FOOTNOTES:
[1] Vita Sanctae Hildegardis auctoribus Godefrido et Theodorico monachis, lib. iii, cap. 1. The work has been frequently reprinted and is in Migne, Patrologia Latina, vol. 197, col. 91 ff. This volume will be quoted here simply as ‘Migne’.
[2] Migne, col. 119.
[3] The erroneous statement in some of her biographies that she journeyed to Paris is based on a misunderstanding.
[4] Cardinal J. B. Pitra, Analecta sacra, vol. viii, p. 350, Paris, 1882. This volume will here be quoted simply as ‘Pitra’.
[5] Pitra, p. 556.
[6] Wilhelm Grimm, ‘Wiesbader Glossen’, in Moriz Haupt’s Zeitschrift für deutsches Alterthum, Leipzig, 1848, vol. vi, p. 321. The script is reproduced in the ill-arranged and irritating work of J. P. Schmelzeis, Das Leben und Wirken der heiligen Hildegardis, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1879; and in Pitra, p. 497. The subject has been summarized by F. W. E. Roth in his Lieder und unbekannte Sprache der h. Hildegardis, Wiesbaden, 1880.
[7] A short sketch of her life of yet earlier date has survived. It is from the hand of the monk Guibert and was probably written in 1180: Pitra, p. 407. The best modern account of her is by F. W. E. Roth in the Zeitschrift für kirchliche Wissenschaft und kirchliches Leben, vol. ix, p. 453, Leipzig, 1888. Less critical but more readable is the essay by Albert Battandier, ‘Sainte Hildegarde, sa vie et ses œuvres’, in the Revue des questions historiques, vol. xxxiii, pp. 395–425, Paris, 1883.
[8] The ‘Acta inquisitionis de virtutibus et miraculis sanctae Hildegardis’ are reprinted in Migne, col. 131.
[9] This volume is supplemented by ‘Annotationes ad Nova S. Hildegardis Opera’ in Analecta Bollandiana, vol. i, p. 597, Brussels, 1882.
[10] This Wiesbaden MS. has been fully described by Antonius van der Linde, Die Handschriften der Königlichen Landesbibliothek in Wiesbaden, Wiesbaden, 1877.
[11] Louis Baillet, ‘Les Miniatures du Scivias de sainte Hildegarde’, in the Monuments et Mémoires publiés par l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, Paris, 1912, especially pp. 139 and 145.
[12] We are inclined to place the preparation of this remarkable MS. at a slightly later date than that attributed to it by Baillet. As Wiesbaden is at present inaccessible we have reproduced the facsimiles in Plate II from Baillet’s monograph.
[13] For the history of these MSS. see A. van der Linde, loc. cit., pp. 30–6.
[14] Goethe, ‘Am Rhein, Main und Neckar’, Cotta’s Jubiläums-Ausgabe, vol. xxix, p. 258.
[15] Wilhelm Grimm in M. Haupt’s Zeitschrift für deutsches Alterthum, vi, p. 321, Leipzig, 1847.
[16] In Étienne Baluze, Miscellanea novo ordine digesta et non paucis ineditis monumentis opportunisque animadversionibus aucta opera ac studio J. D. Mansi, 4 vols., Lucca, 1761–6; see vol. ii, p. 377.
[17] Cf. J. A. Herbert, Illuminated Manuscripts, London, 1911, p. 160.
[18] A. Venturi, Storia dell’ arte italiana, Milan, in progress, vol. v, p. 16.
[19] We are unable to concur with Baillet, however, that there is enough evidence to suggest that the miniaturists of the Lucca MS. had consulted the Wiesbaden illuminations. Baillet, loc. cit., p. 147.
[20] Hildegardis causae et curae edidit Paulus Kaiser, Leipzig, B. G. Teubner, 1903. The MS. was brought to light by C. Jessen in the Sitzungsberichte der kaiserl. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Mathematisch-naturwissenschaftliche Klasse, Band xlv, Heft 1, p. 97, Vienna, 1862. See also the same author in Botanik in kulturhistorischer Entwickelung, pp. 124–6, Leipzig, 1862, and in the Anzeiger für Kunde der deutschen Vorzeit, 1875, p. 175. An imperfect edition appeared in 1882 in Pitra, p. 468, under the title Liber compositae medicinae de aegritudinum causis signis atque curis.
[21] Royal Library of Copenhagen, MS. Ny. Kgl. Saml., No. 90 b.
[22] Experimentarius medicinae continens Trotulae curandarum Aegritudinum muliebrium ... item quatuor Hildegardis de elementorum, fluminum aliquot Germaniae, metallorum,... herbarum, piscium & animantium terrae, naturis et operationibus. Edited by G. Kraut, Strasbourg, J. Schott, 1544. The work often ascribed to Trotula is somewhat similar to the spurious medical works of Hildegard. Like them, it was probably written early in the thirteenth century. Trotula herself lived in the eleventh century, a generation or two before Hildegard. On Trotula see Salvatore de Renzi, Collectio Salernitana, vol. i, p. 149, Naples, 1852.
[23] In the Vita, lib. ii, cap. 1; Migne, col. 101.
[24] Migne, col. 1125. See also F. A. Reuss, De Libris physicis S. Hildegardis commentatio historico-medica, Würzburg, 1835, and ‘Der heiligen Hildegard Subtilitatum diversarum naturarum creaturarum libri novem, die werthvollste Urkunde deutscher Natur- und Heilkunde aus dem Mittelalter’ in the Annalen des Vereins für Nassauische Alterthumskunde und Geschichtsforschung, Band vi, Heft 1, Wiesbaden, 1859.
[25] Rudolf Virchow, ‘Zur Geschichte des Aussatzes und der Spitäler, besonders in Deutschland’, in Virchow’s Archiv für Pathologie, vol. xviii, p. 285, &c., Berlin, 1860.
[26] Reuss, in Migne, cols. 1121 and 1122, states on Theodoric’s authority that Hildegard had written a book on this subject: ‘Exstat inter libros virginis fatidicae superstites opus argumenti partim physici partim medici, “De natura hominis, elementorum diversarumque creaturarum” in quo, ut Theodoricus idem fusius exponit, secreta naturae prophetico spiritu manifestavit.’ But Theodoric does not in fact anywhere speak of a special work with this title or of this character. What he does write is as follows (Vita, lib. ii, cap. i, Migne, col. 101): ‘Igitur beata virgo ... librum visionum ... consummavit et quaedam de natura hominis et elementorum, diversarumque creaturarum, et quomodo homini ex his succurrendum sit, aliaque multa secreta prophetico spiritu manifestavit.’
[27] Migne, cols. 1212 and 1213.
[28] As detailed in the Liber vitae meritorum, Pitra, p. 228, and in many places in the Liber divinorum operum and Scivias.
[29] An exception must be made for the lingua ignota, which is presumably hers. The absence of Germanisms in her other writings may be partly due to the work of an editor. See the Vita by Theodoric, Migne, col. 101. Also the birth scene (see chapter ix below) is perhaps adapted from a German folk-tale.
[30] Johannes Trithemius, Chronicon insigne Monasterii Hirsaugensis, Ordinis St. Benedicti, Basel, 1559, p. 174.
[31] Migne, col. 384.
[32] It is not enough to suppose with some of her biographers that the visions were dictated by Hildegard and were latinized by a secretary. The visions imply a good deal of study and considerable book-learning. Among many reasons for believing that she had a very serviceable knowledge of Latin are the following:
(a) She was well acquainted with the Biblical writings and quotes them aptly and frequently.
(b) She was regarded by her contemporaries as an authority on scriptural interpretation and on Church discipline, and was frequently consulted by them on these subjects.
(c) She pleaded in person before clerical tribunals.
(d) One of the least remarkable and most credible of her ‘miracles’, the expounding of certain letters found upon an altar-cloth (Migne, col. 121), depends entirely on a knowledge of Latin.
(e) In the Liber divinorum operum (Migne, col. 922) she writes ‘firmamentum celum nominavit quoniam omnia excellit’, a derivation taken from Isidore and incomprehensible to one ignorant of Latin. There are many other passages in her works in which the sense depends on the Latin usage of a word.
(f) No mention of this ignorance is made by Guibert in the short sketch of her life that he wrote almost immediately after her death (1180; see Pitra, p. 407). On the contrary, he suggests that she had been an industrious student.
(g) The Liber divinorum operum may especially be pointed out among her works as betraying a very considerable degree of learning. Notably her elaborate doctrine of the macrocosm and microcosm must have involved extensive reading.
The general question of Hildegard’s knowledge of Latin has also been discussed by Pitra and by Albert Battandier in the Revue des questions historiques, vol. xxxiii, p. 395, Paris, 1883.
