Origins of the 'Forty-five

by Unknown

FOOTNOTES:

[1] In this narrative, unless otherwise indicated, events occurring in Great Britain are given in old style dates, those on the Continent in new style.

[2] Original information on the Scots Plot is to be found in The Life of Lord Lovat written by Himself, London, 1797; A Collection of Original Papers about the Scots Plot, London, 1704; Original Papers, ed. by Jas. Macpherson, London, 1775; Major Fraser’s Manuscript, ed. by Alex. Fergusson, Edinburgh, 1889; The Lockhart Papers, London, 1817; and an eclectic account in Hill Burton’s Life of Lovat, London, 1847. Extracts from many of the original authorities on this and subsequent incidents are given usefully and ingeniously in consecutive narrative form by Professor Sanford Terry in The Chevalier de St. George, London, 1901.

[3] Original information: Histoire des Revolutions d’Ecosse et d’Irlande: The Hague, 1758, of which there is a Dublin reprint of 1761; The Secret History of Colonel Hooke’s Negotiations in Scotland in 1707, of which there are London, Edinburgh and Dublin editions, all of 1760 (it is practically a translation of the Histoire des Revolutions); The Correspondence of Colonel Nathaniel Hooke, an exhaustive work edited by Rev. W. D. Macray: Roxburghe Club, 1870. A not very friendly account of Hooke’s mission is given in the Lockhart Papers. The military state of Scotland at the time is to be found in An Account of the late Scotch Invasion as it was opened by My lord Haversham in the House of Lords: London, 1709. The story of the naval expedition is given in Mémoires du Comte de Forbin (Amsterdam, 1730), of which there is an English translation; the third edition is dated London, 1740.

[4] The possibility of treachery was suggested by Hooke, and his story is to be found in a Gask MS. Hooke, who had been bred to the sea, found the steersman going on the wrong course. He was put right, but as soon as Hooke’s back was turned he went wrong again. See Jacobite Lairds of Gask, p. 15: London, 1870.

[5] Esmond, bk. III. chap. i.

[6] The authorities on the ’Fifteen are to be found noted in most standard histories.

[7] This statement bears the authority of a MS. in the Bibliothèque Nationale, and a casual reference in a letter of Bishop Atterbury’s. (See Martin Haile, James Francis Edward, the Old Chevalier: London, 1907, p. 210.)

[8] A full account from the original authorities of Clementina’s rescue and marriage is to be found in Narratives of the Detention, Liberation, and Marriage of Maria Clementina Stuart, edited by J. T. Gilbert, LL.D.: Dublin, 1894.

[9] Clementina, by A. E. W. Mason.

[10] The best account of this expedition is in Mr. W. K. Dickson’s exceedingly clear and exhaustive introduction to The Jacobite Attempt, Scottish History Society, vol. xix.: Edinburgh, 1895. All the original authorities for this incident and the preceding Swedish plot are indicated in the Notes.

[11] Original authorities: Life of Christopher Layer: Norwich, 1723; Howell’s State Trials, vol. xvi. A full account is given by Lord Mahon, History of England, chap. xii. The dispositions by the Court at Rome are to be found in James Francis Edward, M. Haile; and The King over the Water (London, 1907), A. Shield and Andrew Lang.

[12] Hon. Arthur Dillon, second surviving son of Theobald, seventh Viscount Dillon. Born at Roscommon, 1670. His father raised a regiment for James II. at the Revolution, which Arthur accompanied to France, where he became its colonel, 1690. Served in Spain, Germany, and Italy. Lieut.-General under the Duke of Berwick at Barcelona, 1714. Created viscount (Jacobite) in the peerage of Ireland, 1717. Created earl (Jacobite) in the peerage of Scotland, 1721. Made Knight of the Thistle, 1722. Died at Paris, 1733.—Ruvigny, Jacobite Peerage.

[13] Shield and Lang, The King over the Water, pp. 360, 363.

[14] Mahon, History of England, chap. xii.

[15] Ruvigny, Jacobite Peerage, p. 16.

[16] It is worthy of note that although the new Scots Peerage as a rule chronicles the Jacobite titles conferred on Scottish nobles, there is no mention of this peerage to Sir James Grant in that work (see Scots Peerage, vol. vii. pp. 480-483), nor is it referred to in his biography in the Grant family history (Sir W. Fraser, The Chiefs of Grant, vol. i. pp. 371-392). For the action of the Grants in the ’Forty-five, see infra, p. 269 et seq.

[17] The Lockhart Papers are the principal authority for Jacobite history in Scotland from 1702 to 1728.

[18] James Urquhart was the only son of Jonathan Urquhart of Cromarty and his wife Lady Jean Graham, daughter of the second Marquis of Montrose. Jonathan was the last of the Urquharts who owned the estate of Cromarty, famous owing to its possession by Sir Thomas Urquhart, the translator of Rabelais. Jonathan’s affairs having got into disorder, he sold his ancestral property to George Mackenzie, Viscount Tarbat, who was created Earl of Cromartie in 1703. James Urquhart married Anne Rollo, daughter of Robert Rollo of Powhouse, and had an only child, Grizel, who died unmarried. Colonel Urquhart ‘was a man of noble spirit, great honour, and integrity; he served in the wars both in Spain and Flanders with great reputation, but left the Army, and lived a retired life.... In him ended the whole male line of John, only son of the first marriage of John, tutor of Cromarty ... the representation devolved upon William Urquhart of Meldrum’ (Douglas, Baronage). Colonel Urquhart was born in 1691, and died on January 3rd, 1741 (Family papers). His appointment as Jacobite Agent for Scotland is dated May 28th, 1736 (Ruvigny, Jacobite Peerage, p. 234).

[19] Not the famous conqueror of Almanza, who was killed in the War of the Polish Succession when besieging Philipsburg, on June 28th, 1734, but his son, known until then as the Duke of Liria.

[20] His commission as colonel is dated October 22nd, 1715.—Ruvigny, Jacobite Peerage, p. 244.

[21] For general information about Gordon of Glenbucket, the reader is referred to Mr. J. M. Bulloch’s monumental work, The House of Gordon (New Spalding Club, Aberdeen, 1912). For Glenbucket’s character and his actions in 1745, see infra, p. 113 et seq. It is remarkable how the designation ‘of Glenbucket’ has adhered to the family for generations, although the land from which it was derived was parted with a hundred and seventy-nine years ago. Gordon’s descendants are still tenants of the farm of St. Bridget’s, in Glenlivet, which was old Glenbucket’s home in 1745, and are still termed ‘Glenbucket’ in the district. For the Macdonell marriages see the genealogies in History of Clan Donald, vol. iii.

[22] M. Haile, James Francis Edward, p. 367.

[23] French historians generally blame Fleury for his timidity, and ascribe to him the decline of the splendid French navy, which he allowed to fall into decay for fear of English jealousy.

[24] The commission is dated January 28th, 1738. See Stuart Papers in Browne’s History of the Highlands, vol. iv. p. 21.

[25] See infra, p. 25.

[26] The terms of this message are given from a state paper in the French Archives of which the following is an extract: ‘il manda en Angleterre que le zèle de ses sujets écossais était si vif, qu’il lui semblait qu’on pourrait opposer les Montagnards de ce pays à la plupart des troupes que le gouvernement avait alors sur pied, et qu’il y aurait lieu de tout espérer même sans secours étranger, pourvu que les Anglais affidés prissent de leur côté de justes mesures.’ See Colin, Louis XV. et les Jacobites, p. 1.

[27] For Sempill’s descent and claim to the title, see Appendix, p. 421.

[28] See infra, p. 21.

[29] See infra, p. 25.

[30] A. G. M. Macgregor, History of the Clan Gregor, vol. ii. p. 358.

[31] Of the Associators only three were ‘out’ in the ’Forty-five: the Duke of Perth, Lovat, and Lochiel. Lord John Drummond, who was brother-in-law of Traquair, remained inactive. Prince Charles spent the night of February 2nd, 1746, at his house, Fairnton, now Ferntower, near Crieff. Lord Traquair remained in England; he was arrested at Great Stoughton in Huntingdonshire, on July 29th, 1746, and committed to the Tower; but was released without trial before August 1748. Traquair’s brother, John Stuart, married in 1740 and retired from the Concert then. Sir James Campbell was too old for action. Macgregor of Balhaldies was in Paris during the campaign.

[32] The name ‘Macgregor’ was then proscribed, and all members of the clan had to adopt another name; that adopted by Balhaldy’s branch was ‘Drummond.’ Balhaldy’s father, Alexander, was a man of some consequence. He had been a trader about Stirling, and made some money, and he married a daughter of Sir Ewen Cameron of Lochiel, his son Balhaldy being thus a first cousin of Lochiel of the ’45. In 1714 the Clan Gregor being chiefless, certain of its leading members elected Alexander to be hereditary chief. (A. G. M. Macgregor, Hist. of Clan Gregor, vol. ii. p. 270.) He was created a Scots baronet by the Chevalier in 1740, and he died at Balhaldie House, Dunblane, in 1749. His son, William, was born in 1698. Though never in Scotland after 1743 he was attainted in 1746, and specially exempted from the act of indemnity of 1747. He married Janet, daughter of Laurence Oliphant of Gask, at Paris in January 1758. He died near Paris in 1765.

[33] The designation Balhaldy is spelt variously in contemporary documents, Bohaldy, Bochaldie, Bahady, etc. Cf. R. L. Stevenson’s Catriona, last chapter.

[34] War was declared with Spain, October 19th, 1739.

[35] Abridged from a State Paper in the French archives, of which portions are printed in Capitaine J. Colin’s Louis XV. et les Jacobites: Paris, 1901.

[36] The Emperor Charles VI. died on October 20th, 1740, and France interfered in the War of the Austrian Succession the following August.

[37] Colin, p. 7.

[38] A. G. M. Macgregor, Hist. of Clan Gregor, vol. ii. p. 359.

[39] Colin, p. 8.

[40] Lord Marischal wrote to the Chevalier in June 1740, telling him that the King of Spain had refused an audience to the Duke of Ormonde on this account. Mahon, Hist. of England, 3rd ed., vol. iii. App. p. iv.

[41] Se infra, pp. 12, 22.

[42] ‘Le roi très chrétien, touché du zèle des Ecossais, était porté à leur accorder les secours dont ils avaient besoin: qu’en conséquence, Sa Majesté voulait bien faire transporter dans ce royaume toutes les troupes irlandaises qui étaitent à son service, avec les armes et munitions et les 20,000 livres sterling qu’on demandait pour aider les montagnards à se mettre en campagne’ (Colin, p. 8).

[43] This document is printed by the special permission of the French Government. The original signed and sealed with seven seals is preserved in the National Archives in Paris.

[44] It was very disappointing to find that no trace of this list of Highland chiefs referred to could be discovered.

[45] Balhaldy’s Memorial, History of Clan Gregor, vol. ii. p. 359.

[46] See Appendix, p. 422.

[47] He died on January 29th (18th O.S.).

[48] That Fleury had proposed something is most probable. He had for some time been complaining of the ‘insults’—what to-day we call pin-pricks—with which the British Government had been annoying France in a time of peace. These pin-pricks culminated in June 1742 when a British army under Lord Stair landed in the Netherlands, with the intention of thwarting the French in their campaign against Austria.

[49] Infra, p. 16 n.

[50] ‘Il n’y a pas grand inconvénient que le ministre voie que le rempart de la mer ne met pas entièrement l’Angleterre à couvert des enterprises de la France.’

[51] Colin, p. 35.

[52] Infra, pp. 41, 42.

[53] Memorials, pp. 93, 428.

[54] The Affairs of Scotland, 1744-46, by Lord Elcho. Edited by Hon. Evan Charteris: Edinburgh, 1907, p. 63. Lord Elcho gives a list of members of the club who undertook to join the Prince in any event.

[55] Memorials, p. 64.

[56] Anxious to learn the sources of this information, I wrote to the author of the volume to inquire, and received a courteous letter informing me that these statements were made on the authority of the Stuart Papers.

[57] Memorials, p. 444.

[58] Infra, p. 116.

[59] Trial of Lord Lovat, p. 36.

[60] Memorials, p. 50.

[61] Life of the Duke of Cumberland: London, 1766, p. 242.

[62] Lord Macleod wrote a Narrative of the campaign, including the march to Thurso. It is printed in Sir Wm. Fraser’s Earls of Cromartie, vol. ii. pp. 379 et seq.

[63] P. 123.

[64] Chiefs of Grant, vol. ii. p. 155.

[65] Family information.

[66] See The Earl of Aberdeen, by the Hon. A. Gordon, p. 4: London, 1893.

[67] Cumin of Kininmont, Gordon of Cobairdie, and Erskine of Pittodrie.

[68] See Blackwood’s Magazine for May 1829.

[69] Scottish Historical Review, vol. v. p. 288.

[70] Chiefs of Grant, vol. ii. p. 152.

[71] Spalding Club Misc., vol. i. p. 403.

[72] Ibid., p. 406.

[73] Compare p. 189.

[74] MS. Order Book in Editor’s possession. The story is told with considerable fulness in Henderson’s Life of Cumberland (p. 239), where the schoolmaster’s name is given as Macaty, and where the blame of the sentence is ascribed to Hawley. The punishment was five hundred lashes at each of the cantonments.

[75] In a biographical appendix to his Life of Colonel Gardiner who was killed at Prestonpans. (London, 1747.)

[76] Original correspondence on the relations between the Prince and Lord George Murray, together with references to contemporary authorities on the battle of Culloden, will be found in the Itinerary of Prince Charles Edward, Scot. Hist. Soc., vol. xxiii., 1897.

[77] Scottish History Society, vol. xxiii.

[78] For Flora Macdonald’s relationships, see Genealogical Table, p. 452.

[79] See Lyon in Mourning, vol. i p. 176.

[80] Ibid., vol. ii. p. 100.

[81] Cf. infra, p. 372 n. 2.

[82] Ruvigny, Jacobite Peerage.

[83] This letter, dated Kinlochiel, August 22nd, arrived after Sir James Grant went to London, and was forwarded to him. He sent it unopened to Lord Tweeddale, Secretary for Scotland. The letter is preserved in the Tweeddale Archives.

[84] Urquhart and Glenmoriston: Inverness, 1893.

[85] P. 271.

[86] Pp. 275-276.

[87] Pp. 292-294.

[88] Pp. 307-309.

[89] Chiefs of Grant, vol. ii. p. 267.

[90] High Court Index Book No. 1.

[91] Scots Magazine, vol. ix. pp. 246, 247.

[92] The name in the original documents is spelt sometimes with one s and sometimes with one t, sometimes with one or both these letters doubled; occasionally he is called ‘Grosert.’ In modern times the name is spelt Grosett by Miss Collins, a descendant of Walter. In the new Scots Peerage it is spelt Grosset, vol. i. p. 495.

[93] Newcastle Papers, British Museum, Add. MS. 32710, f. 491.

[94] Record Office, State Papers Dom., George II., Bundle 98.

[95] Newcastle Papers, previously quoted.

[96] Family Papers.

[97] See pp. 336 and 402. Grossett’s statement, corroborated by Fawkener and Sharpe, is elaborated in the Newcastle Papers quoted above. ‘He performed his duties at great hazard to his life. The Rebells robbed and plundered his house at Alloa and his house in the country [Logie] to such a degree that they did not leave his infant children even a shirt to shift them, and pursued his wife and daughter to an uncle’s house, to whose estate they knew Mr. Grosett was to succeed, plundered that house [Bredisholm, near Coatbridge], stript his wife and daughter of the very clothes they had upon their backs and used them otherwise in a most cruel and barbarous manner.’

[98] Scots Magazine, vol. vii. p. 538.

[99] Record Office, State Papers Dom., George II., bundle 91.

[100] This is one of the very rarest of Jacobite pamphlets. There is a long account of the harsh proceedings of the Edinburgh magistrates towards Robert Drummond, the Jacobite printer who published the poem, in Hugo Arnot’s History of Edinburgh, 1778, book III. chap. iv. See also Book of the Old Edinburgh Club, vol. viii., in which the poem is reprinted for the first time.

[101] Mr. J. R. N. Macphail, K.C., has sent me a copy of Accusations laid against Grossett in December 1747. These are nine in number: he is accused (1) Of keeping an open trade at Alloa for smugglers ‘particularly in the tobacco way.’ (2) Of secreting the public revenue for a tract of years and of vitiating and forging the accounts. (3) Of granting land permits for wine to smugglers all over the kingdom. (4) Of arranging false prices with merchants who purchased at roup goods seized from smugglers. (5) Of suborning evidence even to perjury in connection with the sale of goods taken from the Rebels. (6) Of being an accomplice of smugglers in trade and profits. (7) Of passing goods after seizure and of accepting a bribe. (8) Of mutilating the books of the public office. (9) Of fraud, circumvention and oppression in many different cases.

[102] Scots Peerage, vol. i. p. 495.

[103] The Jacobite accounts of this incident will be found in Jacobite Memoirs, p. 47; in Maxwell of Kirkconnell’s Narrative, p. 94; and in Sir William Fraser’s The Earls of Cromartie, vol. ii. p. 390.

[104] Home, History of the Rebellion, ch. viii.

[105] See Appendix, Cardinal York’s Memorial.

[106] Lyon in Mourning, vol. iii. p. 232.

[107] Lent to me by Lumisden’s great-grand-niece, Mrs. G. E. Forbes, Edinburgh.

[108] The winter of 1741-42.

[109] Charles (Stuart), 5th Earl of Traquair; succeeded 1741; died 1764.

[110] See Appendix.

[111] William Macgregor or Drummond of Balhaldy.

[112] James Edgar, secretary to the Chevalier de St. George. A younger son of David Edgar of Keithock, Forfarshire. Entered the Chevalier’s service as secretary 1716, and held that office for forty-seven years. Became Secretary of State in October 1763, and died 24th September 1764, predeceasing his master by fifteen months.

[113] Cardinal André Hercule de Fleury. Born 1653; became French prime minister in 1726; died in January 1743.

[114] Donald Cameron, 19th of Lochiel, ‘the Gentle Lochiel’ of the ’45. He succeeded his grandfather as chief of the Camerons in 1719, his father John (who died 1748) having transferred his rights to his son. Donald Cameron died in France, 1748.

[115] Sir James Campbell of Auchenbreck, 5th Baronet; died 1756; father-in-law of Donald Cameron of Lochiel. His wife was Janet, daughter of John Macleod of Macleod, and aunt of Norman Macleod the chief in 1745.

[116] Charles (Douglas), 3rd Duke; born 1698; succeeded 1711; died 1778.

[117] William (Douglas), 3rd Earl of March; succeeded his cousin as 4th Duke of Queensberry; died unmarried 1810. The ‘Old Q’ of George III.’s reign.

[118] George (Keith), 10th and last Earl Marischal; born 1694; succeeded 1712. Joined Lord Mar in 1715, and commanded the right wing of the Jacobite army at Sheriffmuir. Forfeited and attainted. Participated in the Spanish Invasion of 1719. See Dickson, The Jacobite Attempt of 1719, Scot. Hist. Soc., vol. xix. In 1744 was residing near Boulogne. Took no part in 1745. Entered service of Frederick the Great. Pardoned by George II., 1759; died at Potsdam, unmarried, 1778.

[119] James Keith, brother of the 10th Earl Marischal; born 1696. Attainted for participation in the ’15. Entered the Spanish army, and in 1728 the Russian army with the rank of major-general. Although an attainted Jacobite, he visited London in 1740, and was received by George II. as a Russian general (Scots Mag., vol. ii. p. 43). In 1747 entered service of Frederick the Great as field-marshal. Killed at the battle of Hochkirchen 1758.

[120] And likewise to settle a correspondence with Scotland the manner in which we had formerly conveyed Letters being very precarious and at the same time so much suspected that the Government had caused search the Ships in which the Letters generally came, but by good fortune their happened none to be aboard that time.

[121] Æneas Macdonald, a banker in Paris, fourth son of Ranald Macdonald third of Kinlochmoidart. Accompanied Prince Charles to Scotland. Surrendered in 1746. Condemned to death but pardoned on condition of residing out of the United Kingdom. Was killed in France during the Revolution.

[122] Amelot de Chaillou. French foreign minister, 1737 to 1744.

[123] Katharine Darnley, half-sister of the Chevalier; daughter of James II., by Katherine Sedley. Born 1682; died 1743. Third wife of John Sheffield, 1st Duke of Buckingham, who died 1721.

[124] Colonel William Cecil. Long the Jacobite agent in England. Relationship uncertain. In a memorandum in the French Foreign Office he is called ‘oncle de Lord Salisbury.’ Was apprehended in 1744. His deposition, in which he denies all knowledge of a plot, is given in Fitzroy Bell’s Murray’s Memorials, p. 408.

[125] Secretary of the Duchess of Buckingham.

[126] Charles Smith, a merchant or banker in Boulogne. His wife, daughter of Sir Hugh Paterson of Bannockburn (Prince Charles’s host when besieging Stirling Castle in January 1746), was aunt to Clementina Walkenshaw. Their son married the heiress of Seton of Touch. The ceremony was performed by Mr. William Harper of Edinburgh at Linlithgow on the day of the battle of Prestonpans. Charles Smith, who had come to Scotland for the event, posted out from Edinburgh bearing the news of the victory to the Jacobite congregation.—Ingram, A Jacobite Stronghold of the Church, p. 47.

[127] I daresay the Cardinal never shed a tear on that Account nor indeed allowing his concern to be never so great I think it reasonable to believe so great a minister would act the part of a Child.

[128] If he had so mean an Opinion of these folks and their memorials were so rediculous as they are represented he must either have been quite doated and consequently not capable to understand anything otherwise it would have been no difficult matter to make him sensible of the absurdity of their proposals.

[129] Maréchal de Maillebois, a great-nephew of Colbert; commander-in-chief in the War of the Austrian Succession.

[130] If this was the cause of his death I must be of the Opinion of a great many that he was then become an old woman and incapable of any enterprise that required Courage and Activity, and indeed all the world with these two Gentlemen themselves owned him to be of a very frightened timorous Disposition.

[131] It was at this Time Mr. Drummond told me the Story of the Sweedish Troops and the Discoveries of it made by the Queen of Spain, which I shall relate at large afterwards. (See post, p. 22.)

[132] This thought was the least reason could assign to Mr. Amalot for my coming over, as I could not tell him it was owing to a letter we had received from Mr. D[rummond], which I have repented of since, for I told him if he was instructed by the Cardinal, as they said, he certainly would have let me see that these Gentlemen had no reason to give such encouragements, which would have at once shewed them in their True Light. This Mr. Drummond and Lord Semple insisted I should say to excite the French to Action and I then did not think it any great crime to use them as they had often done us by imposing upon them.

[133] I shall leave it to the Reader to determine how far this answer of Mr. Amelot agrees with what Mr. D[rummond] advances in his Letter and if it be at all reasonable to imagine that the Cardinal had resolved upon an Invasion when the person he had employed in this affair had never read the Memorial given in concerning it nor even understood the manner in which it was concerted and carried on in Scotland and again whether or not Lord Semple had succeeded as he braged in preventing much delay by perswading the Cardinal to make Mr. Amelot privy to the whole affair.

[134] I mentioned before that the King had ordered a Sum not exceeding £900 Ster yearly to be payed to Sir J[ames] C[ampbell] provided money could be raised he had hitherto gott no more than £200 Lord T[ra]q[uai]r had payed him so I was instructed to know why it was not answered as promised, which I accordingly did, when Mr. Drummond said he thought it very odd that the people in Scotland could not give him that small pension when Lord T[ra]q[uai]r had offered Lord Semple credit for £1,000 the year before when in London. I told him people had little money to spare and that since the Gentlemen was in a manner starving I would write to the King about it as directed, upon which he said in a passion I had better not do it for it would hurt them in the King’s Eyes as it must look bad that people who profered doing so much could not advance such a trifle, and I remember he said the King would not fail to look upon them as tamperers which I never did mention to them looking upon it as the heat of passion. He then said as he had all along made it his Business to advance their Interest and Honour, he would fall upon a method of raising a sum of money to the Value of 5 or 6,000£ upon a bond payable at the Restoration with six per cent. of Interest and that D[uke of] P[erth] L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r L[ochie]l and I should bind for it and that he would even endeavour to gett an equall sum for D[uke of] P[erth] on L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r’s particular Use upon the same Conditions. As I then did not know my man I went on to what he proposed and did not write to the King about it, neither did I till after I found out the double fetch he had in it, he at this time was applying to have a Pension settled upon himself which my writing in behalf of Sir J[ames] C[ampbell] would certainly have prevented as the King had ordered him to stay at home in the view of receiving the forementioned Sum, then his proposing to raise this sum for the D[uke] of P[erth]’s use was a means to encourage him to advance him £100, which he desired I would tell his Grace he would draw upon him at my leaving London, which he accordingly gott.

[135] During all the time I was at London after my return from Paris I keept it secret from Coll. Cicel and Mr. Smith that I had ever been there, and gave it out that I had been in Kent making a visit to one Doctor Rutton, an old fellow student at Leyden, so upon the footing of my not knowing anything that was passing I told Coll. Cicel in Conversation upon my return to Scotland the King’s friends would inquire of me if I had not been to waite of him and what news I had gott so begg to know what I should say, he told me he at that time could say nothing positively but if the French did not do something soon the affairs of England in particular and Europe in general stood in such a way that in three moneth time he would order affairs so as to call the King over with his own attendance only this Vaunt was so rediculous that I had great difficulty to keep my Countinance and gave me a very low Opinion of every other thing he said.

[136] One evening after I had waited an hour in L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r’s lodgings at Edinburgh till such time as he should come in to talk with me about his journey to London he told me he understood that I was no friend to Bishop Keith, and upon asking what ground he had to think so, he told me that one Mr. Gordon, a Roman Catholick Bishop, had informed him of it, it seems Bishop Keith was of his acquaintance had been complaining to him that I had not represented him in a favourable Light. By which I conjectured that Keith had been applying that way to be named Bishop of Edinburgh for how should L[ord] J[ohn] Drummond have acquainted Lady Clanronald of Mr. Rattrae’s being named, which was a thing entirely foreign to both him and her if Keith had not been endeavouring to procure that preferment through the interest of the Roman Catholicks,[649] and Lord Drummond did write to Lady Clanronald that I had procured an order for Bishop Rattrae’s Election is certain, for it was by her means quite well known in Edinburgh before I came back from London and Lord T[ra]q[uai]r assured me from Bishop Gordon that L[ord] J[ohn] had wrote it to Lady Clanranald.

[137] My Lord T[ra]q[uai]r made all the dispatch possible to settle his affairs at home, being sensible how necessary it was for him to be att London and sett out from his own house on the sixth of Aprile.

[138] For this ecclesiastical episode in Murray’s career, see Appendix.

[139] Thomas Rattray, D.D., laird of Craighall-Rattray, Perthshire. Born 1684; consecrated bishop at large, 1727; afterwards Bishop of Brechin, and subsequently of Dunkeld; Primus, 1739; died 1743.

[140] See Introduction, p. xxiii.

[141] Thomas Cochrane; 6th earl; died 1737.

[142] Robert Freebairn, consecrated bishop at large, 1722; Primus, 1731; Bishop of Edinburgh, 1733; died 1739.

[143] Drumelzier, a Peebleshire estate adjoining Broughton. The proprietor was then Alexander Hay of Drumelzier, and Whittinghame, East Lothian (the latter now the property of Rt. Hon. A. J. Balfour); a grandson of the 1st Earl of Tweeddale, ancestor of the Hays of Duns: born 1701; died 1789. He and his brother William were both Jacobites.

[144] I think there can be little doubt that this is the draft of the lost letter searched for in vain by Mr. Fitzroy Bell at Windsor (Murray’s Memorials, p. 50 n), and referred to by Mr. Lang (History of Scotland, iv. 441).

[145] As Traquair left on April 6th (see ante, p. 17 and post, p. 23) this letter was probably written in that month. Narsom is a cipher name for John Murray.

