religion of their fathers?

"The cruelties that the Russian Government perpetrate against the unhappy Catholics who are called United Greeks, are worthy of the horrors of the time of Nero. The Province of Podlachia, the people of which are Ruthenians, is more especially persecuted. There blood has flown in streams for more than a year. Troops have been sent there who behave as if they were in an enemy's country, for they live entirely at the expense of the people, who are not rich. The soldiers are authorized to kill for food all the cattle without exception, even the draught oxen.

"The inhabitants who remain true to their faith are delivered over to a THOUSAND TORTURES. The commonest form is to STRIP THEM, then ONLY CLOTHED IN THEIR SHIRT, THEY ARE STRETCHED ON THE SNOW AND BEATEN UNTIL THEY ARE NEARLY DEAD, as much from the effects of the blows as from the loss of blood and the cold they suffer. They are then taken to the ambulances. If they recover those ingenious tortures can be renewed on them, which Russia distributes freely to those who refuse obstinately to embrace that orthodox religion which is brought before them in so benign and attractive a manner.

"This Polish province contains at least 300,000 United Greeks, all under this same régime, for all are to be converted by this apostolic proceeding. The number of unfortunates crippled by the beatings is so great that it has been found necessary to organize many new ambulances. They are thrown into them; but it must not be imagined that they are cared for there. God alone is their doctor, for no trouble is taken either to treat or feed them.

"Moreover, this same treatment is adopted for sick and wounded soldiers. With the object of cheering them they are given a kind of soup made of gruel of revolting half-mouldy buckwheat, in which the grains are drowned in a quantity of hot water. In time of war THE SORES OF THE WOUNDED ARE OFTEN DRESSED WITH STRAW, BECAUSE THE LINT AND THE CLOTH WHICH ARE SENT BY CHARITABLE PEOPLE TO THE HOSPITALS ARE SOLD BY THE OFFICERS TO PAPER-MILLS.

"All this may give some idea of what is passing there, where the passion of cruelty follows an unrestrained course, proud to be able to advertise its unrighteous zeal in sight of those whose orders are being carried out.

"One is filled with grief and astonishment when one thinks of the people exposed to tortures by Russian barbarity and wickedness. It is a counterpart of the Chinese persecutions, which the Muscovites seem anxious even to surpass.

"The heroism of the unhappy Podlachians is forgotten by all the world, they are delivered up to rapine and torture, deprived of union and hope, and bear all this with calm gentleness and perseverance; they are ready to die, so long as it is not outside the bosom of the Church, and after having betrayed their faith.

"What an example to all, and what a disgrace for those who, without being exposed to such trials, have not been able to persevere!"

APPENDIX IV.
RUSSIAN AGENTS AND THE MASSACRES IN BULGARIA.

Extract from Mr. Layard's (H.M. Ambassador at Constantinople) Despatch to the Earl of Derby dated 30th May, 1877.