[33] See chapter viii.
[34] It is, however, just possible that she had consulted the astrological work that had been translated from the Arabic by Hermann the Dalmatian for Bernard Sylvestris, and is represented in the Bodleian MSS. Digby 46 and Ashmole 304.
[35] See Baldassare Boncompagni, Della vita e delle opere di Gherardo Cremonese, Traduttore del secolo duodecimo, e di Gherardo di Sabbionetta, Astronomo del secolo decimoterzo, Rome, 1851; also K. Sudhoff, ‘Die kurze “Vita” und das Verzeichnis der Arbeiten Gerhards von Cremona, von seinen Schülern und Studiengenossen kurz nach dem Tode des Meisters (1187) zu Toledo verabfasst’, in Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin, Bd. viii, p. 73, November 1914.
[36] Another translation of the Almagest was made in Sicily in 1160, direct from the Greek. See C. H. Haskins and D. P. Lockwood, ‘The Sicilian Translators of the Twelfth Century and the First Latin Version of Ptolemy’s Almagest’, in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, xi. 75, Cambridge, Mass., 1910. It is wholly improbable that Hildegard had access to this rendering, which is only known from a single MS. of the fourteenth century.
[37] De Renzi, Collectio Salernitana, vol. i, p. 485, and vol. v, p. 50.
[38] De Renzi, i. 486 and 495; v. 51 and 70.
[39] De Renzi, i. 446; v. 3.
[40] De Renzi, i. 485–6; v. 50–2.
[41] Scivias, Migne, col. 403, and Liber Divinorum Operum, Migne, col. 868 and elsewhere.
[42] Scivias, Migne, col. 404, and throughout the Liber Divinorum Operum.
[43] Pitra, pp. 8, 114–16, 156, and 216.
[44] The work of Bernard Sylvestris has been printed by C. S. Barach and J. Wrobel, Innsbruck, 1876. His identity, his sources, and his views are discussed by Charles Jourdain, Dissertation sur l’état de la philosophie naturelle ... pendant la première moitié du XIIe siècle; by A. Clerval, Les Écoles de Chartres au Moyen Âge, Paris, 1895, p. 259, &c.; by R. L. Poole, Illustrations of the History of Mediaeval Thought, London, 1884, p. 116, &c.; and by J. E. Sandys, History of Classical Scholarship, Cambridge, 1903, vol. i, p. 513, &c.
[45] The works of Hugh of St. Victor are published in Migne, Patrologia Latina, clxxv-clxxvii.
[46] The Kalonymos family furnished prominent examples.
[47] Charles Singer, ‘Allegorical Representation of the Synagogue, in a Twelfth-Century Illuminated MS. of Hildegard of Bingen’, Jewish Quarterly Review, new series, vol. v, p. 268, Philadelphia, 1915. For further evidence of Hildegard’s acquaintance with the Jews see Pitra, p. 216; and Migne, cols. 967 and 1020–36.
[48] Pitra, p. 51 et seq.
[49] Catello de Vivo, La Visione di Alberico, ristampata, tradotta e comparata con la Divina Commedia, Ariano, 1899. For a comparison of Dante’s visions and those of Hildegard see Albert Battandier in the Revue des questions historiques, vol. xxxiii, p. 422, Paris, 1883.
[50] Reprinted in Migne, vol. 195.
[51] Herrade de Landsberg, Hortus Deliciarum, by A. Straub and G. Keller, Strasbourg, 1901, with two supplements.
[52] For sphericity of earth see especially Migne, cols. 868 and 903.
[53] In her later Liber Divinorum Simplicis Hominis this method of orientation is varied both in the text and also in the Lucca illustrations.
[54] Migne, col. 906.
[55] Migne, cols. 903–4.
[56] See H. Osborn Taylor, The Mediaeval Mind, vol. i, p. 472, London, 1911.
[57] Migne, cols. 904–6.
[58] H. Osborn Taylor, The Mediaeval Mind, i. 468, 471; ii. 569. See also A. Battandier, Revue des questions historiques, vol. xxxiii, p. 422, Paris, 1883.
[59] The Meteorologica had been translated about 1150 by Aristippus, the minister of William the Bad of Sicily. The version of Aristippus passed quickly into circulation (Valentine Rose, ‘Die Lücke im Diogenes Laërtus und der alte Übersetzer’ in Hermes, i. 376, Berlin, 1866), but hardly soon enough for Hildegard’s Scivias, which was completed about 1150. It is, of course, possible that the references to the ignis niger are later interpolations, but this is very unlikely in view of the way in which she speaks of this vision in the Liber Divinorum Operum.
[60] Migne, cols. 789–91.
[61] Migne, col. 389.
[62] Plate XII a. The elements are represented in their original order undisturbed by the Fall. Uppermost is the purus aether or aer lucidus containing the stars and representing the element air in Hildegard’s cosmic system. Next comes water. Below, and to the left, is a dark mass separating into tongues, one of which is formed into a serpent’s head. These tongues are flames of fire. Below, and to the right, are plants and flowers emblematical of earth. The serpent, the enemy, vomits over a cloud of stars (signifying the fallen angels) that are borne downward by the falling Adam. In the four corners of the miniature the symbols of the elements are again displayed.
[63] Plate XIII. Above, in a circle, sits the Heavenly Judge. He is flanked on either side by groups of angels bearing the cross and other symbols. The lower circle exhibits the final destruction of the elemental Universe. The four winds and their collaterals are here subjecting the elements to the crucible heat of their combined blasts. Strewn among the elements can be seen men, plants, and animals. Between the circles is an angel sounding the last trump, and holding the recording roll of good and evil deeds. He faces the throng of the righteous who are rising from their bones, while he turns his back on the weeping crowd of those doomed to torment. Below these latter crouches Satan, now enchained.
[64] Plate XII b. In the highest circle is the Trinity flanked to the left by the Virgin and to the right by the Baptist, with Cherubim below. In the middle circle are two groups, the Saints above and the Prophets and Apostles below. In the lowest circle are the elements, now rearranged in their eternal harmony; uppermost of these is the purus aether now separated from the aer lucidus and containing the stars; on either side are light-coloured flame-like processes representing the air; below the aether is water, indicated by a zone of undulating lines; then comes the earth symbolized, as usual, by a group of plants. Below and to the side of earth are dark-coloured flames of fire, now controlled and confined to this lowest rung.
[65] Migne, col. 791.
[66] See Ernest Wickersheimer, ‘Figures médico-astrologiques des neuvième, dixième et onzième siècles’, in the Transactions of the Seventeenth International Congress of Medicine, Section XXIII, History of Medicine, p. 313, London, 1913.
[67] Migne, cols. 403–14.
[68] Migne, col. 751.
[69] Migne, col. 791.
[70] The Quaestio de Aqua et Terra is doubtless a genuine, albeit the least pleasing, production of the great poet. The genuineness is established by Vincenzo Balgi in his edition, Modena, 1907.
[71] Migne, col. 741.
[72] Migne, col. 743.
[73] It is outside our purpose to attempt a full elucidation of Hildegard’s allegory. The eagle in the right wing signifies the power of divine grace, while the human head in the left wing indicates the powers of the natural man. To the bosom of the figure is clasped the Lamb of God.
[74] Migne, col. 751.
[75] Migne, col. 744.
[76] Liber Divinorum Operum, part i, visions 2 and 3.
[77] Migne, cols. 752–5.
[78] Migne, col. 807.
[79] The work is printed by C. S. Barach and J. Wrobel, Innsbruck, 1876. The writers, however, confuse Bernard Sylvestris of Tours with his somewhat older contemporary, Bernard of Chartres.
[80] A. Clerval, Les Écoles de Chartres au Moyen Âge, Paris, 1895.
[81] J. E. Sandys, History of Classical Scholarship, Cambridge, 1903, vol. i, p. 515.
[82] R. Lane Poole, Illustrations of the History of Mediaeval Thought in the Departments of Theology and Ecclesiastical Politics, Oxford, 1884, pp. 118, 219.
[83] Barach and Wrobel, loc. cit., pp. 5–6, 9 and 13.
[84] For a general consideration of these figures see K. Sudhoff, Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin, i. 157, 219; ii. 84.
[85] E. Wickersheimer, ‘Figures médico-astrologiques des neuvième, dixième et onzième siècles’, Transactions of the Seventeenth International Congress of Medicine, Section XXIII, History of Medicine, p. 313, London, 1913.
[86] The MS. from which Plate XV is taken (Paris, Bibl. nat., Latin 7028) is entitled Scholium de duodecim zodiaci signis et de ventis. It was once the property of St. Hilaire the Great of Poitiers. The legend above our figure reads, ‘Secundum philosophorum deliramenta notantur duodecim signa ita ab ariete incipiamus’. The relation of the signs to the parts of the body is different in this eleventh-century MS. from that which was widely accepted in the astrology of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries as illustrated in Plate XVI.