[146] Robert Keith, kinsman and tutor of the 10th Earl Marischal and his brother: born 1681; consecrated bishop at large, 1727; Bishop of Orkney, Caithness and the Isles, 1731; Superintendent of Fife, 1733; succeeded Rattray as Primus, 1743; died 1757. Author of a History of Scotland, and of the well-known Catalogue of Scottish Bishops.

[147] James (Barry), 4th Earl of Barrymore. Born 1667; died 1747. An ardent Jacobite, who sent his son to join the French army when the invasion of 1744 was expected.

[148] French minister in London.

[149] It wont be amiss to insert here the Story mentioned before about the design of sending over some Swedish Troops which my Lord T[ra]q[uai]r mentioned to me on his return from London the last time he went up. Mr. Drummond told me at Paris as an Instance of the sincere intention the Cardinal had to serve the King, that he was sensible of the great hatred the English bore to the French and for that reason proposed to the Spanish Ambassador at Paris, Campo Florido, that provided his master would take 10,000 Swedes into his pay he would endeavour to procure them by the means of some of the chief nobility, the King[650] not being to be trusted on that head as he was looked upon as friends to the Family of Hanover and would take care to have them transported, that the Spanish Ambassador immediately wrote to his Master who sent back an answer Willing to pay the Troops but upon some condition which I now cannot charge my memory with, this the Cardinal took highly amiss and told him that his Master was not to bargain with in such cases, upon which the Spanish Ambassador immediately dispatched a Courier, but before the return of it their was a paragraph in the Amsterdam Gazette telling that the King of Spain and some of his Ministers were carrying on a scheme of great consequence but being known by the Queen was prevented. It seems as he said the Queen had been informed of it by some of the Ministers and judging that should it be putt in execution it would necessarily putt an end to war with England that she was very fond of and to putt a stop to it she putt in that paragraph in the Amsterdam Gazette to the Cardinal which had its object for their was not any more mention made of it.

[150] It was no great wonder then I was deceived of his Lordship having not the least reason to suspect, and he a little shy cunning fellow on all occasions professing an attachment to nothing but truth and most disinterested loyalty.

[151] This must have proceded from wrong information for since that time they have made considerable levys and everybody agrees their are not above ten or eleven thousand in the Island.

[152] i.e. George II.

[153] This was in the year 1737. If Gordon of Glenbucket went over to Rome, so far as ever I could learn without having any authority from the Gentlemen in the Highlands, unless it was from his son-in-law Glengary and General Gordon,[651] praying the King to come to Scotland that all were ready to rise in arms; but His Majesty was too wise to give in to such a rash and inconsiderate a project and sent over Captain Will Hay[652] to have the Opinion of his friends by which he might judge how far what Glenbucket had said was to be credited. Mr. Hay sent for me then in Holland and insisted upon my coming which I did, but I believe found few people of Glenbucket’s Opinion save the late Lord Kinmore[653] who I went to the Country and brought to toun to see him; but the case was now greatly altered as all the World were becoming sensible of; that the Interest of Great Britain must ever be sacrificed to that of Hanover as long as this family continued upon the Throne; that Parliamentary Schemes were nothing but Chimerical, together with the few Troops that were left in the Island and the distance they were then from the Coast which prevented their coming in time before the Country was reduced; as likewise the miserable prospect of the Country being ruined by the vast standing Army that would necessarily follow upon a peace as the Levys during the War would be considerable and no prospect of a reduction after their Return but rather a Certainty of their being continued; this seeming the fairest opportunity to bring us under a military Government. These and many other reasons made L[ochie]l be of Opinion that now was the time to strike a bold stroke for the King, and by Sir A[lexander] M[acdonald]’s letter to the Duke of P[erth], it would seem these reasons did influence him and were sufficient Grounds for the proposal.

[154] John (Lindsay), 20th earl, born 1702. Entered Russian army; was badly wounded at Krotzka, 1739, fighting the Turks, and never properly recovered. First colonel of the 43rd (afterwards 42nd) Highlanders. Brig.-gen. at Fontenoy; maj.-gen. 1745. Came to Scotland February 1746, and commanded the Hessian troops under the Prince of Hesse in Stirling and Perthshire. Died 1749.

[155] Née Hon. Anne Stewart, daughter of Alexander, 6th Lord Blantyre. Died March 1743.

[156] i.e. John Murray.

[157] This is evidently the letter that Murray complains bitterly Traquair showed to Balhaldy, and on his advice destroyed (Murray’s Memorials, pp. 58-60).

[158] This Letter I wrote in the smoothest stile possible purposely to show him that the King’s friends were so far from having any Inclination to Dictate to him, that on the Contrary they wished by all means to have him Heartily to promote the Restoration, and shewed the letter to Lord T[ra]q[uai]r and L[ochiel]l before I gave it his Lordship to carry and they both approved of it.

[159] I had mentioned in my Letter to the King that the Ship by which our Letters used to come was much suspected and had been searched, so one of my Errands was to have a new Conveyance settled which was done from London to Paris by Mr. D[rummond] but could be so easily done from London here.

[160] His Grace the Duke of P[erth] when I had the honour of seeing him at York on my Road, desired I would acquaint his Majesty that he had a Scheme for taking Stirling Castle and desired His Majesty would impower him upon the Seizing of it to give a commission to whom he should think fitt to name as Governour for the Time it was garrisoned with his men as they would the more willingly obey if the Commander was named by him, but told me no particulars of his project neither did he since when I told him what the King had wrote.

[161] Mr. Edgar having wrote about it in a former Letter occasioned my telling him that it was borrowed by Lord T[ra]q[uair].

[162] A frequent cipher name for the Chevalier de St. George.

[163] Mr. Drummond told when at Paris that the method he had taken with the Gentlemen of the highlands was this. He talked to them of the situation of the Country and that a Restoration was the only thing would save us, with a great deal more to this purpose, which brought all those that inclined that way to declare how sensible they were of it and that they were very willing to promote it so soon as an Occasion should offer; upon which he told them that it was impossible for the King to undertake any things not knowing who were his friends and that he thought they should take care to acquaint the King of it, then it was natural for them to say they were contented his Majesty was informed it, but did not know of a method how; upon which he told them that he would not absolutely promise, but would endeavour to fall upon a method to acquaint him. This I took to be a safe way for the person that engaged them and as his Majesty was not quite satisfied with it as he said he desired me to write my Opinion of it which to the best of my Remembrance was in a few words, that I thought no Body would be so rediculous as to inform against themselves by telling they had given a Commission to such a person to ye King as it must redound to their own disadvantage for as their was none present when the matter was spoke off to a person that was to deliver it had no more to do but deny it and his not engaging absolutely to make it known was keeping his correspondence a secret, for which reasons I was then of opinion that the same method might be followed in the Low Country, but upon trial found it almost impossible and dangerous, first, because the Generallity are not so loyally inclined as in the Highlands and consequently not so easily brought to speak their mind, and the next place they have no following, they Generally tell you, of what use is the King’s knowing that I wish him well, I am only single Person, that can be of little Service, thirdly the present Government has been at pain to perswade people; the King is betrayed and that passes at Rome, but what they are fully informed off which makes people shy and affraid to have any dealings that way as they are near the Court of Justice and less able to shift for themselves, and fourthly, when a number of those people come to be spoke to they will some of them especially who are not brought all length in confidence impart to the other that such a man talked so and so, whereby the thing may come to be known and render it dangerous for the persons, all this occur’d to me upon serious reflection and found the difficulty of it, upon talking to some with folks here in that stile after my return and succeeded with none but two Mr. N. of D—n and Mr. C—r of Cr—g—th,[654] the last of which was drunk and repented next day for which I gave it up.

[164] A non-juring minister at Edinburgh; father of Lord Eskgrove.

[165] Sir Alexander Macdonald of Sleat (Skye), 7th baronet. His first wife was Anne Erskine (died 1735), widow of James (Ogilvy), 4th de jure Earl of Airlie (died 1731). The Earl of Airlie mentioned here was his brother, 5th de jure earl (died 1761). He remained passive during the ’45, but his son Lord Ogilvy raised two battalions for Prince Charles.

[166] Henry, Duke of York, afterwards cardinal.

[167] I cannot now recollect from whom I had that information, but it was such that in the time I had reason to Credit it.

[168] This was owing to Sir A[lexander] M[acdonald] having promised for a number supperior to what Mr. Drummond had marked him down for and at the same time as some folks were laying to his Charge we did not believe it was thought fitt to say something favourable of him as we had an entire confidence in his honesty.

[169] Bishop Rattray died at Edinburgh, May 12, 1743.

[170] Battle of Dettingen, fought 16th June old style, or 27th new style, 1743.

[171] The Highland Regiment, originally the 43rd and afterwards the 42nd, was raised in the name of John, 20th Earl of Crawford (then lying wounded at Belgrade), in 1739, and first embodied 1740. It was sent to London in 1743, and there its members, who understood on enlistment that their service was for the Highlands only, were persuaded that the Government intended to send them to the plantations or to sell them into slavery. When encamped at Highgate more than two hundred of them left the camp by night in May 1743 and started to march to Scotland. They were overtaken and surrounded when near Oundle in Northamptonshire; they surrendered and were marched prisoners to the Tower. Three of their leaders were executed, Corporals Samuel and Malcolm Macpherson and private Farquhar Shaw, all of Clan Chattan.

[172] There had been heavy recruiting for the Scots Brigade in the service of the Netherlands.

[173] Sir Thomas Gordon of Earlston, 3rd baronet, whose grandfather (killed at Bothwell Bridge) and father were eminent Covenanter leaders. Murray hoped to secure the adherence of the Cameronian Covenanters through Gordon and Dr. Cochran (see p. 51) and others. Cf. Murray’s Memorials, p. 54.

[174] Sir James Stewart; see Appendix.

[175] David (Wemyss), Lord Elcho, eldest son of James, 4th Earl of Wemyss. Joined Prince Charles at Edinburgh and served through the campaign. Forfeited, and lived in exile until his death in 1787. See his Memoir by Hon. Evan Charteris, prefaced to A Short Account of the Affairs of Scotland, 1744-46.

[176] Norman Macleod of Macleod, nineteenth chief; born 1706; died 1772. He engaged to join Prince Charles although he came alone; but he changed his mind, was the first to communicate the Prince’s landing to the Lord President, and was the vindictive foe of Prince Charles throughout the whole adventure.

[177] This was Alexander (or Alistair), Lord Lovat’s second son, by his wife Margaret Grant, sister of Sir James Grant of Grant. Born 1729, died unmarried 1762.

The school at Prestonpans was kept by Mr. John Halket who had been tutor in Lovat’s family at Castle Downie. Peggy Vint’s was a tavern in Prestonpans. Alexander Carlyle gives an account of an extraordinary carouse there in 1741, at which Lovat, Erskine of Grange, Halket, four Fraser henchmen, young Lovat, Halket’s son, and Carlyle were present. Lovat said Grace in French, and he ‘swore more than fifty dragoons’ at the fish. The claret was excellent and circulated fast. There was a piper at the tavern, and the landlady’s daughter Kate was ‘very alluring.’ Lovat, then seventy-five, and Grange not much younger, warmed with wine, insisted on dancing a reel with Kate Vint: ‘this was a scene not easily forgotten.’ A banquet at Grange’s house of Preston, with a ‘new deluge of excellent claret,’ finished what Carlyle calls ‘a very memorable day.’—Carlyle, Autobiography, p. 58.

[178] About this time Sir J. Ca[mpbe]ll had the misfortune to have his house burnt and lost everything in it, even to his Body Cloaks. The deplorable situation he was in, never having received any of the money promised him save 200£ call for immediate assistance, and still the more so, that he had from time to time borrowed Money upon his Honour to Return it in such a time, as he had always reason to expect his pension wou’d answer, his failing in which necessarly weakened his Interest in the Country, for two reasons: 1st that he had no money to enable him to entertain and visit his neighbours, and 2ndly So he was not able to keep his word to them from whom he had borrowed it. Both shaggerined him and naturally made him the less confided in other matters, for which reasons I wrote presently to my Lord T[ra]q[uai]r, to write Mr. Drummond then at London, that the money might be gott as he then had the bond I mentioned before in his Custody, but he still putt it off by saying that nothing could be done in it till he went over, as the money was to be gott in france, which was a most rediculous reason, for he told me in paris that it was through Lord Semple he was to find it, which had it been the Case there was no occasion for the things being delayed till he went over, as he was to have no influence but ought to have sent it to Lord Semple. However I don’t believe it will be found upon inquiring yt, Lord Semple knew any thing of the matter for Mr. Drummond would not agree that I should mention the thing to him when at paris, so that I am fully convinced that it was as I have said befor, all a fetch to prevent writing to the King about it, for fear that he should be disapointed of the 4,000 Livres a year he has since got settled upon him.

[179] Lord Lovat must surely have been deceiving or deceived. It was the proud boast of the Monroes that the clan had remained constant to Covenanting principles and to the Protestant succession, being the only Whig clan that never wavered. The Munroes were the only Highlanders who joined Cope on his march to Inverness in 1745.

[180] John Boyle, 5th earl; succeeded as 5th Earl of Cork, 1751; a man of letters; friend of Swift, Pope, and Johnson; died 1762.

[181] Of Wynnstay, 3rd Baronet, M.P. for Denbigh, an ardent Jacobite, almost openly avowed.

[182] 7th February 1744.

[183] He is marry’d to a sister of mine, and upon the Change of the Ministry was made keeper of the Signet, through the Marquiss of Tweedales Interest in the Room of Mr. Mcmillan the Writer.

[184] Thomas Hay of Huntington, East Lothian, advocate; Keeper of the Signet, 1742-46; raised to the Bench as Lord Huntington 1754. His brother, John Hay of Restalrig, W.S., succeeded John Murray as Secretary to Prince Charles on Murray’s falling ill at Inverness, in 1746.

[185] Robert Dundas of Arniston, first President Dundas; born 1685; was Lord Advocate, 1720-25; raised to the Bench as Lord Arniston 1737; became Lord President on the death of Duncan Forbes of Culloden 1748; died 1753. He was the father of Henry (Dundas), 1st Lord Melville.

[186] Sir John Inglis of Cramond, Postmaster-General of Scotland.

[187] Alexander Arbuthnott of Knox, merchant in Edinburgh; grandson of the 1st Viscount Arbuthnott; became Commissioner of Customs 1742; died 1769.

[188] Andrew Fletcher, Lord Milton, nephew of Andrew Fletcher of Saltoun the great opposer of the Union. Born 1692; elevated to Scottish Bench 1724; Lord-Justice-Clerk 1735-48; died 1766.

[189] Joshua Guest, born 1660; Lieut.-General 1745; died 1747. This is the only categorical statement which I am aware of that Guest was Commander-in-Chief in Scotland before the appointment of Sir John Cope (18th February 1744). Cf. Book of Old Edinburgh Club, 1909, p. 17.

[190] Hunter of Polmood was buried in Drumelzier Churchyard on Thursday, February 23, 1744, which dates this incident. His son, Charles Hunter, was married to Murray’s sister, Veronica.

[191] William M‘Dougall, wine merchant in Edinburgh, a brother-in-law of John Murray’s. See Memorials, pp. 66, 301, 311.

[192] Probably Dr. Cochran of Roughfoil, a physician in Edinburgh. He may have been a connection of Murray’s, whose aunt Margaret was married to Alex. Cochran of Barbachlaw. Cf. Memorials, pp. 38, 54.

[193] John M‘Leod of Muiravonside, Stirlingshire, an advocate. His son, Alexander, was A.D.C. to Prince Charles.

[194] Hartree, a Peeblesshire estate, in Kilbucho Parish, about seven miles from Broughton. The laird of Hartree, John Dickson, was married to Murray’s aunt Anne.

[195] French Fleet wrecked, 25th February old style, 7th March new style, 1744.

[196] On this occasion, as on a subsequent escape from capture, the Duke took refuge in the Invercauld country. See post, p, 271.

[197] Charles Stewart, 5th of Ardshiel, a cadet of Appin. He led out the Stewarts of Appin in 1745. Fled to France after Culloden, and died 1757. (He is the chief for whom Alan Breck collected rents. See Kidnapped, by R. L. Stevenson, chap. ix.)

[198] Balhaldy.

[199] Probably House of Commons.

[200] Balhaldy.

[201] Balhaldy.

[202] The names in this letter have been deciphered partly by comparison with other ciphers; partly from information given by Murray in his Memorials; occasionally by conjecture, in which last case the word ‘probably’ is prefixed.

[203] Sempill or Balhaldy.

[204] Probably 21st September 1744. Murray wrote two letters to Prince Charles from Senlis, on 21st September (which was a Wednesday). Both are given in Murray’s Memorials, pp. 376, 379.

[205] Probably Captain Clephan of Villegass’s Regiment, the second Scots regiment in the service of the Netherlands. See Murray’s Memorials, pp. 101, etc., for this, and following notes.

[206] Prince Charles.

[207] Rotterdam.

[208] Captain Anderson, also of Villegass’s Regiment.

[209] Officers of his regiment (probably).

[210] Colyear’s, that is the regiment of the Hon. W. P. Colyear, son of the 1st Earl of Portmore, Colonel of the third Scots regiment in the Netherlands.

[211] Lord Elcho.

[212] Prince Charles.

[213] Probably 30th September 1744.

[214] Dr. Barry.

[215] Probably Adam Cockburn, a hosier in Johnstone’s Court, Charing Cross. See Murray’s Memorials, p. 454.

[216] Not quite intelligible, something probably omitted, but apparently meaning that letters for the Prince are to be addressed to the care of ‘Morris,’ an occasional pseudonym for Charles Smith of Boulogne.

[217] Prince Charles.

[218] The King of France.

[219] Probably the English.

[220] Probably the Scots.

[221] A Restoration.

[222] Earl of Traquair.

[223] Scotland.

[224] Scotland.

[225] Perhaps ‘Skye’ referring to the clan of Sir Alexander Macdonald, who was then in collusion with the Jacobites.

[226] Prince Charles.

[227] Probably Nisbet of Dirleton. See Murray’s Memorials, p. 103.

[228] Probably England.

[229] Earl of Traquair.

[230] Sir James Steuart.

[231] Duke of Perth.

[232] Lochiel.

[233] Duke of Perth.

[234] Earl of Traquair.

[235] Prince Charles.

[236] Probably English and Scots.

[237] Macleod of Macleod.

[238] Sir James Steuart.

[239] Probably young Glengarry (whom Mr. Andrew Lang identifies as Pickle the Spy).

[240] N.B.—I am satisfyd the reason for their so doing was that they found themselves blown, and imagined Mr. Burnet would soon drop them, for which they were resolved to prevent him by refusing to Act, and thereby give themselves the Air of significancy. As for the reason they give, in my Opinion it is inexpressibly frivelous and even betraying of their own want of a hearty Zeal, for their Masters Interest. For had I, either from Roguery, Ignorance, or folly, deceived Mr. Burnet in what I said, it was no reason for their Giving up a Scheme of such Extensive consequence, which plainly shows its not from principle they Act. At the same time I cannot see the least ground to believe they had any scheme going on, as they kept no correspondance with any of the Ministers save Mr. Orri,[655] as I was informed whose department did not lead him to treat of such like matters, neither was there then the least thing for an Expedition. As to my advice to Mr. Burnet, it is sufficient he knew it to be in every sense absolutely false, but the view they had in so doing is too obvious not to be seen through. They knew Kinny was just going over, and, as he is a man of Consequence in the Country, could they have influenced him against me they would thereby have broke the force of my Representations, being satisfied I would not fail in my arrival here to make known their shameful procedure to Mr. Edwards friends, and I must observe since at it was a very convenient time as Mr. Burnet seemed resolved to make the Money they promised to procure for Arms, the touchstone of their Veracity, and the frenches sincerity, so that their refusing to act at that time prevented the Sd—v believing them baffled men.

[241] Captain John Drummond, a nephew of Balhaldy’s.

[242] Prince Charles.

[243] Prince Charles.

[244] King.

[245] Rome.

[246] The Chevalier de St. George.

[247] Duke of Perth.

[248] Earl of Traquair.

[249] Lochiel.

[250] Scotland.

[251] James Fea of Clestrain (or Clesterton), in Stronsay, constituted himself a Jacobite leader in Orkney and attempted to raise men for the Prince. In March 1746 when Lord Macleod took his regiment to Thurso, Mackenzie of Ardloch, invited by Fea, went over to Stromness to raise men and money. None of the islanders were willing to go out, and Ardloch declined to take unwilling recruits although Fea offered to press some men. Ardloch, however, carried off £145 of cess and a quantity of smuggled brandy. For his indiscretion, Fea’s house of Sound in the island of Shapinsay was burnt down in May by the crews of a squadron sent to hunt down Jacobites, while Fea concealed himself in Caithness until the passing of the Act of Indemnity. (See Allan Fea, The Real Captain Cleveland, p. 175; L. in M., ii. 337.)

[252] A battle fought at Altimarlach three miles west of Wick, in 1680, between George Sinclair of Keiss, afterwards 7th Earl of Caithness and Sir John Campbell of Glenurchy, afterwards 1st Earl of Breadalbane. Sinclair’s kinsman the 6th earl, falling into debt and having no children, had disponed his titles, property and heritable jurisdictions to Sir John Campbell, the principal creditor, who married the earl’s widow in 1678, having managed the previous year to secure a patent from Charles II. as Earl of Caithness. Sinclair of Keiss resisted his claims by force, and Campbell marched an army of his own men and some royal troops to Caithness. The first advantage was with the Sinclairs, who celebrated the event with drunken revelry aggravated by finding a whisky-laden ship strategically stranded by the Campbells in Wick harbour. Next day the Sinclairs were defeated. It was on this occasion that the air ‘The Campbells are coming’ was composed by Finlay Macivor the celebrated piper of Breadalbane. (Calder, Hist. of Caithness, p. 162.) The courts found later that Keiss (grandson of the 5th earl) was entitled to the Caithness earldom; Sir John Campbell was compensated by being created Earl of Breadalbane in 1681, but with the precedency of the Caithness grant 1677.

[253] This Mr. Gilchrist is scathingly treated in The Lyon (iii. 36). He went ‘to Edinburgh and thence to London to misrepresent and asperse the bulk of the Caithness gentry as enemies to the present establishment.’ He is further said to have collected 250 guineas for himself and to have made his friends ‘believe that he could not continue in Caithness for the wicked Jacobites who had threatened to take away his life and destroy his family.’ The writer, a non-juring minister, who had been a prisoner in London, adds sententiously ‘Honest Whigry that never thinks shame of lying for worldly interest!’

[254] George Sinclair of Geese, afterwards captured at Dunrobin, was the only Caithness Sinclair of position who joined the Jacobite army. Lord Macleod marched through Caithness in March 1746, but though the proprietors professed Jacobite sympathies, very few joined his standard. (Fraser, The Earls of Cromartie, ii. 398.)

[255] Sir James Stewart of Burray, Orkney, took no active part in the Rising, but he was apprehended on suspicion in May 1746, and taken prisoner to London, where he died of fever in the New Gaol, Southwark, the following August.

[256] George (Mackay), 3rd Lord Reay, b. 1678; suc. his grandfather c. 1680; supported government in 1715; was largely instrumental in establishing the presbytery of Tongue 1725; d. 1748.

[257] William (Gordon-Sutherland), 16th earl; b. 1708; suc. his grandfather 1720; d. 1750. His wife was Lady Elizabeth Wemyss, aunt of Lord Elcho of the ’45. His father acted vigorously against the Jacobites in ’15 and ’19.

[258] Assynt in ancient times was the territory of the MacNicols (or MacRyculs or Nicolsons), but in the time of David II. Torquil Macleod IV., of Lewis, married the heiress and obtained the lands. The MacNicols emigrated to Skye, where they have been for centuries. Macleod’s second son inherited Assynt, and there were twelve Macleod lairds. The last of these was Neil Macleod who was tried in 1666, and again in 1674, for betraying the great Marquis of Montrose and other crimes. He was acquitted, but, probably owing to the expense of the trials, he fell into debt, and was driven from his lands which were acquired by the Mackenzies. Cf. p. 107, n. 1.

[259] See post, p. 96.

[260] The writer is wrong here. It was the first earl’s grandfather, Sir Roderick Mackenzie (1579-1626), the terrible Tutor of Kintail who married Margaret heiress of Torquil Macleod of Lewis and Cogeach. George (Mackenzie), 1st Earl of Cromarty (1630-1714), was the antiquary. He was an original member of the Royal Society (London), founded 1662.

[261] See post, p. 104.

[262] A battle at Sgeir na Caillich on Lochalsh, between the Straits of Kylerhea and Kyleakin. According to the Clan Donald historians, the battle was fought in 1603. It was not Glengarry (Donald, 7th of Glengarry, who died in 1645, aged 102), but his eldest son Angus, ‘Young Glengarry,’ who was killed.

[263] Now called Glenshiel. The church was erected in the hamlet of Muick.

[264] It is hardly likely that the Macraes will accept this suggestion of descent without strong corroboration which does not seem to exist. A very different origin is given by the Rev. Roderick Morison, minister of Kintail in 1793: ‘It is generally allowed that the Mac Raes emigrated from the braes of Aird, on the Lovat estate, to this place, though what induced them to prefer the mountains to the plains is not universally agreed upon, yet certain it is, that long after their residence in Kintail, they maintained a firm alliance with the Frasers of Aird. The tradition which prevails, that an inscription was set up nigh the entrance to Lovat House, bearing “That no Mac Rae must lodge without, when a Fraser resides within,” is not wholly without foundation. When the Mac Raes first entered Kintail, there were several clans inhabiting it, particularly the Mac Aulays, of whom no vestige now remains. The Mac Lennans, a small tribe in the parish of Glensheal, were the only people that would not yield. These Mac Lennans, at the battle of Auldearn, were intrusted with Seaforth’s colours. The novelty of the preferment roused them to action and stubborn resistance, which proved fatal to the clan, for many were slain; and their widows, 18 in number, were afterwards married to Mac Raes. The boundaries which divide the Mac Raes from the Mac Lennans are marked by a river which runs into Lochduich; but common observation may easily trace a line of distinction from the difference in their language and accent.’ Mr. Morison gives the derivation of the name as Mhac Ragh, the son of good fortune, applied by the founder to his son after some successful exploits.—(Statistical Account of Scotland, vi. 242; the story of the great slaughter of Maclellans at Auldearn is modified by latest investigators.) The word Ragh or Rath may mean either ‘good fortune’ or ‘grace,’ and the latest clan historian, Rev. Alex. Macrae, is of opinion that the name has an ecclesiastical origin as the ‘son of grace’ applied to a holy man of old. Relying on tradition, he inclines to believe that the Macraes were from Clunes in the Aird and were of common origin with the Mackenzies and Macleans.

The Kintail Macraes were not out in ’45. There was, however, a certain Captain MacRaw in Glengarry’s regiment; he attended Prince Charles when in Lochaber during his wanderings; also a Lieut. Alexander M‘Ra from Banff; and one of the French officers taken prisoner at sea on the voyage to Scotland, was Captain James Macraith of Berwick’s regiment. Gilchrist Macgrath or M‘Kra entertained the Prince in Glen Shiel in his wanderings. Murdoch M‘Raw, ‘nearest relation to the chieftain of that name,’ was barbarously hanged as a spy at Inverness protesting his innocence. (L. in M., i. 205, 342; iii. 378; ii. 205, 299.)

[265] See Dickson, The Jacobite Attempt of 1719 (Scot. Hist. Soc., vol. xix.).

[266] The Long Island is the name given to the chain of the outer Hebrides from the Butt of Lewis to Barra Head, comprising Lewis and Harris, North Uist, Benbecula, South Uist, Eriska, Barra and Mingulay.