"Since my arrival in Constantinople my main object has been to prepare the way for peace. I have thought that in doing so I should best carry out the wishes and intentions of her Majesty's Government. I had this end in view, as I informed your lordship at the time when I induced the Porte to appeal to the Powers for their mediation under the 8th Article of the Treaty of Paris. I had little hope that war could be averted by this step, but it appeared to me that it might afford an opening for the interference of those Powers in the interests of peace on some future occasion. The opening of the war has not been quite so favourable to Russia as she appears to have expected. The extraordinary rise in the Danube has checked her advance on the side of Europe, and has enabled Turkey to increase her means of resistance. Although the Porte might, no doubt, have done more in this respect, there is no doubt that the difficulties of the Russian campaign in Roumelia have been much increased by the delay, and although Russia may succeed in the end, it will probably be at a greater sacrifice than she may have at first contemplated. The simultaneous attack on the European and Asiatic territories of Turkey has not, therefore, led to all the results upon which Russia apparently counted. According to information derived from various sources it would appear that the rise in the waters of the Danube, and the consequent floods over the surrounding country, will render its passage very difficult, if not impossible, for three or four weeks to come. Does not this delay afford an opening for another effort in the interests of peace? The position of affairs is this. Russia has succeeded in Asia, and thus she holds a material guarantee for what she may require on behalf of the Christians of Turkey in the shape of a province; in Europe she cannot be said to have yet succeeded, and she will probably have to encounter a desperate resistance, and to make vast sacrifices before she can impose her own terms upon the Porte. Moreover, the longer the war lasts the greater the risk of drawing other Powers in it against her. If hostilities be prolonged, Turkey, in her despair, may have recourse to measures to embarrass and injure Russia which may to a certain extent effect that object. Although the rising in the Caucasus may not have the importance that has been attributed to it, and the negotiations between the Porte and revolutionary and national leaders may not lead to serious results, they are undoubtedly a danger to Russia. The real intentions of Russia would also be brought to a test by proposing to her at this moment a mediation. If her real object is, as she asserts, the improvement of the condition of the Christian populations, she has surely now the means of obtaining a satisfactory guarantee for it. The Turkish Government, it must be admitted, has already done a good deal in the direction pointed out by the Powers at the Conference and in the Protocol of London. It is prepared to do more, and would do more, if the war waged against Turkey by Russia permitted it. The lesson which the Porte has received has, no doubt, made it see the absolute necessity of complying with the demands of Europe, without even the material guarantee which Russia may require. If, on the other hand, Russia has the ambitious designs generally attributed to her, and has entered upon this war for the purposes of territorial aggrandisement, her professions of humanity and disinterestedness can now be gauged, and her Majesty's Government will be able, at least, to judge what her real objects and intentions are, and how far the interests of the British Empire may be affected or endangered by them. It must not, however, be inferred that the Porte will be so easily induced to make peace, even were it in extreme peril. There are some Turkish statesmen who see the dangers which threaten their country, and who would feel the absolute necessity of bringing the war to an end almost at any sacrifice. Whilst Russia might desire to exact much, no Turkish Ministers could accept very hard or humiliating conditions without risking their own lives, and even that of the Sultan, and without exposing the Christian populations to a massacre. I may be excused for pointing out the dangers to England of a prolongation of the war, and of a complete subjugation of a large part of the empire by Russia. Should Russia desire to annex at this time any of the European provinces of Turkey, European interests would probably be called into play, and she would be prevented from carrying out her intentions. The influence, however, which she would inevitably establish over these populations would be almost tantamount to absolute possession, and would enable her to annex them, sooner or later, when she could do so with impunity; but as regards the acquisition by her of territory in Asia Minor the case is different. The interests of England would then be alone concerned. IT WOULD PROBABLY SIGNIFY LITTLE TO THE REST OF EUROPE WHETHER RUSSIA RETAINED ARMENIA OR NOT. BUT ENGLAND HAS TO CONSIDER THE EFFECT OF THE ANNEXATION TO RUSSIA of this IMPORTANT PROVINCE UPON THE BRITISH POSSESSIONS IN INDIA. RUSSIA WOULD THEN COMMAND the WHOLE OF ASIA MINOR and THE GREAT VALLEY OF THE EUPHRATES AND TIGRIS, WHICH WOULD INEVITABLY FALL INTO HER HANDS IN THE COURSE OF TIME. Persia, moreover, would be placed entirely at her mercy. The suspicion that Russia has already made secret offers to Persia to assist her in acquiring the province of Bagdad in exchange for Ghilan and Mazanderan may be unfounded; but the fact that it exists, and has been entertained by persons not generally ill-informed, proves that this consideration is not one to be altogether lost sight of. In most cases, when the evident interests of two parties are concerned in effecting an exchange, the exchange is sooner or later effected. The desire of Persia to possess