[87] The MS. from which Plate XVI is taken (Paris, Bibl. nat., Latin 11229) was written about the end of the fourteenth century. It has been described by K. Sudhoff, Arch. f. Gesch. d. Med., ii. 84, Leipzig, 1910. The relation of the central figure to the signs of the zodiac in this plate bears a manifest resemblance to the relation of the central figure to the beasts’ heads in Plate vii. The lines which cross and recross the figure in Plate VII are analogous also to the lines of influence of Plate XVI. The verse above the figure in Plate XVI is taken from the Flos medicinae scholae Salerni; cp. de Renzi, loc. cit., i. 486. This Melothesia and that of the next figure is identical with that propounded in Manilius, ii. 453 (edition of H. W. Garrod, Oxford, 1911).
[88] Plate XVII is from an early German block book. It exhibits a scheme closely parallel to Plate VII. The universe in Plate XVII is represented as a series of concentric spheres, earth innermost, followed by water, air, and fire. In the outermost zone hover the angels who have replaced the beast’s head of Hildegard’s scheme. The whole world is embraced by the figure of the Almighty, much as in Plate VII.
[89] See E. Wickersheimer, ‘La médecine astrologique dans les almanachs populaires du xxe siècle’, Bulletin de la Société française d’histoire de la médecine, x (1911), pp. 26–39.
[90] Migne, col. 757. This phrase is reproduced in a mediaeval Irish version of the work of Messahalah. See Maura Power, An Irish Astronomical Text, Irish Text Society, London, 1912.
[91] The word cancer is here used, but the crab goes sideways, not backwards. By cancer Hildegard, who had never seen the sea, probably means the crayfish, an animal fairly common in the Rhine basin. It is the head of a crayfish or lobster that is figured in the miniatures of the vision of the macrocosm in the Lucca MS., and a similar organism frequently serves for the sign Cancer in the mediaeval zodiacal medical figures, as in Plate XV of this essay.
[92] Migne, cols. 3, 791–2.
[93] An illustration of this parallelism between Paracelsus and Hildegard is afforded by certain passages in the Labyrinthus medicorum errantium and the Scivias, lib. i, vis. 4. Especially compare p. 279 et seq. of Huser’s edition of the Opera, Strasbourg, 1603, with Migne, col. 428.
[94] A good example is furnished by a work of Isaac Myer, Qabbalah. The philosophical writings of Solomon ben Yehudah ibn Gebirol or Avicebron and their connection with the Hebrew Qabbalah and Sepher ha-Zohar, Philadelphia, 1888.
[95] The most accessible edition is in S. de Renzi’s Collectio Salernitana, vol. ii, p. 388.
[96] Printed in de Renzi, vol. ii, p. 391.
[97] Printed in Methodus medendi certa clara et brevis, Basel, Henricus Petrus, 1541, p. 313.
[98] Printed in Summi in omni philosophia viri constantini africani medici operum reliqua, Basel, Henricus Petrus, 1539, p. 24.
[99] Karl Sudhoff, Tradition und Naturbeobachtung, Leipzig, 1907; Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Anatomie im Mittelalter, Leipzig, 1908; ‘Drei weitere anatomische Fünfbilderserien aus Abendland und Morgenland’ (with Ernst Seidel) and ‘Abermals eine neue Handschrift der anatomischen Fünfbilderserie’ in Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin, Leipzig, 1910 and 1914.
[100] E. H. C. Walsh, ‘The Tibetan Anatomical System’, in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, London, October 1910, p. 1215; Berthold Laufer, Beiträge zur Kenntnis der Tibetanischen Medizin, Berlin, 1900; and K. Sudhoff, ‘Weitere Beiträge zur Geschichte der Anatomie im Mittelalter’, in the Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin, vol. viii, p. 143, Leipzig, 1914.
[101] This text, critically treated, has been printed by K. Sudhoff, who, however, regards it as related to the figures: Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin, vol. iii, p. 361, Leipzig, 1910.
[102] Hugh of St. Victor, De bestiis et aliis rebus, iii. 60.
[103] Migne, col. 755.
[104] An idea that occurs in Aristotle, Parts of Animals, ii, c. 2, but is rejected by Galen.
[105] Early mediaeval writers held that the lumbus, which we have rendered loin, was intimately connected with the sexual faculties. Thus Hugh of St. Victor (1095–1141), De bestiis et aliis rebus, iii. 60 ‘Lumbi a libidinis lascivia dicti, quia in viris causa corporeae voluptatis in ipsis est, sicut in umbilico feminis. Unde et ab Iob in exordio sermonis dictum est, accinge sicut vir lumbos tuos, ut in his esset resistendi praeparatio, in quibus est libidinis usitata dominandi occasio.’
[106] Migne, cols. 792–3.
[107] The legend reads as follows: ‘Minor mundus scilicet homo. Microcosmus. [Then on the head the names of the seven planets.] Caput microcosmi est rotundum in celestis spere modum in quo duo oculi ut duo luminaria in celo micant quod & septem foramina ut septem celi armonie ornant. In pectore sunt flatus & tussis ut in aere uenti & tonitrua. In uentrem omnia fluunt ut in mare flumina. Os lapides ungues arbos dant gramina crines Ut pede mole[m] corporis sic terra sustinet omnia. [At the four corners the following legends:] Aer huic donat quod flat. sonat. audit. odorat. Ignis feruorem dat uisum mobilitatem. Aqua. Munus aque gustus humorem sanguinis usus. Ex terra carnem tactum trahit & gravitatem.’
[108] Migne, col. 415.
[109] Migne, col. 421.
[110] Migne, col. 424.
[111] The Aristotelian writings also compare the transformation of the material humours into the child’s body with the solidification of milk in the formation of cheese.
[112] Migne, col. 425.
[113] Especially in the Liber Divinorum Operum, pars 1. vis. iv.
[114] The eagle is frequently in mediaeval writings a symbol of the power of divine grace.
[115] Migne, col. 110.
[116] Migne, col. 111.
[117] Migne, col. 384.
[118] Scivias, lib. iii, vis. 1; Migne, col. 565.
[119] Migne, col. 18.
[120] Migne, col. 18.
[121] Cartulaire de l’Université de Montpellier (1180–1518), Montpellier, 1894, p. 21.
[122] Dates of the institution of dissection at this and other Universities are given by F. Baker in Bulletin of the Johns Hopkins Hospital, vol. xx, p. 331, Baltimore, 1909.
[123] Statuti dell’ Università di Medicina e di Arti del 1405, Rubr. lxxxxvi (‘De anothomia quolibet anno fienda’) in the Statuti delle Università e dei collegi dello Studio bolognese, edited by Carlo Malagola, Bologna, 1888, p. 289.
[124] J. Säxinger, Ueber die Entwickelung des medizinischen Unterrichts an der Tübinger Hochschule, Tübingen, 1884, pp. 5 and 10.
[125] How rarely dissections were conducted in some of the Universities may be gathered from the first statutes of the medical faculty of Tübingen, dated 1497. These ordain a dissection every three or four years. Not till 1601 was an anatomy held at Tübingen even once a year (see Säxinger, loc. cit.). Even at Montpellier in the sixteenth century the scarcity was so great that Rondelet (1507–66) was on one occasion reduced to dissect the body of his son. For this terrible incident see A. Portal, Histoire de l’Anatomie et Chirurgie, Paris, 1770, vol. i, p. 522; A. Haller, Bibliotheca anatomica, Lib. iv, § clxxxiv, Leyden, 1774, vol. i, p. 205; and A. O. Goelicke, Introductio in historiam litterariam anatomes, Frankfurt, 1738, p. 136. There was, however, a relatively plentiful supply of subjects in the Italian Universities and especially at Bologna and Padua in the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries (cp. A. Haller, Bibliotheca anatomica, introduction to Lib. v, p. 218). This was perhaps due to the utterly depraved state of public and private morals to which the peoples of the peninsula had been reduced by the excesses of the tyrants and the condottieri.
[126] Plate XXVIII b is perhaps the earliest representation of the practice of dissection yet brought to light. It is described in Charles Singer, ‘Thirteenth-Century Miniatures illustrating Medical Practice’, Proceedings of the Royal Society of Medicine, Section of the History of Medicine, 1916, vol. ix, pp. 29–42.