[267] The story of the transference of the lands of the ancient and powerful family of Macleod of Lewis to the Mackenzies is one of the most pitiful in Highland history. Towards the middle of the sixteenth century, Roderick (or Ruari) Macleod, the last undisputed Macleod of Lewis, married, as his first wife, a natural daughter of John Mackenzie of Kintail. The wife eloped, the son, named Torquil Connanach, was repudiated. Torquil was brought up at Strath Connan (hence his ‘to-name’) by the Mackenzies, who embraced his cause. From that moment the family of Lewis was doomed. Partly by purchase, partly by marriage, but largely by intrigue and violence the lands of Macleod were acquired by the Mackenzies. Lewis was driven to anarchy; feuds of the worst type ensued, father against sons, brothers murdering brothers. Government interfered; Lewis was forfeited and parcelled out among Lowland colonist-adventurers, who were thwarted by the Mackenzies, and at last were glad to go, and in 1610 to dispose of their rights to Mackenzie, who had become Lord Kintail the previous year. Any rights that remained to his cousin Torquil Macleod were made over to the Mackenzies. Meantime, in 1605, Kintail’s brother Roderick had married the daughter and heiress of Torquil, and became possessed of the mainland property of Coigeach. As soon as the Mackenzies obtained the island, they promptly restored order; the remaining members of the old Macleod family were murdered or driven out under a commission of fire and sword. Kintail’s son became an earl in 1623, and took his title from Loch Seaforth in Lewis, while his uncle Roderick, tutor of Kintail, terrible and ruthless (of whom the Gaelic proverb says ‘there are two things worse than the Tutor of Kintail, frost in spring and mist in the dog-days’), built a castle in Strathpeffer, which he called Castle Leod, and when his grandson obtained the earldom of Cromarty in 1685, the second title then assumed was that of ‘Lord Macleod,’ to show that the heritage of the old family of Macleod of Lewis remained with him.

[268] Roderick Macneill of Barra was from home when Prince Charles landed in the neighbouring island of Eriska, July ’45. He took no active part in the rising but was arrested on suspicion in July ’46, taken to London, released in ’47.

[269] For the Macdonald divisions and claims, see Appendix,

[270] John Mackinnon of Mackinnon was the only one of the three Skye chiefs who went out. He joined with his clan at Edinburgh, and served throughout the campaign, but was absent on duty in Sutherland when Culloden was fought. He was attainted. Prince Charles went to him in his wanderings, and the chief conducted him from Skye to the mainland, for which service he was made prisoner, taken to London, but released in July ’47. He died in Skye, in ’56, aged 75 years. He was a son-in-law of Archbishop Sharpe of St. Andrews.

[271] This is a reference to the well-known story of the conversion of the islanders. The laird, a man ‘much respected,’ an elder of the kirk, reproved by the General Assembly for allowing his people to remain in popery, retrieved his character by driving his tenants from the Catholic chapel to the Protestant church with the vigorous application of a gold-headed cane, called by the Highlanders a yellow stick: from this the Presbyterian religion became known in the islands as Creidimh a bhata bhui, the creed of the yellow stick. Cf. Bellesheim’s Hist. Cath. Church Scot. (iv. 188).

[272] Called the Parish of the Small Isles.

[273] Modernly, Loch Hourn = Hell Loch.

[274] Scotus and Barisdale were brothers, both being uncles of the chief of Glengarry. The elder, Angus Macdonell of Scotus, was an old man in ’45, and died the following year. He remained at home, but his eldest son Donald went out with Glengarry. Donald fell wounded at Culloden, and was supposed to have died on the field. The clan historians, however, state that evidence has been found in the Stuart Papers at Windsor that certain marauders landed from a ship at night, carried off a number of wounded, among them Donald of Scotus, who after various adventures was captured by Turkish pirates, and held in bondage ever afterwards. (History of Clan Donald, iii. 324.) Two of Scotus’s younger sons John and Allan were captains in Glengarry’s regiment. Donald’s eldest son Ranald fought on the Government side in ’45 in Loudoun’s regiment. Ranald’s grandson succeeded in 1868 as 18th hereditary chief of Glengarry.

For Macdonell of Barisdale, see post, p. 96.

[275] The Morar family was really not a cadet, but the senior branch of the Clanranald family, descended from the eldest son of Dougall, 6th Clanranald, who was deposed by the clan for cruelty and oppression, and his children excluded for ever from the chiefship, which was conferred on his uncle. Dougall was assassinated in 1520; his family, on whom the lands of Morar were conferred, were known as the ‘MacDhughail Mhorair.’ In 1745 the laird of Morar was Allan, whose mother was a Macdonald of Sleat. He must have been an elderly man, as his wife was an aunt of Lochiel’s, the youngest daughter of Sir Ewan Cameron by his third wife, daughter of the Quaker David Barclay of Urie. Morar was one of the first to meet the Prince on his reaching Lochnanuagh in July ’45. He served as lieut-colonel of the Clanranald regiment. Prince Charles in his wanderings came to him for hospitality in July ’46, and Morar could only give him a cave to sleep in as his house had been burned down. His reception of the Prince, prompted it is said by young Clanranald, was very cold, and he was the object of fierce invective by the chief of Mackinnon, and of sorrowful reproach by Charles himself. (L. in M., iii. 187.) According to the clan historians, Morar had the reputation of being ‘an unmanly, drunken creature all his life.’ (Hist. Cl. Donald, iii. 256.)

Mr. Andrew Lang says that Morar was the author of the Journal and Memorial of P—— C—— Expedition into Scotland (printed in the Lockhart Papers), which is a principal source of knowledge of the early days of the adventure. Mr. Lang did not remember his authority, but was certain of its authenticity. (I had been assured in Moidart that the Journal was by young Ranald of Kinloch-Moidart, but without proof.) Allan of Morar died in 1756. His eldest son, John, was ‘out,’ but in what capacity he served I have failed to trace. Morar’s step-brother, John of Guidale, was a captain in the Clanranald regiment.

Another step-brother was Hugh Macdonald, who had been educated for the Church in France. He was reported to Rome as a ‘scion of one of the noblest branches of the Macdonalds.... He himself is distinguished even more for his zeal and piety than for his honourable birth, and is also a man of singular prudence and modesty.’ (Bellesheim, iv. 386.) He was consecrated Bishop of Diana in partibus in 1731, and appointed vicar-apostolic of the Highlands. The Bishop visited the Prince on board ship on his first arrival, and implored him to return. When the Standard was raised in Glenfinnan it was blessed by Bishop Hugh. What part he took during the campaign I do not know, but after the debacle, he accompanied Lord Lovat in his hiding in Morar. When the fugitives were pounced upon by Ferguson’s party (see post, pp. 90, 244) Lovat was captured, but the Bishop escaped and went to France, in September, along with Prince Charles. He returned to Scotland in 1749, when he had an interview with Bishop Forbes, who veils his identity by calling him ‘Mr. Hugh.’ (L. in M., iii. 50.) He was betrayed in July 1755, and arrested, released on bail, and obliged to reside at Duns until the following February, when he was sentenced by the High Court to perpetual banishment. (Scots. Mag., xvii. 358, xviii. 100.) By connivance of the authorities, the sentence was not enforced, and he remained in Scotland until his death, which occurred in Glengarry in 1773.

The Kinlochmoidart family descends from the 9th Clanranald (d. 1593). The laird in 1745 was Donald Macdonald; his mother was Margaret Cameron, the only sister of Lochiel of the ’45; his wife was a daughter of Stewart of Appin. Donald, as a boy, had fought at Sheriffmuir. His brother Æneas, a banker in Paris, came over from France with Prince Charles. On arrival in Scotland Æneas was sent to summon the laird. Kinlochmoidart, who was given a commission as colonel and made aide-de-camp to the Prince, was at once despatched to summon his uncle Lochiel, and other Jacobite leaders. Prince Charles lived in his house from August 11th to 18th. When a captive the following year, Kinlochmoidart was asked what made him embark in the adventure, ‘Lord, man’ he replied, ‘what could I do when the young lad came to my house.’ (Carlisle in 1745, p. 266.) It is interesting from the point of view of Highland hospitality to compare this reply with the advice given to Prince Charles by Clanranald’s brother, Boisdale, who had an interview with the Prince at Eriska on his first arrival, but refused to rise. When he found it impossible to dissuade the Prince from his enterprise he ‘insisted that he ought to land on the estate of Macdonald of Sleat or in that of Macleod, for if he trusted himself to them in the beginning they would certainly join him which otherwise they would not do. The Prince would not follow this counsel, being influenced by others.’ (Bishop Geddes’s MS.) Kinlochmoidart was made prisoner at Lesmahagow in Lanarkshire, in November ’45, while returning to the army from an unsuccessful mission to Sir Alexander of Sleat and Macleod. The principal agent in his capture was a divinity student, Thomas Lining, afterwards rewarded with the living of Lesmahagow. The chieftain was tried at Carlisle, and there hanged on 18th October ’46. His head was fixed on the Scots Gate, where it remained for many years. His house was burned down.

Kinlochmoidart’s family was deeply implicated in the Rising. Four of his brothers served in Clanranald’s regiment: John, a doctor of medicine, who was one of Ferguson’s victims in the Furness; he afterwards returned to Moidart; Ranald, whose chivalrous championship of the Prince’s cause, gave the first note of enthusiasm to the adventure (Home, Hist. Reb., p. 39); Allan, who fled to France and perished in the Revolution; James, who was captured at Culloden, but escaped; he was exempted from the general pardon, and is supposed to have gone to America. A fifth brother, Æneas the Paris banker, was captured, tried, and sentenced to death. He escaped from Newgate by throwing snuff in the turnkey’s eyes, but being shod with loose slippers he tripped when flying along Warwick Lane and was retaken. He received a conditional pardon, returned to France, and was killed in the Revolution.

[276] The property was acquired in 1726 by Sir David Murray of Stanhope (Peeblesshire) 2nd bart., the father of John Murray of Broughton. He died in 1729, but the work of developing the lead mines and minerals was carried on by his son, Sir James. In 1745 the proprietor was Sir David Murray, 4th bart., nephew of Sir James, He was ‘out,’ served as aide-de-camp to the Prince, and fought at Falkirk and Culloden. He was captured at Whitby endeavouring to escape; was tried at York; sentenced to death; conditionally pardoned; and died an exile in 1770. The forfeited estate in Ardnamurchan was sold for £33,700.

[277] Of Torcastle, fourth son of Sir Ewan Cameron. He was attainted. After Culloden he remained in Lochaber, and was agent for distributing money to the Camerons. At the end of ’47 he was still free, having evaded all attempts at capture (Albemarle Papers); of his subsequent career I have no knowledge.

[278] Sir Hector Maclean of Duart (Mull), 5th bart., who was major of Lord John Drummond’s French regiment of Royal Scots, had been sent from France to Edinburgh in May, and was made prisoner there in June, and removed to London. He was tried for his life, but on proving that he was born in Calais he was treated as a prisoner of war. Charles Maclean of Drimnin (Morvern) joined the Prince after the battle of Falkirk; at Culloden, where Drimnin was killed, his Macleans were formed into a regiment with the Maclachlans, commanded by the chief of Maclachlan. Allan Maclean of Brolas, who succeeded Sir Hector in 1750, as 6th bart., joined the Government side. (Scots Mag., viii. 141.)

[279] Lachlan MacLachlan; was commissary general in the Jacobite army; killed at Culloden.

[280] For the Maclean and Maclachlan gentlemen, see Appendix.

[281] Rev. John Maclachlan of Kilchoan, ‘chaplain general of the clans,’ friend and correspondent of Bishop Forbes. Writing to the Bishop in 1748, he says, ‘I live for the most part now like a hermite, because all my late charge almost were kill’d in battle, scatter’d abroad or are cow’d at home. (L. in M., ii. 210.)

[282] Dugald Stewart, 8th chief of Appin and last of the direct male line. Although a Jacobite, and created a peer, as Lord Appin, by James, in 1743, he did not join Prince Charles. His clan, one of the first to rise, was led out by his kinsman Charles Stewart, 5th of Ardshiel. Dugald Stewart sold Appin in 1765, and died 1769.

[283] Alexander Macdonald of Glencoe was attainted; he surrendered some time after Culloden; he was in prison as late as 1750; date of release or of death not ascertained. Two brothers, James and Donald, went out with him in ’45.

[284] Lochiel’s brother, Alexander Cameron, third son of John of Lochiel, joined the Church of Rome, and became a Jesuit. I have failed to trace what part he took during the campaign; but in July 1746 he was arrested at Morar and put on board the Furness, the ship of the notorious Captain Ferguson. Father Cameron was carried to the Thames; he suffered great hardships, and died at Gravesend on board ship. (Albemarle Papers, p. 408; L. in M., i. 312.)

[285] The last clan battle of importance, known as the Battle of Mulroy, fought in Glenroy, August 1688. The Mackintoshes, who had obtained charters of Keppoch’s country, were ever at feud with Keppoch, who legally owned none of the land his clan occupied. It is said that on this occasion Macdonell of Keppoch (‘Coll of the Cows’) treated his prisoner Mackintosh so kindly that the latter in gratitude offered him a charter of the lands in dispute. Keppoch declined, saying, that he would never consent to hold by sheepskin what he had won by the sword. (Hist. of Clan Donald, ii. 645.) Murray of Broughton, however, states that as the result of this battle Mackintosh granted Keppoch an advantageous lease, which was still running in 1745. (Memorials, p. 443.)

[286] In 1745 the chief of Keppoch, Alexander (son of Coll), was a Protestant. When his clan joined the Prince he refused to allow a favourite priest to accompany it, and in consequence, a number of his people deserted when at Aberchalder. Keppoch had been created a Jacobite baronet in 1743. His death at Culloden has been the theme of much romance. For some late light on the subject, see Mr. Andrew Lang’s Hist. of Scot., iv. 527.

[287] The Grants of Glenmoriston joined the Glengarry regiment.

[288] Not the eldest son, but the third son, Allan Grant of Innerwick. He was taken prisoner by the Jacobites at the bloodless battle of Dornoch. Lord John Murray’s regiment is the Highland Regiment (Black Watch).

[289] See post, p. 281 et seq.

[290] Contrary to what I find is a general impression, the religion of Lord Lovat and his family, as well as his clan, was Protestant. It is true that in his days of outlawry and exile in France, about 1703, Lovat feigned conversion to Romanism, yet from his return to Scotland in ’15, until his capture in ’46, he conformed to the Presbyterian establishment; his bosom friend and crony was the gloomy and dissolute fanatic, James Erskine, Lord Grange. When in hiding after Culloden, along with Bishop Hugh Macdonald, in Loch Morar (see ante, p. 82) Lovat informed the Bishop that he had long been a Catholic in his heart, and wished to be received into the Church. He was preparing to make his confession, but before the rite could be accomplished, the fugitives were dispersed by a party of Campbells and seamen from Ferguson’s ship, and Lord Lovat surrendered a few days later. Though he desired the services of the chaplain of the Sardinian embassy while a prisoner in the Tower, where on one occasion he pronounced himself a Jansenist, and although he declared ‘Je meurs un fils indigne de l’Église Romaine,’ there is no evidence, which I know of, that he ever formally joined that communion.

[291] See post, p. 99.

[292] Robert Bruce, ordained minister at Edinburgh 1587; Moderator of the Kirk 1588 and 1592, was the son of Bruce of Airth, Stirlingshire, a rude and powerful baron of a family collateral with the royal Bruces. At first Bruce was in high favour with James VI., who placed him on the council of regency when he went to Denmark to be married, 1589, and appointed him to officiate at the coronation of Queen Anne the following year. Subsequently he thwarted the king in his ecclesiastical policy as well as in refusing to acknowledge the guilt of the Earl of Gowrie, who had been his pupil. James had him deposed from his parish, and banished from Edinburgh, 1600. Part of his exile was passed at Inverness (1605-9, and again 1620-24), where he preached to crowded congregations every Sunday. He died at Kinnaird, 1631.

[293] See post, p. 104.

[294] The valley of the Findhorn river, Inverness, Nairn, and Moray shires.

[295] See post, pp. 100, 410.

[296] See post, p. 269 et seq.

[297] Now called Strathavon.

[298] Duncan Forbes of Culloden; b. 1685; M.P. Inverness-shire 1722; Lord Advocate 1725; Lord President of the Court of Session 1737; d. 1747.

[299] George (Mackenzie), 3rd earl; b. about 1702; known as the Master of Macleod until his grandfather’s death, 1714; as Lord Tarbat until his father’s death, 1731, when he succeeded to the earldom. His father, although a friend and cousin of Lord Mar, had not gone out in 1715. The Earl married, 1724, Isabella, daughter of Sir Wm. Gordon of Invergordon, head of a family ‘noted for their zeal for the Protestant succession.’ He was captured at Dunrobin 1746; condemned to death by the House of Lords; released with a conditional pardon 1749; d. at London 1766.

[300] John (Mackenzie), Lord Macleod, eldest son of 3rd Earl of Cromartie; b. 1727. Captured along with his father; pled guilty; received a conditional pardon 1748; went abroad 1749; entered the Swedish service when the Old Chevalier, at the request of Lord George Murray, sent him the necessary funds for his military outfit; became colonel, aide-de-camp to the King of Sweden, and Count Cromartie; returned to England 1777; raised a regiment for King George, first known as Macleod’s Highlanders, the 73rd, subsequently the 71st, and to-day the Highland Light Infantry; M.P. for Ross-shire 1780; family estates restored to him 1784; m. 1786, Margery, d. of Lord Forbes; d. s.p. 1789.

[301] There were three Macdonells all bearing the designation of Barisdale in the ’Forty-five, who are often confused, and who for distinction’s sake may be termed here, Old Barisdale, Young Barisdale, and Youngest Barisdale.

Old Barisdale was Archibald Macdonell, an uncle of Glengarry and a brother of Scotus. He paid his respects to Prince Charles at Glenfinnan, but took no active part in the Rising, probably being too old to go out. In May 1746, however, his house was burned down by Cumberland’s order, and he was carried prisoner on board a ship of war, but was soon released. He died in 1752.

Young Barisdale was Archibald’s eldest son, Coll Macdonell, who is a prominent figure in the rising. He was born in 1698. A man of commanding talent, he filled the rôle of Highland cateran to perfection, and raised a following absolutely devoted to him. He became captain of the watch and guardian of the marches for western Inverness-shire, a vocation (similar to that of his great prototype, Rob Roy) which he exercised with rigour and occasional cruelty. He was able to purchase several wadsets, which gave him territorial importance in the western Highlands. He further strengthened his influence in Ross-shire by his marriages, his first wife being a daughter of George Mackenzie of Balmuchie, and his second wife a sister of Alexander Mackenzie, then laird of Fairburn. He joined Prince Charles at Aberchalder on 27th August at the head of Glengarry’s Knoydart men, fought at Prestonpans, and when the Prince went to England he and Angus Macdonell, Glengarry’s second son, were sent back to the Highlands to raise more men. Barisdale greatly disliked his first cousin Lochgarry, who commanded the Glengarry battalion, so he managed to raise a regiment of his own. (Murray’s Mem., pp. 280, 441.) He fought at Falkirk, but was not at Culloden, being absent on service in Ross-shire. In June he was captured and taken prisoner along with his son to Fort Augustus, and there he received a ten days’ protection on condition of giving certain information to Government. For this he was seized by the Jacobites, carried prisoner to France, and confined at St. Malo and Saumur for two years and four months; was not attainted in 1746, but was excluded from the Act of Indemnity in 1747. He returned to Scotland in February 1749, but was again arrested by Government, taken to Edinburgh Castle, and kept a close prisoner without trial until his death, 1st June 1750. A friendly account of this remarkable man will be found in the History of Clan Donald, iii. 337; and an unfriendly one in Mr. Lang’s Companions of Pickle, p. 97.

Youngest Barisdale was Coll’s eldest son, Archibald, who was not quite twenty years old at the beginning of the adventure. He acted as major of the Glengarry regiment. His name was included in the list of attainders in 1746, apparently in mistake for his father. He was made prisoner along with his father in 1746, first by Government and afterwards by the Jacobites; he was carried to France, where he was held in durance for a year. He returned to Scotland, and in 1749 was again imprisoned by Government along with his father, but was immediately released. Once more he was arrested in 1753, at the time when Dr. Archibald Cameron was taken and executed. Barisdale was tried and sentenced to death in March 1754, but reprieved. He was kept a prisoner until 1762, when he was finally released. At his own request he at once took the oath of fealty to Government, and accepted a commission in the 105th Regiment (the Queen’s Own Royal Highlanders), which was disbanded the following year. He died at Barisdale in 1787.

[302] Captain in Cromartie’s regiment; was captured at Dunrobin; tried at Southwark in 1746, pleaded guilty and was condemned to death; he was not executed; I am ignorant of his subsequent career.

[303] Simon Fraser, b. 1726: after Culloden gave himself up to Government; attainted 1746, pardoned 1750; joined the Scottish bar 1752; acted as Advocate-Depute in the Appin murder trial, an episode immortalised in R. L. Stevenson’s Catriona; raised a Highland regiment for the Government 1757, and served with it under Wolfe in Canada (regiment disbanded 1763); M.P. Inverness 1761; family estates restored to him 1774; raised a second regiment of two battalions 1775, for the American War, which he did not accompany (regiment disbanded 1783); died a lieut.-general 1782. Sir Walter Scott calls the Master of Lovat the good son of a bad father. A very different account is given by Mrs. Grant of Laggan—‘he differed from his father only as a chain’d-up fox does from one at liberty.’ (See Wariston’s Diary, etc., p. 275, Scot. Hist. Soc., vol. xxvi.)

[304] Charles Fraser the younger, b. 1725, nephew and heir-presumptive of William Fraser of Inverallochy, Aberdeenshire, the senior cadet of Lovat’s clan.

His father, Charles Fraser of Castle Fraser, younger brother of the laird of Inverallochy, had inherited the property of Muchall or Castle Fraser (Kemnay, Aberdeenshire), on the death of his step-grandfather Charles, 4th and last Lord Fraser, who lost his life near Banff by falling over a precipice while in hiding to avoid capture after the ’15. In 1723 the elder Charles Fraser was created ‘Lord Fraser of Mushall’ by the Chevalier in recognition of his services, and particularly those of his father, ‘who died bravely asserting our cause, and in consideration of the earnest desire of the late Lord Fraser, when we were last in Scotland, to resign his titles of honour in favour of the said Charles’ father.’ I am not aware of what these special services were, nor why the elder brother William was passed over both for the Castle Fraser inheritance and the Jacobite peerage. Charles Fraser eventually succeeded to Inverallochy in 1749 on the death of his brother William. He was probably too old to go out in 1745, and his son went out as Lovat’s lieut.-colonel, ‘in accordance with the ancient highland practice and the policy of Lord Lovat as being nearest in blood to the chiefship.’ Young Inverallochy was killed at Culloden, and the story of his death is very painful. It is first told in a general way in The Lyon (ii. 305; iii. 56), and afterwards with more detail by Sir Henry Seton Steuart of Allanton in the Antijacobin Review of 1802 (p. 125) as follows:—

‘When the celebrated General Wolfe (at this period a lieut.-colonel in the army) was riding over the field of battle with the D—— of C-m-b-l-d, they observed a Highlander, who, though severely wounded, was yet able to sit up, and, leaning on his arm, seemed to smile defiance of them.—“Wolfe,” said the D——, “shoot me that Highland scoundrel, who thus dares to look on us with such contempt and insolence!”—“My commission,” replied the manly officer, “is at your R——l H——s’s disposal, but I never can consent to become an executioner.” The Highlander, it is probable, was soon knocked on the head by some ruffian less scrupulous than the future conqueror of Quebec. But it was remarked by those who heard the story, that Colonel Wolfe, from that day, visibly declined in the favour and confidence of the commander-in-chief. We believe that some officers are still alive who are not unacquainted with this anecdote.’

Mr. Beckles Willson, Wolfe’s latest biographer, accepts the story as regards Wolfe but doubts its applicability to Cumberland. Wolfe, it must be remembered, was on Hawley’s staff, not Cumberland’s. These generals could easily have been mistaken for each other. The action is very like Hawley, who was hated by the soldiers, who nicknamed him the Hangman, and who held his military talents in contempt, a feeling shared by Wolfe. Moreover, it was a Jacobite cult to vilify the Duke, and to impute all cruelties to him personally. Seton Steuart was not an entirely unprejudiced writer; he had been brought up in an atmosphere of uncompromising Jacobitism. He was a cousin of Sir James Steuart of Goodtrees and of Provost Stewart of Edinburgh, both of whom suffered; while his wife was grand-daughter of Charles Smith of Boulogne, the Jacobite agent frequently mentioned in Murray’s Papers. (See ante, p. 11.)

[305] James Fraser, 9th of Foyers (Lochness), descended from the 3rd Lord Lovat, was one of the most ruthless and devoted henchmen of Lovat, who made him bailie of Stratherrick. He received from Prince Charles a special commission, dated 23rd September 1745, to seize President Duncan Forbes and carry him prisoner to Edinburgh, an enterprise which failed. His name was excluded from the act of indemnity, but he was afterwards pardoned and his estates restored. It was to his house that John Murray of Broughton was carried the day before Culloden.

[306] N.B.—Most of the Chisholms are Papists.

[307] This does not quite accord with the clan history. Roderick, the chief of Chisholm, was then forty-eight years old. What part he took in the Rising is not on record, but he was specially excluded from the act of indemnity. His eldest son Alexander seems to have stayed at home; his second and third sons were officers in the Government army, and fought under Cumberland at Culloden; his fourth son, who was a physician in Inverness, afterwards provost, seems to have taken no part; his youngest son, Roderick Og, led out the clan; he ‘headed about eighty of the Chisholms at the battle of Culloden, himself and thirty thereof were killed upon the field.’ (Mackenzie, Hist. of the Chisholms.)

[308] The laird was then Alexander Mackenzie, 6th of Fairburn. According to the Marquis d’Éguilles, French envoy to Prince Charles, Fairburn’s wife was Barbara Gordon, of whom he gives the following account in a despatch to his government: ‘Une fort jolie personne ... celle-cy n’a pas banni son mari; mais malgré luy, elle a vendu ses diamants et sa vaisselle pour lever des hommes. Elle a ramassé cent cinquante des plus braves du païs, qu’elle a joint à ceux de miladi Seaforth, sous la conduite de son beau-frère.’ (Cottin, Un Protégé de Bachaumont, p. 51.) The brother-in-law may be Coll Macdonell of Barisdale, who married her husband’s sister; or it may be Kenneth Mackenzie her husband’s brother who although only a schoolboy was a captain in Barisdale’s regiment. (Lord Rosebery’s List of Persons Concerned in the Rebellion, p. 76.) This lady is not mentioned in the genealogies of Alex. Mackenzie’s Hist. of the Mackenzies, which are, however, manifestly incomplete.

[309] Alexander Macgillivray of Dunmaglas, the lieut.-colonel of Lady Mackintosh’s regiment, and Gillise Macbain, Dalmagarrie, the major, were both killed at Culloden.

[310] N.B.—The Laird of McIntosh got a Company in the Highland Regiment. He raised a full company and they all deserted except 8 or 9.

[311] Anne, daughter of James Farquharson, 9th of Invercauld, and Margaret Murray, daughter of Lord James Murray, an uncle of Lord George Murray; b. 1723; d. 1787; m. Æneas Mackintosh 22nd of Mackintosh, who, though a Jacobite peer, refused to join Prince Charles, preferring to serve that monarch who was able to pay him ‘half-a-guinea the day and half-a-guinea the morn.’ (Notes to Waverley, ch. xix.) The chief raised a company for King George with the result noted above, while his lady raised the clan for Prince Charles. Of this lady we get the following enthusiastic account by the Marquis d’Éguilles:—

‘Elle aimoit éperdûment son mari qu’elle espéra longtems de gagner au Prince; mais, ayant appris qu’il s’étoit enfin engagé, avec le Président, à servir la maison d’Hanovre, elle ne voulut plus le voir.

‘Elle ne s’en tint pas là: elle souleva une partie de ses vassaux, à la teste desquels elle mit un très-beau cousin qui, jusques-là, l’avoit aimée inutilement. Mackintosh fut obligé de quitter son lit, sa maison et ses terres. L’intrépide ladi, un pistolet d’une main et de l’argent de l’autre, parcourt le païs, menace, donne, promet, et, en moins de quinze jours, ramasse 600 hommes. Elle en avoit envoyé moitié à Fakirk, qui y arriva la veille de la bataille. Elle avoit retenu l’autre moitié pour se garder de son mari et de Loudoun qui, à Inverness, n’étoient qu’à trois lieues de son château. Le prince logea chez elle, à son passage. Elle s’offrit à luy avec la grâce et la noblesse d’une divinité, car rien n’est si beau que cette femme. Elle luy présenta toute sa petite armée qu’elle avoit rassemblée, et après avoir parlé aux soldats de ce qu’ils devoient à la situation, aux droits et aux vertus de leur Prince, elle jura très-catégoriquement de casser la tête au premier qui s’en tourneroit, après avoir, à ses yeux, brûlé sa maison et chassé sa famille.