the province of Bagdad and the holy shrines of their prophets and martyrs is of very ancient date, and is shared by the whole Persian nation. On the other hand, THE POSSESSION OF THE ENTIRE COAST OF THE CASPIAN SEA AND THE DIRECT ROAD through a rich and well-inhabited country TO HERAT AND AFFGHANISTAN, AND ULTIMATELY TO INDIA, is a matter of VAST POLITICAL IMPORTANCE TO RUSSIA. Such being the case, there is every reason to believe that, when Persia finds that the Turkish empire is threatened with dismemberment, her own interests will get the better of any sympathy for it founded upon community of faith, and that, completely under the control of Russia, she will not be indisposed to agree to an arrangement which would be acceptable to the religious feelings and to the ambition of the Persian people. The possession by Persia of the province of Bagdad would be, as far as England is concerned, its possession by Russia. It must not be forgotten that the possession of Armenia by Russia, as regards any designs that she may have upon India, supposing her to entertain them, would be very different from that of any part of Turkestan or Central Asia. In Armenia and the north of Persia she would have a hardy and abundant population, affording her excellent materials for a large army, ready at any time to advance upon our Indian frontier, and resting upon a convenient and sure base of operations, in direct communication, by the Caspian Sea and by Batoum, with the heart of the Russian Empire. The moral effect of the conquest of Armenia and the annexation of Ghilan and Mazanderan by Russia upon our Mohammedan subjects and upon the populations of Central Asia cannot be overlooked by a statesman who attaches any value to the retention of India as part of the British Empire. It would be out of place to enter at length in this despatch upon the arguments in support of what has been above stated. The great calamities which the prolongation of the war may entail upon the various populations of this country, Mussulman and non-Mussulman, and the vast importance to the interests of humanity in bringing it to a speedy end, may be briefly mentioned. It is scarcely necessary to refer to the terrible loss of life and desolation which such a war must occasion. If the slaughter of thousands and tens of thousands of Turks is to be justified, even those who profess to be the most humane of men may feel some pity for their innocent women and children, who will be left to perish in utter misery. But the Christians may suffer scarcely less than the Mohammedans; their homes will be rendered desolate; their lives and property will be sacrificed to Turkish fanaticism, or to the disorder and anarchy which the prolongation of the war will cause. The Porte, believing the very existence of the Empire to be at stake, has already withdrawn from the provinces even the forces absolutely necessary for the maintenance of tranquillity and for personal security. From all sides come already complaints of fears of disorders. In a country infinitely more civilized than Turkey, such would probably be the case under similar circumstances. An impartial man will be surprised that as yet there have been so few excesses committed. The reports of our consular agents prove that the public peace has been maintained in a very remarkable manner. Such outrages as have occurred have been for the most part committed by Circassians, Kurds, and other wild tribes, over which, even in times of peace, the Government can exercise but small control. In Bulgaria and Roumelia in general, as Mr. Blunt's despatches show, the Mohammedan population are well disposed towards the Christians, and their attitude towards them is, for the present, friendly and peaceful. I am informed that the transport of the new levies of many thousands of men from the remotest part of the empire to the armies in the field has been effected with the greatest order. This fact has been confirmed to me by Englishmen and others connected with railways which have been used for conveying them. In Constantinople, notwithstanding the alarm and panics which normally prevail in Galata and Pera, there is also for the present perfect quiet, and there is no reason, as far as I can judge, to anticipate any hostile movement or demonstration against the Christians. Although the state of things in Turkey as regards the Christians is at this time such as I have described it, yet we must not count upon its lasting. Any serious reverses or disasters experienced by the Turkish army in Europe, and the advance of the Russians upon the capital, or a rising of any part of the Christian population, might be used to provoke an outburst amongst the Mussulmans, founded rather upon a feeling of despair than upon fanaticism, that might have the most fatal consequences. The Emperor of Russia has declared to his people that THIS IS A RELIGIOUS WAR, WAGED IN THE CAUSE OF THE ORTHODOX FAITH and against its infidel enemies. If Mussulmans are once convinced that it is a crusade against them and their religion they may, in their agony, turn upon the Christians, and frightful massacres may ensue. Another motive for desiring peace before Russia can completely crush Turkey and dictate her own terms is the REPUGNANCE UNQUESTIONABLY FELT by the most ENLIGHTENED and INTELLIGENT CHRISTIANS of all denominations to being placed under RUSSIAN RULE OR PROTECTION, or even under her predominant influence. I have given your lordship evidence of this fact which I believe to be indisputable. It is shown by the encyclical of the Greek Patriarch, transmitted to your lordship by to-day's messenger. It is further confirmed by the remarkable statement of Dr. Washburne, whose impartiality cannot be doubted, and who is certainly no advocate of Turkish misrule, that of the many hundred Bulgarians who have received an American (equivalent to an English) education at Robert