[127] Plate XXIX: a post-mortem scene in the late fourteenth century, from a French MS. of the Grande Chirurgie of Guy de Chauliac, Bibliothèque de la Faculté de Médecine de Montpellier, MS. 184 français, folio 14 recto. The scene is laid in the bedroom of the deceased. In the left-hand top corner is the bed, by the side of which a female figure, partly obliterated, is praying. Below and to the left are two other female figures, and a man richly dressed in an ermine-trimmed robe. These are presumably the relatives of the dead. The corpse, that of a woman, has been placed on a bare table and is opened from the larynx to the symphysis pubis. In front stands a lad holding a round wooden vessel for the reception of the viscera, and farther to the right is a stool on which are placed two or three instruments. The physician, in full canonicals, is at the extreme right of the picture. The actual process of examination is being made by three of his assistants. To the left the first of these deepens, with a knife, the incision that has already been made over the sternum, the second is grasping with his two hands and rolling up the great omentum so as to display the viscera beneath, and the third holds a wand in his right hand, with which he points to the abdomen, while in his left he carries a book. Five others throng into the room from a passage which opens into it.
[128] Antonio Benivieni, De abditis nonnullis ac mirandis morborum et sanationum causis, Florence, 1506. In the description of Case 32, Benivieni expresses surprise at having been refused permission to perform a post-mortem examination, as though it were unusual for him to meet rebuffs of the kind. ‘Experimento comprobare volentes, corpus incidere tentavimus sed nescio qua superstitione negantibus cognatis, voti compotes fieri nequivimus.’
[129] See E. Nicaise, La Grande Chirurgie de Guy de Chauliac, p. 30, Paris, 1890.
[130] ‘Ut Anatomici explicationem ipsius Mundini sequantur’, Francesco Maria Colle, Storia scientifico-letteraria dello Studio di Padova, 4 vols., Padua, 1824–5, vol. iii, p. 108.
[131] Martin von Mellerstadt, also called Pollich or Polich.
[132] Plate XXX a, from a late fifteenth-century Provençal translation of the Grande Chirurgie of Guy de Chauliac. Vatican Library, MS. hispanice 4804, folio 8 recto. A professor and pupil are examining a wasted corpse placed on a trestle in the open air. The teacher is pointing out the surface markings.
[133] Plate XXX b, from the French Guy de Chauliac MS. in the Bristol Reference Library, folio 25 recto. The MS. dates from between the years 1420 and 1435; cp. Norris Mathews, Early Printed Books and MSS. in the Bristol Reference Library, Bristol, 1899, p. 70; J. A. Nixon, ‘A New Guy de Chauliac MS.’, in Transactions of the XVIIth Internal. Cong. of Med., Sect. of Hist. of Med., London, 1914, p. 419; and Charles Singer, ‘The Figures of the Bristol Guy de Chauliac MS. circa 1430’, Proceedings of the Royal Society of Medicine, Section of the History of Medicine, 1917, vol. x, pp. 71–91. The figure shows a professor and pupil. The former is demonstrating the bones of a skeleton.
[134] The number of female criminals being less than the number of male criminals, Ludovico Frati states (La vita privata di Bologna dal secolo XIII al XVII, Bologna, 1900, pp. 116–18) that only two anatomies in all were held each year, and thirty students admitted to the female and twenty to the male dissection. This would mean far less than two dissections a year for each student of over two years’ standing.
[135] The anatomical works of Leonardo have now been rendered accessible in Tredici Foglie delta Royal Library di Windsor. Leonardo da Vinci, Quaderni d’anatomia ... Pubblicati da O. C. L. Vangensten, A. Fonahm, H. Hopstock, Christiania, 1911, &c.
[136] Pollaiuolo and Verrocchio only studied surface anatomy, so far as is known. For a summary of the anatomical work of these painters see M. Duval and E. Cuyer, Histoire de l’Anatomie plastique, p. 20, Paris, 1898.
[137] It has been suggested that Giammatteo Ferrari da Grado (Matthaeus de Gradibus), who was professor of Medicine at Pavia 1432–72, made original contributions to anatomy. He wrote no separate work on anatomy, but his observations on the ovaries (which he was perhaps the first to call by that name) appear in his Practica, Milan, 1471, and in his Expositiones super vigesimam secundam Fen tertii canonis Avicennae, Milan, 1494. An interesting account of Ferrari’s life and work is given by his descendant, H. M. Ferrari, in Une Chaire de Médecine au XVe siècle; Un professeur a l’université de Pavie de 1432 à 1472, Paris, 1899. In this work the claim that De Gradibus was an original and independent observer is effectively disposed of.
[138] At least six Western copies of this series, besides three or more of oriental origin, have now been detected. The Western MSS. and their dates are as follows:
(a) Munich, Hof- und Staatsbibliothek, Cod. lat. monacensis 13002, before 1158.
(b) Munich, Hof- und Staatsbibliothek, Cod. lat. monacensis 17403, circa 1250.
(c) Bodleian Library, MS. Ashmole 399, circa 1290.
(d) Dresden, Kgl. Öffentl. Bibliothek, Codex 310, before 1323.
(e) Bodleian Library, MS. e Museo 19, before 1344.
(f) Library of Count F. Zdenho von Lobkowicz in Raudnitz, of 1399.
See E. Seidel and K. Sudhoff, especially ‘Drei weitere anatomische Fünfbilderserien aus Abendland und Morgenland’, in Archiv für Gesch. der Med., iii, p. 165, Leipzig, 1910.
[139] Cp. K. Sudhoff in Ein Beitrag zur Gesch. der Anatomie im Mittelalter, Leipzig, 1908.
[140] E. Wickersheimer, ‘L’Anatomie de Guido de Vigevano, médecin de la reine Jeanne de Bourgogne (1345)’, in Archiv für Geschichte der Med., vii. 1, Leipzig, 1914. M. Wickersheimer has kindly given permission for the reproduction of the figures in Plates XXXI and XXXII.
[141] Notably the MS. Roncioni 99, dating from the first half of the twelfth century, in the University Library of Pisa, reproduced by K. Sudhoff in the Archiv für Gesch. der Med., vii, Tafel xiv, 1914. Also separate organs are depicted in the Bodleian MS. Ashmole 399, dating from the end of the thirteenth century, reproduced in Fig. [6].
[142] The miniatures of the Dresden Codex have been studied by L. Choulant, Geschichte und Bibliographie der anatomischen Abbildung nach ihrer Beziehung auf anatomische Wissenschaft und bildende Kunst, Leipzig, 1852, and in the Archiv für die zeichnenden Künste, II. Jahrgang, Leipzig, 1856, p. 264. More recently the MS. has been most carefully described and its miniatures reproduced by E. C. van Leersum and W. Martin, Miniaturen der lateinischen Galenos-Handschrift der kgl. öffentl. Bibliothek in Dresden, in phototypischer Reproduktion, Leyden, 1910. We have to thank Dr. Van Leersum of Leyden for kind permission to reproduce the figures of Plate XXXIV.
[143] Cp. P. Triaire, Les leçons d’anatomie et les peintres hollandais aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles, Paris, 1887.
[144] For della Torre and his projected work on anatomy, see G. Cervetto, Di alcuni illustri anatomici italiani del decimoquinto secolo, p. 46, Verona, 1842; also L. Choulant, Geschichte der anatomischen Abbildung, p. 5, Leipzig, 1852.
[145] The first edition appeared in Venice in 1491 and is in Latin. It is of less typographical interest.
[146] K. Sudhoff, ‘Eine Pariser “Ketham” Handschrift aus der Zeit König Karls VI (1380–1422)’, in Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin, vol. ii, p. 84, Leipzig, 1909; ‘Neue Beiträge zur Vorgeschichte des Ketham’, in Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin, vol. v, p. 280, Leipzig, 1912.
[147] Prince d’Essling, Les livres à figures vénitiens de la fin du XVe siècle et du commencement du XVIe, part i, vol. ii, p. 56, Florence and Paris, 1908.
[148] Eugène Piot, Le Cabinet de l’amateur, nouv. série, Paris, 1861, ‘Le maître aux dauphins’, p. 354 et seq. The dolphins are seen on either side of the chair in Plate XXVII.
[149] Duc de Rivoli, Bibliographie des livres à figures vénétiens, p. 110, Paris, 1893.
[150] Cp. G. Albertotti, Nuove osservazioni sul ‘Fasciculus medicinae’ del Ketham, Padua, 1910.
[151] See K. Sudhoff, ‘Weibliche Situsbilder von ca. 1400–1543’, in Tradition und Naturbeobachtung, p. 79, Leipzig, 1907. The number and character of the indication lines attached to this figure suggest that the block from which the impression has been taken had previously been used for some other publication. This work, however, if it exists, has not yet come to light.