‘Au reste, elle a toujours passé, jusques icy, pour être très-modérée, très-sensée. C’est, icy, l’effet de la première éducation. Son père, pris à la bataille de Preston en 1715, avoit resté longtems prisonnier, et couru risque de la vie. Elle n’a pas vingt-deux ans. C’est elle qui découvrit le projet qu’avoit fait Macleod d’enlever le Prince, et, en vérité, c’est elle seule qui l’a fait échouer.’ (Cottin, p. 49.)

The last sentence refers to the incident known as ‘the Rout of Moy’ (post, p. 108), when Lady Mackintosh’s thoughtful vigilance saved her Prince from imminent risk of capture. A month later (March 20th) her husband was taken prisoner at Dornoch by the Jacobites. Prince Charles sent the chief to his wife at Moy, saying that ‘he could not be in better security or more honourably treated.’ This may have been the occasion of the story told by Bishop Mackintosh to Chambers: the lady was jocularly known in the army as ‘Colonel Anne’; when her husband was ushered into her presence she greeted him laconically with, ‘Your servant, captain,’ to which he replied with equal brevity, ‘Your servant, colonel!’ After Culloden Lady Mackintosh was arrested at Moy and taken to Inverness; she was released after six weeks’ confinement. In spite of her martial reputation, and her undaunted resolution, there was nothing masculine about her appearance; she was a slender, rather delicate-looking girl: she took no part in the fighting but remained at home during the campaign. In after years when in London, family tradition says that she became a favourite in certain royal circles, and there on one occasion she met the Duke of Cumberland, and with him she exchanged some piquant raillery (see narratives in A. M. Shaw’s Mackintoshes and Clan Chattan, p. 464 seq.).

[312] Culcairn, now called Kincraig, in Rosskeen parish. George Munro, b. 1685, brother of Sir Robert Munro of Foulis (see post, p. 198). Culcairn was shot in Knoydart in August 1746 while wasting the country and carrying off cattle in company with Captain Grant of Knockando, of Loudoun’s Regiment. It is said he was shot by accident instead of Grant, by the father of one Alexander Cameron, whom Grant had shot a short time previously. (L. in M., i. 91, 312.)

[313] Cf. ante, p. 46 n.

[314] Kenneth (Mackenzie), eldest son of William, 5th Earl of Seaforth, attainted 1716, d. 1740; but for the attainder he would have been 6th earl. He was styled Lord Fortrose, which was the second Jacobite title of his grandfather, created Marquis of Seaforth by James VII. after his abdication. He was born about 1718; M.P. for Inverness 1741-47; and for Ross-shire from 1747 until his death, 1761. Lord Fortrose (who was generally, though not officially, called Seaforth in Scotland) adhered to Government in the ’45. Though his support was of the paltriest description, his defection gave great pain to Prince Charles. Fortrose’s wife was Lady Mary Stewart, daughter of the 6th Earl of Galloway. This lady raised men for Prince Charles, with the result narrated in these pages. Of her the French envoy informs his Government: ‘On assure que son zèle égale celuy des deux autres [Lady Mackintosh and Mrs. Mackenzie of Fairburn], quoy qu’elle paroisse moins vive et moins courageuse.’ It was their son who raised the 1st Battalion Seaforth Highlanders (72nd), for which service he was created Earl of Seaforth in the Peerage of Ireland.

[315] The Rosses of Ross-shire are rather mixed up here. At this time there were two distinct races of Ross in the county, which should not be confounded. The Celtic family of Ross, of whom the ancient head was the Earl of Ross, was originally known as the clan Ghille-andrais (servants of St. Andrew). The earldom passed by marriage of heiresses in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, first to the Leslies and afterwards to the Macdonalds, Lords of the Isles. The chiefship of the clan, however, went to the heir male, Ross of Balnagowan. In the year 1711, David Ross, the last of the Celtic family of Balnagowan, died. The natural heir was Ross of Pitcalnie, his next of kin. Pitcalnie was a Roman Catholic or Episcopalian, anyhow he was not a Presbyterian, and Balnagowan was influenced by his wife, Lady Anne (daughter of the 4th Earl of Moray), a bigoted Presbyterian, to disinherit the natural heir and bequeath the property to General the Hon. Charles Ross, a younger son of George, 11th Lord Ross of Halkhead, in Ayrshire. (Fraser-Mackintosh, Antiq. Notes, p. 66.) The family which thus became Ross of Balnagowan had no connection with the Celtic clan of the same name, but was descended from a Norman family named de Ros. In 1745 Balnagowan with its great territorial influence had come to George, 13th Lord Ross, and the Master of Ross his eldest son (afterwards 14th and last Lord Ross) received the command of one of the independent companies raised in 1745. He was garrisoning Inverness Castle (then called Fort George) when it was captured by the Jacobites, 20th Feb. ’46; he remained a prisoner on parole until the end of the campaign. He was one of the very few officers who did not break his parole. (Cf. post, pp. 207, 364.)

The Rosses of Inverchasley and Pitcalnie, who belonged to the ancient Celtic clan Ghille-andrais, sided with the Government, but ‘young Pitcalnie,’ Malcolm Ross, who was a grand-nephew of President Duncan Forbes, went over to the Jacobites. He had served as ensign in Loudoun’s regiment at Prestonpans, where he was taken prisoner by the Jacobites and released on parole. He seems to have been the only Government officer who deserted to the Jacobites. His name was included in the list of attainders.

[316] Macleod of Geanies was representative of the Macleods of Assynt (see ante, p. 74). John, a brother of Neil Macleod (tried for the betrayal of Montrose), left Assynt and settled in Easter Ross where his son Donald, an officer in the Scots Brigade in Holland, purchased the estate of Geanies. Donald’s son Hugh was laird in 1745; his wife was a niece of President Duncan Forbes of Culloden.

[317] See post, p. 143 et seq.

[318] This refers to the fiasco known as the ‘Rout of Moy’ (16th Feb. ’46), when by a stratagem, a blacksmith and a few other retainers of Lady Mackintosh, made Loudoun believe that the whole Jacobite army was upon him; he fled back to Inverness, whence he retreated across the Kessock Ferry to Ross-shire. The principal, perhaps the only, victim of the expedition, was Donald Ban MacCrimmon, Macleod’s famous piper, who was shot by the blacksmith. Cf. post, p. 145. (For details, see Home, Hist. Reb., ch. ix.; L. in M., 149, etc.)

[319] George Grant of Culbin, brother of Sir James Grant of Grant, major in the Highland Regiment (Black Watch). He surrendered Inverness Castle (then called Fort George) to Prince Charles, 20th February, for which he was subsequently tried by court-martial, and dismissed the service.

[320] See ante, p. 75.

[321] Now called Strathavon (pronounced Stratha’an), Banffshire. It is generally called Strathdawn or Strathdown in documents of this date; perhaps from the local pronunciation, plus the archaic ‘d’ which occasionally appears in place-names, e.g. Strathdearn for the valley of the Earn or Findhorn. There was an ancient church of Dounan in the valley perhaps from the same root.

[322] George Forbes of Skeleter; m. Glenbucket’s daughter Christiana Gordon. He escaped to France after Culloden, joined Lord Ogilvie’s Scots regiment in the French service: he never returned.

[323] William (Duff) of Braco and Dipple; b. 1697; d. 1763; M.P. Banffshire 1727-34; created Baron Braco of Kilbride 1735; and in 1759 Viscount Macduff and Earl Fife—all these titles being in the peerage of Ireland; m. (1) Janet, d. of 4th Earl of Findlater; and (2) Jean, d. of Sir James Grant of Grant. He, his father, and his grandfather made enormous purchases of land in Aberdeen, Banff, and Moray shires, particularly on the forfeitures after Mar’s rising in 1715. He joined Cumberland in 1746.

[324] Among the Jacobite prisoners who pled guilty is ‘Robert Forbes, printer, son to New.’ (Scots Mag., viii. p. 438.) At his trial it is stated that he was a farmer. His home was at Corse in the parish of Coull, Deeside. He was captain in one of Lord Lewis Gordon’s battalions, and was one of the officers left at Carlisle and captured there. He was sentenced to death but was not executed; of his subsequent career I have no knowledge.

[325] Cope reached Aberdeen 11th Sept., and left it by sea 15th Sept. 1745.

[326] Johnshaven, a fishing port on the Kincardine coast, about twenty-five miles south of Aberdeen; Torry and Foothy (Footdee), fishing villages near the mouth of the Dee, Aberdeen.

[327] James Moir of Stonywood, an estate on Donside three miles above Aberdeen. He was very active in the Jacobite cause, and while the Prince was in England raised a battalion, of which Lord Lewis Gordon was titular colonel. After Culloden he escaped to Sweden, where he resided until 1762, when he was permitted to return to Stonywood. He died in 1782. His correspondence in 1745-46 is printed in the Spalding Club Misc., vol. i.

[328] York Street cadys = messenger-porters of a low street in Aberdeen.

[329] Francis Farquharson of Monaltrie, near Ballater on the Dee, the ‘Baron ban’ of the ’45, raised a regiment from Deeside and Braemar. He was made prisoner at Culloden, tried at London, and condemned to death, but reprieved. He was kept prisoner in England, latterly with considerable liberty at Berkhampstead, Herts. He was liberated in 1766, and returned to Monaltrie, where he devoted the rest of his life to improving the social and material condition of his country. He introduced into Aberdeenshire improved methods of farming, which he had carefully studied while in exile in England. His name is still cherished in the county as the man who did much to make Aberdeen the great farming county it became. He died in 1791.

[330] The Duke of Perth had twice to flee from Drummond Castle; first in March 1744, immediately after the failure of the projected French invasion. A party of 36 dragoons and 150 foot was sent from Stirling under Lieut.-Col. Whitney (afterwards killed at Falkirk) to surround the castle, but the Duke escaped (Chron. Atholl and Tullib., ii. 473). The second time was in July 1745, referred to post, p. 271, n. 2. This occasion was a treacherous attempt of his neighbour, Sir Patrick Murray of Ochtertyre, and Campbell of Inverawe, both officers of the Highland regiment (Black Watch), to capture him while dining at Drummond Castle. The story is detailed in The Lyon, i. 290.

[331] Now spelt Balmoral, the King’s home on Deeside. The laird was badly wounded at Falkirk and took no further part in the campaign.

[332] Hamilton’s home was Sanstoun, now called Huntly Lodge, beside old Huntly Castle. He was left governor of Carlisle when the Jacobite army left it on their way south (21st Nov.), and on their return in December Hamilton was made governor of the Castle, while Towneley, an Englishman, was left governor of the town. Carlisle surrendered to Cumberland 30th December. Both Towneley and Hamilton were hanged on Kennington Common. (See also post, p. 173.)

[333] His home was Dunbennan, close to Huntly; the whole ‘toun’ was burnt down in 1746.

[334] James Petrie, advocate in Aberdeen; joined the local bar 1743; appointed sheriff-depute 8th May 1744. The last deed ascertained to have been lodged before him is dated 23rd September 1745. Petrie went into hiding after the ’45. As he was not specially excluded from the Act of Indemnity of 1747, he was able to resume practice at the Aberdeen bar by taking the oath of allegiance, which he did in April 1748. (Littlejohn, Rec. Sheriff-Court of Aberdeen, iii. 116.)

[335] Alexander, 4th Lord Forbes of Pitsligo; b. 1678; suc. 1691; attainted 1746; hid in his own country of Buchan, and was never captured; d. 1762.

[336] Boyne, a district in the north of Banffshire. The Enzie, north-western Banffshire, with part of Morayshire between the Spey and the Buckie Burn.

[337] William Moir of Lonmay, Lady Erroll’s factor, was Stonywood’s brother. He acted as deputy-governor of Aberdeen during the Jacobite occupation.

[338] Mary (Hay), Countess of Erroll in her own right, the last of the Hays of Erroll. She married Alexander Falconer, but left no issue. On her death in 1758, she was succeeded in the Errol title by James (Boyd), Lord Boyd (son of the Earl of Kilmarnock, executed in 1746), whose mother was the daughter and sole heiress of Lady Erroll’s sister Margaret, wife of the attainted Earl of Linlithgow and Callander. He assumed the name of Hay.

[339] George (Gordon), 3rd earl; b. 1722; suc. his father 30th March 1745; d. 1801. His mother was Lady Anna Murray (d. 1725), a sister of Lord George Murray; his stepmother, Lady Anne Gordon, sister of Lord Lewis Gordon. The Duchess of Gordon was his sister.

[340] James (Ogilvy), 5th earl; b. 1689; suc. 1730; d. 1764. He had been imprisoned in 1715, on the outbreak of Mar’s rising.

[341] John (Keith), 3rd earl; b. 1699; suc. 1718; d. 1772. His wife was a d. of Erskine of Grange, Lord Mar’s brother. His father, 2nd earl, was out in ’15.

[342] James (Forbes), 16th lord; b. 1689; suc. 1734; d. 1761. His first wife was sister of Lord Pitsligo; his second wife, a sister of Sir Wm. Gordon of Park, both ardent Jacobite leaders.

[343] Alexander (Fraser), 12th lord; b. c. 1684; suc. 1715; d. 1748. ‘He was a supporter of the Hanoverian Government, but took no active part in public affairs.’ (Scots Peerage, vii. 446.)

[344] See ante, p. 113, n. 3.

[345] Buchan, northern Aberdeenshire and part of eastern Banffshire; Formartine, the district south of Buchan, between the sea and the Don.

[346] The laird of Leys was then Sir Alexander Burnett, 4th bart.; d. 1758.

[347] Rev. George Law, of Aberdeen; acted as chaplain to Stonywood’s regiment; made prisoner at Culloden; tried at Southwark in December, and acquitted. I am not aware of any active part taken by Seaton. It is mentioned that the French officers were made burghers of Aberdeen in December, and that Seaton received a similar honour; also that in February his lodging was ransacked and ‘some papers, mistically written for five or six years back, found.’ (Spald. Club. Misc., i. 360 and 385.)

[348] Fourth son of Alexander, 2nd Duke of Gordon; b. c. 1724; lieutenant in the Navy, but joined Prince Charles at Edinburgh. Was appointed by him Lord-Lieut. of Banff and Aberdeen shires. Escaped after Culloden, and died at Montreuil, 1754.

[349] At Fountainhall, East Lothian, twelve miles from Edinburgh. The Duchess was Henrietta Mordaunt, daughter of the celebrated Earl of Peterborough. On her husband’s death in 1728, she brought up her numerous children as Protestants, though her husband’s family was hereditarily Catholic. For this she received, in 1735, a pension of £1000 a year, which it is said she forfeited for entertaining Prince Charles to breakfast on the roadside as he passed her gates. Her son, the 3rd duke, took no active part in the ’45, but his influence was against his brother and the Jacobites. He seems to have remained in Gordon Castle down to March, but he left it on the 8th, ‘in the most secret manner he could,’ probably to avoid meeting Prince Charles, who visited the castle a few days later. The Duke then joined Cumberland in Aberdeen. (S.M., viii. 138.)

[350] William Baird (b. 1701; d. 1777) of Auchmeddan, in the Aberdeenshire parish of Aberdour, on the borders of Banff, the last of an ancient family, of which the baroneted families of New Byth and Saughton are cadets. His wife was a sister of the 1st Earl Fife, then Lord Braco. He was author of a genealogical history of the Bairds (reprinted, London, 1870) and another of the Duffs, which was privately printed in 1869.

[351] Charles Gordon of Blelack, near Aboyne, Deeside.

[352] A district of Aberdeenshire, south of Strathbogie and south-west of Formartine, comprising the valleys of the Urie and the Gadie.

[353] Lord John Drummond landed a force of about 800 men, composed of his own French regiments of Royal Scots and a piquet of fifty men from each of the six Irish regiments in the French service. They landed on 22nd November at Montrose, Stonehaven, and Peterhead. Two of Drummond’s transports were captured by English men-of-war; among the prisoners so taken was Alexander Macdonell, ‘Young Glengarry,’ Mr. Lang’s Pickle the Spy.

[354] These were Lord John Drummond, brother of the titular Duke of Perth, and Lord Lewis Drummond. The latter (1709-92), the lieut.-colonel of Lord John Drummond’s French Royal Scots, was the second son of John (Drummond), 2nd (but attainted) Earl of Melfort, whose father had been created Duke of Melfort by James VII. while in exile in 1692, and Duke of Melfort in the French peerage by Louis XIV. in 1701. Lord Lewis lost a leg at Culloden. He died in Paris, 1792.

[355] These manifestoes are printed post, pp. 292, 293.

John Haliburton was an officer in the French service; he arrived at Inverness with despatches two days before the battle of Culloden. (Murray’s Mem., p. 433.) After Culloden he assisted in the distribution of the money (of which Cluny’s treasure was a part) landed by the French ships at Lochnanuagh in May 1746. (Albemarle Papers, p. 338.)

[356] This highland dress for lowland men is detailed by Lord Lewis Gordon to Stonywood as ‘plaid, short cloaths, hose, and shoes.’ (Spald. Club Misc., 408.)

[357] John (Campbell), 4th Earl of Loudoun; b. 1705; suc. 1731; d. 1782. Raised a regiment of Highlanders in 1745 (disbanded 1748). Adjutant-general to Sir John Cope at Prestonpans; sent to Inverness to command the troops in the North, October 1745; commander-in-chief in America 1756, but recalled the same year; general, and colonel 3rd (Scots) Guards 1770.

[358] ‘Order of the Rt. Hon. the Ld. Lewis Gordon, lord-lieutenant of the counties, and governor of the towns of Aberdeen and Bamff.—Whereas I desired and ordered J. Moir of Stonywood, to intimate to all the gentlemen and their doers, within the said counties of Aberdeen and Bamff, to send into the town of Aberdeen, a well-bodied man for each 100l. Scots, their valued rent, sufficiently cloathed, and in consequence of my order he wrote circular letters to all the heritors in the above counties, desiring them to send in a man sufficiently cloathed, &c. for each 100l. Scots of their valued rent; which desire they have not complied with: Therefore I order and command you, to take a sufficient party of my men, and go to all the lands within the above counties, and require from the heritors, factors, or tenants, as you shall think most proper, an able-bodied man for his m—— K—— J——’s service, with sufficient Highland cloaths, plaid and arms, for each 100l. of their valued rent, or the sum of 5l. sterl. money for each of the above men, to be paid to J. M. of Stonywood, or his order of Aberdeen: and in case of refusal of the men or money, you are forthwith to burn all the houses, corn and planting upon the foresaid estates; and to begin with the heritor or factor residing on the lands; and not to leave the said lands until the above execution be done, unless they produce Stonywood’s lines, shewing they have delivered him the men or the money. Given at Aberdeen this 12th day of December, 1745.

Subscrib’d Lewis Gordon.’

[359] See ante, p. 103.

[360] Of Monymusk, 2nd bart.; b. 1696; d. 1778; M.P. for Aberdeen.

[361] A brother of the laird of Castlehill, Inverness, in whose house Prince Charles stayed in February 1746. He was a captain in Lord John Drummond’s French regiment of Royal Scots. After Culloden he was treated as a prisoner of war. By 1749 he had become lieut.-col. of the regiment. (L. in M., ii. 286.) The laird of Castlehill was Sheriff-depute of Inverness-shire, and was not a Jacobite.

[362] Highland squatters. ‘Humly’ is the ordinary north-country term for hornless cattle. Robert Jamieson in a note to Letter XXII. in the 5th edition of Burt’s Letters from the North of Scotland, published in 1818, says: ‘In the days of our grandfathers the lower class of highlanders were, by their lowland neighbours (in the north-east lowlands at least), denominated humblies, from their wearing no covering on their head but their hair, which at a more early period they probably matted and felted.’

[363] Donald Ban MacCrimmon, of the celebrated race of hereditary pipers to the chiefs of Macleod. This is the only mention I can recall of this pleasant story of his relations with his brother musicians. There is an exceedingly picturesque account (perhaps more picturesque than authentic) of MacCrimmon’s descent from a musician of Cremona, given in the Celtic Review, ii. 76, 1906. Though MacCrimmon escaped death at Inverurie, he was killed in the fiasco at Moy on 16th February. (See ante, p. 108.)

When leaving Dunvegan for the anti-Jacobite campaign of ’45-’46, he had a presentiment that he would never return, and composed the words and music of a celebrated lament, which was translated or paraphrased by Sir Walter Scott:—

Farewell to each cliff on which breakers are foaming,

Farewell each dark glen in which red-deer are roaming,

Farewell, lonely Skye, to lake, mountain, and river,

Macleod may return, but MacCrimmon shall never.

The Banshee’s wild voice sings the death dirge before me,

And the pall of the dead for a mantle hangs o’er me;

But my heart shall not fly, and my nerve shall not quiver,

Though devoted I go—to return again, never!

[364] Sir Alexander Bannerman, 3rd bart., of Elsick, Kincardineshire (the Mearns). His mother was a Macdonald of Sleat. He escaped to France; died in Paris 1747.

[365] This seems to be a mistake. Lord Ogilvie’s regiment marched to the north through Ogilvie’s country from Perth, by Cupar Angus, Cortachy, Clova, Glenmuick, Logie Colston, and Tarland, to Keith. (Spalding Club Misc., i. 332.)

[366] ‘Kelly’s’ probably means John Roy Stewart’s regiment, which was originally intended for the Earl of Kellie.

[367] Now spelt Clatt. Rev. Patrick Reid; ord. 1723; d. 1759.

[368] John Baggot, a Franco-Irishman, commanded the Prince’s Hussars (raised at Edinburgh), of which John Murray of Broughton was titular colonel. By the French Ambassador he is returned after Culloden as ‘blessé assez considérablement mais sans danger de la vie.’ (Cottin, Un Protégé de Bachaumont, p. 62.)

[369] Rev. William Taylor; ord. 1737; d. 1797, aged eighty-nine.

[370] On 22nd Feb., three troops (about 130 men) of Fitzjames’s regiment of horse landed at Aberdeen from France but without horses. There was great difficulty in mounting the men. Kilmarnock’s horse (sometimes called Strathallan’s, or the Perthshire Squadron) were dismounted and the horses given to the French cavalry, while the men were formed into foot-guards. By this time, says Maxwell of Kirkconnell, Pitsligo’s horse was dwindled away to nothing, and many of its members had joined infantry corps. Two of Fitzjames’s transports, the Bourbon and the Charité, with 359 of all ranks, including the Comte de Fitzjames, were captured by English cruisers.

[371] On 21st Feb. a picquet of 42 men of Berwick’s (French) regiment landed at Peterhead.

[372] I can trace no record of this landing. It may refer to Berwick’s picquets (see p. 151), or it may be a mistake.

[373] William Henry (Ker) (1710-75), afterwards 4th Marquess of Lothian; captain 1st Guards (Grenadiers) 1741; aide-de-camp to Cumberland at Fontenoy; lieut.-colonel in Lord Mark Ker’s Dragoons (11th Hussars) 1745; commanded the cavalry of the left wing at Culloden. His brother, Lord Robert Ker, a captain in Barrel’s regiment, was killed in the battle.

[374] Humphrey Bland (1686-1763), author of A Treatise on Discipline. At this time he was a major-general and colonel of the dragoon regiment now the 3rd Hussars. He was governor of Edinburgh Castle from 1752 till his death. He became Commander-in-Chief in Scotland in 1753.

[375] Probably a mistake for lieut.-colonel (the command is too great for a subaltern’s), and evidently means Robert Rich (1714-85), son of Field-Marshal Sir Robert Rich, whom he succeeded as 5th bart. in 1768. Rich was at this time lieut.-colonel of Barrel’s regiment the 4th (now the K. O. Royal Lancaster regiment). At Culloden Rich was badly wounded and lost his hand.

[376] See post, p. 307.

[377] Probably means ‘light-footed laddies.’ Cf. Oxford Dict., s.v. ‘leger.’

[378] Robert Hunter of Burnside, Monifieth, was captain in the Prince’s Life-Guards, and was very active throughout the campaign. He escaped to Bergen in Norway after Culloden, and for a time was held prisoner there, but apparently soon released, for in October he is on French King’s pension list for 1800 livres as a ‘gentilhomme eccossois arrivé depuis peu en France.’

[379] This took place on 17th March. The officer commanding the Jacobite party was Major Nicolas Glascoe, a lieutenant in Dillon’s Irish-French regiment. He acted as major and military instructor to the 2nd battalion of Lord Ogilvie’s regiment. He was made prisoner after Culloden, and tried at London in November, but pleading that he was born in France and held a French commission, he was released as a rebel, the irons were knocked off his legs, and he was treated as a prisoner of war.

[380] The husbands of these ladies were all in the Jacobite army.

[381] Cullen House was the home of Lord Findlater.

[382] William Thornton, of Thornville, near Knaresborough, raised and equipped a company, known as the ‘Yorkshire Blues,’ at his own expense in October 1745. He joined Wade’s army at Newcastle, and his company was attached to Pulteney’s regiment (13th, now Prince Albert’s Own Somersetshire Light Infantry), which was below strength. His henchman and servant was John Metcalf, better known as ‘Blind Jack of Knaresborough,’ afterwards celebrated as a civil engineer and maker of roads, but at this time a horse-coper and itinerant musician. At Falkirk the company served as escort to the artillery which covered itself with disgrace. Blind Jack fought at the battle in which his master and Lieutenant Crofts were taken prisoners. After the battle Blind Jack retreated to Edinburgh along with the remains of the company, now reduced to forty-eight from an original strength of sixty-four. In a quaint little book, The Life of John Metcalf (3rd edition, Leeds, 1802), there is a long and graphic account of how this blind man succeeded in rescuing his master. Donning a ‘plaid waist-coat,’ the Jacobite uniform, he made his way from Edinburgh to the battle field, where among the marauders hunting for plunder he found the wife of Lord George Murray’s cook, who gave him ‘a token’ for her husband. Giving out that he wished to be employed as a musician to Prince Charles, he made his way to Lord George Murray’s quarters at Falkirk, where that General gave him a glass of wine, and he had a conversation with several of the Jacobite leaders. Confined on suspicion for some days, he was acquitted by a court-martial. Finding his captain, he had him disguised as a Highlander and managed to escape with him. How Crofts and Simson escaped I do not know. The rev. ensign was Patrick Simson, minister of Fala, near Dalkeith (b. 1713; ord. 1743; transferred to Clunie, Dunkeld, 1759; d. 1771). How he joined Thornton’s ‘Blues’ I do not know; one would rather have expected to find him in the Glasgow regiment (see post, p. 198). The original ensign of the company had died at Newcastle, and Thornton may have appointed Simson when in Edinburgh. Simson had the reputation of being a sportsman, particularly an angler. (Scott, Fasti.) The Dict. of Nat. Biog. says that Blind Jack fought at Culloden, but it is not so stated in the life quoted above, and if this passage is correct it precludes the possibility. There is no mention in the Life of this incident at Ellon, nor any account of the company leaving the army.

[383] Cumberland left Aberdeen on April 8th.

[384] Meaning ‘a verminous swarm of red-coats.’

[385] A very considerable list of houses burnt in Aberdeen and Banff shires is given in the Lyon in Mourning, ii. 334, 335.

[386] ‘By the Earl of Ancrum, Aid de Camp to His Majesty, and commanding the forces on the Eastern coast of North-Britain. Whereas arms have been found in several houses, contrary to his Royal Highness the Duke’s proclamation, this is therefore to give notice, That where-ever arms of any kind are found, that the house, and all houses belonging to the proprietor or his tenants, shall be immediately burnt to ashes; and that as some arms have been found under ground, that if any shall be discovered for the future, the adjacent houses and fields shall be immediately laid waste and destroyed.’