College, not one was implicated in the attempted insurrection in Bulgaria. The English people cannot, perhaps, yet bear to hear the truth of the events of last year; but it is my duty to state it to your lordship. The marvellous ability shown by RUSSIA and HER AGENTS in MISLEADING PUBLIC OPINION in England and elsewhere has been amply rewarded. It will probably be long before that which is true can be separated from that which is false; when history does so it will be too late. The Porte has taken no effective means to place its case before Europe. It neither employs the Press nor competent agents for such purposes. Its appeals to the Powers, and the State papers that it issues, to refute the charges against it are so prepared that they are more calculated to injure its cause. A great portion of the English public are, probably, still under the impression that the statements upon which the denunciations against Turkey were originally founded are true—the 60,000 Christians outraged and massacred; the cartloads of human heads; the crowd of women burnt in a barn; and other similar horrors. There are persons, and amongst them, I grieve to say, Englishmen, who boast that they invented these stories with the object of "writing down" Turkey, to which they were impelled by a well-known hand. People in England will scarcely believe that the most accurate and complete inquiries into the events of last year in Bulgaria now reduce the total number of deaths to about 3500 souls, including the Turks who were, in the first instance, slain by the Christians. No impartial man can now deny that a RISING of the CHRISTIANS, which was intended by its authors to lead to a GENERAL MASSACRE of the MOHAMMEDANS, was in contemplation, and that it was directed by RUSSIAN and PANSLAVIST AGENTS. The panic that it created amongst the Mohammedans was the cause of the frightful vengeance they took. The great mass of the Bulgarians did not join in the movement, but were, on the contrary, opposed to it, and took no part in it. The Porte dealt with the insurgents, and those whom they suspected of being their accomplices, in a foolish and barbarous manner. The agents it employed in putting down the incipient insurrection were, for the most part, ignorant, corrupt, and brutal men. The Turkish Government has justly been held responsible for their acts, especially as it has refused to punish with condign severity those who committed horrible outrages; and whether the number of the killed was 60,000 or 3000 the guilt of the Porte is the same. It must not, however, be assumed that the condition of the Bulgarians under the rule of the Sultan was as bad as the enemies of Turkey desire to make it appear. That the administration was vicious and corrupt, and that the Christians of all denominations were unjustly treated, and were not placed on that equality with their Mussulman fellow-subjects to which they have a right, are admitted facts. But nevertheless they have made great progress of late years in material prosperity, education, and wealth. Englishmen who have been engaged in works of charity amongst them, and who were certainly very far from having any prejudice in favour of the Turks when they first came out to Turkey, have told me that they have seen with surprise the condition of the Bulgarian villages and the general comfort and prosperity of their inhabitants, and have learnt with equal surprise how little they had really to complain of before a secret agency excited the hopes and passions which brought about the lamentable events of last year. The Christian populations of Turkey, or rather it may perhaps be said those who, by their knowledge and intelligence, are capable of representing them, are convinced that under the Turkish rule they have a far better chance of carrying out their national aspirations, of retaining their national faith, and developing their political freedom than under that of Russia. They believe that the pressure recently brought to bear upon the Porte by the European Powers, and the lesson which the Turkish Government has received, will contribute to these objects. They are encouraged by the unexpected success of a Turkish Parliament, in which they find that they can freely express their opinions and expose their grievances. They knew that the unchecked success of Russia would at once lead to the destruction of this germ of future liberty and good government. I believe that they are right. A Russian gentleman observed to me, 'RUSSIA LOOKS UPON THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A CONSTITUTION AND A PARLIAMENT BY THE TURKISH GOVERNMENT AS AN INSULT AND DEFIANCE TO HER. Their existence would alone furnish us with a sufficient reason to make war upon Turkey. We will never consent to be the only Power left in Europe without constitutional institutions, and as we are not yet prepared for them, we cannot, it is evident, allow Turkey to have them.' What I have ventured to write in this despatch is, I can assure your lordship, founded upon no preconceived ideas with regard to this country, but upon the information that I have obtained in free and unrestrained conversation with men of all classes, conditions, and religions. Not a day has passed since I have been here that I have not seen many such persons. Some have come to me of their own accord; others, who may have believed that their views would not be palatable to me and have kept away, I have invited to call upon me. I believe that the considerations which I have ventured to place before your lordship will be of considerable importance in the event of the mediation of her Majesty's Government and other Powers being accepted by Turkey and Russia. I must apologize to your lordship for stating them thus frankly. The vast and vital interests at stake in this war, and the confidence which her Majesty's Government have placed in me could alone justify me in doing so."