[152] Michele Medici, Della vita e degli scritti degli anatomici e medici fioriti in Bologna dal comincio del secolo XIII, Bologna, 1853; Compendio storico della scuola anatomica di Bologna dal Rinascimento delle Scienze e delle Lettere a tutto il Secolo XVIII, Bologna, 1857.
[153] The mediaeval term, ‘vena chilis’, lasted in anatomy until the end of the sixteenth century and probably later. ‘Chilis’ is a corruption of the Greek κοίλη. This hybrid name was abandoned by Vesalius (Fabrica, 1543 Basle edition, p. 376) in favour of the title ‘vena cava’.
[154] The passage is translated from Michele Medici, Compendio storico, pp. 10–11.
[155] See A. Laboulbène, ‘Les anatomistes anciens’, in Revue scientifique pour la France et pour l’Étranger, vol. xxxviii, p. 641, Paris, 1886; Robert Ritter von Töply in Puschmann, Pagel, and Neuburger, Handbuch der Geschichte der Medizin, vol. ii, p. 197, Jena, 1903; G. Martinotti, ‘L’insegnamento dell’ Anatomia in Bologna prima del secolo xix’, in Studi e Memorie per la storia dell’ università di Bologna, vol. ii, p. 51, Bologna, 1911.
[156] An intermediate anatomist was Gulielmo Varignana, who was professor of Medicine in Bologna, and is recorded as having opened for judicial purposes, on February 15, 1302, the corpse of one alleged to have been poisoned. See Michele Medici, op. cit. The investigation is referred to above.
[157] Dr. Craigie in his excellent account of the History of Anatomy, in the ninth and subsequent editions of the Encyclopaedia Britannica.
[158] ‘Mundinus quem omnis studentium universitas colit ut deum’, J. Adelphus in his edition of Mondino, Strassburg, 1513.
[159] Editio princeps, Lyons, 1478.
[160] Pietro de Argellata, Cirurgia, ‘Incipit liber primus cirurgie magistri Petri de la Cerlata’ (!), Venice, 1492. Quotation from lib. v, tract. 12, chap. 3. An earlier edition which we have not seen was printed in Venice in 1480.
[161] The ‘pomegranate’ sometimes also means the xiphisternum. It is not clear which is implied here.
[162] Giovanni da Concoreggio, Lucidarium et Flos Medicinae, Giunta, Florence, 1521. It contains a few scattered anatomical points.
[163] De Zerbis, Liber Anatomiae corporis humani et singulorum membrorum illius, Venice, 1502.
[164] Reprinted in the Anatomia of Johannes Dryander, Marburg, 1537.
[165] Alessandro Achillini, Annotationes anatomiae, Bologna, 1520. This work is also included in the 1502 edition of De Zerbis’ Liber Anatomiae.
[166] Carpi commentaria cum amplissimis additionibus super anatomia mundini una cum textu eiusdem in pristinum et verum nitorem redacto, Bologna, 1521. An earlier and less important edition of Carpi was the Anathomia Mundini noviter impressa ac per Carpum castigata that appeared at Bologna in 1514.
[167] The figures in Ketham and in the wretched productions of Johannes Adelphus (J. A. Muelich), of Hundt, and of Peyligk can hardly be said to illustrate the text of anatomical treatises.
[168] Albano Sorbelli, Le Croniche Bolognesi del Secolo XIV, Bologna, 1900; La Signoria di Giovanni Visconti a Bologna, Bologna, 1901; Michele Medici, loc. cit., p. 4.
[169] Giovanni Fantuzzi, Notizie degli scrittori bolognesi, Tom. v, p. 196, Bologna, 1786.
[170] Hastings Rashdall, The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, 3 vols., Oxford, 1895, vol. i, p. 244.
[171] He is mentioned in this capacity by Niccolò Burzio, Bononia illustrata, Bologna, 1494. We have been unable to consult this work, which is quoted by Fantuzzi, loc. cit. See also Ferdinando Gabotto, Bartolomeo Manfredi e l’Astrologia alla Corte di Mantova, Torino, 1891, p. 19.
[172] Manfredi’s University career is extracted from Umberto Dallari, I rotuli dei lettori legisti e artisti dello studio bolognese dal 1384 al 1799, Bologna, vol. i, 1888, and Luigi Nardi and Emilio Orioli, Chartularium Studii Bononiensis, Imola, vol. i, 1907.
[173] See also P. A. Orlandi, Notizie degli scrittori bolognesi, Bologna, 1714.
[174] Johannes Franciscus Picus Mirandula, Disputationes adversus astrologos, Lib. ii, cap. 9, Bologna, 1495. Our quotation is from the original 1495 edition, not from the slightly variant édition contrefaite.
[175] G. Fantuzzi, loc. cit., p. 197.
[176] U. Santini, ‘Cenni statistici sulla Popolazione del Quartiere di S. Proclo in Bologna’, in Atti e Memorie della R. Deputazione di Storia Patria per le Provincie di Romagna, series 3, vol. xxxiv, pp. 366 and 367, Bologna, 1906.
[177] See map of the old University buildings of Bologna prefixed to Francesco Cavazza, Le Scuole dell’ antico studio bolognese, Milan, 1896.
[178] The date 1462, clearly printed on this edition, is certainly erroneous, since there was no printing-press at Bologna till 1471. A. E. Nordenskiöld (Facsimile Atlas till Kartografiens äldesta Historia, Stockholm, 1889, p. 12) consider that 1472 is the true date, but the point is not yet finally settled. See J. A. J. de Villiers, ‘Famous Maps in the British Museum’, in Geographical Journal, vol. liv, London, August 1914, p. 173. Albano Sorbelli, in his authoritative I Primordi della Stampa in Bologna, Bologna, 1908, does not mention Manfredi’s edition of Ptolemy among the earliest printed Bolognese works (1471–5).
[179] Albrecht von Haller, Bibliotheca anatomica, Zürich, 1774–7, vol. ii, p. 738.
[180] Michele Medici, Compendio storico della Scuola anatomica di Bologna dal Rinascimento delle Scienze e delle Lettere a tutto il Secolo XVIII, Bologna, 1857, folio.
[181] G. Martinotti, ‘L’insegnamento dell’ anatomia in Bologna prima del secolo XIX’, in Studi e Memorie per la Storia dell’ Università di Bologna, vol. ii. Bologna, 1911.
[182] Mazzatinti, Inventari dei Manoscritti delle Biblioteche d’Italia, Forli & Firenze, 1890–1915, vols. i to xxiii, in progress.
[183] Lino Sighinolfi, L’Architettura Bentivolesca in Bologna e il Palazzo del Podestà, Bologna, 1909.
[184] Several short sketches or tractates on anatomy in the vernacular are however known. Thus a Provençal anatomical tractate of the thirteenth century has been published by K. Sudhoff in his Beitrag zur Gesch. der Anatomie im Mittelalter, Leipzig, 1908.
[185] Cf. Galen, De usu partium corporis humani, Lib. x, chap. 12.
[186] Cf. Rhazes, Almansur, i. 4.
[187] Manfredi here follows Mondino, who confuses Galen’s fourth pair with Galen’s sixth pair of nerves.
[188] See P. de Koning, Trois Traités d’Anatomie arabes, Leyden, 1903, p. 47.
[189] See J. Wiberg, ‘The Anatomy of the Brain in the Works of Galen and ‘Ali ‘Abbas; a comparative historical-anatomical study’, Janus, vol. xix, p. 17 and p. 84, Leyden, January and March, 1914.
[190] See A. Schneider, ‘Die Psychologie Alberts des Grossen’, p. 160, in Beiträge zur Geschichte der Philosophie des Mittelalters, Band iv, Heft 5, Munich, 1903.
[191] Constantine Africanus, De communibus medico cognitu necessariis locis, Lib. iii, cap. 11, Edition Henricus Petrus, Basel, 1541.
[192] Practica Petrocelli Salernitani. Epistola. Quot annis latuit medicina. S. de Renzi, Collectio Salernitana. Naples, 1852–9, vol. iv, p. 189.
[193] A very elaborate study of the doctrine of the three vesicles of the brain has recently been made by Walther Sudhoff, ‘Die Lehre von den Hirnventrikeln’, in the Archiv für Gesch. der Med., Leipzig, 1914, vol. vii, p. 149.
[194] See F. G. A. Stumpff, Historia nervorum cerebralium ab antiquissimis temporibus usque ad Willisium nec non Vieussensium. Dissertatio inauguralis, Berlin, 1841; C. Daremberg, Œuvres anatomiques, physiologiques et médicales de Galien, Paris, 1854, p. 583, &c.; G. Helmreich, ΓΑΛΗΝΟΥ, περὶ χρείας μορίων, Leipzig, 1909; and Theodor Beck, ‘Die Galenischen Hirnnerven in moderner Beleuchtung’, in Arch. für Gesch. der Med., vol. iii, p. 110, Leipzig, 1910.