[Lord Loudoun’s orders]:—‘Whereas great part of the King’s arms belonging to the regiment commanded by the Rt. Hon. the Earl of Loudon, were taken away by the rebels in Sutherland, and by them distributed to people of different parts of the country; who, notwithstanding the many orders published by his Royal Highness the Duke, still detain them in their possession: These are to advertise such as do not deliver them in to the storehouse at Inverness, or to the commanding officer of any part of his Majesty’s forces who happens to be in their neighbourhood, by the first day of August, that the possessors where-ever they are found, whether civil or military, and of what rank soever, shall be prosecuted with the utmost rigour, as the law in that case directs.’

[387] This was an incident that occasioned fierce indignation in Aberdeen. August 1st was the date of the accession of the Hanoverian dynasty. Lord Ancram ordered the bells to be rung and the houses to be illuminated. It had not been the custom to illuminate, and the magistrates only ordered the bells to be rung. The soldiers of Fleming’s regiment (36th, now the Worcestershire), egged on by their officers, broke the windows, stoned the inhabitants, and did damage to the extent of £130, a large sum in those days to a town of the size of Aberdeen. In spite of the pretensions of the military authorities, who maintained that they were not liable to the civil government, the magistrates arrested a Captain Morgan and other officers, who were ringleaders in the riot. Morgan had been very active in hunting fugitive Jacobites, and his commanding officer, who calls Aberdeen ‘this infamous town,’ attributes his arrest to this cause. Representations were made to the Lord Justice-Clerk and to Lord Albemarle, the Commander-in-chief in Scotland, who both took a serious view of the case, the former writing to the latter that ‘the officers in the army were trampling on those very laws that they so lately defended at the expence of their blood.’ Ancram was rebuked by Albemarle, and removed from Aberdeen; though the trouble still smouldered it was temporarily patched up. (Alb. Pap., p. 27 seq.; Scots Mag., viii. 393.) Six months later the regiment left Aberdeen, marching out (it is said) to the tune ‘We’ll gang nae mair to yon toun.’ Cf. post, p. 189.

[388] Hugh (Abercromby-Sempill), fifth son of Anne, Baroness Sempill, and Francis Abercromby of Fetterneir. Succeeded his brother as 11th Lord Sempill 1727; served at Malplaquet, 1709, as an ensign; succeeded Lord Crawford as colonel of the Highland Regiment (Black Watch), 1741; colonel of the 25th (K. O. Scottish Borderers) 1745; brigadier-general 1745; commanded the left wing at Culloden; superseded Lord Ancram at Aberdeen 12th August, 1746; and died there 25th November following.

[389] Should be 25th; Sunday 24th was spent at Kendal, and Lancaster was reached the following day. (L. in M., ii. 120, 193.)

[390] I have little doubt that this name is a mistake for Geohagan, an Irishman, captain in Lally’s regiment, to whom, Lord Elcho states, the Prince gave a commission to raise an English regiment. The officers of the army remonstrated, and the commission was withdrawn. (Elcho, Affairs of Scotland, p. 327.) Geohagan was one of the French officers taken prisoner at Carlisle.

[391] Not identified.

[392] David Morgan was a Welshman from Monmouthshire, a barrister-at-law. He joined the Prince at Preston on 27th November, along with William Vaughan and Francis Towneley, all being from Wales. When at Derby it was determined to return to Scotland Morgan refused to go, saying, ‘it were better to be hanged in England than starved in Scotland’ (Tales of a Grandfather). He left the army at Ashbourne, on 6th December, to go to London to procure intelligence, with the knowledge and consent of the Prince and of Sheridan (Murray’s Memorials, 434). At his trial he pled that he had escaped as soon as it was in his power, but this plea was repelled. He was executed at Kennington Common on 30th July, along with Towneley, and seven other English officers. Morgan is thus described in the Compleat History of the Trials of the Rebels (p. 170): ‘David Morgan was about 51 Years of Age, born in Wales, and bred to the Law, and had frequently (as a Barrister) attended the Courts at Westminster-Hall, and elsewhere. He was a Person of a very mean Look, and seldom kept Company with any Gentlemen of his Neighbourhood; and if it had not been for his Estate, he might have starv’d, for he was so very lofty, and of so bad a Temper, that no body but such as were beholden to him cared to employ him. This Morgan was possessed of a very good Estate in St. Leonard’s, Shoreditch, but he let it all run to Ruin, because he would not pay the Ground-Rent. The Rebels call’d Morgan the Pretender’s Counsellor, and his Advice was consulted on every Occasion. Even after he was condemn’d, he was haughty and insolent beyond expression; and the very Afternoon before his Execution, he grumbled to pay the Cook who dress’d his Dinner, and said she was very extravagant in her Demands. The Morning (about Six o’Clock) before he went to Execution, he order’d Coffee to be made, and bid them take Care to make it very good and strong, for he had never drank any since he had been in that Prison fit to come near a Gentleman; and because it was ready before he was unlock’d, he seem’d angry, and in a great Passion.’

Morgan was the author of a rather dull satirical political poem of 630 verses, entitled The Country Bard or the Modern Courtiers, inscribed to H.R.H. the Prince of Wales, a quarto originally printed in 1741, and republished in 1746 after his execution. It is prefaced by a dedicatory letter to Sir Watkin Williams Wynn, the Welsh Jacobite baronet. In his dying declaration, handed to the sheriff on the scaffold, Morgan writes that he is a member of the Church of England, and that he has fully set forth his faith in a poem of two books entitled The Christian Test or the Coalition of Faith and Reason, the first of which he had already published, and the latter he bequeathed to his daughter to be published by her. Morgan seems to have had a certain notoriety as member of a Jacobite club at Westminster, judging by a very coarse jeu d’esprit bearing the title A Faithful Narrative of the wonderful and surprising Appearance of Counsellor Morgan’s ghost at the meeting ... giving a full and true Account of the Behaviour of the Club on that occasion.... This folio, for it has that dignity, is followed by another entitled An Appeal from the late David Morgan, Esq., Barrister-at-Law ... against a late Scurrilous Paper.... My copy of the second pamphlet bears the note in contemporary handwriting ‘By one Fielding a concealer of the Law,’ and it is possible it may be by Henry Fielding, who at this time gave himself to ironical writing of this kind in the True Patriot and the Jacobite’s Journal. Both pamphlets are full of topical allusions and scarcely concealed names. Morgan was also the subject of a brutally coarse print entitled ‘An Exact Description of the Solemn Procession of Councellor Morgan’s ghost to the Rump of the Westminster Independents.’

[393] The only elucidation of this I can suggest is from a passage in the Appeal above mentioned in which Morgan’s ghost is made to visit his friends, but ‘with neither a greyhound upon his breast nor a writ in his hand,’ perhaps suggesting that in life he was in the habit of carrying writs and being accompanied by a greyhound.

[394] The colonel appointed was Francis Towneley, an English Roman Catholic; b. 1709; fifth son of Charles Towneley of Towneley Hall, Lancashire; went to France 1728, and entered the French army; served at the siege of Philipsbourg under the Duke of Berwick, but after the peace following the War of the Polish Succession, returned to England, and lived privately in Wales until 1745. The French king sent him a colonel’s commission about the time of the intended invasion of 1744. (See Towneley MSS., privately printed.) He was given command of the Manchester regiment, as told here; was left governor of the town of Carlisle when the army retreated to Scotland in December; entirely opposed to surrendering to Cumberland, flying into a passion with Hamilton, the governor of the castle (see pp. 118, 193), and declaring ‘that it was better to die by the sword than to fall into the hands of those damned Hanovarians.’ (Evidence at Trial.) At Hamilton’s trial evidence was given that he too desired to hold out to the last, but was overruled by his officers. Towneley was tried at Southwark in July 1746; pled that his French commission entitled him to be treated as a prisoner of war, not a rebel; but this was repelled as, being an Englishman born, it was illegal to serve a sovereign at war with the British king; executed on Kennington Common, July 30th, and Hamilton on Nov. 15th.

[395] The Prince’s Life Guards: there were two troops, one commanded by Lord Elcho, the other by Colonel Elphinstone, afterwards Lord Balmerino.

[396] The army left Manchester on 1st December. The quarrel which caused Lord George Murray’s resignation of his commission as lieut.-gen. took place at Carlisle on 15th November, when the command was given to the Duke of Perth. Daniel cannot be correct in stating that Lord George was not reinstated until the army was at Manchester; the quarrel was made up before leaving Carlisle on November 20th, when Lord George led the van. Daniel, who did not join the army until the 24th or 25th, is probably writing from hazy recollection of what he had been told.

[397] Weir or Vere was the principal witness at the trials of the officers taken prisoner at Carlisle.

[398] Jean Louis Ligonnier, generally termed Sir John Ligonier, K.B., a naturalised French Protestant; b. at Castres, France, 1680; emigrated to Dublin; fought under Marlborough through most of his campaigns; major-general 1739; lieut.-general 1743; commanded the infantry at Fontenoy; commanded the army sent to Staffordshire to oppose the Jacobites, until relieved by the Duke of Cumberland, 27th November; commander-in-chief 1757; created Viscount Ligonier 1757; Earl Ligonier 1766; field-marshal 1760; d. 1770. He had a brother Francis, who succeeded Colonel Gardiner in command of the Dragoon regiment, now 13th Hussars. Francis Ligonier, though suffering from pleurisy, fought at Falkirk, caught more cold, and died a few days later.

[399] 6th December 1745 (Black Friday).

[400] The journals of the day and most authorities estimate the number at about 800. They consisted of Lord John Drummond’s own French regiment, ‘the Royal Scots,’ and the Irish picquets, or 50 men picked from each of the six Irish regiments in the French service. Two of the transports were taken on the voyage and 260 of all ranks made prisoner. On the eve of Culloden, the French envoy reported to his government that the numbers of French troops then were: Irish Picquets reduced to a half but recruited by 148 prisoners and deserters up to 260 men; Royal Scots about 350; detachment of Berwick’s regiment (p. 151) 42; Fitzjames’s horse 131; making a total of about 780. (Cottin, op. cit. p. 36.)

[401] See ante, p. 143.

[402] ‘Tuesday, 10th December.—They have ordered a contribution of £5000 for the insolence of the mob, but with much ado they have got it to one-half, to raise it by one o’clock.’ (Journal of Elizabeth Byrom, Manchester, in 1745.)

[403] Hon. Arthur Elphinstone; b. 1688; held captain’s commission in Shannon’s foot (25th, now King’s Own Scottish Borderers), which he resigned in 1716 to join Mar’s Jacobite army; served in the French army; on a pardon being offered to him he declined to accept it until he had received the Chevalier’s consent, which was given; joined Prince Charles at Edinburgh; received the command of the second troop of Life Guards; on the death of his brother, 5th January 1746, he succeeded as 6th Lord Balmerino and 5th Lord Coupar; the army was then at Stirling. The day after Culloden he surrendered to the Grants. Tried by the House of Lords and condemned to death; beheaded, 18th August 1746.

[404] Col. James Alex. Grant or Grante, a member of the staff of the French Royal Observatory. He landed at Montrose in October along with the French envoy. He served as master of ordnance to Prince Charles. He planned the siege of Carlisle, which succeeded. He communicated a plan for the siege of Stirling Castle, which was abandoned, as it exposed the town to destruction, and the charge was given to another French engineer, Mirabel de Gordon, who utterly failed. Grant planned the siege of Fort Augustus, which succeeded. He then planned the siege of Fort William, but was disabled at the outset by a contusion from a spent cannon ball: Mirabel was given charge of the siege, and again signally failed. Grant prepared an elaborate map of the expedition, published in French, English, and Italian editions, which are all described in the Itinerary, pp. 104-107.

[405] The Yorkshire Hunters, a corps of volunteer cavalry, which did not distinguish itself greatly. Its war-song, set to music, will be found in the Gentleman’s Magazine, December 1745.

[406] Daniel probably means the Dutch troops, some of which landed at Berwick and the Tyne in Sept. ’45. The Hessians did not come over until Feb. ’46.

[407] See ante, p. 150.

[408] Should be Cluny Macpherson.

[409] This is the celebrated ‘Skirmish of Clifton,’ fought 18th December; described by Sir Walter Scott in Waverley, chap. lix. and note. Both sides claimed the victory. The late Chancellor Ferguson wrote an exhaustive monograph on the subject (Kendal, 1889) showing that both were technically right. The Jacobite rear-guard fought to protect the army’s retreat to Carlisle, and entirely succeeded in their object; Cumberland’s troops retained possession of the field, but were too crippled to pursue. Daniel, I think, shows a certain animus in entirely ignoring Lord George Murray, who directed this action and fought it with great bravery and skill.

[410] At the surrender of Carlisle to Cumberland on 30th December the following officers were captured:—

English, 20 officers and 1 chaplain—of these 9 officers and the chaplain were executed;

Scots, 17 officers and 1 surgeon—of these 5 officers were executed;

French, 3 officers, who were treated as prisoners of war.

In addition 93 English, 256 Scots, 5 French non-commissioned officers and men were taken prisoner.

[411] This date is wrong; it should be 20th December, the Prince’s birthday and the day he left Carlisle. The date is often given as 31st December, which is the New Style equivalent. Old Style was used in Great Britain until 1752.

[412] The Rev. John Bisset, one of the ministers of St. Nicholas Church, Aberdeen, from 1728 to 1756. He was a man of strong personality who spoke his mind, and was not very popular with his brethren. Bisset kept a Diary during the Rising of ’45, most of which is printed in the Spalding Club Misc., vol. i. In that volume there is no reference to this sermon, nor do I know when it was preached. It is referred to in general terms by the late Mr. Watt in his County History of Aberdeen and Banff, p. 303. The sermon was probably printed or Daniel could not have quoted it, but Mr. P. J. Anderson, who has kindly searched the Aberdeen University Library, cannot find a copy. Bisset, though uncompromisingly inimical to the Jacobites, declined an official meeting with the Duke of Cumberland as a member of the Aberdeen Synod, but he obtained a private interview as ‘he had reasons for being alone.’ Bisset so deeply offended the duke that he refused ever after to enter a Presbyterian church. (Henderson, Hist. of the Rebellion, 5th ed., p. 307.)

[413] This refers to the Prince’s army. The Prince himself was never in Aberdeen.

[414] A party of Dumfries townsfolk had cut off a detachment of the Jacobite army’s baggage during the advance to England in November. As a reprisal Prince Charles fined the town £2000. Only £1100 could be raised in the time given, so he carried off the provost and another citizen as security till the balance was paid. (Scots Mag., vii. 533, 581.)

[415] The army began to arrive on Christmas Day. Charles himself entered on foot at the head of the clans on 26th December. He remained in Glasgow until 3rd January.

[416] A very different story is told by Provost Cochrane of Glasgow, who wrote: ‘Our very ladys had not the curiosity to go near him, and declined going to a ball held by his chiefs. Very few were at the windows when he made his appearance, and such as were declared him not handsome. This no doubt fretted.’ (Cochrane Correspondence, Maitland Club, p. 63.) Probably both versions have a certain amount of truth, and the situation must have been similar to that of an earlier royalist leader when riding through Edinburgh:—

‘As he rode down the sanctified bends of the Bow,

Ilk carline was flyting and shaking her pow;

But the young plants of grace they looked couthie and slee,

Thinking, luck to thy bonnet, thou Bonny Dundee!’

[417] The Prince’s Master of the Household says: ‘The Prince dressed more elegantly when in Glasgow than he did in any other place whatsomever.’ Lord Elcho says he was ‘dress’d in the French dress.’

[418] Mirabel de Gordon, a French engineer, who completely failed at the siege of Stirling, as he afterwards did at the siege of Fort William. Lord George Murray says of him that he understood his business, but was so volatile he could not be depended upon: Lord Macleod states that he was always drunk.

[419] Brown was a French-Irishman, a captain in Lally’s regiment, who came over with the French envoy in October. He was left in Carlisle, but escaped at the surrender. After Falkirk he was sent to France to carry the news of the victory to Louis XV., who made him a colonel in the French army. He returned to Scotland in March in the Hazard sloop, which was driven ashore by four men-of-war at Tongue in Sutherland, when the passengers and crew were captured by Lord Reay and his militia.

[420] Probably William Maxwell of Carruchan, Kirkcudbrightshire, who acted as chief engineer in the defence of Carlisle against the Duke of Cumberland.

[421] See ante, pp. 173, 187. Whatever may have been expected or mentioned verbally, Cumberland’s written conditions were: ‘All the terms H.R.H. will or can grant to the rebel garrison at Carlisle are that they shall not be put to the sword, but be reserved for the king’s pleasure.’

[422] Lord George Murray was criticised at the time, even by his friends, for being on foot fighting with his men instead of being on horseback as a general watching the action and controlling events. (Elcho, Affairs of Scotland, p. 376.) Criticism was also extended to other generals and staff-officers, particularly to O’Sullivan, who was never seen during the action and was accused of cowardice.

[423] Sir Robert Munro of Foulis, 24th baron and 5th bart.; b. 1684; suc. 1729; M.P. for Wick Burghs 1710-41. His mother was an aunt of Duncan Forbes of Culloden. Entered the army early, and was captain in the Royal Scots by 1705; served under Marlborough in Flanders, where he made a lifelong friendship with Colonel Gardiner (killed at Prestonpans); a commissioner of the Forfeited Estates Commission 1716-40; appointed lieut.-colonel and commandant of the new Highland Regiment (Black Watch) when embodied 1740; fought at Fontenoy; promoted in June 1745 to be colonel in the 37th (now the Hampshire Regiment), which he commanded at Falkirk.

Dr. Duncan Munro (b. 1687), Sir Robert’s brother, had been a doctor in India but retired home in 1726. He accompanied his brother from fraternal affection in the hope of being of use to him, for the colonel was very corpulent.

For George of Culcairn, a third brother, who fell a victim in ’46, see ante, p. 103.

[424] I am not aware of any ministers killed, though there may have been some in the Glasgow and Paisley volunteer or militia regiments, which suffered severely. In the Glasgow regiment, commanded by the Earl of Home, was John Home, afterwards celebrated as author of Douglas and of a History of the Rebellion. He was lieutenant, and during the battle in command of a company of Edinburgh volunteers. Home with several other volunteers was taken prisoner and lodged in Doune Castle. One of the prisoners was the Rev. John Witherspoon (1723-94), then minister of Beith, near Paisley; afterwards in 1768 president of Princeton College, New Jersey, a leader in the American Revolution, and a very active member of the first congress of the United States. Home gives a graphic account of their escape in his history. Later in the year Home became minister of Athelstaneford in East Lothian.

[425] Lockhart was a major in Cholmondeley’s regiment, the 34th (now the Border Regiment). He was taken prisoner at Falkirk and released on parole. After Culloden he especially distinguished himself by extraordinary barbarity and the perpetration of terrible cruelties on the hunted fugitives. For instances refer to the Lyon in Mourning.

[426] Every man of common sense who has the least Idea of Military Matters must well know that, where there is only a small Body of Cavalry attached to an army of light Infantry, as in this case, such Cavalry must be inevitably harrassed because there are not many bodies of horse to relieve each other. [Note in the Drummond Castle MS.]

[427] A village between Stirling and Bannockburn; spelt St. Ninians, but locally pronounced St. Ringans.

[428] John Baggot, see ante, p. 150.

[429] See ante, p. 101.

[430] Gordon Castle.

[431] See ante, p. 151.

[432] This is a vague and incorrect report, probably the camp rumour, of Lord George Murray’s doings at this time. By a remarkable secret march from Inverness, he simultaneously surprised, on 17th March, a large number of military posts garrisoned by the Government militia in Perthshire, taking 300 prisoners. He then laid siege to Blair Castle, defended by Sir Andrew Agnew, but his guns were too small to hurt the old castle. He probably would have starved out the garrison, but the advance of Cumberland’s army caused his recall to Inverness.

[433] This being from an enemy is perhaps the most flattering tribute to President Forbes’s achievement for his Government.

[434] Cf. post, p. 364.

[435] See ante, p. 155.

[436] See ante, p. 157.

[437] Cumberland left Aberdeen on 8th April.

[438] Lady Catherine Gordon, daughter of the 2nd Earl of Aberdeen.

[439] See post, p. 230.

[440] 15th April.

[441] This is a calumny founded on ignorance of what was passing at a distance from the local situation of the writer—Lord George was leading the van to the attack of the Enemy’s Camp, which would have been surprised if the rear division had not hung back, and retarded the advance of the van ’till it was too late to storm. [Note in the Drummond Castle MS.]

[442] The fact was directly the Reverse—Lord George had used every endeavour to induce the Prince to cross the River, and occupy strong ground which Brigadier Stapleton[656] and Colonel Kerr[657] had examined two days before at his Lordships desire. [Note in the Drummond Castle MS.][658]

[443] Ruthven in Badenoch, on the east side of the Spey, near Kingussie.

[444] Daniel is a little out in his recollection of time. Culloden was fought on 16th April, while he left Scotland on 4th May (see p. 223), only eighteen days after the battle.

[445] This gold was 40,000 louis d’ors. Part of it, ‘Cluny’s Treasure,’ was concealed in Loch Arkaig, and left there for nine years under the care of Cluny Macpherson.

[446] The British ships were the Greyhound, the Baltimore, and the Terror. (S. M., viii. 238.)

[447] William Harrison, a native of Strathbogie, who, when most of his brethren had been taken prisoner or driven from their charges, went to the sheriff of Argyllshire, ‘told him frankly that he was a Catholic priest, but had neither done nor meant harm to anybody, and begged protection. The sheriff was well pleased with his confidence, and gave him a paper signed by himself requiring of everybody to allow him to go about his lawful business unmolested. In consequence of this, Mr. Harrison, in the summers of 1746 and 1747, visited almost all the Catholics in the Highlands, administering the sacraments, and exhorting the people to patience and perseverance in the faith.’ (Bishop Geddes’s MS.)

[448] The ships left Lochnanuagh on May 4th. (L. in M., iii. 383; Scots Mag., viii. 239.)

[449] Son of Thomas Sheridan, a fellow of Trinity College, Dublin, D.C.L. (Oxon.) and F.R.S., an Irish Protestant who followed James II. into exile and became his private secretary. His wife (it is said) was a natural daughter of the king. The son, Sir Thomas, who was a Catholic, was engaged in the ’15; appointed tutor to Prince Charles 1724 or ’25, and created a baronet ’26. Attended the Prince at the siege of Gaeta ’34. In April ’44 after the abandonment of the French invasion the Prince asked for him, and his father reluctantly sent Sheridan to France, warning his son to be careful in his dealings with him. Sheridan accompanied the Prince to Scotland and acted as his private secretary throughout the campaign. On arrival in France in ’46 he was summoned to Rome by the Chevalier; accused of deserting the Prince but exhibited his written orders to leave. He died at Rome a few months later, his death being variously attributed to mortification at the Chevalier’s reproaches, or to grief at the Prince’s disasters.

[450] He had accompanied the Marquis d’Eguilles to Scotland as interpreter.

[451] John Hay of Restalrig, near Edinburgh, brother of Thomas Hay, Lord Huntington, who married the sister of John Murray of Broughton (see p. 49). He was an Edinburgh Writer to the Signet, admitted 1726; Substitute-Keeper of the Signet 1725-41 and 1742-46; fiscal 1732-34; treasurer 1736-46. He acted as treasurer to the Prince, and when Murray of Broughton fell ill at Inverness in March he succeeded him as Secretary. Lord George Murray attributed much of the disaster of Culloden to his neglect or inefficiency in provisioning the army, a duty which Murray had always performed well. Hay held a colonel’s commission in the Jacobite army. He attached himself to Prince Charles after leaving Scotland, became major-domo of his household when he went to Rome after his father’s death in 1766; created a Jacobite baronet in that year; dismissed in 1768; returned to Scotland 1771; died 1784.

[452] Alexander Macleod, an Edinburgh advocate, was aide-de-camp to the Prince throughout the campaign. His father, John, also an advocate, was a grandson of Sir Norman Macleod of Bernera, and was a first cousin of Lady Clanranald. He had purchased Muiravonside in Stirlingshire, two miles from Linlithgow. Alexander was sent from Edinburgh in September to summon to the Prince’s standard Sir Alexander Macdonald of Sleat and Macleod of Macleod, both his near kinsmen. This mission, in which he failed owing to the stronger influence of Duncan Forbes, brought on him the special anger of the Government. He was attainted, and for thirty-two years he wandered in the wildest regions of the Western Highlands and Islands. He received a pardon in 1778, and died in 1784. He was in Raasay when Dr. Johnson and Boswell visited that island in September 1773. He was generally known as Sandie Macleod in the Islands, and had also acquired the nickname of M‘Cruslick, signifying a cross between Proteus and Don Quixote. He possessed the most boisterous spirits, which delighted Johnson and irritated Boswell.

[453] See post, p. 230, n. 2.

[454] Allan Macdowell is a mistake for Macdonell or rather Macdonald, as his name is afterwards correctly spelled. He was a ‘native of the Isles’ and a clansman of Clanranald’s; he went out with the clan as chaplain when the standard was raised, and continued with the army until the end of the campaign. He also acted as confessor to the Prince. He and Æneas M‘Gillis, the chaplain of Glengarry’s men, were the only priests that accompanied the Highlanders to Prestonpans. They wore the Highland dress, with sword and pistol, and were styled captains. At the battle of Falkirk Mr. Macdonald rode along the line and gave his blessing, which the Catholics received kneeling. From Culloden he accompanied the Prince in his flight and in the earlier part of his wanderings, leaving him at Scalpa. Later on he was apprehended in South Uist, and sent with some other priests to London in Ferguson’s ship the Furness. He and four other clergymen were examined by the Duke of Newcastle, who informed them that they might leave the country on finding bail for £1000 each not to return. They pointed out that the bail was quite beyond their power, on which the Duke smilingly replied that they were honest men and he would take each man’s bail for the other. Macdonald went to Paris, and in 1748 to Rome, where he lived for many years. (Bishop Geddes’s MS.) I do not know if he ever returned.

[455] Sic in N. M. Mag. Most likely an error caused by careless transcription and meant to read, ‘to Gortlick’s house [not horge] a gentleman of the name of Thomas Fraser.’ Gortlick, more generally spelt Gortuleg, belonged to Thomas Fraser, a cadet of Lovat’s. It was in this house and on this occasion that Prince Charles had his memorable meeting with Lord Lovat which is dramatically described by Mrs. Grant of Laggan. (See Wariston’s Diary and Other Papers, p. 265, Scot. Hist. Soc., vol. xxvi.)

[456] Stratherrick.

[457] Neil, who at this period is writing from hearsay, is quite wrong here. Glengarry was not at home and the house was ‘without meat, drink, fire or candle, except some firr-sticks!’ Had Ned Bourke not netted a couple of salmon, there would have been nothing to eat. (L. in M., i. 89, 191.)

[458] Angus MacEachain (or Macdonald) was a son-in-law of Angus Macdonald of Borradale. He had served in the campaign as a surgeon in Glengarry’s regiment.

The family of MacEachain-Macdonald of Drimindarach, Arisaig, was a branch of the Clanranalds, descended from Eachain (or Hector), a younger son of Roderick, 2nd Clanranald. Neil MacEachain was of the MacEachains of Howbeg, a junior branch of the sept. Both families have long since resumed their earlier name, Macdonald, dropping the name MacEachain.

[459] This was the Prince’s second visit to Borradale House on Lochnanuagh. It was here he stayed on his first landing in July 1745. He came again to Borradale in July 1746, after his wanderings in the Hebrides, by which time the house had been burned down by Cumberland’s soldiers; he finally returned to Borradale on 19th September, whence he sailed for France the following day. Angus Macdonald, the tacksman of Borradale, was a son of the 5th laird of Glenaladale, a cadet of Clanranald’s, and was a first cousin of Flora Macdonald. Borradale’s descendant, Colonel John Andrew Macdonald, is to-day laird of Glenaladale.