In a despatch to the Earl of Derby, dated May 23rd, Mr. Layard says,—

"I have had a visit from the Servian agent, M. Christich, who showed me a telegram which he had just received from the Servian Prime Minister, and had communicated this morning to Safvet Pasha. In it M. Ristics gave the MOST POSITIVE ASSURANCES[31] that the SERVIAN GOVERNMENT did not contemplate ANY ATTACK upon Turkey; and that, so far from any troops having been concentrated on the Turkish frontier with this object, 'there was not in the whole principality a band of more than five men together.' M. Christich said that the Grand Vizier had informed him that the Porte had received information that Russian troops were beginning to arrive at Turn Severin, opposite Gladova, exactly where the Russian volunteers had crossed last year into Servia, and that there are therefore strong grounds for suspecting that, notwithstanding the assurances given by Russia to Austria, she intended to pass an army into Servia. M. Christich added that he had assured the Grand Vizier that the Servian Government had no reason whatever to believe that Russia intended to cross the Danube into Servia; but that, on the contrary, they were convinced that she had no such intention. I thought the opportunity a good one to speak to M. Christich of the great danger that Prince Milan was running if he were to plunge the Principality again into war; and I hinted to him that his Highness might have to deal with Austria as well as Russia."

In a despatch to Lord Derby, dated from St. Petersburg on the 31st of May, Lord A. Loftus, the British Ambassador, gives an account of an interview he had with Prince Gortschakoff prior to his departure for the seat of war:—

"His Highness," says Lord A. Loftus, "expressed his conviction that the interests of the two countries in the East ought not to clash (se heurter), and his hope and expectation that the note of which Count Schouvaloff was the bearer would be satisfactory to her Majesty's Government. I inquired of his Highness in what light the Imperial Government regarded the declaration of independence by Roumania. Prince Gortschakoff replied that he regarded it as a fait accompli de facto, but not de jure. It was a question which could only be treated later, in conjunction with the European Powers. His Highness believed that the Austrian Cabinet took a similar view of it. In regard to Servia, Prince Gortschakoff stated that Prince Milan and the Servian Government had expressed their readiness in the present conjuncture to act according to the (volonté) wish of the Emperor, and that it had been signified to them in very decided terms that the EMPEROR'S WISH[32] was that SERVIA should remain PERFECTLY PASSIVE. Prince Gortschakoff was unable to say what would be the probable duration of the Emperor's absence, but I am told that in the official and court circles it is expected that his absence will not exceed six weeks."