[195] Galen, De usu partium, ix. 4; De Hippocratis et Platonis decretis, vii. 3.
[196] The first edition of the work appeared in 1496.
[197] The so-called Anatomia Richardi Anglici, which has been printed by Robert Ritter von Töply (Vienna, 1902), is really the same as the pseudo-Galenic Anatomia vivorum, to which Richard’s name was not attached until the fourteenth century. See Christoph Ferckel, Archiv für die Gesch. der Naturwissenschaften und der Technik, vol. vi, p. 78, Leipzig, 1912, and K. Sudhoff, Archiv für Gesch. der Medizin, vol. viii, p. 71, Leipzig, 1915.
[198] E. Nicaise, La Grande Chirurgie de Guy de Chauliac, p. 45, Paris, 1890.
[199] J. Pagel, Die Anatomie des Heinrich von Mondeville, Berlin, 1889, p. 37.
[200] For the whole question of early figures of the eye consult K. Sudhoff, ‘Augenanatomiebilder im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert’ in his Illustrationen medizinischer Handschriften und Frühdrucke. Leipzig, 1907; and the same writer’s recent article on ‘Augendurchschnittsbilder aus Abendland und Morgenland’ in Archiv für Gesch. der Medizin, vol. viii, p. 1, Leipzig, 1915.
[201] Our figure from the Margarita philosophiae has been taken from the 1503 edition, the earliest to which we have had access. A figure in the Philosophiae naturalis compendium of K. Peyligk, dated Leipzig, 1489, is so inferior as to be negligible in this connexion.
[202] W. Harvey, Prelectiones anatomiae universalis, reproduced in facsimile from the author’s MS. notes, London, 1886, folio 72 recto.
[203] W. Harvey, Exercitatio anatomica de motu cordis et sanguinis, Frankfort, 1628. The opening passage of the dedication to Charles I may be translated as follows: ‘Most serene king, the heart of animals is the basis of their life, the sun of their microcosm, that from which all strength proceeds. The king is in like manner the basis of his kingdom, the sun of his world, the heart of the commonwealth, whence all power derives, all grace appears.’
[204] Historia animalium, vi. 3.
[205] Historia animalium, ii. 11; De Partibus animalium, iii. 4.
[206] Historia animalium, i. 14 and iii. 3; De Partibus animalium, iii. 4. The question of the identity of these chambers is a difficult one. We have followed T. E. Lones, Aristotle’s Researches in Natural Science, London, 1912, p. 137, where the conflicting views are summarized.
[207] Galen, Περὶ ἀνατομικω̑ν ἐγχειρήσεων, Book 7 (157); καὶ θαυμαστὸν οὐδέν, ἄλλα τε πολλὰ κατὰ τὰς ἀνατομὰς ᾽Αριστοτέλη διαμαρτει̑ν, καὶ ἡγει̑σθαι τρει̑ς ἔχειν κοιλίας ἐπὶ τω̑ν μεγάλων ζώων τὴν καρδίαν, Kühn, ii. 62.
[208] Haly Abbas expressly denies its existence, chap. 21.
[209] P. Koning, Trois traités d’anatomie arabes, Leyden, 1903, 687, renders the passage as follows: ‘Dans le cœur il y a trois cavités, deux grandes et une autre qui se trouve pour ainsi dire au milieu, afin que le cœur ait un dépôt pour la nourriture avec laquelle il se nourrit, nourriture épaisse et forte, semblable à la substance du cœur, ensuite un endroit où se forme un pneuma qui y est engendré d’un sang subtil et enfin un canal entre ces deux.’
[210] Pantechni, Theorice, lib. iii, cap. 22. Here, however, only two concauitates are described and between them a foramen: quod a quibusdam vocatur tertia concauitas: sed non est ita.
[211] The MS. Roncioni 99, reproduced by K. Sudhoff in Archiv für Gesch. der Med., vol. vii, Tafel XIV, Leipzig, 1914.
[212] The passage in the Editio princeps of Gerard of Cremona’s translation runs as follows (folio 96 recto): ‘Et in ipso sunt tres ventres, scilicet duo ventres magni et venter quasi medius quem Galienus nominavit foveam aut meatum non ventrem, ut sit ei receptaculum nutrimenti quo nutriatur spissum forte simile substantiae ipsius & minera spiritus generati in ipso a sanguine subtili. Et inter ambos sunt viae ut meatus.’
[213] J. L. Pagel, Die Chirurgie des Heinrich von Mondeville, Berlin, 1892, p. 45.
[214] Bartholomaeus Anglicus, De Proprietatibus Rerum, London, 1535, Our quotation is from p. liiii.
[215] Leonardo da Vinci, Quaderni d’anatomia ... Pubblicati da O. C. L. Vangensten, A. Fonahn, H. Hopstock, Christiania, 1911.
[216] Hans von Gersdorff, Feldt und Stattbüch bewerter Wundartznei, edition Frankfurt, 1556.
[217] Ancient views on the cardiac system, including those of Mondino, are admirably reviewed by J. C. Dalton in his Doctrines of the Circulation, Philadelphia, 1884.
[218] Manfredi here follows Mondino, who confuses Galen’s fourth pair with Galen’s sixth pair of nerves.
[219] These four words are very indistinct. The last is half erased and scia is written siᷗa.
[220] Life of St. Edward.
[221] British Museum MS. Cotton. Claud. A. viii, ff. 32, 33, and Archaeol. Journal, London, June, 1864.
[222] MS. Ee. iii. 59.
[223] History of the Garter, vol. i.
[224] MS. 9986.
[225] p. 36.
[226] Vol. iii.
[227] p. 334.
[228] Gent’s. Mag., N.S., vol. i; British Museum MS. Cotton Nero C. viii. f. 209.
[229] MS. Cotton Nero C. viii, ff. 212, 213b, and Gent’s. Mag., N.S., vol. i.
[230] loc. cit.
[231] Record Office, Exchqr. Tr. of R., Mis. Book 203, pp. 150–3.
[232] Record Office, Exchqr. Q. R., Accounts 403/10.
[233] British Museum Harleian MS. 319: Household Accounts of Henry IV, 1405–6.
[234] See R. Crawfurd, King’s Evil, p. 45, Oxford, 1911.
[235] Lib. i, chap. 8.
[236] Bury Wills, p. 35, Camden Soc., ed. Tymms.
[237] Archaeol. Journal, London, vol. iv, p. 78.
[238] British Museum MS. Arundel, fol. 23b, and Gent’s. Mag., N.S., vol. i, p. 49.
[239] Gent’s. Mag., 1794.
[240] Brand, Pop. Antiq., ii. 598.
[241] Gent’s. Mag., N.S., vol. i, p. 49.
[242] Cloister Life of Charles V, p. 109.
[243] Brewer, State Papers; Budaei Epistolae, June 10, 1518, 4223.
[244] Gent’s. Mag., loc. cit., and British Museum MS. Cotton Calig. B. ii, fol. 112.
[245] Burnet, Hist. of Reformation, part ii, book ii, record 24.
[246] Hist. of Reformation, part ii, book ii.
[247] A.D. 1534.
[248] Lisle Papers and Notes and Queries, 5th series, vol. ix, p. 514.
[249] Lisle Papers, xi. 15.
[250] Lisle Papers, xi. 111.
[251] Ibid., xii. 43.
[252] Ibid., xii. 58.
[253] Ibid., xii. 60.
[254] Registry of Wills, Archdeaconry of Norwich.
[255] Burnet, Hist. of Reformation, part ii, book i, § 12.
[256] British Museum Additional MS. 35184, Household Account, 1553.
[257] Series i, vol. ii, p. 292.
[258] Ed. 1622, p. 219.
[259] Troilus, book iii, 1069.
[260] Julius Caesar, I. ii.
[261] Tempest, I. ii.
[262] All’s Well that Ends Well, IV. iii.
[263] Tempest, IV. i.
[264] As You Like It, IV. i.
[265] Dr. Johann Weyer, der erster Bekämpfer des Hexenwahns, Bonn, 1885, 2nd ed., Berlin, 1896. Also J. Geffcken, ‘Dr. Johann Weyer’ in Monatshefte der Comenius Gesellschaft 3, 1904; J. Janssen and L. Pastor, Geschichte des deutschen Volkes, 8 vols., Freiburg im Breisgau, 1898–1903, viii. 600 ff.