[460] Captain Felix O’Neille, born at Rome, son of a brigadier in the Spanish service. He served in the Spanish army until 1744, when he joined Lally’s French-Irish regiment as captain. Was sent to Scotland with despatches from the Duc de Richelieu in March 1746. After Culloden he accompanied Prince Charles during the first two months of his wanderings and shared his discomforts. He was captured in Benbecula by Captain John Ferguson of the Furness. He was confined in Edinburgh Castle until February 1747, when he was released on parole and subsequently exchanged (Scots Mag., ix. 92). He wrote a journal of his wanderings, which is printed in The Lyon, i. 102, 365.

[461] John William O’Sullivan; b. in Co. Kerry, 1700; educated in France and Rome for the priesthood, and, it is said (Fielding’s True Patriot), took orders. Entered the family of Maréchal de Maillebois as tutor, afterwards secretary. Joined the French army and served under Maillebois in Corsica; afterwards in Italy and on the Rhine. Recommended to D’Argenson as an officer ‘who understood the irregular art of war better than any other man in Europe, nor was his knowledge in the regular much inferior to that of the best general living.’ Entered the household of Prince Charles about 1744; accompanied him to Scotland and acted as adjutant-general, as well as private adviser, during the campaign. Was with the Prince in his wanderings until 20th June. Escaped to France in a French cutter. Knighted by the Chevalier about Christmas 1746, and created by him a baronet of Ireland 1753. Date of death not ascertained.

[462] Donald Macleod of Gualtergil, on Dunvegan Loch, Skye, the faithful ‘Palinurus’ of Prince Charles from 21st April to 20th June. He was captured in Benbecula in July, and taken to London in Ferguson’s ship; released June ’47; died at Gualtergil in May ’49, aged 72. His wife was a sister of Macdonald of Borradale and a first cousin of Flora Macdonald.

[463] It seems absurd to write of seizing the boat and stealing away. In addition to the Prince’s five attendants, O’Sullivan, O’Neil, Allan Macdonald, Ned Bourke, and Donald Macleod, there was a crew of seven boatmen, probably the servants of Borradale who must have known. It is true, however, that the Prince’s intended departure was concealed from most of the Jacobite officers assembled in Arisaig.

[464] Neil is right as to the day of the week, but wrong as to the day of the month. It should be Sunday, 27th April. See Itinerary.

[465] Rev. John Macaulay, son of the Rev. Aulay Macaulay, minister of Harris, was ordained parish minister of South Uist in May 1745. He was subsequently minister of Lismore and Appin 1755; Inverary 1765, and finally of Cardross 1775. He died 1789. At Inveraray he had a good deal of intercourse with Dr. Johnson in 1773, duly recorded by Boswell in the Tour to the Hebrides. John Macaulay was the father of Zachary Macaulay, and grandfather of Lord Macaulay.

[466] i.e. Neil MacEachain.

[467] Rev. Aulay Macaulay, formerly of Tyree; appointed to Harris 1712; died 1758; aged about eighty-five.

[468] Rev. Colin Mackenzie was not minister of Stornoway but of Lochs, the parish to the south of Stornoway.

[469] Should be 30th April.

[470] Donald Campbell was the brother-in-law of Hugh Macdonald of Baleshare and of Donald Roy Macdonald, the former of whom is mentioned later on; the latter, though of the family of Sleat, had served in Glengarry’s regiment. Donald Roy took over charge of the Prince when he said farewell to Flora Macdonald at Portree in Skye. (L. in M., ii. 21.) An anecdote of Campbell’s fidelity to the Prince when he protected him against a party headed by Aulay Macaulay the minister is given in the Itinerary. Neil MacEachain does not love Donald Campbell, but Ned Bourke, who was one of the party, calls him ‘one of the best, honestest fellows that ever drew breath.’ (L. in M., i. 191.)

[471] Lady Kildin should be spelt Kildun. This lady was the wife of Colin Mackenzie of Kildun, a grandson of the 2nd Earl of Seaforth. Mackenzie’s sister was the second wife of Donald, 16th Clanranald, the mother of Macdonald of Boisdale, and stepmother of old Clanranald of the ’45. From private letters belonging to Frances, Lady Muir Mackenzie, I find that Colin Mackenzie was then in London.

[472] Neil MacEachain is all wrong here in the sequence of events and in his dates. He was writing from hearsay only. The true sequence will be found with authorities for the same in the Itinerary, pp. 48-50.

[473] A quarter of a peck of oatmeal not threshed, but burnt out of the ear.

[474] This was strictly in accordance with Hebridean honesty, continued to this day. The Prince desired to leave money on the rocks to pay for the fish, but O’Sullivan and O’Neille (not the islanders) dissuaded him. Cf. L. in M., i. 172.

[475] Prince Charles landed in Benbecula, Clanranald’s island, on 11th May, and from this time onward Neil writes from knowledge, not hearsay.

[476] South Uist.

[477] Ranald was afterwards taken prisoner and sent to London.

[478] Corradale is a picturesque valley situated in the mountainous part of South Uist, which occupies the middle of the east side of the island, whose northern, western, and southern confines are wonderfully flat. Corradale lies about the middle of this district, running north-west from the sea, between the mountains Hekla and Benmore, each about 2000 feet high. If approached by sea it was easy for a fugitive to get away to inaccessible hiding-places in the mountains, while if attacked from the land he could escape by sea. Prince Charles’s lodging was a forester’s house not far from the shore. On the north side of the glen, close to the sea, there is a fairly commodious cave, traditionally but erroneously the dwelling-place of the Prince. This cave was probably the rock under which Neil left the Prince while he looked for strangers. Considering the weather to be expected in this island, there can be little doubt that the Prince often sat there for shelter while he looked out for passing ships, as the cave commands an excellent view of the offing to the south-east.

[479] The actual stay at Corradale was from 14th May to 5th June, although the Prince was in South Uist until 24th June. For details, see the Itinerary.

[480] See ante, p. 213, and Introduction.

[481] Moidart.

[482] In Ordnance Survey Glen Quoich, to the west of Loch Garry. I have no knowledge of the actions here referred to.

[483] Donald Macdonald, second son of Clanranald, served as captain in his brother ‘Young Clanranald’s’ regiment throughout the campaign. His mother was Margaret, d. of William Macleod of Luskintyre, son of Sir Norman Macleod of Bernera, and Catherine, d. of Sir James ‘Mor’ Macdonald of Sleat, 2nd bart. Donald’s uncle, Alexander Macleod, was at this time laird of Luskintyre in Harris. Donald was afterwards captured and imprisoned in Edinburgh Castle, but discharged without trial. In 1756 he joined Fraser’s Highlanders (the Master of Lovat’s); fought with Wolfe at Quebec and was killed in a subsequent action.

[484] i.e. Boisdale.

[485] Hugh Macdonald of Baleshare, an island to the south-west of North Uist, was of the Sleat family, his father being a natural son of Sir James ‘Mor,’ 2nd bart., and his mother a daughter of the 13th Clanranald. As Sir Alexander of Sleat and Lady Clanranald were both great-grandchildren of Sir James ‘Mor,’ they were nearly related to Baleshare, being in the Scots phrase ‘first-cousins once removed.’ Baleshare’s sister was the wife of Donald Campbell, the Prince’s host in Scalpa. Hugh of Baleshare had been sent to South Uist by Lady Margaret Macdonald, the wife of Sir Alexander of Sleat then in attendance on Cumberland at Fort Augustus, while his men were out against the broken Jacobites. Lady Margaret had sent Baleshare secretly with money and little luxuries to relieve the Prince’s discomfort and to help him generally. At one time it was proposed that Baleshare should conceal Prince Charles in his own island, but the scheme was abandoned as it might compromise his chief, Sir Alexander.

[486] This power of drinking seems to have made a great impression. Baleshare told Bishop Forbes that the Prince ‘still had the better of us, and even of Boystill [Boysdale] himself, notwithstanding his being as able a boulman as any in Scotland.’ It is generally assumed that Prince Charles acquired his drinking habits as a result of his hardships in Scotland, yet his anxious father had detected symptoms of an over-fondness for wine even before he left Rome in 1744. In a letter to Colonel O’Bryen (Lord Lismore), his envoy at the French Court, in August 1745, the Old Chevalier writes: ‘La grande vivacité du Prince, son penchant pour toutes sortes de divertissements, et un peu trop de goût qu’il sembloit alors avoir pour le vin, leur ont faire croire faussement qu’ils avoient gagné quelque chose sur son esprit et il devint bientôt par là leur Héros.’ (Stuart Papers, Browne, Hist. of the High., iii. 445.)

[487] See post, p. 249, n. 3.

[488] Should be Ulinish. He was a first cousin of Sir Alexander Macdonald, whose mother was a Macleod of Greshornish. Alexander Macleod was made sheriff-substitute in Skye in 1773. In 1791 he was alive and in his 100th year.

[489] Captain John Ferguson was the fourth son of George Ferguson, one of six brothers, members of a family long resident at Inverurie. The eldest was the celebrated or notorious ‘Ferguson the Plotter’ of the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries; other brothers founded the families of Pitfour and Kinmundy. George lived and died at Old Meldrum near Inverurie, so it may be supposed that his son, John, was born there. Nothing is known of his early career, but in 1746 John Ferguson was in command of H.M.S. Furness, (which is always spelt Furnace in the Scottish journals and narratives of the time), and was employed in hunting fugitive Jacobites. He was the ‘black captain’ of the ’45, one of the most active and ruthless of the Government officers. His cruelties are a constant theme in Jacobite annals (see the Lyon from the index). Captain O’Neille, who was one of his prisoners, states that Ferguson used him with the barbarity of a pirate, stripped him, and ordered him to be put into a rack and whipped by his hangman because he would not confess where he thought the Prince was. (L. in M., i. 374.) Ferguson was promoted in the same year, by the express interference and recommendation of the Duke of Cumberland, to be captain of the Nightingale, a new frigate just launched. He died in 1767. (Records of Clan Ferguson, p. 280.) Ferguson’s greatest exploit was the capture of Lord Lovat, which was effected with skill. Lovat had taken refuge in an island on Loch Morar, a fresh-water lake, and had removed all the boats on the loch to the island. Ferguson landed a party, who saw the fugitives, whom they could not reach, and by whom they were greeted with cries of derision. He then sent a boat ashore from his ship, carried it over a mile or so of rugged country, and launched it on Loch Morar. Lovat’s party rowed rapidly up the loch, and got on shore, but after three days’ concealment, the old lord, unable from infirmities to continue the struggle, determined to give himself up, sent word to his pursuers and surrendered to Captain Dugald Campbell of Achacrossan of the Argyll Militia.

[490] Fuyia, which I have corrected from Fugia in the N. M. Maga., as it is a manifest error of the copyist or printer. Fuyia gives the local pronunciation of the name of the island, which is generally spelt Ouia in the Lyon, and Wiay in the Ordnance Survey maps. It is spelt Fouay on p. 253.

[491] Alexander Macdonald of Boisdale (Clanranald’s step-brother) was carried prisoner to London, and kept there until July 1747, when he was released.

[492] This was Boisdale’s third wife, Anne, daughter of Macneil of Barra.

[493] Captain Carolina Frederick Scott shares with Ferguson and Lockhart eternal infamy for his superlative cruelty to the hunted Jacobites of the Western Highlands. I found his name and that of Ferguson still perfectly remembered in the Outer Hebrides, and received with execrations. He was an officer of Guise’s regiment, the 6th (now the Royal Warwickshire). His satanic zeal, like Ferguson’s, was rewarded with promotion. In November 1746 he was appointed major in his regiment in the room of Major Wentworth, who was cashiered for surrendering Fort Augustus to the Jacobites (March 5th), when three companies of Guise’s regiment were made prisoners of war.

[494] Meaning Captain O’Neille.

[495] This is the Beinchillkoinnich of the Lyon (i. 329), the Beinn Ruigh Choinnich of the Ordnance Survey; a hill on the north side of Loch Boisdale, 900 feet high, from whence the low-lying country of South Uist can be viewed from sea to sea. On the northern spur there is a cave accessible only by a precipitous narrow ledge, where shelter from the weather could be had and an outlook to the Minch. Local tradition associates this cave with the Prince. He possibly took shelter there on this momentous day. South Uist, even in summer, is a very rainy island.

[496] Hugh Macdonald of Armadale, in Skye, was Flora Macdonald’s step-father. He was a grandson of Sir James ‘Mor’ Macdonald of Sleat, and was thus a first cousin of Sir Alexander’s father, and of Lady Clanranald’s father, as well as of Baleshare and Mrs. Campbell of Scalpa. He was a captain in one of Sir Alexander Macdonald’s independent companies out against Prince Charles. He had formerly been an officer in the French army. (Henderson’s Life of Cumberland, p. 299.)

[497] Daughter of Alexander (Montgomerie), 9th Earl of Eglinton. Married as his second wife to Sir Alexander Macdonald of Sleat; d. 1799.

[498] At Alisary, on the slopes of Sheaval, a hill to the south of Loch Eynort, and rising to the north-east from Flora’s old home of Milton (or Arrivoulin) on the low ground near the ocean. This was the hill pasture of her brother’s farm to which the cattle were driven in summer, while the owners occupied ‘shielings’ or temporary huts in the neighbourhood. It was an excellent place to meet. The western side of the island is a wide belt of dead level links formed by the sand thrown up by the swell of the Atlantic, and known as ‘the Machar.’ No wayfarer on the Machar could easily escape detection even if he were miles away, and it was the night of the full moon. Flora’s shieling was near the western end of the hill region of South Uist, and just about as far west as the Prince could have dared to go without losing the shelter of the hills.

[499] Benbecula, that part of the ‘Long Island’ lying between North and South Uist, and joined to these islands by sea-fords passable only at low tide and thus easily guarded.

[500] I found that the custom of nick-naming local notabilities after distinguished statesmen still exists. When I was visiting these islands fifteen years ago I met a crofter known as ‘Gladstone’ on account of his financial ability and his persuasive powers of (Gaelic) oratory, and there were others whose nick-names I have forgotten.

[501] I obtained a very interesting confirmation of this story from an aged cailliach when in the islands. She told me that a family of Campbells, who lived near Loch Eynort or Loch Skipport, had rowed the Prince and Neil MacEachain to Benbecula, and that the Prince was furiously angry with them; but her explanation of his anger was that the boatmen were Campbells, a name not beloved in the Outer Hebrides: no one had ever thought of the terrifying effect of a tidal island on a stranger. Cf. R. L. Stevenson’s Kidnapped, ch. xiv.

[502] A tenant who takes stock from the landlord and shares with him in the increase.

[503] Clanranald’s residence in Benbecula.

[504] A hill named Rueval, 400 feet above sea level, the only high ground on a very flat island. A projecting rock, on the south side of the hill, which gives considerable shelter and affords a wonderful view of the country, is probably the spot where the Prince lay waiting for Flora.

[505] John Campbell of Mamore; b. about 1693; d. 1770; suc. as Duke of Argyll on the death of his cousin, the 3rd duke, in 1761. He had command of the troops in the west of Scotland in 1745, with headquarters at Dumbarton. He pursued Prince Charles through the islands, hunting for him as far away as St. Kilda. He was on his way back from that island when he nearly captured the Prince at Benbecula. Many of the Jacobite prisoners passed through his hands, and, as a rule, he was kind to them, contrasting favourably with such men as Scott and Ferguson.

[506] Spelt Loch Uskavagh in the Ordnance Survey.

[507] i.e. Neil MacEachain.

[508] The home of Sir Alexander of Sleat at this time was Monkstat House (also spelt Mongstat, Mougstot and other variations), in the parish of Kilmuir, Trotternish. It was built on the site of an ancient monastic foundation near the shores of a lake named Columbkill, since then drained and parcelled into crofts. The ancient home of the family was Duntulm Castle, about five miles north of Monkstat, but during the troubles of the Revolution it is said to have been burnt by a party landed from a warship. Local legendary lore gives various other versions of the reason for abandoning Duntulm. By one account the family was driven from the castle by the ghost of Donald Gorm, a sixteenth-century ancestor. By another, it was owing to the death of a child of the family, who was killed by a fall from a window of the castle, which is built on the edge of a precipitous rock overhanging the sea. Monkstat was built in its stead.

[509] Alexander Macdonald of Kingsburgh, a senior cadet of the Sleat family, was the 6th in descent from James, a younger son of Donald Gruamach, 6th in descent from John, Lord of the Isles and the Princess Margaret. Kingsburgh was Sir Alexander’s factor in 1746. His house was on Loch Snizort, about eight miles south of Monkstat.

[510] The garrison belonged to the Macleod Militia, and the officer in command was Alexander, son of Donald Macleod of Balmeanach.

[511] Robert Craigie of Glendoick, Perthshire; b. 1685; advocate 1710; Lord Advocate 1742-46; Lord President 1754; d. 1760.

[512] App. 1. Printed in Chiefs of Grant, ii. 144. From Edinburgh, telling of rumours of the Pretender’s eldest son who had sailed from France. Requesting intelligence for government and expressing his belief that Grant will do all in his power to support government.

[513] App. 2. C. of G., ii. 146. Of Grant’s zeal for H. M. and the government he never doubted. First intelligence ridiculously exaggerated, and had delayed military advance, but now Cope will be soon in your neighbourhood which ‘with the assistance of H. M. friends it’s hoped will restore quiet to the country.’

[514] Near Aberfeldy; Cope reached it when marching to the Highlands from Stirling on 23rd Aug. He reached Trinifuir the 24th; Dalnacardoch 25th; Dalwhinny 26th.

[515] App. 3. Mr. Grant to Sir John Cope, dated 25th Aug.—Upon the first Information I had of the Pretender’s son landing in the north west Highlands I came to this part of the Country, and conveened all the Gentlemen of my name, and gave them Directions to prepare as well as they could to keep the Peace of the Country. I and my Friends have had great vengeance denounced against us by those Clans, who are in arms, for the appearance we made for the Government at the Revolution, and in the year 1715. We have been preparing to defend ourselves the best we could; But now all my Fears are dissipate, as I am informed you are marching to attack those Rebells, when I think of your abilitys and experience, no doubt can remain with me, but that the Highlanders will run before you. I wish you from my heart all Success. I have sent the Bearer a cousin of mine who has served several years in the army, to give you all the Information he can, and to assure you of my zeal for the Support of his Majestys Service and Government, I am with esteem, Sir, etc.

[516] This date is wrong; Cope reached Ruthven 27th August; Dalrachny’s (Carrbridge) 28th August; Inverness 29th August. (See Itinerary and authorities there quoted.)

[517] All this is disingenuous and quite anachronic. The Duke of Perth, it is true, had fled from Drummond Castle on 24th July, and taken refuge in Braemar, but he had left long before this, for he was back at Machany in Perthshire on 9th August. (Jac. Lairds of Gask, pp. 103, 104.) Cluny Macpherson at this time had declared openly for government, had accepted a commission as captain in Lord Loudoun’s Highland regiment, and was now actually raising his men for King George. He was seized by Lochiel on 28th August, carried prisoner to Perth, and not released until the 9th or 10th September, when he undertook to join the Prince. He returned to Badenoch, and not until then raised his men for the Stuart Cause. The Mackintoshes at this time were arming for King George, under their chief, who was a captain in the Highland regiment (Black Watch); it was not until considerably later that they deserted their chief to join Prince Charles under Lady Mackintosh.

[518] Alexander Brodie of Brodie, Morayshire; M.P. Inverness Burghs; appointed Lyon-King-of-Arms 1727; d. 1754. His daughter married John, eldest son of Macleod of the ’45.

[519] App. 4. C. of G., ii. 149. A letter of indignant remonstrance. Cope cannot attack highlanders in their passes or strongholds without highlanders to flank the regular troops. If the king’s highland friends fail him we are undone, and all of us must be at the mercy of the rebels. The writer is told that Grant’s people refuse to join him (Grant) if he joins Cope or marches out of his own country. Let him beware of counsels that will lead to his ruin. Grant should not give himself the airs of having a clan that can support and serve the government if when it comes to the push they tell him they won’t go along with him. Grant had written to Cope expressing his readiness to join and assist him, but he would neither join him nor assist him with one man, nor go near him, although Cope stopped at Aviemore and spent the night at Dalrachny’s (Carrbridge) within ten miles of Grant. Rose of Kilravock, Lord Moray, General Cope and President Forbes are all disappointed with him. Grant’s uncle, the major (governor of Fort George, Inverness Castle) is very angry. It would have been far better if Grant had given no assurances if he were not sure he could fulfil them. The writer is distressed about what people are saying of Grant at Inverness. How glorious it would have been if he had been the first man in the country to join the king’s forces. The President has got two hundred stand of arms for the laird of Mackintosh, who is to join Cope with two hundred men. Munro, Mackays, Sutherland, Seaforth and others are raising their men for government. The writer is to meet Cope and President Forbes on Tuesday (3rd September), what is he to say of or for Grant at that interview?

A separate piece of paper contains this rider, ‘I would not have been so strong if it had not been with a design, that you might show it to those of your own people that I am told are not for leaving your own countrey; so hope you’ll forgive any strong expressions, as my meaning is to serve you.’

[520] Ludovick Grant’s uncle.

[521] App. 5. C. of G., ii. 152. Duke of Gordon claims a right to the superiority over Morange, and Glenbucket (the Duke’s former commissioner) was threatening the people if they did not join him.

[522] App. 6. C. of G., ii. 155. Grant’s situation had made it absolutely impossible to wait on Cope when in his neighbourhood; tells of Glenbucket’s movements; also that very few have joined the Pretender’s son north of Badenoch; Glenbucket only got 130 men from Strathdoune (Strathavon) and Glenlivet.

[523] James Ogilvy, eldest son of the 5th Earl of Findlater and 2nd Earl of Seafield; b. 1715; suc. as 6th Earl 1764; d. 1770. He was a brother-in-law of Lord George Murray, being married to his step-sister Lady Mary. He was also brother-in-law to Ludovick Grant, who married (1735) Deskford’s sister, Lady Margaret, a union which two generations later (1811) brought the Earldom of Seafield (but not of Findlater) to the Grant family.

[524] App. 7. C. of G., ii. 160. Protests against the granting of one company only, but Lord Deskford has explained and he acquiesces; he names as officers for the independent company—Capt., Grant of Rothiemurchus; Lieut., Robert Grant, son of Easter Duthill; Ensign, William Grant, yr., of Dellachapple.

[525] App. 8. C. of G., ii. 160. (From Culloden.)

[526] App. 9. C. of G., ii. 162. (From Culloden.)

[527] The Macphersons under Cluny joined the Prince at Edinburgh (nine or ten marches distant) on 31st October. The Mackintoshes joined the reserves at Perth (five marches) on 30th October.

[528] Accidentally shot at Falkirk the day after the battle.

[529] App. 10. Angus MacDonell, second son to Glengerry, to the Baillie of Urquhart, dated Delchannie, 30th Sept.—This serves to give you notice, that I am this far on my way to Glengerry, and being clad with the Princes orders to burn and harrass all People that does not immediately join the Standart and as I have particular orders to raise your Country, I do by these begg the Favour of you on receipt of this to have at least 100 men ready in 5 days after receipt of this to join my Standart at Invergarry, and tho contrary to my Inclinations, in case of not due Obedience to this my demand, I shall march to your Country with the Gentlemen here in Company, Keppoch’s Brother and Tirnadrish,[659] etc. and shall put my orders in Execution with all Rigour. And as I have the Greatest Regard for Grant and all his Concerns, I begg you’ll neither give your Country nor me any Trouble, I do not chuse to give, and your ready Compliance with this will much oblige him, who is sincerely, Dr. Sir, your most humble servant.

P.S.—Let me have your answer p bearer, which will determine me how to behave.

App. 11. Mr. Grant to the Gentlemen of Urquhart, dated Castle Grant, 6th Oct.—Auchmony has communicate to me the Subject you have had lately under your deliberation. All the Return I will give you, considering what I formerly wrote to my Chamberlain, and which he communicate to you is this, That whoever among you dont comply with my directions in this present conjuncture, which is to remain peaceable at home, and to be ready to receive my Directions as your Superior, and as Master of my own Estate, must resolve to obey me at your own Peril. And as I have firmly determined that whosoever shall insult me or disturb any part of my Estate shall meet with the Returns such an Insult shall merite. I am hopefull none of my neighbours will act a part by me, which I could not nor cannot allow myself to think them capable of. I cannot conceive the least title any man can have to command any of my vassals or Tenants, but myself, therefore whoever deserts me to follow any other at this Time, I must look upon it as a disobedience to me, which I will never forgive or forget to them and theirs. I am perfectly persuaded all the tenants will adhere and keep firm to me, if they are not led astray by bad advice, which I hope they will not follow.—I am, Gentlemen, your Friend and will continue so, if not your own Fault.

App. 12. The Baillie of Urquhart to Mr. Grant, dated Bellmackaen, 8th Oct.—In obedience to your orders I convened all the Tenents of this Country this day, in order to March them to Strathspey, and there was only 60 or 70 of the Tenents, that agreed to go with me. Dell and I came with all the men that joined us the length of Drumbuie, so far on our way to Strathspey, and Coll MacDonald and all the Gentlemen of this Country came up with us there, and one and all of the Gentlemen but Sheuglie and his son swore publickly to the Tenents, if they did not return immediately or two nights thereafter, that all their Corns would be burnt and destroyed, and all their Cattle carried away. And when the Tenents were so much threatned by the Gentlemen as well as by Mr. MacDonald, they would not follow me one foot further. And upon the Tenents returning Mr. MacDonald assured me, that this Country would be quite safe from any hurt from him and not only so; but as some of the Gentlemen that came north with him, had the same orders as he had to destroy this Country, if we did not join them, he sincerely assured me, he would do all he could to prevent these Gentlemen from coming. And if he could not prevail upon them to keep back, that he would run me an Express in a few days to put me on my guard, and acquaint me of their coming; but one thing I assure you of e’er ten days that this Country will be ruined. Lord Lovat has not appointed a day for his marching as yet; for I am told that he has the Meal to make that he carrys along with him for his Men’s subsistance. There is a Report here this day that there is 2000 French landed at Cromarty last Saturday with Prince Charles Brother. You’ll please let me have your advice how to behave; for I am in a very bad situation. Please excuse this confused Letter, being in haste and ever am, Honourable sir, Your most faithfull hubl sert.

P. Auchmony[660] did not act a right part.

App. 13. Mr. Grant to the Chamberlain of Urquhart, dated Castle Grant, 10th Oct.—I received yours of the 8th this day about Dinner Time. I am not at all surprised at the Conduct of the Gentlemen of Urquhart; for as they seem determined to disobey my repeated Orders, they want to prevail with my Tenents to do so likeways. However now that they must have heard, that General Legonier with at least 18,000 of our troops that have come from Flanders and the Dutch, and that there is 12,000 Danes, and the Remainder of the British Troops dayly expected, and that nobody even at Edinburgh pretended to say, that the French can spare any of their troops, I fancy they will soon see their Folly, and they must be satisfied in a little Time, I will make them repent their Conduct, and they will see the numbers they believed would join the Rebells, dwindle to a very few, if any at all. Whenever you hear any Motions among your neighbours make the best of your way for this Place and see to bring these men with you, who were coming last day and as many more as you can, and assure them I will see what Losses they sustain repaid. And shall do all in my power afterwards to save them when others must fly the country. Dont let any of the Gentlemen know the day you design to march over with the men, other ways they might bring a Possy to stop you, which will not be in their Power if you be upon your Guard. I think you ought to have Spyes in the neighbouring Countries. See that you get money from the Tenents, who are due, that we may clear when you come over.

[530] App. 14. C. of G., ii. 170. (From Inverness.) Claims Grant as a relation and friend whom he finds, with great satisfaction, acting so distinguished a part. The king has appointed Loudoun to command the troops in this country; it gives him the greatest pleasure to know that he has so powerful and faithful a friend to support him in time of need.

[531] App. 15. C. of G., ii. 171. (From Culloden.) Urging Grant to press forward his company; any expense after his men are brought together shall be made good. Believes that ‘the thing will blow over without much harm,’ but Grant should have his eye on as many of his people as he can arm, to be ready for any emergency; ‘ways and means shall be fallen on to subsist them.’

[532] App. 16. C. of G., ii. 175. Mr. Grant’s heart is full of zeal for the preservation of our religion and liberties, and will exert himself to do everything in his power for H. M. service, and is perfectly happy ‘that we who are the friends of government’ have Loudoun to advise and direct us. The delay in his company’s joining Loudoun is caused by all his clan vassals being ready, and he wishes the company to be all volunteers. He foresees that there will be occasion to convene all his men and he wants Rothiemurchus with him, and asks for certain alterations in the commissions to his officers. All the men of his company will have swords and most of them pistols and dirks. Hopes to capture Capt. Gordon, who is levying cess on his party as their arms will be useful. He is determined to let none of the clans now in motion enter his county.

[533] App. 17. John Grant in Urquhart to Mr. Grant, dated 21st Oct.—The MacDonalds and Glenmoristones came into this Country Saturdays night late, and Sundays morning. And this day we expected the Master of Lovat with 200 men to join the MacDonalds, who were in number six score, in order to spreath [ravage] the Country, if the whole people did not join them. The countrymen were all acquainted to meet this day at Milntown, but few of them attended. And as the Master did not come this day, as he appointed, sent word that he would be here tomorrow morning, so that I am made to understand, that they design to raise all their Cattle, and by that method are of opinion, that the men will come present, and condescend to march directly to the army before their Effects are carried off, but I made the Bearer, who is the only one I could trust in, advise the People to keep at a distance and allow them to carry off their cattle, as I assured them that you would repay them in what damage they might suffer that way. I cannot acquaint you at this Time of the Gentlemens Disposition, but tomorrow I shall send an Express, and give you a full account of our Fate. Belintombs house was attacked; but I procured a party from the Colonel to guard it this night. Is all on haste but that I remain as becometh, Hon^ble Sir your most ob. humble servant.

I am informed they design to march by Inverlaidnan. Barrisdale came this day from the north to this country; but did not bring any men alongst with him.

App. 18. John Grant in Urquhart to Mr. Grant, dated 22nd Oct.—The most of the Countrymen met this day at Bellymore where Barrisdale came with a Commission from his Colonel to them, assuring if they did not join him, that he was fully resolved to spreath the whole Country. They all unanimously replyed that in any Event, they would not disobey their masters orders and his positive commands to them to sit peaceable at home, and swore that while there was a drop of Blood in their Bodys, they would not allow the Macdonalds to carry off their Cattle. In a short Time thereafter the Master of Lovat accompanied with all the Stratherrick Gentlemen came to Milntown, and after a long Conference with Mr. MacDonald of Barrisdale, he agreed that the MacDonalds in the Country might be compelled to join the Colonel, as he was not in readiness to march his men this week, but in the Event that this did not satisfy Mr. MacDonald, he was to come in person with 200 men tomorrow, to prevent their carrying off the Cattle, and secure the rest of the men for his own use, as he believed he had a better Title to them than any MacDonald in life. As they could not agree upon the above terms, Barrisdale went with the Master to Castle Downie to know my Lord’s sentiments, and act accordingly. As this happens to be the case we are as yet uncertain of our Fate, but shall to the outmost of our Power, resist the MacDonalds if not assisted by the Frasers Is all but that I remain as becometh, Honourable Sir, Your most obed^t humble serv^t.

[534] App. 19. C. of G., ii. 179. (From Culloden.) A letter to Lord Deskford from the Lord President countersigned by Lord Loudoun. In addition to what Grant quotes, they cannot understand the unaccountable folly of his people that they deliberate in entering the company and hope that they may be persuaded to form it forthwith.

[535] App. 20. Lord Lewis Gordon to Mr. Grant, dated St. Bridget,[661] 3rd Nov.—I take this opportunity to assure you of the Esteem and Regard I have for yourself and all your Family, and that I shall be always glad to do all in my Power to maintain the good Correspondence that has so long subsisted between the Familys of Grant and Gordon. And as you are very sensible of the Situation of Scotland at present, I shall take this occasion of delivering you the Prince Regents Complements, and how much he would be obliged to you for your aid at this important Time; and if you dont appear active yourself, that you would not oppose the rising of your Clan, which is so capable of Serving the King and Country. I hope you will be so good, as to consider this seriously, and to excuse this Liberty from a Friend, who does it with a pure Intention of Serving his Country. I begg my Complements to Lady Margaret and all your Family, as also to Lord and Lady Findlater and Lord Deskfoord, to whom please tell, that what I am to do for the Princes Cause in Banffshire, shall be executed in the mildest and easiest manner in my Power. Glenbucket will deliver this to you, and believe me to be, Dr. Sir, with great Sincerity Your most affectionate ffriend and Servant.

[536] This was the ancestral home of the family of John Roy Stewart, the Jacobite soldier-poet.

[537] App. 21. C. of G., ii. 184. (From Inverness.) Grant’s company had arrived the previous day, was a very good one, the best clothed Loudoun had seen. Was sorry that Lord Lewis Gordon had risen, but the Duke (of Gordon) had given orders to his people not to join him. Few had done so. If Grant were attacked his own power should make Lord Lewis repent; if not strong enough Loudoun would do what he could for him.

[538] App. 22. C. of G., ii. 183. (From Culloden.)

[539] App. 23. C. of G., ii. 186. (From Castle Grant.)

[540] App. 24. C. of G., ii. 187. (From Inverness.) Lord Loudoun declines to send the company back to Mr. Grant, as he proposes to march through Stratherrick to Fort Augustus.

[541] Thomas Grant of Achoynanie, Keith, afterwards of Arndilly, a cadet of Grant of Grant, best known as the early patron of James Ferguson the astronomer. (Henderson, Life of Ferguson, p. 18.)

[542] Alexander Grant of Tochineal, near Cullen.

[543] App. 25. Lord Lewis Gordon to Thomas Grant of Auchynany, dated Huntly Castle, 6th Dec.—As Lord Lieutenant of the Countys of Aberdeen and Banff, I am to raise a man for each £100 of valued Rent within the same, and where Fractions happen the same is to yield a Man. I hope, therefore, you will be so good as to send to Keith Tuesday next such a number of ablebodied men, as will answer to the Valuation of your estate well cloathed in short cloaths, Plaid, new Shoes, and three pair of hose and accoutred with shoulder belt, gun, pistol and sword. I have appointed a proper officer to attend at Keith the above day for receiving the men. I need not tell a man of your good sense and knowledge the hazard of not complying with the demand. Your Prudence will no doubt direct you to avoid hardships of military execution, wherein you’ll extremely oblige, Sir, your most humble servant.

App. 26. C. of G., ii. 190. Thomas Grant of Auchynanie to Mr. Grant, 11th Dec. (From Arndillie.) Lord Lewis Gordon has only 300 men, and of these only 100 have joined: mostly herds and hire-men from about Strathbogie and unacquainted with the use of arms; many of them are pressed and intend to desert; 100 or 150 of Grant’s men would drive them to the devil, and capture Lord Lewis and his prime minister Abbachy (Gordon of Avochie). Lord Findlater’s tenants and the people of Keith are being ruined by Abbachy and look to Grant as their only saviour. If Lord Loudoun would take possession of old Balveny Castle it would spoil Lord Lewis’s recruiting.

App. 27. Lord Findlater’s Steward[542] to his Lordship, dated 11th Dec.—I had a Letter from John Saunders in Keith upon Sabbath day night, informing me that there had 60 of Lord Lewis men come to that place upon Saturdays night, under command of one White and that he and others in that place much wanted advice what to do. To whom I wrote for Answer, that I had a letter from Lord Lewis Gordon for your Lordship, which I forwarded by Express, was very peremptor, Lord Lewis had given no orders for making the least demand upon your Lordships Estate before its Return, so I expected that none concerned in him, would offer to do it before that Time, yet notwithstanding thereof, I had the inclosed this day from William Taylor, to which I answered that as I sent Lord Lewis Letter to your Lordship per Express, I could neither give answer nor advice to his Letter, but that I expected that none concerned in Lord Lewis would have made any demand of your Lop. Estate before I had your Answer. As likeways that they would have defered compounding the matter untill that Time. David Tulloch[662] is just now at Banff with about 60 or 80 men and as I am told demands no fewer Levies from that Town as 200 men. Birkenbush was here last night, and told me that as it is not in his power to get your Lordships Estate saved in such a way as he would have desired has utterly refused having any Concern in uplifting the Levies from that Bounds, for which I have been very angry at him; but it cannot now help. To appearance Mr. Tulloch or Abbachy will be soon here, and unless your Lordship fall upon some shift for relief to us, we shall suffer extremely.

[544] App. 28. C. of G., ii. 192. (From Castle Grant.)

[545] App. 29. Earl of Findlater to Mr. Grant, dated 13th Dec.—After despatching the short letter I wrote you this morning, which is inclosed, I received the Inclosed from the President. All that I shall say is, that all their Proceedings will not secure our Safety unless a Sufficient right and Trusty Party is left in Banffshire for Lord Lewis’s small partys will stir as soon as they are past, if there is not force enough to suppress them. You know the State of my health makes it impossible for me to attend Lord Loudoun and make things agreeable to him as I would wish. I have writ to Tochineil[663] and John and William Ogilvies Sheriffs deputes to do their duty the best they can in all respects; but I am not without my own Fears that Fear and trembling for after Consequences may make some if not all of them extremely unwilling to act. Perhaps even they may decline it. You know you have full Power in everything that concerns me, to do what you think proper and I have full confidence you will do whatever you think right; but least some thing more formal should be requisite, with regard to the office of Sheriff I hereby give you full Power to act as Sheriff Depute of Banffshire and to employ such substitutes under you as you shall think fitt, for which this shall be to you and them a sufficient warrant and Commission, I always am most affectionately and entirely yours.

P.—My son intends to go down by Forress to wait of Lord Loudoun tomorrow; but as he continues extremely ill off the Cold I am uncertain if he will be really able to go. I begg you will send the Inclosed to Tochineil by some sturdy clever Man because the bearer is feckless and too well known, and may be searched for Letters. It contains orders for Tochineil, John and William Ogilvies to attend my Lord Loudoun. Keep the Presidents letter. Your wife opened the inclosed from Robert Grant.

[546] App. 30. C. of G., ii. 189. (From Culloden.) This letter contains a postscript saying that Lord Loudoun ‘had prevailed with Lord Lovat to come in with him to town [Inverness] to reside at liberty there till the present confusions are over, to deliver up what arms he has, and to sign all proper orders to his clan to remain quiet. Loudoun brings him on with him to-day 11th [Dec.] 9 a clock in the morning.’

[547] Boat o’ Bridge, the ferry on the Spey near the mouth of the Mulben burn, now superseded by a road and a railway bridge.

[548] Sir Harry Innes of Innes (Morayshire), 5th bart. Suc. 1721; d. 1762. He was a brother-in-law of Ludovick Grant, married to his sister Anne. Innes’s son James suc. as Duke of Roxburghe on the death of the 4th duke in 1805.

[549] App. 31. C. of G., ii. 193. (From Elgin.) Macleod will most cheerfully act in conjunction with Grant in everything thought proper.

[550] Bog, the local name for the site of Gordon Castle, built on the Bog o’ Gight (windy bog). The ferry there was known as the Boat o’ Bog; it is now superseded by Fochabers Bridge.

[551] App. 32. Mr. Grant to M‘Leod, dated 15th Dec.—I have just now the Pleasure of yours by our Friend Sir Harry Innes. I shall as soon as I get my Men conveened march to Fochabers and endeavour to get Possession of the Boats, and shall do all in my Power to secure the passage for the Men under your Command. I am hopefull the Rebells wont be able to give much disturbance.

[552] App. 33. Lord Lewis Gordon to Mr. Grant, dated Fyvie, 16th Dec.—I was a little surprised this morning to hear that you had marched a body of your Men to the low Country so far as Mulben. Your Reason for such Proceedings I cant find out, as you have not got the least disturbance from the Prince, or any of his Friends, since his Royal Highness arrival in Scotland. And for my part I have not given you the least disturbance, since my coming to the North. So far from it, that I have given positive orders to the Gentlemen employed by me to raise the Levies, not to meddle with any of your Estate no not so much as to raise a man from a little Place called Delnaboe, which holds of the Duke of Gordon, to the men of which last place, I had a natural Title. I now desire to know, if you are to take any Concern in protecting the Estates of any but your own. If that is the case, I must take my Measures accordingly, and as the Consequence must be fatal you have none to blame but yourself. I am this minute writing to Lord John Drummond that he may march his Troops directly to this Country to join the men I have already raised; but if you withdraw your men, and give no further disturbance, it may move me to alter my Resolutions with respect to you. I wrote you a Letter from Strathdoune but was not favoured with any Return, but must insist on an answer to this in writing or by some Gentleman of Character. Offer my Complements to Lady Margaret and your young Family.—I am with much Respect, etc.

Copy Printed Declaration of Lord John Drummond, Commander-in-Chief of his Most Christian Majesty’s Forces in Scotland.—We, Lord John Drummond, Commander-in-Chief of his most Christian Majesty’s Forces in Scotland, do hereby declare, that we are come to this kingdom with written orders to make war against the King of England, Elector of Hannover, and all his adherents, and that the positive orders we have from his most Christian Majesty are to attack all his ennemys in this Kingdom, whom he has declared to be those, who will not immediately join or assist as far as will ly in their power, the Prince of Wales, Regent of Scotland his Ally, and whom he is resolved with the concurrence of the King of Spain to support in the taking possession of Scotland, England and Ireland, if necessary at the expence of all the men and money he is master of, to which three Kingdoms the Family of Stewart have so just and indisputable a title. And his most Christian Majesty’s positive orders are, that his ennemys should be used in this Kingdom in proportion to the harm they do, or intend to his Royal Highness’s cause. Given at Montrose, the 2nd day of December 1745 years.

J. Drummond.

Copy Printed Letter from Earl Marshall to Lord John Drummond, dated Paris, 1st Nov.—My Lord,—As I am now obliged to attend the Duke of York to England, with a body of French Troops, I desire that you will be so good as to see if possible, or send word to the people that depend on me or have any regard for me in Aberdeenshire, or the Mearns, that are not with the Prince, that I expect they will immediately rise in arms, and make the best figure they can in this affair, which cannot now fail to succeed, and that they will take from you, my Cousin German directions, as to the manner they are to behave on this occasion.

I am sorry that just now it is not in my power to head them myself; but as soon as this affair will be over, I intend to go down to my native country and they may depend of my being always ready to do them what service will ly in my power.

Marshal.[664]

Directed to Lord John Drummond, Brigadier of the King’s Army and Colonel of the Royal Scots at Dunkirk.

Copy Printed Letter from Lord John Drummond to William Moir of Loanmay, Esquire, Aberdeen 11th Dec.—Sir,—You will be pleased to communicate the contents of this letter to such gentlemen of your country as are well affected to the Prince Regent, and who retain regard for the Earl Marshall, and assure them that what may be necessary for effectuating the ends proposed shall be heartily supplied by me, and I am, Sir, your most humble servant,

J. Drummond.

Addressed to Willm. Moir of Loanmay, Esq., Deputy Governor of Aberdeen.

[553] App. 34. C. of G., ii. 199. (From Cullen.) Grant’s letter gives him vast joy; Culcairn will be with Grant to-morrow, while Macleod will go to Banff and thence to Turriff and Old Meldrum.

Culcairn to Mr. Grant, dated 17th Dec.—I came here this day with Captain William Macintoshes Company and mine, and have written to the Laird of M‘Leod telling my coming here and Resolution of going tomorrow to Cullen etc. and therefore pray acquaint me how affaires are with you. I wrote also to the Laird of M‘Leod to acquaint me how affaires are with him.—I am, D^r Sir, yours etc.

The following note was inclosed—

All the Information that is known here about the Rebells, who fled Out of Fochabers, is that they all marched to Huntly, and about 6 men as computed abode in Newmilns Sunday night and on Monday followed to Huntly. There is no word yet from Lord Loudon.

[554] App. 35. Declaration published at Strathbogie by Mr. Grant, dated 18th Dec.—Whereas many of his Majesty Subjects have been compelled by Force and Threats to enlist in the Service of the Pretender, whilst there was no Force sufficient to protect them. If any such shall resort to me, and deliver up their arms, I shall signify their dutiful Behaviour in this point, to the end that it may be a motive to obtain their pardon from his Majestys Grace and will endeavour to free all of illegal and treasonable Levies of men and money; but such as presumes to persist in their treasonable Practices and to resist will be treated as Traitors.

[555] App. 36. C. of G., ii. 194. (From Inverness.) Loudoun’s letter after applauding Grant’s zeal is very much the same as Lord Deskford’s letter which follows.

[556] App. 37. Lord Deskfoord to Mr. Grant, dated 14th Dec.—I am now with Lord Loudon and in a conversation with him, I find that he is Sorry he has not Sufficient authority as yet from the Government either to give Pay to any Clan, except when an immediate necessity which cannot be answered by the Troops upon the establishment requires it, nor has he any arms to dispose of to the Friends of the Government, scarcely having sufficient arms here for the independent companies and his own Regiment. This being the Case and the Service in the Countrys of Banff and Aberdeenshire being sufficiently provided for by the 700 men already sent to that Country, it is impossible for him to take your men into Pay, and as your arms are certainly not extremely good, and he cannot give you others, I believe he would be as well pleased, that your People should go back to Strathspey; but he does not care to take it upon him to order them back, as the thing was undertaken without his Commands. If you carry your People home, he wishes you gave M‘Leod Information of it because he must regulate his motions accordingly with the independent Companys. He says he wont fail to represent your Zeal and that of your People, and wishes for the future nothing may be undertaken but in concert with those who have the Direction of the Kings affaires in this Country. Pray let us hear what you do. Loudon who is much your Friend assures me of another Thing which is that the first opportunity that offers of employing any People in a way to make them make a figure he will most certainly throw it into your hands. I hear there are more Troops to march eastward tomorrow. When Lord Loudon sets out himself is not certain.—I am, Dear Sir, etc.

As the Governor commands here in Lord Loudons absence My Lord says he will chuse to leave the Grants here with him, that he may have one Company that he may entirely depend upon.

[557] App. 38. C. of G., ii. 201. (From Huntly.) Grant writes he has a letter from Loudoun intimating he should not have marched further than Keith, and he will return there next day. Culcairn and Mackintosh want to join Macleod at Inverurie to-morrow night.

An enclosure contains the following lines, which naturally were not sent up to Government, and are not in the Record Office. They are taken from The Chiefs of Grant:—

‘Lord Loudoun will not act as Cope,

Whose ribbon now is call’d a rope;

If Grant is armed to join M‘Leod

The enemy is soon subdued.’

[558] App. 39. C. of G., ii. 200. (From Banff.) Macleod very sorry that Grant is not to join him at Inverurie, but he knows best what Loudoun has directed.

[559] App. 40. C. of G., ii. 202. (From Castle Grant.)

[560] App. 41. C. of G., ii. 205. (From Elgin.)

[561] For a detailed account of the action at Inverurie on 23rd December, see ante, p. 140 et seq.

[562] App. 42. Mr. Grant to the Magistrates of Elgin, dated 29th Dec., in answer to their Letter following.—I received your Letter of yesterdays date signed by you and the Magistrates of Elgin, informing me that Macleod and his men were then marching from your Town towards Inverness and that you are now exposed to the same oppression with the other Burghs to the East. As you had Intelligence that there are 500 men ready at Strathbogie to come over, who have sworn heavy vengeance against you. How far it may be in my Power to give them a check, and to prevent the oppression they threaten you with, I dare not positively say; but I assure you, I have all the Inclinations in the world to be of as much Service to my Friends and neighbours during these troublesome Times as I possibly can. Upon the 10th of this month I was informed that the Party under Abbachys Command was levying the Cess and raising men in a most oppressive manner in Banffshire, and that they were to detach a large Party to your Town, and were threatning to use the same acts of violence against you. As at that Time I knew nothing of the Relief that was acoming to you from Inverness. I conveened upon the 12th the most of the Gentlemen of the Country and about 500 of the men, and marched directly to Mulben with an Intention to cover your Town and Country, and to assist my Friends and neighbours in the County of Banff. All this I did without any advice or Concert with those entrusted at Inverness, only the very day I marched from this, I wrote and acquainted them of my Intention; but as they imagined they had sent Force sufficient to clear all betwixt them and Aberdeen, I found it was not expected that I should proceed further than Keith or my own Estate of Mulben; however as I was resolved to chase the Rebells out of Banffshire, if in my Power I proceeded to Strathbogg where I remained two nights, and then finding that I was not desired or encouraged to go further, I returned home, leaving a party of 60 men, with officers in Mulben to prevent any small partys of the Rebells either from visiting you or oppressing that neighbourhood. My Party continued there till all the M‘Leods had passed in their way to Elgin; but then the officers there thought it was not proper for so small a body to remain longer, when Such numbers of the Rebells were so near them. My present opinion is that you may all be easy, unless you hear that a much greater body come from Aberdeen to join that at Strathbogie for these at Strathbogie will never venture to cross Spey, when I am above them and Lord Loudon is so near them. Altho the MacLeods have marched to Inverness, I am persuaded Lord Loudon will send another body sufficient to give a check to those at Strathbogie. In the situation I am at present in I am uncertain whether I am to be attacked from Perth or by those at Aberdeen and Strathbogie for my late March. I dare not promise to march with any body of Men but in Concert and with Lord Loudons Directions. And at the same Time I have demanded to be assisted with arms, and encouraged to keep my Men in the proper way. There is no body can wish the Peace and happiness of my Friends in the Town of Elgin than I do. And I shall always be ready to use my best Endeavours towards preserving the Tranquility you at present enjoy.—I am, etc.

The Magistrates of Elgins Letter to Mr. Grant, dated December 28th, 1745.—The Laird of M‘Leod and his Men are this moment marching from this Place towards Inverness, so that we are left exposed to the like Ravage and oppression which other Burghs and Counties to the East of us labour under. And unless we be immediately favoured with your Protection, we and many others of the principal Inhabitants must remove with our best effects to some Place of Safety without loss of Time. By Intelligence we have from the other side of Spey there are 500 at Strathbogie ready to come over and who have threatned a heavy vengeance upon us, so that we have all the Reason in the World to guard against the Blow in some shape or other. We therefore begg you may give us a positive and Speedy Answer. And we are respectfully, Hon^ble Sir, Your most humble Servants.

[563] App. 43. Sir Harry Innes to Mr. Grant, dated 28th Dec.—The desertion among all the Companys has been so great that M‘Leod is resolved to march to Forress, and for ought I know to Inverness. This will lay this Town and Country open to the Insults of the Rebells. Therefore the Magistrates have writ you and have desired me to do the same, desiring you may march Such a body of your Men here as will secure the Peace of the Country and Town; but as you are best Judge of this.—I am, D^r Sir, etc.

P.S.—We had yesterday the accounts of the Highland Armys being totally routed and dispersed betwixt Manchester and Preston betwixt the 13th and 14th. The Prince as he is called flying in great haste with about 100 horse. The Duke of Perth amongst the Prisoners. If M‘Leod marches I must with him or go to you, but I think I shall go to Inverness for I am not liked at present by many.

Sir Harry Innes to Mr. Grant, dated 28th Dec., probably from Innes House.—I wrote you this forenoon from Elgin, which I suppose would or will be delivered to you by one of the Council of Elgin. As M‘Leod was then resolved upon Marching here, they were determined to apply to you for some Relief and Support for their Town and Country in General. I have and must do M‘Leod Justice. He is far from loading you with any share of their late unlucky disaster, and would willingly act in Concert with you for the Common well, but to his great Surprise when he came here, he found that his men who had deserted in place of going to Inverness had mostly past from Findorn to the Ross side. So he does not know when or where they may meet. This has hindered him from writing to you to desire you to bring your men to Elgin in order to act with his. Altho he had desired this from no other authority, or any Reasons, but your doing the best for the common Cause, but this unlucky passing of his men at Findorn has prevented his writing as he told the Provost of Elgin he was to do. For these Reasons I run you this Express that you may think how to act. I go to Lord Loudon and the President tomorrow, and will return to M‘Leod Monday forenoon.—My Complements, etc.

P.—The President writ me that Lord Deskfoord is gone for London in the Hound and that they sailed the 25th.

[564] App. 44. C. of G., ii. 208. (From Inverness.)

[565] App. 45. Mr. Grant to Lord Loudon, dated the 9th Jany 1745-6.—Inclosed your Lordship has a letter I received this day from John Grant Chamberlain of Urquhart. The subject contained in it gives me the greatest uneasiness. I thought I had taken such measures as to prevent any of the Gentlemen or Tenants of that country from so much as thinking to favour the Rebells far less to join them. I have sent the Bearer James Grant my Chamberlain of Strathspey, who has several Relations in that Country to concur with John Grant my Chamberlain of Urquhart in every Measure that can prevent these unhappy People from pursuing their Intentions of joining the Rebells. And I have ordered him to obey any further Orders or Instructions your Lordship shall give him for that purpose, and I am hopefull I’ll get the better of that mad villain Currymony who is misleading that poor unhappy People.

That I may not weary your Lordship, I’ll leave to him to tell you all that he knows relating to that country. I have just now received the Inclosed from Lord Strechin by Mr. Sime Minister of Longmay: My Lord Strichen did all in his Power to save my Friend Lieutenant Grant from being taken Prisoner, even to the hazard of his own Life. I would gladly march to relieve him as my Lord Strichen suggests in his Letter, but I take it for granted that that Thing is impossible, for I could not march to that Country with any Body of men but the Rebells must have notice of it, and would send my Friend to Aberdeen and so forward to Glames, where the rest of the Prisoners are. I am hopeful the Kinghorn Boat on board of which my Friend came to Fraserburgh is by this time arrived at Inverness, but least it should not, I send your Lordship with the Bearer the two last Newspapers from Edin^r, which came by Lieutenant Grant who luckily delivered them with my Letters to Lord Strichen, before he was made Prisoner. And I must refer it to the Bearer to inform your Lorp. of the manner of Mr. Grant’s landing and being taken Prisoner. Mr. Syme who brought me Lord Strichens letter informs that Mr. Grant told that part of the Duke of Cumberland’s horse arrived at Edinburgh Wednesday last. That the Duke of Cumberland arrived at Edinburgh on Thursday last with a great body of horse, and the foot were following. I think it my duty to take notice to your Lop. that the Rebells are exerting themselves in every corner of the North to increase their army. I therefore think it absolutely necessary that all the Friends of the Government should use their outmost efforts to disconcert and disperse them. I had a meeting yesterday with all the Gentlemen of this Country, and I can assure your Lop. we wait only your orders and Directions, and there is nothing in our Power, but we will do upon this important occasion for the Service of our King and Country. I wish it was possible to assist us with some arms, and money to be sure also would be necessary; but give me Leave to assure your Lordship that the last farthing I or any of my Friends have, or what our Credite can procure us, shall be employed in supporting of our men upon any Expedition your Lordship shall direct us to undertake for this glorious Cause we are engaged in. I wish to God your Lordship and the Lord President would think of some measure of conveening the whole body of the Kings Friends in the north together, and I would gladly hope we would form such a body, as would in a great measure disconcert and strike a damp upon the army of the Rebells in the South, and effectually put a stop to any further Junctions they may expect benorth Stirling and at the same Time surely we might prevent their being masters of so much of the North Coast, and also hinder many of the Kings Subjects from being oppressed by the exorbitant sums of money the Rebells are presently levying from them. Complements etc.

[566] App. 46. Lord Loudon to Mr. Grant, dated 16 Jany. 1745-6.—I have had the Honour of two Letters from you since I had an opportunity of writing to you. I think your scheme of relieving the low Country is a very good one; but in the present situation until I have a Return of the Letters I have sent for Instructions, and a little more certainty of the motions of the Rebells, I dare not give them any opportunity of Slipping by the short road over the hills into this Country and of course into possession of the Fort. Whilst I am in the low Country, as soon as Instructions arrive, I shall be sure to acquaint you, and consult with you the most effectual way of doing real Service to our Master and our Country. I begg my Complements etc.

[567] The Prince arrived at Blair Castle 6th February, and left on the 9th.