[266] Jean Hardouin (Harduinus), Collectio regia maxima conciliorum graecorum et latinorum, 12 vols., Paris, 1715, i. 1506; H. C. Lea, History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages, 2nd ed., 3 vols., London, 1906, iii. 494; W. G. Soldan and H. Heppe, Geschichte der Hexenprocesse, 2 vols., Stuttgart, 1880, i. 132.
[267] Lea, loc. cit., iii. 414.
[268] Soldan and Heppe, loc. cit., i. 128, 139.
[269] See also Lea, loc. cit., iii. 434, on this mildness of the Church up to the fourteenth century.
[270] Soldan and Heppe, loc. cit., i. 136.
[271] Lea, loc. cit., i. 91.
[272] The Paulicians were accused of teaching that the devil created this world, but seem merely to have taken such texts as John xii. 31, xiv. 30; 2 Cor. iv. 4 ‘in their plain and obvious sense’. F. C. Conybeare, Key of Truth, A Manual of the Paulician Church of Armenia, Oxford, 1898, 46.
[273] The term ‘Cathari’ was said to come ‘from their kissing Lucifer under the tail in the shape of a cat’. Lea, loc. cit., iii. 495.
[274] Lea, loc. cit., i. 105, ii. 334, &c. The main evidence is Conrad of Marburg’s report to Pope Gregory XI, 1233: ‘A tissue of inventions’, but ‘apparently doubted by no one’.
[275] Quodlibet, xi. 10; Soldan and Heppe, loc. cit., i. 143; Lea, loc. cit., iii. 415.
[276] H. Institoris and J. Sprenger, Malleus Maleficarum, editio princeps, Cologne, 1486, and frequently reprinted until the end of the seventeenth century. See especially pars 1, quaestio 2.
[277] J. Diefenbach, Der Hexenwahn, Mainz, 1886, p. 299.
[278] The story of Elinor Shaw and Mary Philips, as well as many other accounts of witchcraft, may be read in two volumes entitled Rare and Curious Tracts illustrative of the History of Northamptonshire, Northampton, 1876 and 1881.
[279] F. Hutchinson, Historical Essay, London, 1718, cap. iv.
[280] Daemonolatriae libri tres, Lyons, 1595.
[281] Trèves, 1595.
[282] Civ. Dei, xv. 23.
[283] Peter Binsfeld. Tractatus de confessionibus maleficorum, Trèves, 1595, pp. 37–44, 230, &c. Binsfeld often refers to this case as proving the reality of disputed forms of witchcraft and the soul-saving work of the witch-hunters.
[284] L. Meyer, Die Periode der Hexenprocesse, Hannover, 1882.
[285] K. Kiesewetter, Die Geheimwissenschaften, Leipzig, 1895, p. 579 f.
[286] Op. cit., ii. 2 (p. 200).
[287] Malleus, pars i, quaestio 1, p. 6, edit. 1596.
[288] By H. Institoris and J. Sprenger. Between 1486 and 1596 several editions were printed in specially small form ‘that inquisitors might carry it in their pockets and read it under the table’.
[289] iii. 1 (p. 337 f.).
[290] Malleus, iii. 4, p. 344.
[291] iii. 10.
[292] iii. 14.
[293] iii. 16.
[294] iii. 14.
[295] iii. 29–31, repeated with slight variations.
[296] Von Zauberei und Zauberern, p. 211; Soldan and Heppe, i. 347.
[297] The Lindheim cases are recorded by G. C. Horst, afterwards pastor of the place, in his Dämonomagie, 2 vols., Frankfort, 1818, and Zauberbibliothek, 6 vols., Mainz, 1821–6. See also O. Glaubrecht, Die Schreckensjahre von Lindheim, 1886.
[298] Cautio Criminalis, Rinteln, 1631, Dubium xix (p. 128). He calls himself ‘Sacerdos quidam’.
[299] Dubium xx (p. 153).
[300] Horst, Zauberbibliothek, ii. 374, and Dämonomagie, ii. 412.
[301] Soldan and Heppe, ii. 209.
[302] Soldan and Heppe, ii. 130.
[303] J. H. Böhmer, Ius ecclesiasticum, 5 vols., Halle, 1738–43, v. 35.
[304] Horst, Dämonomagie, ii. 377.
[305] Malleus, iii. 14 (p. 370).
[306] Father Spee gives a long list of these dilemmas, Cautio Criminalis, Dubium li.
[307] De sagarum natura et potestate, deque his recte cognoscendis et puniendis deque purgatione earum per aquam frigidam epistola, Lemgo, 1583. Also in Sawr, Theatrum de Veneficiis, 1856.
[308] Lea, iii. 549.
[309] Haas, Die Hexenprocesse, Tübingen, 1865.
[310] Soldan and Heppe, ii. 46, and elsewhere.
[311] Beiträge zur Geschichte des Hexenwesens in Franken, Bamberg, 1883.
[312] 48 ff.
[313] Official report, given by Leitschuh in appendix.
[314] Maria Hollin at Nördlingen (1593) withstood fifty-six repetitions of torture, and was finally ‘dismissed’ on the terms mentioned (Janssen, op. cit., viii. 719).
[315] The Nördlingen authorities acquired an evil eminence in this frightfulness, which they termed ‘eine heilsame Tortur’ (Soldan, ii. 470).
[316] Lea, iii. 545, and references there given.
[317] De praestigiis, &c., ii. 5.
[318] The privilege for publication is dated November 4, 1562; three editions appeared before the end of 1564, and a sixth in 1583.
[319] Op. cit., ii. 1.
[320] Op. cit., ii. 4.
[321] iii. 6.
[322] iii. 18.
[323] iii. 21.
[324] iii. 23.
[325] iv. 1.
[326] iv. 2.
[327] iv. 3.
[328] iv. 23.
[329] iv. 10.
[330] Op. cit., v. 34.
[331] v. 35.
[332] vi. 4.
[333] vi. 9.
[334] ‘Mossel-scolp nostratibus dicitur.’
[335] Op. cit., vi. 15.
[336] vi. 16.
[337] vi. 16.
[338] Diefenbach, p. 241.
[339] Cautio Criminalis, Dubium xlviii.
[340] U. Molitor, Tractatus de lamiis, 1561, p. 27.
[341] Hutchinson, Historical Essay concerning Witchcraft, London, 1718, pp. 40, 118, 120.
[342] Op. cit., Preludium, i.
[343] Preludium, vi.
[344] J. M. Robertson, Letters on Reasoning, London, 1905, cap. vi.
[345] See (a) H. Haeser, Geschichte der Medizin, Jena, 1875–82, vol. i, p. 596; (b) A. Hirsch, Biographisches Lexicon der hervorragenden Aerzte, Leipzig, 1884, art. ‘Maimonides’, vol. i, p. 178 f.; (c) K. Brockelmann, Geschichte der arabischen Litteratur, Weimar, 1897–1902, vol. i, p. 490.
[346] = No. 1211 in Zotenberg’s Catalogue, Paris, 1866.
[347] Vol. i, p. 40, Cod. 411.
[348] في السموم. Translated into Latin by Armengaud de Blaise of Montpellier; into French by J. M. Rabbinowicz, Traité des Poisons de Maimonide, Paris, 1865, and into German by M. Steinschneider, Gifte und ihre Heilung, eine Abhandlung des Moses Maimonides. Virchow’s Archiv, LVII, vol. i, pp. 92–109.
[349] في الربو. Unprinted. We hope shortly to issue this work.
[350] في تدبير الصحة otherwise رسالة الافضليّة. ‘Letter to [the Sultan] al Afḍal.’ Printed in Latin at Florence, n.d.; Venice, 1514, 1521, &c.; Leyden, 1535; in the Hebrew translation of Moses ibn Tibbon edited by Jacob Saphir ben Levi, Jerusalem, 1885; and in German by Winternitz, Diätetisches Sendschreiben des Maimonides, &c., Vienna, 1843.
[351] Printed in the Latin edition [Venice, 1514] of the de Regimine Sanitatis as Tractatus V of that work.
[352] See L. Leclerc, Histoire de la médecine arabe, Paris, 1876, vol. ii, p. 60, and M. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Uebersetzungen des Mittelalters und die Juden als Dolmetscher, Berlin, 1893, pp. 767, 772, 773.
[353] رسالة الافضليّة.
[354] في اسباب الاعراض and also في بيان الاعراض = on the diagnosis of accidents.
[355] See note 351.
[356] Op. cit., vol. ii, p. 61.
[357] See Steinschneider, Hebräische Uebersetzungen, p. 770, and his Catalogus Librorum Hebraeorum in Bibl. Bodl., Berlin (1852–60), p. 1921. In the Zeitschrift der Morgenländischen Gesellsch., vol. xxx, p. 145, he makes the bare statement that the Tractatus de Causis et Indiciis Morborum—the Hauptwerk of Maimonides, as it is called by Haeser—rests upon an error. In his catalogue of Bodleian books (p. 1926) he puts the book down as a bookseller’s fraud after what is obviously only a cursory glance. He says ‘fraude bibliopolae ex variis opp. imperfectis confictus est, in quibus an Nostri sit aliquid non facile eruendum est’.
[358] H. F. Wüstenfeld, Geschichte d. arabischen Aerzte, Göttingen, 1840, § 198, No. 7.
[359] Bibliothecae Bodleianae codicum manuscriptorum Orientalium ... catalogus a Joanne Uri confectus, Oxford, 1787, vol. i, p. 140, No. 594.
[360] Also known as الاخلاطى (of Akhlat) or التبريزي (of Tibriz) and as ابن هبل (Ibn Hubal).
[361] Ibn Abi ‛Uṣaibia wrote an invaluable dictionary of the lives of the most noted physicians, entitled كتاب عيون الأنباء قي طبقات الأطباء (= The book of the sources of information concerning the various classes of physicians). It is especially full on the lives of Arab physicians. See the edition of A. Müller, Königsberg, 1884, vol. i, pp. 304–6.
[362] C. Rieu, Supplement to the Arabic MSS. in the Brit. Mus., London, 1894, No. 796, II.
[363] Vol. iii, p. 242 of the Catalogue of Arabic MSS. compiled by P. de Jong and M. J. de Goeje, Leyden, 1865–6.
[364] Abu’l Faraj Gregory, Bar Hebraeus (Wüstenfeld, op. cit., No. 240).
[365] In his work entitled تاربخ مختمر في الدول, ‘Compendious History of the Dynasties’ (edited and translated by E. Pocock, Oxford, 1663), p. 457 f. of the Arabic and p. 300 of the Latin. Beyrout edition, 1890, p. 420.
[366] Two MSS. of the work are mentioned in the Catalogue of the Khedive’s library, فهرست كتابخانه خديوية, vol. vi, p. 38. For further references concerning Muhaḏḏib ed Din and his works, see (a) Wüstenfeld, op. cit., § 202; (b) Brockelmann, op. cit, vol. i, p. 490; (c) P. de Koning, Traité sur le calcul, Leyden, pp. 186–228. The more important Arab authors other than Ibn Abi ‘Uṣaibia are: (d) Bar Hebraeus, Pocock’s edition, p. 457 of the Arabic part and p. 300 of the Latin part, Beyrout edition, p. 420; (e) Haji Khalfa, G. Fluegel’s edition, Leipzig and London, 1835–58, vol. v, p. 436, No. 11584.
[367] See J. Pagel, ‘Maimuni als medizinischer Schriftsteller’, in the volume of studies on ‘Moses ben Maimon’ edited by W. Bacher and others, Leipzig, 1908, vol. i, p. 232.
[368] Op. cit., vol. ii, p. 117.
[369] طبقات الحكماء واصحاب النجوم والأطباء in MS. at British Museum (see Catalogue of Oriental MSS. at the British Museum, London, 1846, part II, No. 1503, p. 684), Leyden, Berlin, Escurial, and elsewhere. See Brockelmann, op. cit., vol. i, p. 325.
[370] See Leclerc, op. cit., vol. i, p. 5.
[371] See W. D. Macray, Annals of the Bodleian, Oxford, 1890. p. 270.
[372] See Macray’s Annals of the Bodleian, p. 271, and the Dict. of National Biography.
[373] Bibliothecae Bodleianae codicum manuscriptorum ... catalogus, vol. ii, ed. A. Nicoll and E. B. Pusey, Oxford, 1835, p. iv.
[374] ‘Praeter errores enim quos ipse admiserit Urius, deprehendi omnibus fere horum librorum emptoribus, uno Pocockio excepto, libros supposititios pro veris subinde venditasse vafros Orientales. Codices ergo fere universos Arabicos, quos recensuit Urius (vulgatioribus quibusdam exceptis) oculis perlustravi, quo certius scirem titulisne responderent an non. Quo facto varias errorum formas deprehendi, titulis nunc charta coopertis, nunc atramento oblitis, nunc cultro paene abrasis; auctorum porro nominibus paullulum immutatis quo notiora quaedam referrent, numeris etiam quibus singula volumina signata sunt permutatis, quo quis opus imperfectum pro integro habeat, paginis denique pauculis operi alieno a fronte assutis.’
[375] Steinschneider (Cat. Libr. Hebr. in Bibl. Bodl., p. 1926) says this title is invented and no doubt suggested by the name of Al Tamimi al Muqaddasi (the Jerusalemite), a doctor of the tenth century (Wüstenfeld, § 112) often praised by Maimonides in the Aphorisms, e.g. at the end of chap. 20. Pusey’s only note on Uri’s entry in the MS. is concerned with this title (vol. ii, p. 588): ‘Translator in Cod. appellatur Alsheikh Soleiman Alhabashi, notus in terra Hierosolymitana nomine Ibn Hubaish. Opus autem A.D. 1363 ex Hebraico transtulit.’
[376] From the text of the Aphorisms as given in the Bodleian MS. Pocock 319.
[377] Omitted from the MS. obviously by accident.
[378] No doubt for רתבה.
[380] = A.D. 1363. The numerals which accompany the written figures are equivalent to 6,527 and are meaningless.
[381] Published by Macmillans, 1912.
[382] Cf. Mr. H. W. B. Joseph’s Logic2, p. 548.
[384] Post. Anal. i. 2. 71 b 20.
[385] i.e. truth-claim.
[386] Cf. Formal Logic, p. 173.
[387] Mr. Alfred Sidgwick has been pointing out for the past twenty years how fatal this difficulty is to the traditional notion of formal validity; nor has any logician confuted his argument, or even shown that he apprehended its meaning and scope. It would seem, therefore, that the condition of formal logic is so precarious that its only chance of survival lies in hushing up all the vital objections to its stereotyped doctrines. But is not the policy of ignoring unanswerable objections the sure mark of a pseudo-science?
[388] The latest I have noticed occurs in Abercrombie’s Inquiries concerning the Intellectual Powers (1830); it reads very strangely now.
[389] Controversially the criticism of ‘self-evidence’ has been met in the same way as that of the ‘validity’ of the syllogism, i.e. by total silence.
[390] Anal. Post. i. 34.
[391] It may be suggested that there is a similar confusion on this question: when history is called a science, it is often forgotten that its data are essentially such that they can only occur once, while the material of the other sciences is such that cases of ‘the same’ may always be found in it. But neither need it be denied on this account that history can, and should, be written in a scientific spirit.
[392] Science et Méthode, ch. iii, L’Invention mathématique.
[393] Republic, 511 c.
[394] Anal. Post. i. 1.
[395] Diogenes Laertius, ix. 51.
[397] Or more difficult, if the indetermination is conceived as limited.
[398] This we saw ([§ 4]) is really a mistake: mathematical proofs are really hypothetical, and deduced from the initial postulates and definitions. They hold of the ideal objects of mathematics, but that they can be advantageously applied to reality is merely an empirical fact, and it is not inconceivable that the world should grow more recalcitrant to mathematical treatment, though actually it has grown less so.
[399] In Republic vi his whole argument for the existence of metaphysical truth, culminating in a supreme ‘Idea of the Good’, depends on the assumption that the ‘hypotheses’ of the sciences, being insecure originally, remain so until they are deduced from a (self-proving) ‘unhypothetical principle’. This assumes, of course, that they cannot be confirmed empirically by the results of their working, and exhibits the lacuna of logic in a typical way.
[400] Formal Logic, ch. xxi, § 7.
[401] e.g. the ‘accidental’ distribution of variations in biology, for which see Humanism, pp. 146–50, and the postulates of causality and determinism in science generally (Formal Logic, ch. xx, § 6, and Studies in Humanism, ch. xviii, § 4).
[402] Cf. [§ 8] and Formal Logic, ch. x.
[403] The ‘novelty’ which is claimed for the conclusion of a syllogism is only one case of this: in the traditional interpretation it is hopelessly at variance with the demand that it shall also follow from its premisses of necessity. Cf. Formal Logic, ch. xvi, §§ 8–10.
[404] Usually, but wrongly, called ‘dispassionate’ or ‘disinterested’. What is wanted is, not that the inquiring mind should take no interest in the conclusions it considers, but that, though it cares keenly and even passionately for one of them, it should yet be capable of sufficient self-control to consider fairly the case against the conclusion it favours. This mental attitude is probably best secured by caring more for truth than for a party victory, and is denominated a ‘disinterested love of truth for its own sake’. But even so we love what we deem the truth, because it is the best thing to believe, and better (on the whole and in the end) than anything else that is propounded.