[568] App. 47. C. of G., ii. 222. (From Inverness.) Giving news of the abandonment of the siege of Stirling Castle by the Jacobites and their retreat to the north. The desertion among them has been very great, and it will take time to re-collect their people before they can hurt us.

[569] App. 48. Intelligence sent to Lord Loudon by Mr. Grant, 9th February 1746.—Last Thursday Mr. Grant sent by a Ministers son not having had time to write, being busied in his own Preparations, Intelligence of the Rebells motions, and what was said by some of their leaders to be their Intention.

Saturday morning he wrote M‘Leod the substance of it with the orders then brought to Badenoch, which as M‘Leod would forward was unnecessary for Mr. Grant to do. Since the above many confirmations of it have arrived but nothing new all this day.

The inclosed is a copy of their Resolutions taken at their Meeting in Badenoch, where Cluny was present and approved of them.

Many of the M‘phersons came home before Cluny and many of them expressed Resolutions not to be further concerned; but how far they will be steady is uncertain.

It is said by pretty good authority, that the Glengerry men after the Interment of Angus MacDonald openly and in a body left the army, and many of the Camerons followed their example. It is certain most of Keppoch’s men were at home some time ago, but people are sent to use their outmost Endeavours to bring all the above back, and influence what more they can, for which purpose it is said they will remain at least two days at Badenoch.

Their Prince was said to be at Cluny last night, but the men remaining with him, and coming through the hills to be only in the Country this night.

A deserter from those coming by the Coast, and who only left them in Angus, says Duke Cumberland was entering Stirling, as last of their army was going out, Confirms the great desertion since the battle, and asserts it continues dayly, also that there is no division coming by Braemar.

The above Deserters and others and Letters say that Clanhatton, Farquharsons, French, Pitsligo, Angus, Mearns and Aberdeenshire People came by the Coast for whom Billets were ordered last Wednesday at Aberdeen, and that some M‘Donalds, M‘Kenzies, Frasers, M‘Leods, Camerons, Stewarts, M‘Phersons, Athole and Drummond men are coming by the Hills.

Some Clatters say they wont disturb Strathspey, and others that it is their formed Plan to march through and disarm it, and join the rest in Murray. The Truth is not yet known. There are some Rumours from the South that part of the Duke’s Army are following briskly by the Coast, and that upon the Rebells leaving Stirling, two Regiments were ordered to embark for Inverness. Mr. Grant and all his Friends have been alert as desired. Many spyes are employed and what is material shall be communicated.

The Bearer will explain Mr. Grants numbers and present distribution of them, with the various Instructions given for the different occurences that may happen. In the general it may be depended upon, that Mr. Grant will act zealously with his whole Power in every shape that shall be judged best, suitable to the hearty Professions he hath all along made, and upon a closer scrutiny finds he could bring furth 5 or 600 more good and trusty men if he had arms, than he can in the present condition. If there are arms to be given the Bearer will concert their Conveyance.

Sunday 8 at night. This moment fresh Intelligence arrived from Rothemurkus as follows. It confirms most of what is above.

They are ignorant in Badenoch of the present root of the army, and conceal their Losses as much as possible, but acknowledge they lost considerably before Stirling, and obliged to leave behind them seven heavy cannon of their own, and part of their Ammunition and Baggage, with all the Cannon and Ammunition taken from the King’s army.

That they have brought north all their Prisoners. The Duke was advanced as far as Perth. Their Prince is to be at Ruthven tomorrow where his Fieldpieces and five, and some say 9 battering Cannon is arrived. Tho they conceal their designs with great secrecy the Prisoner officers conjecture their design is against Inverness. All the men of Strathern are gone home and to meet the Army in its way to Inverness, which is to go through Strathspey, and the Division coming by the Coast to march through Murray. They call these in Badenoch seven Regiments, made up of the people above mentioned.

That many the writer conversed with declared they were sick of the present Business, and wish for a sufficient Force to protect them at home.

One man says he heard their Prince declare he would quarter next Tuesday in the house of Rothemurkus.

Some means are employed to endeavour to increase the desertion and to create some dissention. If they prove effectual the Conclusion will be quicker and easier.

[570] App. 49. C. of G., ii. 225. (From Castle Grant.) A long letter of various items of intelligence.

[571] App. 50. C. of G., ii. 224. (From Inverness.) Though a supply of arms has come it is impossible to send them and men must come for them. He will be glad to consult and co-operate with Grant. He has brought back troops from Forres and needs money: will Grant send him the cess he has collected.

App. 51. C. of G., ii. 223. (From Culloden.) The Aberdeen rebels much discouraged, for the most part separated, and will not easily be brought together again. The Jacobites’ intention is to capture Inverness and force all the neighbourhood into their service. Glengarry’s and Keppoch’s people and the Camerons are almost all gone home, but leaders are sent to fetch them out. All this will give time to the friends of government.

[572] App. 52. C. of G., ii. 232. (From Castle Grant.) A long letter of details of intelligence of the movements of the Jacobite army.

[573] App. 53. Further Intelligence, dated 15th Feb. 1746, Saturday 7 o’clock at night.—Two persons confirm that Letters from Lord Loudon, etc., were stopt at Ruthven. One of them says the Bearer was hanged this morning. Both agree the Bridges on the road to Athole are broke doun, That the Castle of Ruthven was burnt last night, and stables this morning. The Prince to be at Inverlaidnan this night, some of his People in Strathern,[665] the last at Avemore. The Macphersons to march to-morrow all for Inverness. Best Judges call them about 5000. The Campbells were at Blair. The Duke certainly at Perth the 12th. The Hessians certainly landed at Leith. Several Expresses for this are stopt. You know better than we do what is doing in Murray.

[574] Near Carrbridge.

[575] App. 54. Lord Loudon to Mr. Grant, dated Inverness, 15th Feb.—I have been honoured with a Letter from you last night, and another this morning, and I have seen yours to the Governor, all with the Intelligence which you have got for which I am very much obliged to you, and as we have had notice some time I hope if they do come, we shall be able to give them such a Reception as they will not like. I expect to be reinforced with 900 or 1000 men in two days, and every day to grow stronger. I have thought seriously on every method of sending you arms; but do not see as we are threatned with an attack, that I can answer sending such a detachment from hence. A march that must take up 4 days, as well bring the arms safe to you. Consider the Clan hattonn[666] are all come home. The Frasers and the Gentlemen of Badenoch are appointed to intercept them, and if we have any Business it must be over before they return. As to the number you mention, you know how small the number is, I have to give, and how many demands are made on me, and by people who are none of them near so well provided as you are. If you can send down 300 men, I shall endeavour to provide them as well as I can that is the outmost I can do. You are very good as you be advanced to send us constantly what accounts you get, but by all I can learn your accounts magnify their numbers greatly. I beg you will make my Compliment to all ffriends.—I am with real Esteem and Sincerity, Dr. Sir, yours etc.

[576] This date not quite right. The ‘Rout of Moy’ took place on the 17th. Loudoun evacuated Inverness on the 18th, and the Jacobite army reached the town the same day. The castle (Fort George), garrisoned partly by Grant’s company and commanded by his uncle, surrendered to the Prince on February 20th. (Scots Mag., viii. p. 92.)

[577] Sir Everard Fawkener, secretary to the Duke of Cumberland; b. 1684; originally a London mercer and silk merchant; the friend and host of Voltaire in England 1726-29; abandoned commerce for diplomacy; knighted and sent as ambassador to Constantinople 1735; became secretary to the Duke of Cumberland, and served with him in the Flanders campaign; for his services was made joint postmaster-general 1745; accompanied the Duke throughout his campaign in Scotland 1746; d. 1758.

[578] The Duke of Cumberland arrived at Aberdeen on February 27th or 28th.

[579] Not the modern Castle Forbes on the Don, in Keig parish, but the old Castle Forbes at Druminnor, in the parish of Auchindoir and Kearn.

[580] Cumberland crossed the Spey on April 12th.

[581] Fort Augustus surrendered to the Jacobites, March 5th.

[582] Alexander, the father, had died, a prisoner, before 29th July. He died a natural death, but in Glenurquhart it was believed that he was burned to death in a barrel of tar. (Wm. Mackay, Urquhart and Glenmoriston, p. 288.)

[583] Not dated, but must have been written before 29th July, i.e. prior to Sheugly’s death.

[584] Sir Dudley Ryder (1691-1756) was Attorney-General 1737-54; prosecuted the Jacobite prisoners of 1746; appointed Lord Chief-Justice, 1754; cr. Baron Ryder of Harrowby 1756, and died the same year.

[585] Hon. William Murray (1705-92), fourth son of David, 5th Viscount Stormont. He was Solicitor-General 1742-54, and the active prosecutor of Lord Lovat; Attorney-General 1754-56; Lord Chief-Justice 1756-88; created Baron Mansfield 1756, and Earl of Mansfield 1776. His father and eldest brother were denounced as rebels, fined and imprisoned for their conduct in 1715. His brother James (c. 1690-1770) attached himself to the court of the Chevalier de St. George; in 1718 he was plenipotentiary for negotiating the marriage of James. In 1721 he was created (Jacobite) Earl of Dunbar, and he was Secretary of State at the court in Rome, 1727 to 1747; he was dismissed in the latter year at the desire of Prince Charles, who deemed him responsible for the Duke of York’s entering the Church; he retired to Avignon, where he died s.p. in 1770.

Murray’s sisters entertained Prince Charles in the house of their brother, Lord Stormont, at Perth from the 4th to the 10th April 1745.

[586] Solicitor to the Treasury.

[587] This report is printed, post, p. 400.

[588] Alexander Grossett, a captain in Price’s Regiment (14th, now P. of W. O. West Yorkshire). An engraving, dated 14th Jan. 1747, entitled ‘Rebel Gratitude,’ depicts the death of Lord Robert Ker and Captain Grossett at Culloden. About the latter the following legend is engraved on the print: ‘Captain Grosett, Engineer and Aid de Camp to the General.’ The rebel ‘shot Captain Grosett dead with his own pistol which happened accidentally to fall from him as he was on Horseback, under pretence of restoring the same to the Captain.’ Grossett had been aide-de-camp to General Handasyde; he was serving on General Bland’s staff at Culloden, according to family tradition.

[589] Sir John Shaw of Greenock, 3rd bart.; he was a cousin of Grossett’s. I have failed to find his name in any record of officers connected with the customs or excise at this time. His father, whom he succeeded in 1702, had been ‘one of H.M. principal tacksmen for the Customs and Excise,’ a pre-Union appointment, and it is possible that the son succeeded to his father’s office or to some of its perquisites. Sir John was M.P. for Renfrewshire 1708-10; for Clackmannanshire 1722-27; and again for Renfrewshire 1727-34. He married Margaret, d. of Sir Hew Dalrymple of North Berwick 1700, and died 1752.

[590] Letter i. p. 379.

[591] Brigadier-General Thomas Fowke was the officer left by Cope in command of the cavalry stationed at Stirling and Edinburgh when he went on his march to the Highlands. Fowke fled with the cavalry on the approach of the Jacobite army, and joined Cope at Dunbar. He was present, second in command, at Prestonpans. His conduct, along with that of Cope and Colonel Peregrine Lascelles, was investigated by a military court of inquiry, presided over by Field-Marshal Wade in 1746. All were acquitted.

[592] I have failed to find this narrative, but it matters little, as all that Grossett had to say was probably given in his evidence at the trial of Lord Provost Stewart, an account of which was printed in Edinburgh, 1747. It is accessible in public libraries.

[593] See ante, p. 127.

[594] This refers to the capture of Charles Spalding of Whitefield, Strathardle in Atholl, a captain in the Atholl brigade. He was sent from Moffat on 7th November by William, (Jacobite) Duke of Atholl, to Perthshire with despatches, and carried a large number of private letters, which are preserved in the Record Office. He was made prisoner near Kilsyth. There is no mention of Grossett’s presence in the journals of the day, the credit of the capture being given to Brown, the factor of Campbell of Shawfield. (Chron. Atholl and Tullibardine, iii. 86; Scots Mag., vii. 540.) Spalding was tried for his life at Carlisle the following October and acquitted.

[595] The Lord Justice-Clerk had retired to Berwick when the Jacobite army occupied Edinburgh. That army left Edinburgh for good on 1st November, but the Justice-Clerk and the officers of State did not return until the 13th.

[596] Lieut.-Gen. Roger Handasyde superseded Lieut.-Gen. Guest as Commander-in-Chief in Scotland on his arrival in Edinburgh on 14th November, and held that office until December 5th, when he returned to England. Guest again acted as Commander-in-Chief until relieved by Lieut.-General Hawley, who arrived in Edinburgh on 6th January 1746.

The two infantry regiments that accompanied Handasyde were Price’s (14th) and Ligonier’s (48th). They remained at Edinburgh until December, but after the landing at Montrose of Lord John Drummond with the French Auxiliaries (22nd November), it was felt necessary to guard the passage of the Forth with a stronger force, and the Edinburgh garrison was sent to Stirling, Price’s on 6th December and Ligonier’s on the 9th, where they were joined by the Glasgow and the Paisley militia. The cavalry were also sent to the neighbourhood of Stirling, and Edinburgh was left with no defence but some volunteers and afterwards by an Edinburgh regiment enlisted for three months’ service, of which Lord Home was commandant.

[597] Letters ii.-iv. pp. 379-382.

[598] Letter v. p. 383.

[599] Letter viii. p. 385.

[600] Letter ix. p. 386.

[601] Letter x. p. 387.

[602] The Glasgow regiment was then five hundred strong. It was commanded by the Earl of Home, who was also colonel of the Edinburgh regiment. There were about a hundred and sixty men of the Paisley regiment, of which the Earl of Glencairn was colonel. (Scots Mag., viii. 30.)

[603] Grossett’s account gives the erroneous impression that the infantry was moved to Edinburgh on account of its desertion by the cavalry. According to the Caledonian Mercury and the Scots Mag., the cavalry and the main body of the regular infantry came in together by forced marches from Stirling on the morning of the 24th, ‘men and horses extremely fatigued.’ The west country militia arrived later, by ship from Bo’ness, the intention originally being to send them on to one of the East Lothian or Berwickshire ports (see Lord Justice-Clerk’s letter, xvii. p. 390 post). It was decided, however, not to abandon Edinburgh, so the infantry was kept in the town, but ‘all the dragoons were marched eastward’; the text here locates Haddington as their destination.

[604] Letters xii.-xviii. pp. 388, 391.

[605] Letter xiii. p. 388.

[606] The Milford, on 28th November, captured off Montrose the Louis XV., one of Lord John Drummond’s transports; eighteen officers and one hundred and sixty men were made prisoners, and a large quantity of arms and military stores were taken. The prisoners were confined in Edinburgh Castle until 26th December, when they were sent to Berwick.

[607] Letter xix. p. 391.

[608] Henry C. Hawley; b. c. 1679, d. 1757. Served at Almanza, where he was taken prisoner; Sheriffmuir, where he was wounded; Dettingen and Fontenoy; C.-in-C. at Falkirk; commanded the cavalry at Culloden. Execrated by the Jacobites, and detested by his own soldiers, who dubbed him for his cruelty the Lord Chief-Justice and hangman. He arrived in Edinburgh on January 6th, 1746.

[609] In the ‘Narrative’ this sentence begins ‘Mr. Grossett having received certain intelligence which he communicated to Lord Justice Clarke that the rebells....’

[610] The ‘Narrative’ says ‘one hundred.’ This agrees with Maxwell of Kirkconnell ‘not above a hundred,’ but the number was continually increasing.

[611] Lieut.-colonel of Blakeney’s regiment (27th, now the Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers).

[612] Letter xx. p. 392.

[613] Letters xxi., xxii. pp. 392, 393.

[614] William Blakeney, an Irishman, born in Co. Limerick 1672; brigadier-general 1741, major-general 1744, and appointed lieut.-governor of Stirling Castle in that year. The office was a sinecure in time of peace. When Cope left Edinburgh for his highland march, Blakeney posted down to Scotland and took command at Stirling Castle on 27th August. When summoned to surrender the Castle to Prince Charles in January, before and again after the battle of Falkirk, he replied that he had always been looked upon as a man of honour and the rebels should find he would die so. His successful defence of Stirling was rewarded by promotion to lieut.-general and the command of Minorca, which he held for ten years. His defence of Minorca in 1756 against an overwhelming French force won the admiration of Europe. For seventy days this old man of eighty-four held out and never went to bed. On capitulation the garrison was allowed to go free. Blakeney received an Irish peerage for his defence of Minorca about the time that Admiral Byng was executed for its abandonment.

[615] John Huske, 1692-1761, colonel of the 23rd (Royal Welsh Fusiliers); was second in command at Falkirk, and commanded the second line at Culloden. Major-general 1743; general 1756. He was second in command to Blakeney at Minorca in 1756.

Huske’s division on their march consisted of four regiments of infantry of the line, and the Glasgow regiment, with Ligonier’s (late Gardiner’s) and Hamilton’s dragoons (now 13th and 14th Hussars).

[616] This is very misleading. Lord George Murray’s scheme was to wait till the Government troops came up, and tempt them over the bridge: when half had crossed he intended to turn and cut them off. Lord Elcho had kept the enemy in sight all the time, and records that the Jacobites retired ‘in such order that the dragoons never offered to attack them’; moreover, before the highlanders ‘had passed the bridge the dragoons, who were in front of the regulars, drew up close by the bridge and very abusive language passed betwixt both sides.’

Even the picturesque touch of the substituted dinner must go. Lord George particularly mentions both in a private letter to his wife and in his historical letter to Hamilton of Bangour that they had dined at Linlithgow, and the journals of the day state that the affair occurred about 4 o’clock. Maxwell of Kirkconnell considers that if the dragoons had been very enterprising they might have cut off Lord George’s rear. (Elcho, Affairs of Scotland, p. 370; Jac. Mem., p. 79; Chron. Ath. and Tullib., iii. 141; Kirkconnell’s Narrative, p. 98.)

[617] This is meant to be an account of the battle of Falkirk.

[618] The Argyllshire highlanders had joined Huske at Falkirk on January 16th, and were present at the battle the following day. Their colonel was John Campbell, younger, of Mamore (1723-1806). In 1745 he was lieut.-colonel of the 54th Regiment, but he commanded the Argyll Highlanders (militia) throughout the Scottish campaign, and was present at Falkirk and Culloden. He succeeded his father (see ante, p. 259) as 5th Duke of Argyll, 1770. He is best known to fame as the husband of the beautiful Elizabeth Gunning, widow of the 6th Duke of Hamilton, and as the host of Dr. Johnson and Boswell at Inverary in 1773.

[619] At Prestonpans (21st September) seventy-seven officers were taken prisoners. Some of these were allowed entire freedom on parole, but a large portion of them had been interned in Perthshire: they were kindly treated, and had given their parole. In December a considerable number had been removed to Glamis Castle, in Forfarshire, and to Cupar, Leslie, Pitfirran, Culross, and St. Andrews in Fife. They were living quietly in these places when about the second week in January their retreats were raided and they ‘were forcibly hurried off by a great number of people in arms and disguised, whom they could not resist, and carried by the same violence to Edinburgh.’ (Scots Mag., viii. 43.) Thirty-one officers arrived at Edinburgh on 19th January, and Grossett was sent next day to recover those mentioned in the text.

[620] The Duke of Cumberland arrived in Edinburgh on 30th January.

[621] Not identified.

[622] Letter xxv. p. 394.

[623] This officer may have been the second major of the 3rd (Scots) Guards, the only regimental officer of the name who held the rank of colonel at this time.

[624] Letter xxviii. p. 395.

[625] Not identified.

[626] Letter xxix. p. 395.

[627] Should be Bligh’s regiment, the 20th, now the Lancashire Fusiliers.

[628] Letter xxx. p. 396.

[629] Letter xxxi. p. 396.

[630] William, 8th earl, suc. 1720. In 1745 he was a captain in the 3rd (Scots) Guards: he served on Cope’s staff at Prestonpans; commanded the Glasgow (volunteer or militia) regiment at Falkirk; was also colonel of the Edinburgh regiment. In 1757 he was appointed Governor of Gibraltar, where he died in 1761, being then a lieut.-general.

[631] Letter xxxiii. p. 398.

[632] This is that Thomas Smith who, in 1728, for an act of consummate audacity acquired vast fame, became for a while the darling of the British nation, and in the Navy received the nickname of ‘Tom of Ten Thousand.’ Although only junior lieut. of H.M.S. Gosport, while in temporary command he forced the French corvette Gironde to lower her topsail as a salute to the British flag when passing out of Plymouth Sound. For this exploit he was summarily dismissed the service on the complaint of the French ambassador, but, according to tradition, was reinstated the following day with the rank of post-captain (see Thackeray’s Roundabout Papers, No. 4, ‘On Some Late Great Victories’). Modern investigation has somewhat qualified the dramatic story of the reinstatement, but not of the initial act. Smith was naval commander-in-chief in Scotland from February 1746 to January 1747 when he became rear-Admiral; in 1757, Admiral of the Blue. He presided at the court-martial which condemned Admiral Byng. He died 1761.

To those interested in Jacobite history his memory should ever be cherished as the benignant guardian, if jailer, of Flora Macdonald. When Flora was first made prisoner in Skye in the second week of July, she was taken on board the ship of the merciless Captain Ferguson (ante, p. 244), in which she was detained for three weeks. Luckily for her, General Campbell was also on board and treated Flora with great kindness. The general handed her over to Commodore Smith, with whom she remained a prisoner until her arrival in London in the middle of November, a period of three and a half months. Home, in his History, says that ‘this most worthy gentleman treated Flora not as a stranger, nor a prisoner, but with the affection of a parent.’ Bishop Forbes tells the same story: he ‘behaved like a father to her, and tendered her many good advices as to her behaviour in her ticklish situation.’ Smith permitted Flora to go ashore in Skye to see her mother. When lying in Leith roads he presented her with a handsome suit of riding clothes and other garments, as well as an outfit for a Highland maid who had hurriedly left Skye to accompany the lady in her captivity.

[633] Guild Hall Relief Fund. See Appendix.

[634] The 8th now The King’s (Royal Liverpool) Regiment.

[635] Apparently meaning ‘notify.’

[636] Eyemouth.

[637] A bylander or bilander is a two-masted ship, rather flat-bottomed, used chiefly in the canals of Holland.

[638] Sic in copy, ‘and vissibly’ is probably a mistake for ‘invisibly.’

[639] Author of Medical Heroes of the ’Forty-five: Glasgow, 1897.

[640] Barclay acted as justice of the peace for Prince Charles, enlisted men, and collected the excise.

[641] Maule was a writer in Stonehaven and procurator-fiscal of Kincardine. He served as an ensign, probably in Lord Ogilvy’s regiment.

[642] Dr. Lawson seems to have been the father of John Lawson, junior, who served in the Jacobite army.

[643] Keeper of a public-house in Stonehaven.

[644] The occasion of this Memorial and the circumstances attending its production will be found fully detailed in chap. vi. of The Last of the Royal Stuarts, by Herbert M. Vaughan: London, 1906.

[645] I am indebted to Miss Nairne, Salisbury, for this translation.

[646] These lists make no pretence to completeness. They are extracted from a manuscript Jacobite army list which I have been compiling for many years. In it I have noted down the name of every gentleman properly authenticated that I have come across when studying the history of the period.

[647] Clanranald, Boisdale, Glengarry, and Bishop Hugh Macdonald did not rise in arms, but were all imprisoned for being concerned in the Rising.

[648] Interesting information on the raising of Fairburn’s men is given by the French envoy, writing to the French Foreign Minister: Lady Mackintosh, he says, ‘a bien été imitée par une autre fort jolie personne de son âge, nommée Barbe Gourdon, femme de Mekensie de Ferbarn, le plus considérable des vassaux et des parens de milord Seaforth. Celle-cy n’a pas banni son mari; mais, malgré luy, elle a vendu ses diamants et sa vaisselle pour lever des hommes. Elle s’en a ramassé cent ciquante des plus braves du païs, qu’elle a joint à ceux de miladi Seaforth, sous la conduite de son beau-frère.’

This ‘beau-frère’ may mean Kenneth, her husband’s brother, or it may mean Barisdale who was married to her husband’s sister. Young Lentron in the List of Persons concerned in the Rebellion is termed a schoolboy. I find no mention of this Barbara Gordon in the Mackenzie clan history.

[649] James Gordon, son of the laird of Glasterum, Banffshire. Born 1664; died 1746; consecrated secretly as Bishop of Nicopolis in partibus, 1706; Vicar-apostolic in Scotland, 1718. Lord John Drummond, Clanranald, and possibly Lady Clanranald (née Macleod) were Roman Catholics.

[650] Frederick of Hesse Cassel was the consort of Ulrica, sister and successor of Charles XII. He was crowned King of Sweden 1720; died 1751. His nephew, Frederick, Prince, afterwards Landgrave, of Hesse, married Princess Anne, daughter of George II., 1740: he brought Hessian troops to Scotland in February 1746.

[651] Alexander Gordon of Auchintoul (Banffshire). Entered the Russian service 1693; married the daughter of his kinsman, Patrick Gordon of Achleuris, the celebrated General of Peter the Great. Was a colonel at the battle of Narva (1700), where he was captured and detained prisoner until Peter’s victory at Pultowa (1709). Rose to be a Russian major-general. Joined Mar’s Rising, 1715, and was made lieutenant-general (October 1715); commander-in-chief (February 1716) of the Jacobite Army on Mar’s leaving Scotland. Was at Bordeaux, and too ill to join the attempt of 1719. Though living in Banffshire in 1745, he felt too old to go ‘out.’ Died 1752. He wrote a History of Peter the Great, published after his death, in Aberdeen, 1755.

[652] Captain Wm. Hay, groom of the bedchamber to the Chevalier.

[653] Robert (Gordon) but for the attainder Viscount of Kenmure; eldest son of William, 6th Viscount, who was executed for his share in the ’15. He was an ardent Jacobite; he died in 1741, aged about thirty, and was succeeded by his brother John, who joined Prince Charles at Holyrood, accepted the command of a troop of horse, but deserted the following day. See Murray’s Memorials, pp. 53, 227.

[654] Not identified; may be Nisbet of Dirleton and Callendar of Craigforth.

[655] French Minister of Finance.

[656] Walter Stapleton, lieut.-col. of Berwick’s regiment; commandant of the Irish picquets and brigadier in the French army; wounded at Culloden and died of his wounds.

[657] Henry Ker of Graden, Teviotdale, heir of an ancient family of moss troopers; b. 1702; served in the Spanish army, 1722-38, when he returned to Scotland; was aide-de-camp to Lord George Murray and titular aide-de-camp to the Prince; the best staff officer the Jacobites possessed. Captured in May in the Braes of Angus; tried for his life, and in vain pleaded his Spanish commission; sentenced to death but reprieved; released in 1748; died a lieut.-col. in the Spanish service 1751. (Leishman, A Son of Knox, p. 20.) Ker wrote an account of the operations in the last two months of the campaign, printed in The Lyon, i. 355.

[658] This statement of Daniel’s is opposed to all reliable evidence, and the note in the Drummond Castle MS. is correct. The desire of his enemies was to throw the blame of the disaster on Lord George Murray. Even the Prince seems to have talked himself into a similar belief (see post, p. 240). The responsibility lay on Prince Charles himself, as is told in the Introduction.

[659] Keppoch’s brother Donald, killed at Culloden. Donald MacDonell of Tirnadrish (or Tiendrish), a cousin of Keppoch; he was the only Jacobite officer taken prisoner at Falkirk. He was executed at Carlisle in October.

[660] Alexander Mackay of Auchmony, who long afterwards married Angusia, d. of Angus Macdonell, Glengarry’s son, referred to on p. 277.

[661] The house of Gordon of Glenbucket at Tomintoul in Strathavon.

[662] See ante, p. 118.

[663] His chamberlain or steward.

[664] For the authenticity of this manifesto, see ante, p. 132.

[665] Generally ‘Strathdearn,’ the valley of the Findhorn.

[666] ‘Clan Chattan,’ the Macphersons, Mackintoshes and Farquharsons; probably here meaning the Macphersons.